Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Douglas Olson
The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite and Related Texts
TEXTE UND KOMMENTARE
Eine altertumswissenschaftliche Reihe
Herausgegeben von
Band 39
De Gruyter
The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite
and Related Texts
by
S. Douglas Olson
De Gruyter
ISBN 978-3-11-026072-4
e-ISBN 978-3-11-026074-8
ISSN 0563-3087
our sense of the poem’s larger affiliations, context, and effects.1 My hope
is that readers will take this as a provocation rather than a problem, and as
encouragement to read the original Greek and what the two of us have to
say about it closely, critically, and creatively. In support of this approach, I
set Faulkner’s edition aside during my first, formative pass through the
text, and I have made a systematic effort not to argue directly with him
when we disagree, both because this would misrepresent the independent
nature of the projects, and because the reader will, I assume, have both
texts at hand and be able to construct the imaginary dialogue between us
for herself. 2
My text is based on complete collations of the manuscripts and the edi-
tio princeps (for all of which, see Introduction 6). I provide three separate
apparatuses. The first is a catalogue of specific intertexts: passages from
Homer, Hesiod, and other Hymns that the hAphr. or one of the nine other,
related, shorter Hymns presented in this edition quote, echo, or refer to
somehow, as well as passages from later authors who for their part quote,
echo, or refer to one of the Hymns. The second apparatus catalogues for-
mulaic language (somewhat broadly defined), documenting instances in
which the Hymns use established epic diction without obviously referring
to a specific epic exemplar. Implicit in the distinction between the items
included in the first apparatus and the second is a substantial claim about
the textualization of some epic poetry by the time the hAphr. was com-
posed, a matter I discuss briefly below and then take up in more detail in
Introduction 5. To my mind, the difference between the two categories is
generally clear; but individual readers may well feel that certain passages
included in the first apparatus belong in the second, and vice versa. The
third apparatus is a traditional apparatus criticus; points where my reports
of manuscript readings differ from those presented in Càssola (1975) or
Faulkner (2008) should be understood as intended as specific corrections
or supplements of their texts (although see Introduction 6.C on the limits of
the variants I record).
Much of my commentary is of a traditional philological character: I
consider what ought to be printed in the text, how variants arose, what
words mean and how they are to be construed and understood, and who
and what the individuals and objects referred to by the poet and his charac-
_____________
1 See the more detailed comments below, and the next two sections of the Introduc-
tion.
2 Matters are in fact even more complicated than this, since Faulkner and I were
both granted advance access to N. J. Richardson’s new Cambridge Green and Yel-
low commentary on the poem (2010), which is however on a considerably smaller
scale. I regret that Maire G. Chapsa’s 2008 dissertation (University of Patras) on
the Hymn came to my attention too late to be taken into account in this edition.
Preface ix
ters are. The primary limitation I have imposed upon myself in this connec-
tion, is that I have often declined to discuss matters that would seem to me
to be better taken up in a commentary on Homer or Hesiod; my reasons for
this are outlined briefly below. Two broad strategies of reading nonetheless
sharply distinguish my interpretation of the texts treated in this edition
from Faulkner’s treatment of the hAphr. First, I argue throughout that the
hAphr. in particular is composed in the shadow of the Iliad and the Odys-
sey, in more or less the form in which we have those poems today, and
probably in the shadow of Hesiod’s Theogony and Works and Days as
well. Put another way, the Hymns do not merely participate in and bear
witness to epic diction. Nor are they best understood as the product of a
degraded and clumsy ‘sub-epic’ phase of that diction (to use Hoekstra’s
unfortunately now well-established formulation). Instead, the Hymns treat-
ed in this edition, and especially the hAphr., consciously rework both gen-
eral and specific epic exemplars. Their language and expressions are not to
be explained, at least in the first instance, as merely ‘typical epic diction,’
in some cases badly handled. Instead, I proceed on the assumption that the
Hymns represent calculated and creative responses to fixed older texts, and
that their full sense only emerges when they are interpreted in that light.3
The credibility of this approach can only be assessed by the results it
yields, and thus by the contents of my commentary. Second, I pose
throughout a series of fundamentally narratological questions, including by
asking repeatedly not just ‘Who speaks?’ but ‘Who sees?’ or, better put,
‘Who perceives?’ and thus, to use a more technical term, ‘Who focalizes?’
This approach—or bundle of related approaches—works to expose some of
the poems’ basic but designedly invisible mechanics: how (to use Ge-
nette’s terms) has histoire (the events or alleged events the Hymns repre-
sent in their own idiosyncratic ways; Bal’s ‘fabula’) been transformed into
narration (the poems we have; Bal’s ‘text’)?
Attentive readers will note in addition that I am dubious about the ex-
istence in the archaic period of kings in the Troad claiming descent from
Aeneas (the ‘Aeneidae’), whereas Faulkner maintains that the hAphr. was
composed specifically to honor such individuals (Introduction 1); that I do
not believe that that poem was widely known or influential during the Hel-
lenistic period or later, whereas Faulkner maintains that it was (Introduc-
tion 3); that I reject, on specifically stated grounds, Janko’s ‘glottochrono-
metric’ attempt to precisely date the language of the hAphr., and indeed of
all surviving early epic texts, a matter on which Faulkner takes no firm
_____________
3 For clear large-scale examples of this tendency, e.g. hAphr. 58–67 (combining and
reworking Il. 14.166–86, esp. 169–72, on the one hand, and Od. 8.362–6, on the
other), 202–17 (combining and expanding on Il. 5.265–7; 20.234–5); h. 6.3–18
(filling in the gaps in Hes. Th. 188–206, esp. 191–202).
x Preface
position (Introduction 2); and that I see little evidence to support the notion
that the hAphr. has any substantial or significant Near Eastern background,
a point for which Faulkner argues at length.4 The nine shorter Hymns in-
cluded in this edition are in honor either of Aphrodite herself or of other
goddesses praised in something approaching hymnic style in the hAphr. I
have accordingly included them, because they seem to me to cast potential-
ly significant light on the longer Hymn 5, as well as being of interest in and
of themselves.
The majority of my commentary was produced during the 2008–2009
academic year, when I held a fellowship at the National Humanities Cen-
ter. Thanks are due the staff there for their unfailing kindness and support
in matters both academic and non-academic. My time at the Center was
made even more rewarding by the friendships I formed not just with other
fellows, but in the local classics and rock-climbing communities. I look
forward to seeing all of you again, if not in North Carolina, then perhaps
somewhere else equally beautiful and hospitable. A final version of the
manuscript was prepared at the University of Freiburg, where I held a
Humboldt Research Award during the 2011–2012 academic year. I would
like to thank my colleagues there, and especially Bernhard Zimmermann,
for making my time in Germany happy and productive. The University of
Minnesota provided Grant-in-Aid funds that allowed me both to purchase
microfilms of the manuscripts of the Hymns and to examine the manu-
scripts themselves in a number of European libraries. Hayden Pelliccia
read a complete draft of the text and commentary and asked difficult and
penetrating questions that changed my thoughts on many sections of the
text. Sam Caldis, Amber Grossheim, Sara Mickens, Josh Semrow, Opal
Sherwood, and Peter Wildberger, working under the auspices of a Univer-
sity of Minnesota UROP grant, checked thousands of references in the
body of the manuscript. Thanks of other sorts are due Nicolas Bock, Clau-
dio De Stefani, Andrew Faulkner, Antonios Rengakos, N. J. Richardson,
Ineke Sluiter, and Athanasios Vergados—and of course my own lovely
Aphrodite, to whom this book is dedicated.
_____________
4 Faulkner (2008) 18–22. Faulkner’s alleged parallels all appear to me to be generic
(sc. to stories of beautiful women and their lovers), whereas the case for specific
Greek epic models (detailed in my Introduction 3) is overwhelming.
Table of Contents
Introduction
1. Anchises, Aeneas, and the Aeneidae ............................................ 1
2. Date of Composition ..................................................................... 10
3. Poetic Affiliations of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite ............... 16
4. Aphrodite and Sexuality ................................................................ 28
5. The Metrics of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite ......................... 34
6. Textual Transmission .................................................................... 42
Critical Text and Translation
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite ................................................................... 54
Hymn 6: To Aphrodite ....................................................................... 104
Hymn 9: To Artemis .......................................................................... 108
Hymn 10: To Aphrodite ..................................................................... 110
Hymn 11: To Athena .......................................................................... 112
Hymn 12: To Hera ............................................................................. 114
Hymn 24: To Hestia .......................................................................... 116
Hymn 27: To Artemis ........................................................................ 118
Hymn 28: To Athena .......................................................................... 122
Hymn 29: To Hestia .......................................................................... 126
Commentary
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite ....................................................................... 129
Hymn 6: To Aphrodite ....................................................................... 279
Hymn 9: To Artemis .......................................................................... 287
Hymn 10: To Aphrodite ..................................................................... 291
Hymn 11: To Athena .......................................................................... 295
Hymn 12: To Hera ............................................................................. 297
Hymn 24: To Hestia .......................................................................... 299
Hymn 27: To Artemis ........................................................................ 303
Hymn 28: To Athena .......................................................................... 311
Hymn 29: To Hestia .......................................................................... 317
At Il. 2.820–1, as part of the catalogue of Trojan commanders, the poet (or
the Muse) offers a brief description of Aeneas’ ancestry: IJઁȞ ਫ਼ʌૅ ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ
IJȑțİ įૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ / ǿįȘȢ ਥȞ țȞȘȝȠıȚ șİ ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ (‘whom
bright Aphrodite bore to Anchises after she slept with him in the foothills
of Ida, a goddess with a mortal’). The story is mentioned again by Sthene-
lus at Il. 5.247–8, when he identifies the approaching Aeneas to Diomedes:
ǹੁȞİȓĮȢ įૅ ȣੂઁȢ ȝȞ ਕȝȪȝȠȞȠȢ ਝȖȤȓıĮȠ / İȤİIJĮȚ ਥțȖİȖȐȝİȞ, ȝȒIJȘȡ įȑ Ƞ
ਥıIJૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ (‘Aeneas claims to be the son of faultless Anchises, while
his mother is Aphrodite’), and by the narrator in his introduction of the
goddess as she rescues her wounded son from Diomedes at Il. 5.312–13:
ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ, / ȝȒIJȘȡ, ਸ਼ ȝȚȞ ਫ਼ʌૅ ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ IJȑțİ ȕȠȣțȠȜȑȠȞIJȚ (‘Aphrodite, his
mother, who bore him to Anchises when Anchises was working as a cow-
herd’). The tale was also known to Hesiod, who offers the same basic in-
formation at Th. 1008–12: ǹੁȞİȓĮȞ įૅ ਙȡૅ IJȚțIJİȞ ਥȣıIJȑijĮȞȠȢ ȀȣșȑȡİȚĮ, /
ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ ਸ਼ȡȦȚ ȝȚȖİıૅ ਥȡĮIJોȚ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ / ǿįȘȢ ਥȞ țȠȡȣijોȚıȚ ʌȠȜȣʌIJȪȤȠȣ
ȞİȝȠȑııȘȢ (‘And fair-garlanded Cythereia bore Aeneas, after mingling in
desirable love-making with the hero Anchises on the peaks of windy, glen-
filled Ida’).
This seems a remarkable story, all the more so because Aeneas is one
of the greatest fighters on the Trojan side in the war against the Achaean
invaders. But Homer and Hesiod have nothing more to say of Aeneas’
conception and birth, and the hAphr. can accordingly be understood as—
among other things—an attempt to flesh out their intriguing but laconic
remarks. That the project seemed worth undertaking must have been due in
part to the extraordinary promise for Aeneas’ future issued by Poseidon at
Il. 20.302–8 (discussed in more detail below). Indeed, Aeneas’ shadow is
everywhere in the Hymn; the lovemaking of Anchises and Aphrodite mat-
ters not just because of what may be its larger cosmic consequences (dis-
cussed below, in section 3), but because it produced one of the most im-
portant heroes of the Trojan War and the epic tradition that told of it.
2 Introduction
_____________
1 Neither Anchises nor Aeneas is mentioned in the Odyssey.
2 The Iliad makes no reference to Aeneas having a wife or children. In surviving
sources, Ascanius appears to be mentioned first by Hellanicus of Lesbos (discussed
below) sometime in the mid-5th century BCE.
3 The name is most easily understood as a reference to Anchises’ own interest in
horses (esp. Il. 5.268–72).
4 The Iliou Persis as summarized by Proclus makes no mention of Aeneas taking
Anchises with him when he escaped the city (arg. 8–9, p. 88 Bernabé), the impli-
cation being that the old man was not at that point generally imagined as resident
in the city. See below on the family’s more extended history and its implications
for Aeneas’ position.
1. Anchises, Aeneas, and the Aeneidae 3
Dardanus
Erichthonius
Tros
Laomedon Capys
The Iliadic Aeneas is thus a Trojan, but is not from the reigning branch of
the royal family or even from Troy itself. Instead, the catalogue of Trojan
forces in Iliad 2 distinguishes Aeneas from Hector by describing the for-
mer as a leader of Dardanians (819), i.e. of the inhabitants of other Trojan
cities scattered about the region. Achilleus hints at this as well, mocking
Aeneas at Il. 20.188–94 with a description of how he chased him along the
slopes of Mount Ida as far as Lyrnessus during the series of attacks on
Trojan centers one consequence of which, we learn elsewhere in the poem,
was the enslavement of Briseis, the object of Achilleus’ disastrous quarrel
with Agamemnon in Book I.5 hAphr. 280 (cf. 103–6) radically contracts
this chronology, implying that once Anchises receives the adolescent Ae-
neas from the mountain nymphs, the two of them will move to Troy, sc. to
settle there permanently. But in the Iliad Aeneas is still a rustic cowherd
_____________
5 For this campaign, cf. Il. 2.688–93; 19.295–6; 20.89–96; Cypr. arg. 61–3, p. 42
Bernabé.
4 Introduction
(Il. 20.188–9 ıİ ȕȠȞ ਙʌȠ ȝȠ૨ȞȠȞ ਥȩȞIJĮ / ıİ૨Į, ‘I rousted you away from
your cows, when you were alone’), like his father before him (Il. 5.313; cf.
hAphr. 55), when Achilleus comes upon him far from the city.
As a Trojan, Aeneas almost by necessity gets the worst of most of the
individual conflicts with Achaeans into which he inserts himself. Both the
Homeric narrator and his characters nonetheless refer to him repeatedly as
among his side’s most powerful leaders (e.g. Il. 14.423–6; 17.512; 20.158),
and he appears again and again in the thick of the fighting: he engages in
single combat, for example, with Diomedes in Book 5 and with Achilleus
in Book 20; protects the wounded Hector at Il. 14.423–6; is involved in the
struggle for Sarpedon’s body at Il. 16.535–6, 608–25; and takes a leading
part in the fight that follows the death of Patroclus at Il. 17.323–49, 483–
93, 532–6. The poet himself claims that the Trojan people as a whole ‘hon-
ored [Aeneas] as a god’ (Il. 11.58), and the context (Hector, Polydamas,
Aeneas, and the three sons of the Antenor marshal for battle) leaves little
doubt that the reference is to his powerful fighting ability. But at Il.
13.460–1 Deiphobus finds Aeneas hanging back from battle, Įੁİ Ȗȡ
ȆȡȚȐȝȦȚ ਥʌİȝȒȞȚİ įȓȦȚ, / ȠȞİțૅ ਙȡૅ ਥıșȜઁȞ ਥȩȞIJĮ ȝİIJૅ ਕȞįȡȐıȚȞ Ƞ IJȚ
IJȓİıțİȞ (‘for he always felt resentment against bright Priam, since Priam
failed to honor him, although he was among the most distinguished men’),
while at Il. 20.180–1 Achilleus mocks Aeneas for—allegedly—hoping to
succeed Priam as king of Troy, despite the fact that Priam has sons of his
own and no intention of surrendering the throne to the other side of the
family.6
Homer’s Aeneas is thus a powerful fighter and an important leader of
his people’s forces, as well as a favorite of the gods, who twice rescue him
from certain death and in one case miraculously heal his wounds before
returning him to battle. But he is also a man who has not got the recogni-
tion he wants or, according to Poseidon, the position that will eventually
belong to him; for after the destruction of Priam’s branch of the family,
which Zeus has come to loathe, Poseidon prophesies, Aeneas will rule
over/among/for Trojans, wherever they may be at that point, as will his
descendants ever after (Il. 20.307–8): Ȟ૨Ȟ į į ǹੁȞİȓĮȠ ȕȓȘ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ
ਕȞȐȟİȚ / țĮ ʌĮȓįȦȞ ʌĮįİȢ, IJȠȓ țİȞ ȝİIJȩʌȚıșİ ȖȑȞȦȞIJĮȚ (‘But now, in fact,
powerful Aeneas will rule ȉȡȫİııȚȞ, as will the children of his children,
whoever should be thereafter’). The hAphr. makes no reference to the
as-yet-unborn Aeneas’ fighting ability, but instead insists that what will
lend him distinction in Troy, at least initially, will be his remarkable good
_____________
6 Indeed, the narrator’s assertion at Il. 13.461, about Priam’s consistent failure to
show Aeneas the honor he deserves, might with some justice be applied to the
Homeric narrator himself, who on that view of things systematically pushes An-
chises’ son to the side to focus instead on Priam, Hector, and Paris.
1. Anchises, Aeneas, and the Aeneidae 5
looks (279). Nor does the Hymn contain any hint of rivalry or hostility
between Anchises and the other members of what is simply described as
‘your [collective] family’ (201 ਫ਼ȝİIJȑȡȘȢ ȖİȞİોȢ). Indeed, the hAphr. ig-
nores the existence of other living members of what is, from an Iliadic
perspective, the badly fractured Trojan royal house, as if the throne were
vacant and all Aeneas will need to do to claim it (cf. 196) is appear in the
city (280) and accept his people’s adulation (cf. 279–82 with nn.). This
may be another example of the Hymn’s tendency to compress Iliadic chro-
nology: Aeneas will (eventually) make his way to Troy and will (at some
point thereafter) become the city’s king. But the reworking of the Iliadic
Poseidon’s prophecy about Aeneas and his descendants at hAphr. 196–7
has other agenda as well, as I argue in detail at the end of this section.
In 1800, August Matthiae suggested that the hAphr., and in particular
the promise to Anchises at 196–7, were composed to honor a family ruling
in the Troad in the poet’s own time that traced its descent back to Aeneas.7
Matthiae’s thesis—which echoed an earlier proposal by Robert Wood8 in
regard to Il. 20.307–8—rapidly became influential and has been endorsed
by (among others) Càssola and Faulkner in their editions of the Hymn.9
The thesis assumes both that we have historically reliable information
about princely Aeneidae in the Troad and that the prophecy at hAphr. 196–
7 refers to them in particular. Both assumptions are problematic, and con-
sideration of the question ultimately brings us back to the differences be-
tween the visions of the future of Anchises’ and Aeneas’ family in the Iliad
and in the Hymn.
That Aeneas left Troy before the city was sacked was asserted already
by Arctinus (8th/7th century BCE?), the poet to whom the Cyclic Iliou
Persis was traditionally attributed and who (according to Proclus) had the
hero escape to Mount Ida after Laocoon and one of his sons were killed by
snakes, but before the Achaean fleet returned in response to Sinon’s fire-
_____________
7 Matthiae (1800) 67–73. For the problem of the poem’s date, see below, Introduc-
tion 2 and 5.
8 Wood (1769).
9 Càssola (1975) 244–7; Faulkner (2008) 7–10. Baumeister (p. 251) and Gemoll (p.
260), the most important 19th-century editors of the Hymns, by contrast, were skep-
tical about Matthiae’s thesis, as were Allen, Halliday, and Sikes in their edition (p.
351). For the history of the question, see Smith (1981b), esp. 20–5, who discusses
a number of ancient texts (including Acus. FGrH 2 F 39; S. fr. 373; Menecr.Xanth.
FGrH 769 F 3) sometimes cited as evidence for the existence of historical Aenei-
dae, but that in fact have nothing to say about them. My general conclusions are in
line with Smith’s but less categorically dismissive of the possibility that real kings
claiming descent from Aeneas ruled in the Troad and elsewhere in the early histor-
ical period. Whether those kings had any influence on the composition of the
Hymn is a separate question; see below.
6 Introduction
signals, and the troops hidden inside the Wooden Horse emerged (i.e. that
night).10 Where Aeneas was imagined, in the earliest period, to have gone
after he left the city is unclear,11 although Stesichorus (early 6th century
BCE) may already have claimed that he set off for the West.12 The first
surviving specific reference to a resettlement of Troy by a member of Ae-
neas’ family, at any rate, is by Hellanicus of Lesbos (FGrH 4 F 31, pre-
served at D.H. 1.45.4–48.1) sometime in the middle of the 5th century
BCE. According to Hellanicus (as summarized by Dionysius), when the
lower city of Troy was taken by the Achaeans, Aeneas and a crowd of
fighters—many of them, like Aeneas, ethnically Trojan but not from Troy
itself—withdrew to the citadel, where the city’s sacred objects (ੂİȡ IJ
_____________
10 Arg. 8–9, p. 88 Bernabé: ਥʌ į IJȚ IJȑȡĮIJȚ įȣıijȠȡȒıĮȞIJİȢ Ƞੂ ʌİȡ IJઁȞ ǹੁȞİȓĮȞ
ਫ਼ʌİȟોȜșȠȞ İੁȢ IJȞ ǿįȘȞ (‘Aeneas’ people, disturbed by the omen, withdrew dis-
creetly to Mount Ida’). That Arctinus’ Aeneas took the city’s sacred objects, in-
cluding the Palladium, with him, is therefore unlikely, since according to D.H. 1.69
= Il.Pers. fr. 1.31–2, p. 90 Bernabé, the true Palladium remained concealed in a
shrine within the city until it fell (İੇȞĮȚ IJȠ૨IJȠ ਥȞ ૅǿȜȓȦȚ IJȑȦȢ ਲ ʌȩȜȚȢ ਲȜȓıțİIJȠ
țİțȡȣȝȝȑȞȠȞ ਥȞ ਕȕȐIJȦȚ). The source for Dionysius’ claim that Aeneas, caught on
the acropolis after the lower city was in Achaean hands, took Troy’s sacred ob-
jects—including, in this version of the tale, a second Palladium rather than the only
real one—and escaped, eventually making his way to Italy (ਖȜȚıțȠȝȑȞȘȢ į IJોȢ
țȐIJȦ ʌȩȜİȦȢ IJઁȞ ǹੁȞİȓĮȞ țĮȡIJİȡઁȞ IJોȢ ਙțȡĮȢ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȞ, ਙȡĮȞIJĮ ਥț IJȞ ਕįȪIJȦȞ
IJȐ IJİ ੂİȡ IJȞ ȝİȖȐȜȦȞ șİȞ țĮ ʌİȡ IJȚ ʌİȡȚોȞ ȆĮȜȜȐįȚȠȞ … ȠȤİıșĮȓ IJİ
țȠȝȓıĮȞIJĮ ਥț IJોȢ ʌȩȜİȦȢ țĮ ਥȜșİȞ ਙȖȠȞIJĮ İੁȢ ૅǿIJĮȜȓĮȞ), is instead most likely
Hellanicus of Lesbos (for whose account of Aeneas and Ascanius, see below).
11 Horsfall (1979a) 373 mistakenly claims that Arctinus ‘provides … our first clear
attestation of the Trojans’ continued occupation of the Troad.’ Horsfall (1979a)
374 also garbles Arctinus’ treatment of the Palladium, confusing it with the wood-
en statue of Athena to which Cassandra clung as the city was being sacked (Il.Pers.
arg. 15–16, p. 89 Bernabé), and exaggerates the extent to which the presence of
Aeneidae in the Troad is attested (‘widely … in early texts’).
12 Cf. PMG 205, referring to the (notoriously problematic) Tabula Iliaca Capitolina
(ca. 15 BCE), the central panel of which is inscribed ǿȁǿȅȊ ȆǼȇȈǿȈ Ȁǹȉǹ
ȈȉǾȈǿȋȅȇȅȃ (‘The Sack of Troy, according to Stesichorus’), and which at an-
other point depicts Aeneas’ departure İੁȢ IJȞ ૽ǼıʌİȡȓĮȞ (‘for the West’). See Hors-
fall (1979b), who is by and large skeptical of the supposed connection to Stesicho-
rus. Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 84 (cited at D.H. 1.72; see below), at any rate, certainly
maintained that Aeneas migrated to the West; cf. n. 14, above; Galinsky (1969)
103–90 (with particular attention to the archaeological evidence for the legend).
Note also Agathocles of Cyzicus (3rd century BCE?) FGrH 472 F 5, who accord-
ing to Festus reported that vaticinio Heleni inpulsum Aenean Italiam petivisse
(‘Aeneas, driven by Helenus’ prophecy, sought Italy’), but nonetheless also cited
conplures … auctores, qui dicant Aenean sepultum in urbe Berecynthia proxime
flumen Nolon (‘a number of authors, who report that Aeneas was buried in the city
of Berecynthia, near the Nolon River’, i.e. in Phrygia) and held that it was only one
of his descendants, named Rhomus, who made his way to Italy.
1. Anchises, Aeneas, and the Aeneidae 7
ʌĮIJȡȚĮ) and much of its wealth were stored. From there Aeneas orga-
nized the retreat of a large portion of Troy’s population to Mount Ida,
where the refugees were joined by people from other neighboring Trojan
towns. Eventually the Achaeans allowed Aeneas and his followers free
passage out of the country, along with all their possessions, although in the
event the evacuation was incomplete:
įİȟȐȝİȞȠȢ į IJĮ૨IJĮ ǹੁȞİȓĮȢ țĮ ȞȠȝȓıĮȢ ਥț IJȞ ਥȞȩȞIJȦȞ țȡȐIJȚıIJĮ İੇȞĮȚ, ਝıțȐȞȚȠȞ
ȝȞ IJઁȞ ʌȡİıȕȪIJĮIJȠȞ IJȞ ʌĮȓįȦȞ, ȤȠȞIJĮ IJȠ૨ ıȣȝȝĮȤȚțȠ૨ IJȚȞĮ ȝȠȡĮȞ, ਸȢ ĭȡȪȖȚȠȞ
Ȟ IJઁ ʌȜİıIJȠȞ, İੁȢ IJȞ ǻĮıțȣȜIJȚȞ țĮȜȠȣȝȑȞȘȞ ȖોȞ, ȞșĮ ਥıIJȞ ਲ ਝıțĮȞȓĮ ȜȓȝȞȘ,
ȝİIJȐʌİȝʌIJȠȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ IJȞ ਥȖȤȦȡȓȦȞ ȖİȞȩȝİȞȠȞ ਥʌ ȕĮıȚȜİȓĮȚ IJȠ૨ șȞȠȣȢ ਕʌȠʌȑȝʌİȚ.
țĮ ੭ȚțȘıİȞ ਝıțȐȞȚȠȢ ĮIJȩșȚ ȤȡȩȞȠȞ IJȚȞ Ƞ ʌȠȜȪȞā ਥȜșȩȞIJȦȞ į ੪Ȣ ĮIJઁȞ
ȈțĮȝĮȞįȡȓȠȣ IJİ țĮ IJȞ ਙȜȜȦȞ ૽ǼțIJȠȡȚįȞ, ਕijİȚȝȑȞȦȞ ਥț IJોȢ ૽ǼȜȜȐįȠȢ ਫ਼ʌઁ
ȃİȠʌIJȠȜȑȝȠȣ, țĮIJȐȖȦȞ ĮIJȠઃȢ ਥʌ IJȞ ʌĮIJȡȫȚĮȞ ਕȡȤȞ İੁȢ ȉȡȠȓĮȞ ਕijȚțȞİIJĮȚ.
Aeneas accepted these terms, regarding them as the best he could get under the cir-
cumstances. But he sent his oldest son, Ascanius, accompanied by some of the al-
lied troops, the majority of whom were Phrygians, to the region known as Dascy-
litis, where the Ascanian Lake is located, since the local inhabitants had invited
[Ascanius] to assume the kingship of their people. Ascanius settles there for only a
short period of time; when Scamandrius and Hector’s other descendants, who had
been allowed to leave Greece by Neoptolemus, came to him, he took them back to
his paternal domain, making his way to Troy.
Aeneas and his other sons, taking with them his father and the shrines of
their gods (IJ įȘ IJȞ șİȞ), on the other hand, sailed out through the
Hellespont to Pallene, on the other side of the Aegean, at which point Dio-
nysius’ summary of Hellanicus breaks off.13
Hellanicus says nothing about how long Ascanius and his descendants
were thought to have ruled at Troy or—more important for our purposes—
about the presence of kings supposedly descended from Aeneas in the area
in the historical period. This is instead purely legendary material and per-
haps merely an attempt to describe the fulfillment of Poseidon’s prophecy
at Il. 20.307–8. In any case, it tells us nothing about the presence of royal
Aeneidae in the Troad at the time the Hymn to Aphrodite was composed.14
Slightly more compelling information about Aeneidae in the Troad is
preserved at Strabo 13.607:
ıIJȚ įૅ ਲ ȝȞ ȆĮȜĮȓıțȘȥȚȢ ਥʌȐȞȦ ȀİȕȡોȞȠȢ țĮIJ IJઁ ȝİIJİȦȡȩIJĮIJȠȞ IJોȢ
ǿįȘȢ ਥȖȖઃȢ ȆȠȜȓȤȞȘȢā ਥțĮȜİIJȠ į IJȩIJİ ȈțોȥȚȢ, İIJૅ ਙȜȜȦȢ, İIJૅ ਕʌઁ IJȠ૨
ʌİȡȓıțİʌIJȠȞ İੇȞĮȚ IJઁȞ IJȩʌȠȞ, İੁ įİ IJ ʌĮȡ IJȠȢ ȕĮȡȕȐȡȠȚȢ ਥȞ IJȚ IJȩIJİ ੑȞȩȝĮIJĮ IJĮȢ
_____________
13 But see n. 14, above.
14 For a catalogue of additional spots in the Troad (Gergitha, Percote, Colonai,
Chryse, Ophrunion, Sidene, Astyr, Scepsis, Polichna, Dascyleion, and Iliou Colo-
ne) supposedly settled (or resettled) by Scamandrius and Ascanius, see Dionysius
of Chalchis ap. ȈMOA E. Andr. 10.
8 Introduction
_____________
15 I.e. Alexandria Troas, founded in 310 BCE by Antigonus Monopthalmos.
16 In 301 BCE.
17 ȠİIJĮȚ įૅ ȈțȒȥȚȠȢ țĮ ȕĮıȓȜİȚȠȞ IJȠ૨ ǹੁȞİȓȠȣ ȖİȖȠȞȑȞĮȚ IJȞ ȈțોȥȚȞ (‘The
Scepsian believes that Scepsis was Aeneas’ royal seat’) = fr. 35 Gaede (who does
not include Strabo’s discussion of the early history of the place quoted above in his
edition of the fragments of Demetrius).
18 Smith (1981b) 37–8.
1. Anchises, Aeneas, and the Aeneidae 9
existed, there is little point in debating how the poet’s interest in them in-
fluenced the contents of his Hymn.19
As noted above, at Il. 20.307–8 Poseidon predicts that Aeneas’ de-
scendants will rule in Troy forever. The version of the prophecy at hAphr.
196–7 (addressed to Anchises) is rather different: ıȠ įૅ ıIJĮȚ ijȓȜȠȢ ȣੂȩȢ,
Ȣ ਥȞ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ ਕȞȐȟİȚ, / țĮ ʌĮįİȢ ʌĮȓįİııȚ įȚĮȝʌİȡȢ ਥțȖİȖȐȠȞIJĮȚ (‘You
will have a son you will love, who will be a king in Troy; and the line of
your descendants will go on forever’). According to the hAphr., in contrast
to the Iliad, Aeneas will rule in Troy, and his line will continue. But where
the Aeneadai will end up (sc. after the city is sacked), and what their posi-
tion will be when they get there, is left unclear. The Hymn thus refers to
Aeneas’ descendants in a much less specific fashion than Iliad 20 does,
setting aside predictions of a continuing dynasty in favor of assertions of a
broader and more general sort. The prophecy at hAphr. 196–7 may be
nothing more than a cautious reworking of its problematic Iliadic exem-
plar. That it is addressed to anyone in particular is far from clear. But to the
extent that the Hymn imagines historical descendants of Anchises and Ae-
neas surviving into its own time, it presents them not as kings, and not
necessarily even as residents of the Troad, but as the broad mass of indi-
viduals scattered throughout the ancient Mediterranean who claimed de-
scent in one way or another from the notoriously peripatetic Trojan hero.20
_____________
19 Faulkner (2008) 7–10 notes that the birth of Aeneas is ‘one of the major themes’ of
the Hymn and that the poem pays considerable attention to earlier generations of
Anchises’ family, on the one hand, and to Aeneas’ glorious future, on the other. He
concludes (p. 10) that all this lends ‘considerable support to the hypothesis that the
Aineidai did exist and that the poet of Aphr. intended to praise them.’ But the po-
em’s preoccupation with Aeneas can be adequately explained on the uncontrover-
sial thesis (noted above) that its purposes include filling out the personal back-
ground of an important Iliadic character, and in particular the account of the
circumstances of his conception at Il. 2.820–1. Any alleged influence of supposed
contemporary Aeneidae on the contents and character of the Hymn must be argued
for on other grounds, and the argument will need to begin with a demonstration
that such individuals existed; that a thesis is not impossible is no reason to accept
it.
20 For legends of Trojan refugees settling in various parts of the Mediterranean, see
Perret (1942) 125–285; Bérard (1957) 350–68; Erskine (2001) 131–56.
10 Introduction
2. Date of Composition
_____________
21 The Iliad and the Odyssey; Hesiod’s Theogony and Works and Days; the Hesiodic
Catalogue of Women; the pseudo-Hesiodic Aspis; and the Homeric Hymns to Deli-
an and Pythian Apollo (treated separately), Demeter, Hermes, and Aphrodite. For a
more detailed critique of Janko’s arguments, with specific reference to his handling
of the hAphr. as a test case, see Jones (2010).
22 M. Parry (1932) 12 = A. Parry (1971) 333.
23 Janko (1982) 189. In fact, Janko treats the existence of a consistent chronologically
determined pattern of archaism and innovation across the poems not as a hypothe-
sis to be tested (and thus perhaps rejected, if the data fail to conform to it), but as a
fundamental assumption. This has substantial consequences for the construction of
his argument, as discussed below.
2. Date of Composition 11
_____________
24 Many of these figures are nuanced in ways that are irrelevant to the argument that
follows, and that are accordingly not detailed here.
25 I write ‘genitive singulars’ et sim. throughout in place of the pedantically correct
but uncolloquial ‘genitives singular’.
26 Janko (1982) 61–2 omits from consideration instances of accusative ǻȓĮ, on the
ground that the form is an innovation and relatively infrequent.
27 Janko (1982) 72–3.
28 If there are less than five instances of any particular phenomenon in an individual
poem, Janko dismisses the number from further consideration as likely to be statis-
tically insignificant. In most cases this is the % of masculine a-stem genitive singu-
lars in -ĮȠ versus -İȦ (for which figures are given only for the Iliad; the Odyssey;
the Theogony; the Works and Days; and the Catalogue of Women). But a total of
two criteria are omitted for the hDem., while a total of five are omitted for the
hDAp.
12 Introduction
scale more or less where we might have expected to find them on other
grounds.
In his Figure 229, Janko consolidates the results represented by his Fig-
ure 1 into a single line-graph, and identifies what he judges to be signifi-
cant clusters of criteria for individual poems. On this basis, Janko identifies
three groups:
• an Archaic group (Iliad, Odyssey, and hAphr.)
• an Advanced group (Theogony, Works and Days, Catalogue of
Women, hDem., and Hymn to Delian Apollo)
• and an Inconsistent group, i.e. poems whose values do not cluster
in any obvious way but are ‘wildly scattered’30 along the common
scale (Aspis, Hymn to Pythian Apollo, hHerm.).
Even more boldly, Janko uses his figures for the Iliad and the Theogony to
attempt to look backward in time to the moment when the individual phe-
nomena in question entered epic diction. Thus he reasons that if digamma,
for example, is neglected 17.2% of the time in the Iliad (= point 0 on the
common scale) but 33.7% of the time (i.e. almost exactly twice as often) in
the Theogony (= point 3 on the common scale), and if, as hypothesized—or
assumed—the linguistic development of the epic tradition proceeded at a
more or less fixed rate, then 0% neglect can be assumed at point -3 on the
common scale. Janko thus reconstructs a relative chronology not only of
the poems preserved for us but of epic diction as a whole, including an
‘Aeolic phase’ during which a Mycenean (or ‘Achaean’) tradition of sing-
ing was preserved and developed by Aeolic-speaking bards before being
passed on to the Ionic-speakers whose work we have today.
Most of the poems in Janko’s Archaic and Advanced groups appear on
the common scale in Figure 2 approximately where we might expect them
to on other grounds, seemingly confirming the soundness of his ‘glotto-
chronometric’ approach to the material. The Iliad and the Odyssey fall
close together, with the Odyssey’s values clustering slightly to the right of
the Iliad’s, suggesting that it is the younger of the two Homeric epics.
Then, after a gap, come the Theogony, the Hymn to Pythian Apollo, the
Works and Days, and the hDem., seeming in that—largely unremarkable—
order. The Catalogue of Women, on the other hand, appears to the left of
the Theogony on the common scale, suggesting that it is older rather than
younger than the other poem, as it ought almost certainly to be. But the
most substantial problem within these groups is the hAphr., five of whose
values (% of neglect of digamma; of a-stem genitive plurals in -ĮȦȞ; of o-
and a-stem dative plurals in -ȠȚıȚ and -ȘȚıȚ/-ĮȚıȚ; of o- and a-stem dative
_____________
29 Janko (1982) 74.
30 Janko (1982) 75.
2. Date of Composition 13
_____________
31 Janko (1982) 152: ‘These facts are self-contradictory at first sight, and present very
real difficulties: is this a poem of Homeric date, with the more advanced features
random or regional in origin? Or is it post-Homeric, with the archaic diction a re-
gional characteristic or a deliberate choice (since it is too well-established to be
random)?’ As I argue in detail below, the alternative explanations Janko puts for-
ward here for the seeming peculiarity of the individual values assigned the hAphr.
amount to an admission that his glossochronometric hypothesis has been falsified.
32 15.9% neglect in the hAphr., vs. 17.2% in the Iliad and 17.9% in the Odyssey.
33 Janko (1982) 80.
14 Introduction
of these two groups can be seen as, in the first instance, merely confirming
what has always been known—or at least sensed—about much early epic
poetry: the Iliad and the Odyssey are a great deal like one another; the Hes-
iodic poems (with the exception of the pseudo-Hesiodic Aspis) are as well;
the two sets of poems are nonetheless quite distinct; and the hAphr.—
which ought, on chronological grounds, to fall into Janko’s Advanced
group, but does not—is emphatically the most ‘Homeric’ of the major
Hymns.
Whatever the differences and affiliations Janko identifies among these
poems may mean, therefore, they have nothing obviously or necessarily to
do with chronology. However we conceive of epic diction, it must have
evolved over time, as Parry (quoted at the beginning of this section) ar-
gued. But Janko’s Archaic and Advanced poems—perhaps better called
‘Homeric’ and ‘Hesiodic’—are more effectively understood as separated
primarily by regional and ‘school’ affiliation and then, within those param-
eters, by idiolect and most likely subject-matter as well. The surest proof of
this alternative hypothesis is the behavior of the Aspis and the Hymns on
Janko’s ‘common scale’. On a chronological interpretation of the data, not
only the hAphr. but the entire Inconsistent group (the Aspis, Hymn to Pyth-
ian Apollo, and hHerm.) are embarrassments that must be explained away:
they fail to conform to the hypothesis, in three of four cases radically so.
But if what the data illustrate are instead differences of other sorts, they
merely suggest that the Aspis and at least three of five major Hymns are
neither particularly Homeric nor particularly Hesiodic. The poems have
instead been produced by other authors or singers, working in other places
and in times not yet precisely identified, with their own idiosyncratic inter-
ests and tendencies.35 Whatever the inherent interest or significance of
Janko’s values, therefore, they cannot be used to date the hAphr. relative to
the other early epic poetry that survives for us. For that we are thrown back
on the more traditional criteria discussed below, in Introduction 3.
_____________
35 It accordingly seems worth asking precisely how ‘Hesiodic’ the hDem. really is,
given that three of its eight values fall distinctly in the ‘Homeric’ range, and per-
haps also how genuinely ‘Homeric’ the hAphr. is, given that four of its nine values
fall far to one side or the other of its central cluster.
16 Introduction
Defining the nature of the interaction among early dactylic hexameter texts
and poets is a notoriously problematic undertaking. Much epic diction
appears to have been widely disseminated, so that the use of common for-
mulae, including whole lines and even groups of lines, alone does not
prove that one poet knew and borrowed from or adapted the work of an-
other. Thus hAphr. 35 ȠIJİ șİȞ ȝĮțȐȡȦȞ ȠIJİ șȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ is iden-
tical to Od. 9.521, but also to Hes. fr. 204.117 and hMerc. 144; the echo
shows not that the hAphr.-poet knew Homer, ‘Hesiod’, and/or some of the
other Hymns (although he may have), but only that all four poets were
working within a broad inherited system of composition by formula.37 Nor
can more limited overlaps of language or content (e.g. hAphr. 44 ਙȜȠȤȠȞ
ʌȠȚȒıĮIJȠ țȑįȞૅ İੁįȣĮȞ / ~ hAp. 313; hAphr. 205 ʌȐȞIJİııȚ IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȢ
ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ / ~ hDem. 397) be taken to demonstrate direct contact be-
tween two works, since the phenomenon might only be evidence that both
poets had access to a regional or local sub-tradition of singing with its own
ideas, type-scenes and formulae. The issue is complicated further by our
almost complete lack of certainty about how and when the poems were
fixed in something like the form we have today, and about the relationship
between this (continuing process of? at least partially oral?) fixation and
the creation of the literary text we have.
My commentary proceeds on the assumption that the composer of the
hAphr. knew the Iliad and the Odyssey, and perhaps the Theogony and the
Works and Days as well, in more or less the form in which we have those
poems today. The Hymn is not merely in contact with, and its composer a
participant in broadly ‘Homeric’ and ‘Hesiodic’ traditions of singing. In-
stead, the poem interacts creatively and often aggressively with the Iliad
and the Odyssey in particular, the most obvious example of the tendency
being perhaps 59–68, which rework and combine Aphrodite’s visit to Pa-
phos after she and Ares are caught in bed together by Hephaestus in Odys-
sey 8, on the one hand, and Hera’s retreat into her chamber to prepare to
seduce Zeus in Iliad 14, on the other. Thus 59 ਥȢ ȆȐijȠȞā ȞșĮ įȑ Ƞੂ
IJȑȝİȞȠȢ ȕȦȝȩȢ IJİ șȣȫįȘȢ ~ Od. 8.363 ਥȢ ȆȐijȠȞā ȞșĮ įȑ Ƞੂ IJȑȝİȞȠȢ
_____________
36 For the affiliations of the other ‘minor’ Hymns treated in this edition, see the end of
Introduction 5.
37 Cf. e.g. hAphr. 8 = Hes. Th. 13 ~ Il. 10.553 (nominative); hAphr. 235 = Il. 2.5 =
10.17 = 14.161 = Hes. fr. 209.1, cf. Od. 9.424 = 11.230. For a more complete col-
lection of traditional formulaic language in the hAphr., see the second apparatus;
Preziosi (1967).
3. Poetic Affiliations of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 17
ȕȦȝȩȢ IJİ șȣȒİȚȢ, and 61–2 ȞșĮ įȑ ȝȚȞ ȋȐȡȚIJİȢ ȜȠ૨ıĮȞ țĮ ȤȡıĮȞ ਥȜĮȓȦȚ /
ਕȝȕȡȩIJȦȚ, ȠੈĮ șİȠઃȢ ਥʌİȞȒȞȠșİȞ ĮੁȞ ਥȩȞIJĮȢ = Od. 8.364–5; while 60 Ȟșૅ
ਸ਼ Ȗૅ İੁıİȜșȠ૨ıĮ șȪȡĮȢ ਥʌȑșȘțİ ijĮİȚȞȐȢ = Il. 14.169; 63 ਕȝȕȡȠıȓȦȚ
ਦįĮȞȚ, IJȩ ૧Ȑ Ƞੂ IJİșȣȦȝȑȞȠȞ İȞ = Il. 14.172; for 64 ਦııĮȝȑȞȘ įૅ İ ʌȐȞIJĮ
ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ İȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ, cf. Il. 14.187 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ į ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ șȒțĮIJȠ
țȩıȝȠȞ (reworked again at 171–2); for 66 ıİȪĮIJૅ ਥʌ ȉȡȠȓȘȢ, ʌȡȠȜȚʌȠ૨ıૅ
İȫįİĮ ȀȪʌȡȠȞ, cf. Il. 14.227–8; and 67–8 ȥȚ ȝİIJ ȞȑijİıȚȞ ૧ȓȝijĮ
ʌȡȒııȠȣıĮ țȑȜİȣșȠȞ. / ǿįȘȞ įૅ țĮȞİȞ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțĮ, ȝȘIJȑȡĮ șȘȡȞ ~ Il.
14.282–3 ૧ȓȝijĮ ʌȡȒııȠȞIJĮ țȑȜİȣșȠȞ./ ǿįȘȞ įૅ ੂțȑıșȘȞ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțĮ,
ȝȘIJȑȡĮ șȘȡȞ.38 The scale, complexity, and precision of this reworking
suggests interaction with fixed written texts, as also on a smaller scale at
inter alia the following points (all discussed at greater length in the com-
mentary):39
hAphr. 16 ਝȡIJȑȝȚįĮ ȤȡȣıȘȜȐțĮIJȠȞ țİȜĮįİȚȞȒȞ ~ Il. 20.70–1
ȤȡȣıȘȜȐțĮIJȠȢ țİȜĮįİȚȞȒ / ǹȡIJİȝȚȢ
hAphr. 18 țĮ ȠȡİıȚ șોȡĮȢ ਥȞĮȓȡİȚȞ (among Artemis’ interests) ~ Il.
21.485 țĮIJૅ ȠȡİĮ șોȡĮȢ ਥȞĮȓȡİȚȞ* (Hera’s description of Artemis’
proper sphere of interest)
hAphr. 42 țȣįȓıIJȘȞ įૅ ਙȡĮ ȝȚȞ IJȑțİIJȠ ȀȡȩȞȠȢ ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ (of Hera; cf.
also hAphr. 22, of Hestia) ~ Il. 4.59 țĮȓ ȝİ ʌȡİıȕȣIJȐIJȘȞ IJȑțİIJȠ
ȀȡȩȞȠȢ ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ (Hera’s self-description)
hAphr. 54–5 ਥȞ ਕțȡȠʌȩȜȠȚȢ ȡİıȚȞ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ / ȕȠȣțȠȜȑİıțİȞ
ȕȠ૨Ȣ (of Anchises as Aphrodite is made to fall in love with him) ~ Il.
21.448–9 ȕȠ૨Ȣ ȕȠȣțȠȜȑİıțİȢ / ǿįȘȢ ਥȞ țȞȘȝȠıȚ ʌȠȜȣʌIJȪȤȠȣ
ਫ਼ȜȘȑııȘȢ (of Apollo working for King Laomedon of Troy)
_____________
38 In this light, the following more limited echoes deserve notice as well: 38 țĮȓ IJİ
IJȠ૨ İIJૅ ਥșȑȜȘȚ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਥȟĮʌĮijȠ૨ıĮ, cf. Il. 14.160 ʌʌȦȢ ਥȟĮʌȐijȠȚIJȠ ǻȚઁȢ
ȞȩȠȞ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ, 294 ੪Ȣ įૅ įİȞ, ੮Ȣ ȝȚȞ ȡȠȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijİțȐȜȣȥİȞ; 54 Ȣ
IJȩIJૅ ਥȞ ਕțȡȠʌȩȜȠȚȢ ȡİıȚȞ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ, cf. Il. 14.157 ǽોȞĮ įૅ ਥʌૅ
ਕțȡȠIJȐIJȘȢ țȠȡȣijોȢ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ; 81 ıIJો įૅ … ʌȡȠʌȐȡȠȚșİ * at Il. 14.297
ıIJો įૅ ĮIJોȢ ʌȡȠʌȐȡȠȚșİ; 107 IJઁȞ įૅ ȝİȓȕİIJૅ ʌİȚIJĮ ǻȚઁȢ șȣȖȐIJȘȡ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ ~ Il.
14.193 IJȞ įૅ țIJȜ.; 234 Ƞįȑ IJȚ țȚȞોıĮȚ ȝİȜȑȦȞ įȪȞĮIJૅ Ƞįૅ ਕȞĮİȡĮȚ ~ Od. 8.298
Ƞįȑ IJȚ țȚȞોıĮȚ ȝİȜȑȦȞ Ȟ Ƞįૅ ਕȞĮİȡĮȚ; 243 ਙȤȠȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijȚțĮȜȪʌIJȠȚ,
cf. Il. 14.294 ȡȦȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijȚțȐȜȣȥİȞ
39 The hAphr. may also—and likely often does—refer to other texts that are now lost.
hAphr. 88 ȡȝȠȚ įૅ ਕȝijૅ ਖʌĮȜોȚ įİȚȡોȚ ʌİȡȚțĮȜȜȑİȢ ıĮȞ, for example, probably
represents a reworking of Cypria fr. 6, p. 48 Bernabé collum marmoreum torques
gemmata coronat, which we know only through a Latin translation. But we lack
any way to identify such references, and I have accordingly left the question al-
most entirely to the side.
18 Introduction
_____________
40 I take no position on the question of the date and authenticity of Iliad 10, except to
note that it appears to have been part of the text before the hAphr. was composed.
20 Introduction
_____________
41 Note also the following, which may represent more generic language: hAphr. 97–
99 ȞȣȝijȐȦȞ Į IJૅ ਙȜıİĮ țĮȜ ȞȑȝȠȞIJĮȚ / țĮ ʌȘȖȢ ʌȠIJĮȝȞ țĮ ʌȓıİĮ ʌȠȚȒİȞIJĮ =
Il. 20.8–9; hAphr. 105 įȘȡઁȞ ȣ ȗȫİȚȞ țĮ ȡ઼Ȟ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ ~ Od. 10.498 ਵșİȜૅ
IJȚ ȗȫİȚȞ țĮ ȡ઼Ȟ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ; hAphr. 191 ~ Il. 14.193 IJȞ įૅ țIJȜ.
3. Poetic Affiliations of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 21
Apparent echoes of Hesiod are more limited in number and, in most cases,
also of less obviously programmatic significance:
hAphr. 1 ȡȖĮ ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ /, cf. Op. 521 Ƞ ʌȦ ȡȖૅ İੁįȣĮ
ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ / (of the ‘soft-skinned virgin girl’, for whom
see 14)
hAphr. 14 ʌĮȡșİȞȚțȢ ਖʌĮȜȩȤȡȠĮȢ * at Op. 519 -ોȢ -ȠȢ42
hAphr. 22–3, cf. Th. 454 for Hestia as Cronus’ first-born and thus (when
regurgitated) his last as well
hAphr. 29 țĮȜઁȞ ȖȑȡĮȢ ਕȞIJ ȖȐȝȠȚȠ /, cf. Th. 585 IJİ૨ȟİ țĮȜઁȞ țĮțઁȞ ਕȞIJૅ
ਕȖĮșȠȠ / (note the abnormal short initial syllable in țĮȜȩȞ, as also in
the Hymn)
hAphr. 43 ǽİઃȢ įૅ ਙijșȚIJĮ ȝȒįİĮ İੁįȫȢ * at Th. 550
hAphr. 77 ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ ਸ਼ȡȦĮ, cf. Th. 1009 ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ ਸ਼ȡȦȚ* (in a description of
Aeneas’ birth)
hAphr. 249 ਥȝȠઃȢ ੑȐȡȠȣȢ (Aphrodite’s nasty comments among the gods),
cf. Th. 205 ʌĮȡșİȞȓȠȣȢ IJૅ ੑȐȡȠȣȢ* ȝİȚįȒȝĮIJȐ IJૅ ਥȟĮʌȐIJĮȢ IJİ (Aphro-
dite’s sphere of influence)
hAphr. 258 ~ 285 ȡȠȢ ȝȑȖĮ IJİ ȗȐșİȩȞ IJİ (of Mt. Ida as the residence of
the nymphs) * at Th. 2 (of Mt. Helicon as the residence of the Muses)
hAphr. 264–5 ૅ ਥȜȐIJĮȚ įȡȪİȢ ਫ਼ȥȚțȐȡȘȞȠȚ / … ijȣıĮȞ ਥʌ ȤșȠȞ
ȕȦIJȚĮȞİȓȡȘȚ, cf. Op. 509–11 ʌȠȜȜȢ į įȡ૨Ȣ ਫ਼ȥȚțȩȝȠȣȢ ਥȜȐIJĮȢ IJİ
ʌĮȤİȓĮȢ / ȠȡİȠȢ ਥȞ ȕȒııȘȚȢ ʌȚȜȞ઼Ț ȤșȠȞ ʌȠȣȜȣȕȠIJİȓȡȘȚ
hAphr. 283 ȝİȝȞȘȝȑȞȠȢ ੮Ȣ ıİ țİȜİȪȦ (Aphrodite’s orders to Anchises) *
at Op. 623 ȖોȞ įૅ ਥȡȖȐȗİıșĮȚ ȝİȝȞȘȝȑȞȠȢ, ੮Ȣ ıİ țİȜİȪȦ (the narra-
tor’s orders to Perses)43
The relationship of the hAphr. to the hDem. (probably 6th century BCE or
earlier) is more problematic. Richardson, followed closely by Faulkner,
notes the following parallels between the two texts:44
_____________
42 Janko (1982) 165–9 argues that the hAphr. is Hesiod’s model, on the basis of the
fact that 14 comes from the proem, making it more likely to be an object of imita-
tion; the presence of the adjective ʌĮȡșİȞȚțȩȢ at Op. 63, immediately preceding a
reference to Athena teaching Pandora how to weave at Op. 63–5; and three possi-
ble Aeolisms at Op. 510, 526, 534. The first argument is contradicted by the rela-
tionship between hAphr. 257, 284 and hDem. 5, 8, as Janko himself acknowledges;
the second is very weak, particularly since the idea of Athena weaving cloth her-
self and teaching others to do so appears to be traditional (cf. 14–15 n.), and
ʌĮȡșİȞȚțȩȢ belongs to a separate construction; and the third begs the question of
whether the hAphr. is itself ‘Aeolic’ in any significant way (as it does not appear to
be).
43 Note also hAphr. 5 ȝȞ ıૅ ਵʌİȚȡȠȢ ʌȠȜȜ IJȡȑijİȚ įૅ ıĮ ʌȩȞIJȠȢ ~ Th. 582
țȞȫįĮȜૅ ıૅ ਵʌİȚȡȠȢ įİȚȞ IJȡȑijİȚ į șȐȜĮııĮ (not easily understood as a specif-
ic echo; see the second apparatus ad loc.); hAphr. 8 = Hes. Th. 13 (but also ~ Il.
10.553 (nominative), and thus presumably formular).
22 Introduction
hAphr. 31–2 ʌ઼ıȚȞ įૅ ਥȞ ȞȘȠıȚ șİȞ IJȚȝȐȠȤȩȢ ਥıIJȚȞ, / țĮ ʌĮȡ ʌ઼ıȚ
ȕȡȠIJȠıȚ șİȞ ʌȡȑıȕİȚȡĮ IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ ~ hDem. 268–9 İੁȝ į ǻȘȝȒIJȘȡ
IJȚȝȐȠȤȠȢ, ਸ਼ IJİ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȞ / ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚȢ șȘȞIJȠıȓ IJૅ ȞİĮȡ țĮ ȤȐȡȝĮ
IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ
hAphr. 58 șȣȫįİĮ ȞȘȩȞ ~ hDem. 355 șȣȫįİȠȢ ȞįȠșȚ ȞȘȠ૨, 385 ȞȘȠȠ …
șȣȫįİȠȢ
hAphr. 82 ʌĮȡșȑȞȦȚ ਕįȝȒIJȘȚ ȝȑȖİșȠȢ țĮ İੇįȠȢ ȝȠȓȘ ~ hDem. 145–6
ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȢ ਕįȝȒȢ / ȀĮȜȜȚįȓțȘ … İੇįȠȢ ਕȡȓıIJȘ
hAphr. 136 Ƞ ıijȚȞ ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ ȞȣઁȢ ııȠȝĮȚ, ਕȜȜૅ İੁțȣĮ ~ hDem. 83–4 Ƞ
IJȠȚ ਕİȚțȢ / ȖĮȝȕȡઁȢ … ਝȚįȠȞİȪȢ
hAphr. 156 țĮIJૅ ȝȝĮIJĮ țĮȜ ȕĮȜȠ૨ıĮ / * at hDem. 194
hAphr. 157 / ਥȢ ȜȑȤȠȢ İıIJȡȦIJȠȞ ~ hDem. 285 ਕʌૅ İıIJȡȫIJȦȞ ȜİȤȑȦȞ
hAphr. 173–5 ıIJȘ ਙȡĮ țȜȚıȓȘȚā İʌȠȚȒIJȠȣ ۃį ۄȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ,
țȐȜȜȠȢ į ʌĮȡİȚȐȦȞ ਕʌȑȜĮȝʌİȞ / ਙȝȕȡȠIJȠȞ ~ hDem. 188–9 ਲ įૅ ਙȡૅ
ਥʌૅ ȠįઁȞ ȕȘ ʌȠı țĮȓ ૧Į ȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ, ʌȜોıİȞ į șȪȡĮȢ
ıȑȜĮȠȢ șİȓȠȚȠ
hAphr. 205 ʌȐȞIJİııȚ IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ / ~ hDem. 397 ʌȐȞIJİııȚ
IJİIJȚȝ[ȑȞȘ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚ]ıȚȞ /
hAphr. 257 ȞȪȝijĮȚ … ȕĮșȪțȠȜʌȠȚ ~ hDem. 5 țȠȪȡȘȚıȚ … ȕĮșȣțȩȜʌȠȚȢ
hAphr. 279 ȝȐȜĮ Ȗȡ șİȠİȓțİȜȠȢ ıIJĮȚ / ~ hDem. 159 į Ȗȡ șİȠİȓțİȜȩȢ
ਥııȚ
hAphr. 284 ȞȪȝijȘȢ țĮȜȣțȫʌȚįȠȢ ~ hDem. 8 țĮȜȣțȫʌȚįȚ țȠȪȡȘȚ, 420
ૅȍțȣȡȩȘ țĮȜȣțʌȚȢ
Most of these cases merely represent shared vocabulary items not attested
elsewhere in early epic, or a common use of previously attested vocabulary
in a new (but in no case strikingly unexpected) context.45 There may thus
be an implication of an affiliation between individual singers, or between
_____________
44 Richardson (1974) 42; Faulkner (2008) 38–9. Richardson also cites hAphr. 2ff ~
hDem. 22–3, 44–6, but simultaneously withdraws the suggestion, noting ‘but this
is a parallel of form of expression, not of language’.
45 Faulkner (2008) 40 argues that in the case of hAphr. 257 ȞȪȝijĮȚ … ȕĮșȪțȠȜʌȠȚ ~
hDem. 5 țȠȪȡȘȚıȚ … ȕĮșȣțȩȜʌȠȚȢ ‘the short datives plural in the latter may be
suggestive of secondary modification’. But (1) both the short and the long forms of
the dative plural were always available in the vernacular to epic singers, so that the
presence of one or the other in any passage proves nothing about its relative date,
unless one accepts Janko’s system of glottochronometrics (discussed at length
above, in Introduction 2); (2) in any case, even if one accepts Janko’s theory, and
thus the presumed priority of long forms of the dative plural, the fact that the
hAphr. passage is in the nominative makes it impossible to know whether it is old-
er than the hDem. passage (and thus perhaps a model for it) or younger than it (and
thus perhaps derived from it).
3. Poetic Affiliations of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 23
the local or regional traditions within which they grew up and operated. As
noted above, however, this is different from suggesting that one Hymn
served (as written text or oral song) as a specific model for the other. Rich-
ardson—who is cautious in his assessment of the case, but who appears to
favor the notion that the hAphr. influenced the hDem.—is aware of the
limitations of the evidence, and identifies as the ‘most important’ of his
parallels to the hDem. those at hAphr. 156, 157, 173–5. All these, he notes,
come from the section of the latter poem where Aphrodite and Anchises go
to bed together and she subsequently wakes him up and reveals herself to
be a goddess, the implication being that this strengthens the case for a sys-
tematic pattern of allusion to or borrowing by the composer of the hDem.
But hAphr. 157 / ਥȢ ȜȑȤȠȢ İıIJȡȦIJȠȞ ~ hDem. 285 ਕʌૅ İıIJȡȫIJȦȞ ȜİȤȑȦȞ
is a bland and uninstructive parallel, as Richardson acknowledges in his
note ad loc., while the fact that the phrase țĮIJૅ ȝȝĮIJĮ țĮȜ ȕĮȜȠ૨ıĮ /
occurs at both hAphr. 156 and hDem. 194 may suggest that the two poets
drew on a common stock of formulae not available to the Iliad- and Odys-
sey-poets or to Hesiod, but does not demonstrate a direct relationship be-
tween the Hymns.
The case for dependence of the hDem. on the hAphr. (or vice versa)
thus depends on two sets of parallels: hAphr. 31–2 ~ hDem. 268–9, and
hAphr. 173–5 ~ hDem. 188–9. As for the first set, IJȚȝȐȠȤȠȢ (not found in
Homer, Hesiod, or the other Hymns) is an unexpected, presumably Aeolic
form of the word, which is elsewhere always IJȚȝȠ૨ȤȠȢ. So too, third-person
IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ (in the same sedes at e.g. Il. 17.690; Od. 17.102; Hes. Op. 745) is
appropriate at hAphr. 32 but arguably awkward at hDem. 269, where one
might have expected first-person IJȑIJȣȖȝĮȚ (not attested in early epic) in-
stead, arguably suggesting that the latter passage is modeled on the former.
As noted above, however, shared vocabulary in and of itself cannot prove
the direct dependence of one early epic text on another. Nor is the use of
IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ rather than IJȑIJȣȖȝĮȚ compelling evidence that the hDem.-poet
knew the hAphr., for the focalization patently shifts in the relative clause in
the hDem., as the goddess describes herself as she appears to those who
render her the honor referred to in IJȚȝȐȠȤȠȢ, so that the third-person verb is
appropriate; and anyone capable of composing the rest of the Hymn to
Demeter will have been able to independently alter the third-person form to
the metrically equivalent first-person at line-end, in any case, if he wished
to do so.
As for the second set of parallels: as was noted previously, the fact that
both poets used the words ȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ in the same sedes may
well show nothing more than that they had access to the same regional or
local oral-formulaic tradition. More significant, Demeter’s head ought to
touch not the roofbeam (the normal sense of ȝȑȜĮșȡȠȞ), as in the hAphr.,
24 Introduction
but the lintel, if she is standing in the doorway of Metaneira’s house, and
Metaneira inexplicably ignores her visitor’s suddenly transformed appear-
ance in any case. But ‘the god’s epiphany’ appears to be a type-scene, as
Richardson acknowledges in his commentary, and the fact that the hDem.-
poet has arguably mishandled elements of it accordingly cannot be taken to
show that he knew the hAphr., where those elements are more smoothly
integrated into the larger action. That the hDem. is somehow dependent on
(and so later than) the hAphr. thus remains possible, but the point cannot
be demonstrated.
The next reference to the hAphr. is in the Hellenistic period, when it
appears to have been familiar to Callimachus and Apollonius Rhodius,
presumably because a copy was preserved in the Library at Alexandria:
Call. h. 4.258 įȚĮʌȡȣıȓȘȞ ੑȜȠȜȣȖȒȞ / (of the cries of the nymphs on Delos
at Apollo’s birth), cf. hAphr. 19 įȚĮʌȡȪıȚȠȚ IJૅ ੑȜȠȜȣȖĮȓ / (in a cata-
logue of Artemis’ interests)
A.R. 1.850 ȀȪʌȡȚȢ Ȗȡ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ੯ȡıİȞ / (of the Lemnian wom-
en), cf. hAphr. 2 ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ, ਸ਼ IJİ șİȠıȚȞ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ੯ȡıİȞ46
Both passages are patently learned quotations of the Hymn. In addition,
Faulkner argues for echoes of the hAphr. in Callimachus’ hymns to Arte-
mis and Demeter:
h. 3.26–7 ੬Ȣ ਲ ʌĮȢ İੁʌȠ૨ıĮ ȖİȞİȚȐįȠȢ ਵșİȜİ ʌĮIJȡȩȢ / ਚȥĮıșĮȚ (of Arte-
mis), cf. hAphr. 27 ਖȥĮȝȑȞȘ țİijĮȜોȢ ʌĮIJȡઁȢ ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ (of
Hestia)
h. 3.122 / ਕȜȜȐ † ȝȚȞ İੁȢ ਕįȓțȦȞ ȕĮȜİȢ ʌȩȜȚȞ (of Artemis and her arrows),
cf. hAphr. 20 įȚțĮȓȦȞ IJİ ʌIJȩȜȚȢ ਕȞįȡȞ / (at the end of a catalogue of
Artemis’ interests)
h. 6.58 țİijĮȜ įȑ Ƞੂ ਚȥĮIJૅ ૅȅȜȪȝʌȦ (of Demeter), cf. hAphr. 173–4
ȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ
As for h. 3.26–7, the verb used of taking hold of another person in suppli-
cation is most often ȜĮȝȕȐȞȦ, and the part seized is generally the knees
rather than (or in addition to) the beard (e.g. Od. 6.142 ਲ਼ ȖȠȪȞȦȞ
_____________
46 Faulkner (2008) 51 also compares A.R. 1.803 ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ, ਸ਼ IJȑ ıijȚȞ șȣȝȠijșȩȡȠȞ
ȝȕĮȜİȞ ਙIJȘȞ, for which there are more substantial parallels at e.g. Il. 19.88 Ƞ IJȑ
ȝȠȚ İੁȞ ਕȖȠȡોȚ ijȡİıȞ ȝȕĮȜȠȞ ਙȖȡȚȠȞ ਙIJȘȞ (of Zeus, Fate and the Erinys). The
echoes of hAphr. 7 IJȡȚııȢ įૅ Ƞ įȪȞĮIJĮȚ ʌİʌȚșİȞ ijȡȑȞĮȢ Ƞįૅ ਕʌĮIJોıĮȚ at A.R.
3.152 ȝȑȞ IJȠȚ įȡȩȞ IJİ ʌĮȡȑȟȠȝĮȚ Ƞįૅ ਕʌĮIJȒıȦ (Aphrodite to Eros), and of
hAphr. 199 at A.R. 3.464 / IJȓʌIJİ ȝİ įİȚȜĮȓȘȞ IJȩįૅ ȤİȚ ਙȤȠȢ are even less compel-
ling, as Faulkner admits at the same time as he cites them as at least ‘worth consid-
ering’.
3. Poetic Affiliations of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 25
ȜȓııȠȚIJȠ ȜĮȕȫȞ). The situations in the hAphr. and in Callimachus are also
similar: a young female goddess takes hold of—or attempts to take hold
of—Zeus’ head/beard in order to reinforce a request that she be allowed to
remain a virgin. But Callimachus’ language finds better parallels at e.g. Il.
10.454–5 , țĮ ȝȑȞ ȝȚȞ ȝİȜȜİ ȖİȞİȓȠȣ … / ਖȥȐȝİȞȠȢ ȜȓııİıșĮȚ, and the
argument for a specific connection with the hAphr. cannot be pressed. So
too with h. 3.122, the idea that Artemis takes an interest in the degree of
justice displayed by (the inhabitants of) individual cities is unusual, at least
for the ǹrchaic period. But Callimachus’ language is too generic, and the
reference insufficiently developed to allow for a vigorous argument in
favor of a direct, specific reworking of the older passage. As for h. 6.58,
finally, Faulkner himself acknowledges that the primary intertext, if there
is one, must be hDem. 188–9 (for which, see above) rather than the hAphr.
Echoes of the hAphr. have also been detected by Janko and Faulkner47
in the following passages from Moschus’ Europa (2nd century BCE):
Eur. 1 ǼȡȫʌȘȚ ʌȠIJ ȀȪʌȡȚȢ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ਸțİȞ ȞİȚȡȠȞ, cf. hAphr. 2
ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ, ਸ਼ IJİ șİȠıȚȞ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ੯ȡıİȞ
Eur. 76 ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ, ȝȠȪȞȘ įȪȞĮIJĮȚ țĮ ǽોȞĮ įĮȝȐııĮȚ, cf. hAphr. 32–9,
esp. 37–8 țĮȓ IJİ ʌȐȡİț ǽȘȞઁȢ ȞȩȠȞ ਵȖĮȖİ IJİȡʌȚțİȡĮȪȞȠȣ, / Ȣ IJİ
ȝȑȖȚıIJȩȢ IJૅ ਥıIJ ȝİȖȓıIJȘȢ IJૅ ȝȝȠȡİ IJȚȝોȢ
Eur. 78 ʌĮȡșİȞȚțોȢ IJૅ ਥșȑȜȦȞ ਕIJĮȜઁȞ ȞȩȠȞ ਥȟĮʌĮIJોıĮȚ (of Zeus’ treatment
of Europa), cf. hAphr. 38 țĮȓ IJİ IJȠ૨ İIJૅ ਥșȑȜȘȚ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ
ਥȟĮʌĮijȠ૨ıĮ (of Aphrodite’s treatment of Zeus)
Eur. 93 ıIJો į ʌȠįȞ ʌȡȠʌȐȡȠȚșİ ਕȝȪȝȠȞȠȢ ǼȡȦʌİȓȘȢ (of Zeus), cf.
hAphr. 81 ıIJો įૅ ĮIJȠ૨ ʌȡȠʌȐȡȠȚșİ ǻȚઁȢ șȣȖȐIJȘȡ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ (of Aph-
rodite before Anchises)
Eur. 111 į ȝİIJĮıIJȡİijșİıĮ ijȓȜĮȢ țĮȜȑİıțİȞ ਦIJĮȓȡĮȢ (of Europa, about
to be carried off to sea on the bull’s back), cf. hAphr. 156 ਪȡʌİ
ȝİIJĮıIJȡİijșİıĮ, țĮIJૅ ȝȝĮIJĮ țĮȜ ȕĮȜȠ૨ıĮ (of Aphrodite, about to
enter Anchises’ house)
Eur. 154 șȐȡıİȚ ʌĮȡșİȞȚțȒā ȝ įİȓįȚșȚ ʌȩȞIJȚȠȞ ȠੇįȝĮ (the disguised Zeus
to Europa), cf. hAphr. 193 șȐȡıİȚ, ȝȘįȑ IJȚ ıોȚıȚ ȝİIJ ijȡİı įİȓįȚșȚ
ȜȓȘȞ (Aphrodite, now visible in divine form, to Anchises)
Eur. 160–1 ਥȟ ਥȝȑșİȞ į țȜȣIJȠઃȢ ijȚIJȪıİĮȚ ȣੈĮȢ / Ƞ ıțȘʌIJȠ૨ȤȠȚ
ਚʌĮȞIJİȢ ਥʌȚȤșȠȞȓȠȚıȚȞ ıȠȞIJĮȚ (Zeus’ promise to Europa), cf.
hAphr. 196–7 ıȠ įૅ ıIJĮȚ ijȓȜȠȢ ȣੂȩȢ, Ȣ ਥȞ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ ਕȞȐȟİȚ, /
_____________
47 Janko (1982) 268 n. 1 (citing Eur. 76ff ~ hAphr. 32ff; Eur. 154–5 ~ hAphr. 193;
Eur. 160 ~ hAphr. 196–7); Faulkner (2008) 51 (citing Eur. 1, 76 ~ hAphr. 2; Eur.
78 ~ hAphr. 38; Eur. 93 ~ hAphr. 81; Eur. 111 ~ hAphr. 156), who mistakenly
claims to be the first to argue that Moschus drew on the Hymn.
26 Introduction
_____________
48 For Musaeus and the hAphr., see also Faulkner (2008) 52.
3. Poetic Affiliations of the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 27
important, one copy of a set of 31 Hymns of various sorts survived into late
antiquity and became the common ancestor of all the manuscripts of the
poems available to us today (cf. below, Introduction 6).
The main narrative line of the hAphr. is driven above all else by Zeus’ plan
to require Aphrodite to sleep with a human being in order to put an end to
her obnoxious boasting ‘that she involved male gods with women subject
to death, / who bore sons subject to death to the immortals, / and that she
also involved female goddesses with human beings subject to death’ (50–
2). The plan is realized (cf. 46–7 with 166–7), and near the end of the po-
em Aphrodite announces that she will no longer speak to the other gods as
she once did (247–53). What is less clear is why this matters. The proem
repeatedly uses timeless (‘hymnic’) aorists to describe Aphrodite’s ability
to control the sexual behavior of Zeus and the other Olympians (2, 36, 39),
and Aphrodite herself never renounces this power, nor is it clear that she
could do so even if she wished. On a minimalist reading, therefore, the
Hymn is an account of the resolution of a minor domestic dispute on
Mount Olympus: Aphrodite’s mockery of the other gods is put an end to,
and general divine concord is, one assumes, accordingly restored.51
Whatever the advantages of this reading, it deprives the events de-
scribed in the hAphr. of any real significance, while failing to make sense
of one of its most obvious rhetorical elements. As Peter Smith has argued
at length,52 the poem insists repeatedly and emphatically on the fundamen-
tal difference between mortals and immortals. What Aphrodite boasts of,
after all, is not that she involves the gods in sexual escapades generally, but
that she involves them in escapades with human beings, producing half-
divine but nonetheless mortal children (50–2; cf. 249–50). Whether Aph-
rodite is a virgin when the story begins is left unspecified and seemingly
does not matter; Zeus forces her not merely to have sex, but to have sex
_____________
17 echoes hAphr. 58–9 (where note the reference to incense, missing from the
Homeric model at Od. 8.362–3, but present in Vergil); see Olson (2011). Janko
(following Heyworth) argues for an ‘imitation’ of the hAphr. at Propertius
2.32.33–40, where the story of Aphrodite and Anchises is referenced, but there are
no obvious specific points of contact with the text of the Hymn. Connections are
also occasionally alleged between the hAphr. and the Hymn to Venus with which
Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura begins (1.1–43), although the specific contents and
organization of the two texts are very different; see esp. Flores (1979).
51 Thus Faulkner (2008) 10–18.
52 Smith (1981a).
4. Aphrodite and Sexuality 29
with ‘a man subject to death’ (46; cf. 255 ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ). The Hymn is
also set at a particular point in (allegedly) historical time, in the generation
just before the Trojan War, and indeed at the very moment when Aeneas,
one of the greatest heroes of that war, was conceived (255). Hesiod notes
that the last heroes died at Troy, many others having been killed at Thebes
before, and the obvious question is why more were not born afterward as a
result of further sexual liaisons between gods and human beings.
As van der Ben saw,53 therefore, and Clay has argued most articulate-
54
ly, the hAphr. is usefully conceived as offering an explanation of how
this change of epochs took place. Aeneas is the last hero, for the larger
point of the poem must be that Aphrodite’s experience with Anchises led
her to abandon not just her boasting, but the manipulation of the other
Olympians that led to and supported it. She never surrenders her power as
the proem describes it; she still ‘arouses sweet desire in gods’ (2), and
‘whenever she wishes,’ she remains able to ‘deceive (Zeus’) subtle mind /
and easily involve him with women subject to death’ (38–9). The crucial
point, however, must be that the sudden new risk of humiliation (247–8)
means that Aphrodite no longer wishes to do this; as a consequence, the
Age of Heroes will come to an end after the death of the next generation—
as in fact it did.55 But the relationship between Aphrodite and Zeus in the
Hymn, and thus the Hymn’s representation of the role sexual desire plays in
mortal (and immortal) life, calls out to be read in other ways as well.
The hAphr. begins and ends with what might easily be understood as a
series of contradictions and obscurities. Aphrodite controls every creature
in the universe, including the gods (1–6, 34–5), whom she forces to have
sex with human beings whenever the mood strikes her (esp. 50–2). Even
Zeus, who ‘is the greatest and receives the greatest share of honor’ (37), is
subject to Aphrodite’s power, for she routinely makes him forget Hera and
sleep with mortal women (36–41). There are nonetheless three significant
exceptions to the goddess’ allegedly complete authority (7–32), and the
narrative portion of the poem describes how Zeus compels Aphrodite to do
his will rather than the other way around (esp. 45–57). Indeed, Aphrodite’s
_____________
53 van der Ben (1986) 31–2.
54 Clay (1989) 192–3.
55 The same change is apparent on another level in the text in Aphrodite’s seemingly
very poorly motivated decision not to seek immortality for Anchises. In past gen-
erations, Ganymede was made ‘immortal and ageless, exactly like the gods’ (214),
and Tithonus too was awarded eternal life—although unfortunately not eternal
youth as well (220–4). Aphrodite’s insistence that this option is unavailable for
Anchises (244–6) thus seems at first glance nonsensical. But the true significance
of her announcement must be that the time is past when the boundary between
immortal gods and ‘human beings subject to death’ could be broached; everything
has now changed.
30 Introduction
power seems broken in the course of the story, for her misadventure with
Anchises leads her to renounce the use of a crucial portion of it (247–53
with nn.), and she ultimately invokes the authority of Zeus’ lightning-bolt
when she warns her mortal lover to remain silent about their relationship
(286–8). Nor are the difficulties with the conceptualization of Aphrodite’s
power in the Hymn confined to the divine sphere. Despite the universalist
ideology promoted in the proem, in the narrative portions of the poem
erotic desire appears to be experienced almost exclusively by men; the sole
exception is Aphrodite herself.
As noted above, one productive approach to some of these problems
would seem to be to interpret the story of Aphrodite and Anchises dia-
chronically. The goddess’ situation changes in the course of the Hymn, as
Zeus’ plan is accomplished and she loses the status that encouraged her to
exercise malicious sexual power over other Olympians; this change leads
to the end of the Age of Heroes and the beginning of our own, in which
gods and mortals no longer interact so closely. But from another perspec-
tive, the complexities of the Hymn’s intellectual structure can be read as
symptoms of its concern with how raw erotic desire of the sort experienced
not just by human beings, but by gods, beasts, birds, and fish as well, is
experienced, expressed, and managed in the ‘civilized’ social realm of the
household and the city. The latter is the world of Zeus and also of the poet,
and its point of view is privileged throughout the Hymn, most obviously in
the ‘historical’ direction in which the narrative moves on a superficial lev-
el. Within this world, men are subject to erôs in a way that women seem-
ingly are not; indeed, were it not for the poet’s occasional remarks about
Aphrodite’s feelings (esp. 45–6, 56–7), we would scarcely know that
women experience desire at all. But the power of Aphrodite is (and re-
mains) just as real and substantial as that of Zeus; and the poet’s emphatic
initial invocation of it, his description of the goddess’ experience of long-
ing for Anchises, circumscribed and truncated though it is, and the ambig-
uous and unemphatic form of her final surrender, combine to give the lie to
the notion that Zeus and all he represents really triumph ‘in the end’. The
apparent process of historical development in the hAphr. can thus also—
and perhaps better—be described as a juxtaposition of ideological struc-
tures, neither of which the poet is able or (to his credit) willing to abandon.
Zeus and the structures of power, decorum, and authority he stands for and
guarantees prevail ‘today’. But so does Aphrodite, even if she ought not to,
for the world in which we find ourselves contains not just the city but the
mountain as well, and desire is not in practice an exclusively male pre-
serve.
At 45–55 (esp. 45–6, 53–5), the poet describes what appears to be the
primary intended subject of his Hymn: how Zeus inspired Aphrodite with
4. Aphrodite and Sexuality 31
erotic desire for Anchises in support of a larger plan to put a stop to her
nasty boasting about her ability to manipulate the other gods sexually.
Anchises is described in 55 as įȑȝĮȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ ਥȠȚțȫȢ (‘built like an
immortal’), and the moment Aphrodite catches sight of him, she falls in
love (56–7). So too, when Aphrodite first spies Anchises in the cowyard,
the poet—now patently using the goddess as his focalizer—describes him
as șİȞ ਙʌȠ țȐȜȜȠȢ ȤȠȞIJĮ (‘handsome as a god’, 77); and Aphrodite her-
self refers obliquely to Anchises’ good looks at 241 (and cf. 183 with n.).
The descriptions of the goddess’ experience of sexual desire are nonethe-
less strikingly flat and uninformative, and the extent to which the narrative
in the hAphr. privileges male erôs is apparent from the contrast with what
we are told of Anchises.
When Anchises first catches sight Aphrodite, the poet tells us, he is
overwhelmed by her loveliness, including the stunning clothing she wears
(84–5). But rather than leaving it at that, the narrator goes on to offer a
detailed account of the goddess’ robes and jewelry, as well as (allusively)
of the divine body they conceal (84–5). So too when the two characters
finally go to bed, the poet offers a sexually highly charged, step-by-step
account of how Anchises undresses Aphrodite (162–5), but makes no men-
tion at all of Anchises stripping. Nor does this portion of the narrative
come to a conclusion with the observation that Aphrodite slept with a mortal
creature—as the account of Zeus’ plan at 45–55 might have led one to ex-
pect—or even that Aphrodite and Anchises slept together. Instead, we are told
that Anchises, although a mortal, slept with an immortal goddess (166–7).
This pointed contrast between men’s and women’s experience of erôs
is again apparent in the conversation between Aphrodite (now playing the
part of a kidnapped Phrygian princess) and Anchises at 107–54. Aphrodite
claims to have been brought to Mount Ida to be Anchises’ wife (126–7),
and she insists that she has no choice but to do whatever is required of her
(esp. 130 țȡĮIJİȡ įȑ ȝȠȚ ʌȜİIJૅ ਕȞȐȖțȘ ‘but harsh necessity is upon me’).
But she never expresses any desire for her future husband, aside from an
exceedingly oblique reference to his good looks at 132; and she proposes
putting off their wedding until the appropriate social niceties can be taken
care of (133–42). So too when the two of them enter the hut to have sex,
Aphrodite turns her eyes to the ground in a conventional gesture of modes-
ty (155–6 with n.), as if unwilling to openly acknowledge her consent to
Anchises’ desire to have her (cf. 145–54). Anchises, on the other hand, is
repeatedly said by the narrator to have been seized by erotic longing for his
visitor (143–4, cf. 91), and he outspokenly declares his desire to sleep with
her immediately, regardless of what anyone else may think (esp. 149–51).
The description of the encounter between Aphrodite and Anchises in
the hAphr. thus pays disproportionate attention to the male experience of
32 Introduction
sexual desire, while downplaying the female experience. Put another way,
despite the proem’s insistence that lust is a universal phenomenon, the
narrative portions of the poem deny that women experience erôs in the way
that men do, or even—with the notable exception of Aphrodite herself—
that they experience erôs at all. Thus also at 21–32, the poet never specifies
why Apollo and Poseidon ask to marry Hestia (24), but the scene is most
easily read as a typical one, in which a female figure is introduced into the
company of the gods and overwhelms them with her beauty (cf. h. 6.15–18
with nn.). Hestia herself, however, is patently untouched by erôs, since she
stubbornly insists on remaining a virgin (25–8). Even the story of Dawn
and Tithonus refers only obliquely to the goddess’ longing for her mortal
lover,56 by describing him as ਥʌȚİȓțİȜȠȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ (‘resembling the
immortals’, 219);57 instead, it is Tithonus who ‘enjoys gold-throned, early-
born Dawn’ (226). Nor is this privileging of the male perspective restricted
to the poet’s presentation of his characters, as is apparent from 61–5, where
the external audience (but not Anchises) is offered an extended, voyeuristic
glimpse inside Aphrodite’s chambers in her temple on Cyprus, where the
Graces wash, dress, and adorn her before she sets off on her mission to
seduce the Trojan hero.58
This contrast between the proem’s ideology of mandatory universal
participation in sexuality under Aphrodite’s aegis, on the one hand, and an
emphatically gendered experience of erôs in the human world controlled
by Zeus, on the other, has a social (or spatial) dimension as well. The pro-
em sets Aphrodite’s power emphatically in what we would call the natural
world: she subdues not just men and gods, but ‘the birds that swoop
through the sky and all the wild beasts, / however many the mainland nour-
ishes or the sea’ (4–5). So too, when Aphrodite travels from Cyprus to
Troy, she lands not directly in front of Anchises’ hut, but somewhere on
the mountain’s slopes (68). This is inter alia a neat narrative device, which
allows the goddess’ powers to be put on display before she comes face-to-
face with the object of her quest. But the wolves, lions, bears, and wildcats
that trail behind her, and which she inspires with lust and sends off to their
hiding-places to have sex (69–74), are also evocative of the description of
the sphere in which Aphrodite is said to exercise her power in the poem’s
opening verses.
The narrative portions of the hAphr., by contrast, are by and large set
in an explicitly political world, where issues of status and decorum are to
_____________
56 Indeed, she is explicitly said only to stay away from his bed (230).
57 Although note also 220–1 n. (on the motivation for Dawn’s visit to Zeus to seek
eternal life for her lover), 225 with n., 229 with n.
58 Cf. the leering description of ‘soft-skinned young girls in their houses’ in 14.
4. Aphrodite and Sexuality 33
the fore. Thus Anchises in his initial prayer to his still anonymous visitor
asks to become a distinguished man among the Trojans, something he as-
sociates closely with having children (103–6 with nn.). So too the dispute
between Apollo and Poseidon over Hestia is public, in that it rapidly comes
to be set in Zeus’ house and the presence of the other Olympians (cf. 27–30
with nn.): the question is not just whether Hestia will marry, but which of
her two rival suitors (24) will be allowed to have her. In all these contexts,
men exercise political and social authority (cf. 20 įȚțĮȓȦȞ IJİ ʌIJȩȜȚȢ
ਕȞįȡȞ with n., 111–12 with n.), while women are largely domestic crea-
tures (cf. 114–15 with n.), who display modesty (esp. 156 with n.) and are
shown ‘respect’ (e.g. 21 with n., 44). This is the world of Zeus, who af-
firms Hestia’s decision to remain a virgin (29–32) and indeed makes her
‘the most respected of the gods in the eyes of all mortals’ (32) as a conse-
quence of it.59
Near the end of the Hymn, Aphrodite tells Anchises that when Aeneas
is eventually handed over to him by the mountain nymphs, he is to take the
boy to Troy (280); the implication is that, as a consequence of having him,
Anchises will at last become a great man, exactly as he wished (cf. 103–6).
The central event between the goddess’ passage along Mount Ida’s flanks
and Anchises’ departure for the city is their encounter in the hero’s bed,
which is covered with the skins of bears and lions he has killed (158–60).
These are not, of course, the same creatures as those that follow the god-
dess as she approaches Anchises’ hut (69–74). But the point is clear
enough: for the poet in his historicist mode, this is the moment when Aph-
rodite’s power is decisively broken—or ‘tamed’ (cf. 82 ʌĮȡșȑȞȦȚ ਕįȝȒIJȘȚ
with n.)—by the plan of Zeus (cf. 247–58). But it would be just as appro-
priate to identify this as the point where the poem’s two opposed ideolo-
gies of sexuality come face-to-face, and it cannot be said that Anchises
emerges from the confrontation the obvious winner (cf. 181–90).
In the decorous and controlled ‘political’ world of Zeus, female char-
acters generally appear not to be subject to erôs, which strikes only men.
But Aphrodite herself is explicitly said to feel erotic desire for Anchises
(56–7), even if the Hymn-poet declines to systematically adopt her focali-
zation to describe the content of her experience. The inevitable implication
is that other women feel desire as well, although the dominant social order
requires that they conceal the fact. In Hesiod, sexuality is a fundamentally
dangerous and destructive force, which one way or another ruins the lives
of men (esp. Th. 594–613). The hAphr. offers a less judgmental if still
coercively structured view of the situation. In one (‘historicist’) sense,
_____________
59 Cf. the pointed initial reference to him as the father of the virgin goddess Athena
(another of the three exceptions to Aphrodite’s supposedly universal power) at 8.
34 Introduction
Zeus is ultimately triumphant over Aphrodite, and the poet leaves no doubt
that he himself is in sympathy with the ‘post-heroic’ order thus created,
and that he expects his audience to be as well. But Aphrodite’s universal
power nonetheless endures, despite the poet’s patent desire to tame or
transform it by subjecting it—and her—to Zeus and what he represents;
and it is a mark of the richness and subtlety of the story he has told that this
is so.
1. Prosody
_____________
61 For the external metrics of the other major Hymns, see the appendix to this chapter.
36 Introduction
Table III: % of spondees in the hAphr. and other hexameter poetry, by foot62
I II III IV V
hAphr. 44.8 42.0 23.8 25.5 10.3
3. Caesurae
Every line in the hAphr. has a main caesura in either the third or the fourth
foot. Hepthemimeral (i.e. fourth-foot) caesura occurs only twice = .7%, in
_____________
62 Figures for the Iliad, the Odyssey, and all Hellenistic poets are drawn from Mag-
nelli (2002) 61. Figures for the Theogony, the Works and Days, and the pseudo-
Hesiodic Aspis are drawn from West (1966a) 93. Figures for the hAp.Delos,
hAp.Delphi, hDem. and hHerm. represent my own calculations. Figures for Ar-
chestratus are drawn from Olson–Sens (2000) lxiii.
63 Epic poetry only.
64 Hymns 1–4, 6 only.
65 The metrically conservative hHerm. is again an outlier, at 5.5% spondeiazontes.
5. The Metrics of the Homeric Hymn To Aphrodite 37
line with the figures for the Iliad, the Odyssey, and the Hesiodic poems
(1.4%, 0.9%, and 2.2%, respectively)66 and very close to that for the
hAp.Delos (0.6%) and the hDem. (0.8%). In lines with third-foot caesura,
the feminine caesura (172 = 59.3%) is more common than the masculine
caesura (116 = 40.0%) by a ratio of 3 : 2, again nearly matching the figures
for the hAp.Delos (40.5% masculine caesura) and the hAp.Delphi (42.8%),
but diverging from the ratio of about 4 : 3 in the Homeric poems and the
hDem. (38.2%);67 the difference is directly connected to the Hymn’s pro-
nounced tendency toward spondaic third feet. The main caesura depends 3
times on elision (129, 163, 189). Bucolic caesura (word-ending after un-
contracted fourth-foot biceps) occurs in 51.7% of lines (150/290), close to
the figures for the hAp.Delphi (52.9%) and hHerm. (51.2%), and somewhat
above the figures for Homer (47%) and the hDem. (48.0%).68 Bucolic cae-
sura is coincident with sense pause 19 times (= 12.7% of examples; see
below) and is dependent on elision 4 times (103, 144, 176, 234).
_____________
66 Figures drawn from West (1982) 36.
67 West (1982) 36. The preference for the feminine caesura is even more pronounced
in the hHerm. (24.8% masculine caesura) and the Hellenistic poets (West (1982)
153). In fifth-century hexameters and in Archestratus, by contrast, the masculine
caesura dominates; see West (1982) 98, 153; Olson–Sens (2000) lxiv.
68 Of the major Hymns, the hAp.Delos is the odd man out, with bucolic caesura in
42.1% of lines. All these figures are well below those for most Hellenistic poets;
see West (1982) 154.
69 West (1982) 37.
70 E.g. hAphr. 13, 21, 35; see West (1982) 36–7.
38 Introduction
end at the end of the second foot) are ignored 14 times (= 5.5% of
lines) and 5 times (= 1.7% of lines), respectively.71
• A single word occupies the second foot 11 times (= 3.8% of
lines);72 in 4 of these cases (= 1.4% of lines) the foot is spondaic.
• Meyer’s second law (that words of the shape ȣ — are avoided be-
fore caesura) is ignored 9 times (= 3.1% of lines).73
• Naeke’s law (that word end following contracted fourth biceps is
avoided) is ignored 9 times (= 3.1% of lines).74
• The rule that lines with masculine caesura also require caesura af-
ter the fourth princeps, fourth biceps or both (sometimes referred
to as Meyer’s third law) is ignored 11 times (= 3.8% of lines).75
• Tiedke’s law (that the combination of word break after fourth-foot
and fifth-foot principes is avoided) is violated 17 times (= 5.9% of
lines).
_____________
71 These figures take account of following enclitics, as at e.g. hAphr. 4 / ȠੁȦȞȠȪȢ IJİ
įȚİȚʌİIJȑĮȢ țIJȜ. (violating Meyer’s first law), 275 / ਙȟȠȣıȓȞ IJȠȚ įİ૨ȡȠ țIJȜ. (violat-
ing Giseke’s law) If such combinations are disregarded, Meyer’s first law and
Giseke’s law are ignored nine times and three times, respectively.
72 The figure rises to 14 (= 4.8% of lines) if the combinations ȝȑȞ Ƞੂ, ੪Ȣ șİȩȢ, and
ȝȘįȑ IJȚ (hAphr. 162, 186 and 193, respectively) are taken into account.
73 The figure rises to ten if hAphr. 59 ਥȢ ȆȐijȠȞā ȞșĮ įȑ Ƞੂ IJȑȝİȞȠȢ ȕȦȝȩȢ IJİ șȣȫįȘȢ
is treated as a violation.
74 Vs. 5.83% in the Homeric lines analyzed by Fantuzzi–Sens (2006) 119.
75 Vs. 3.16% in the Homeric lines analyzed by Fantuzzi– Sens (2006) 119.
5. The Metrics of the Homeric Hymn To Aphrodite 39
7. Sense Pause
Sense pause in the hAphr. occurs within a line 97 times (= 33.4%), general-
ly:
(1) after the first short in a resolved first-foot biceps (4 times = 4.2%
of examples), or between the first and second foot (17 times =
17.5% of examples), or after the second-foot princeps (11 times =
11.3% of examples). In 16 of these cases (= 16.5% of examples),
enjambment is involved.
(2) at masculine (20 times = 20.6% of examples) or feminine (24 times
= 24.8% of examples) third-foot caesura (total 44 times = 45.4% of
examples).
(3) at bucolic caesura (19 times = 19.6% of examples and 12.7% of
lines with bucolic caesura).
The only exceptions are lines 212 (after fourth-foot princeps) and 271 (af-
ter fourth-foot princeps in a line with fourth-foot caesura).
40 Introduction
hAp.Delos
Line-structure (d = dactyl, s = spondee):
dsddd 24 13.5% dsssd 3 1.7%
ddddd 23 12.9% sdsdd 3 1.7%
sdddd 19 10.7% sdssd 3 1.7%
dddsd 13 7.3% ssssd 3 1.7%
ssddd 13 7.3% dddss 2 1.1%
ddsdd 11 6.2% dsdds 2 1.1%
dssdd 11 6.2% dssds 2 1.1%
sddsd 11 6.2% ssdds 2 1.1%
dsdsd 8 4.5% ddssd 1 0.6%
ssdsd 7 3.9% dsdss 1 0.6%
sddds 6 3.4% sdsds 1 0.6%
sssdd 5 2.8% sssss 1 0.6%
dddds 3 1.7%
25 of 32 possible forms; five most common forms = 51.7% of lines
Masculine caesura 40.5%
Fourth-foot caesura 0.6%
Bucolic caesura 42.1%
Spondeiazontes 11.2%
hAp.Delphi
Line-structure (d = dactyl, s = spondee):
ddddd 62 16.9% sssdd 8 2.2%
dsddd 53 14.4% ssdds 6 1.6%
sdddd 46 12.5% dsdds 5 1.4%
dsdsd 27 7.4% dsssd 5 1.4%
dssdd 24 6.5% sddds 4 1.0%
ssddd 22 6.0% sddss 2 0.5%
dddsd 20 5.4% dsdss 2 0.5%
sddsd 17 4.6% sdsds 2 0.5%
ddsdd 15 4.1% sdsss 2 0.5%
dddds 11 3.0% ssssd 2 0.5%
ddssd 10 2.7% ddsds 1 0.3%
ssdsd 10 2.7% sdssd 1 0.3%
sdsdd 9 2.5% sssds 1 0.3%
26 of 32 possible forms; five most common forms = 57.5% of lines
Masculine caesura 42.8%
Fourth-foot caesura 1.6%
Bucolic caesura 52.9%
Spondeiazontes 9.8%
5. The Metrics of the Homeric Hymn To Aphrodite 41
hDemeter
Line-structure (d = dactyl, s = spondee):
ddddd 97 20.6% sssdd 7 1.5%
dsddd 63 13.4% sddss 4 0.8%
dddsd 44 9.3% dddss 4 0.8%
sdddd 40 8.5% ddsss 4 0.8%
dsdsd 32 6.8% ddssd 4 0.8%
ssddd 31 6.6% ddsds 4 0.8%
ddsdd 27 5.7% sdsds 3 0.6%
sddsd 26 5.5% dssds 2 0.4%
dddds 17 3.6% sdsss 1 0.2%
dssdd 14 3.0% sdssd 1 0.2%
ssdsd 14 3.0% ssdds 1 0.2%
sddds 10 2.1% dsssd 1 0.2%
sdsdd 10 2.1% dsdss 1 0.2%
dsdds 9 1.9%
27 of 32 possible forms; five most common forms = 58.6% of lines
Masculine caesura 38.2%
Fourth-foot caesura 0.8%
Bucolic caesura 48.0%
Spondeiazontes 12.7%
hHermes
Line-structure (d = dactyl, s = spondee):
ddddd 153 24.4% sdssd 5 0.8%
sdddd 93 16.0% dsdds 5 0.8%
dsddd 88 15.2% dsssd 4 0.6%
dddsd 42 7.2% dddss 4 0.6%
ssddd 33 5.7% sddds 3 0.5%
sddsd 33 5.7% sddss 3 0.5%
ddsdd 25 4.3% dssds 3 0.5%
dsdsd 25 4.3% ddsss 3 0.5%
dssdd 13 2.2% ssdds 2 0.3%
dddds 9 1.6% dssss 1 0.2%
sssdd 9 1.6% sdsds 1 0.2%
ssdsd 8 1.4% ssdss 1 0.2%
sdsdd 7 1.2% ssssd 1 0.2%
ddssd 6 1.0%
42 Introduction
6. Textual Transmission
1. Manuscripts
_____________
76 So too presumably in the case of the doublet 5.97, 98, although the fact that M
lacks 5.68–112 makes it impossible to prove that both verses stood in ȍ and not in
Ȍ alone.
77 E.g. 5.152 ʌȡȠોȚ Gemoll : ʌȡȠȘ MĬ: ʌȡȠȓȠȚ p, 195 ਥʌİ Allen : ਥʌİȚ ȍ, 200
ਕȖȤȓșİȠȚ Barnes : ਙȖȤȚ șİȠȓ ȍ, 230 įૅ ਵIJȠȚ Hermann: įȒ IJȠȚ ȍ. Cf. 5.174 n.
(miniscule confusion in ȍ’s descendants, although the fact that M gets the letter
right means that the problem may not have been in ȍ itself).
78 The omission comes in the middle of a page and does not represent damage to M
itself (which has in any case 26 lines per page, and thus 52 lines per folio). That
the number of missing lines is odd is difficult to explain, unless the intrusive 5.98
was missing from M’s version of the text (see n. ad loc.), in which case the exem-
plar will have had 22 lines per page, and thus 44 lines per folio.
44 Introduction
_____________
79 Ĭ also offer corrections or innovations in the paradosis as preserved in MĬ at 1.56,
189 (both discussed below).
80 In addition, f offer a correction or innovation in the paradosis as preserved in MĬ
at: 53 ਙȡĮ f : ਙȡૅ MĬ
46 Introduction
_____________
81 Note also 5.205 IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȢ fp : IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȞ M : IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȞȠȢ x (discussed below).
82 Note also 5.262 ıİȚȜȘȞȠȓ p : ıȚȜȘȞȠȓ Mfb : ıİȜȘȞȠȓ a (discussed below).
83 L offers important minor corrections in the text, presumably representing the work
of a talented 15th-century copyist but lacking any other authority, at:
5.99 ʌİȓıİĮ, ȕȘs L (ʌȓıİĮ Ruhnken) : ȕȒıİĮ cett.
5.125 ijȣıȚȗȩȠȣ L : ijȣıȚȗȫȠȣ cett.
84 p also offer the following corrections or innovations in the paradosis as preserved
in MĬ:
5 tit. İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ Ĭ : ȝȞȠȢ İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ p : IJȠ૨ ĮIJȠ૨ ૽ȅȝȒȡȠȣ ȝȞȠȚ İੁȢ
ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ M
5.245 IJૅ p : Ȗૅ MĬ
6. Textual Transmission 47
_____________
85 In the two catalogues that follow, I ignore occasional minor errors in other mem-
bers of the Ȍ-family as irrelevant to the point at hand. As elsewhere below, where
sigla for larger groups of manuscripts appear, the reports that follow routinely in-
clude exceptions of various sorts. Thus “ijȡİı ȍ : ijȡİıȞ AQ” means that ijȡİı
must have been the reading in ȍ and is universally represented in the tradition, ex-
cept that ijȡİıȞ appears in AQ; while “ਵİıĮȞ Ȍ : ਵİııĮȞ Bī” means that ਵİıĮȞ
must have been the reading in Ȍ and is universally represented in the Ȍ-tradition,
except that ਵİııĮȞ appears in Bī.
48 Introduction
_____________
86 Thus also D. The problem is patently the product of an exemplar in which the large
initial capital in the first line of an individual Hymn, usually written in the red ink,
was either omitted or had faded into illegibility.
6. Textual Transmission 49
M Ȍ
f x p
At D
a b
E T L Ȇ A B ī Q P V
_____________
87 5.244 IJȐȤĮ Mpabs : țĮIJ fb is most likely another example, although the variant
cannot be shown to derive from Ȍ rather than from Ĭ.
88 In all cases, the first reading likely represents the text in Ȍ.
6. Textual Transmission 51
2. Editio Princeps
The Homeric Hymns were first printed, together with the Iliad and the
Odyssey, in Florence in 1488, by Bernardus and Nerius Nerlius, using a
Greek font produced by Demetrius Damilas.89 The editor was Demetrius
Chalcondyles (1424–1511), a prominent Greek scholar working at that
point under the patronage of Lorenzo de’ Medici.90 Chalcondyles appears
to have had access to at least one Ĭ-manuscript (the group whose readings
he adopts by preference), and perhaps to an unidentified p-manuscript as
well; he did not know M.
3. This Edition
_____________
89 Proctor 6194; Hain 8772.
90 For what is known of Chalcondyles’ career, see Proctor (1900) 6–7, 66, 70–2.
Critical Text and Translation
54 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
1 cf. Il.Parv. fr. 1.1, p. 76 Bernabé ȂȠ૨ıȐ ȝȠȚ ȞȞİʌİ ȡȖĮ, IJ ȝȒIJૅ ਥȖȑȞȠȞIJȠ
ʌȐȡȠȚșİ ȡȖĮ ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ] cf. Hes. Op. 521 Ƞ ʌȦ ȡȖૅ İੁįȣĮ
ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ 2 cf. A.R. 1.850 ȀȪʌȡȚȢ Ȗȡ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ੯ȡıİȞ
/ 3–5 cf. Q.S. 8.466–7 įȐȝȞĮIJȠ įૅ ʌʌȩıĮ ij૨ȜĮ ijİȡȑıȕȚȠȢ IJȡİijİ ȖĮĮ / įૅ
ıĮ ʌȩȞIJȠȢ ijİȡȕİȞ ਕʌİȓȡȚIJȠȢ įૅ ʌȩıૅ įȦȡ 5 cf. Hes. Th. 582 țȞȫįĮȜૅ ıૅ
ਵʌİȚȡȠȢ įİȚȞ IJȡȑijİȚ į șȐȜĮııĮ 6 cf. Proclus h. 2.13 ʌ઼ıȚȞ įૅ ȡȖĮ ȝȑȝȘȜİȞ
ਥȡȦIJȠIJȩțȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ ȡȖૅ … ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ] cf. Hes. Op. 521 Ƞ
ʌȦ ȡȖૅ İੁįȣĮ ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ
1 ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ * at 9; Hes. Th. 980 = fr. 253.3; Op. 521; frr. 185.17
[ʌȠ]ȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ [ਝ]ij[ȡȠįȓ]IJȘȢ; 195.8, 47; [Hes.] Sc. 8, 47 3 țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ
ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ * at 122, 192, 200, 281, cf. 52 -ȠȢ -ȠȚȢ (where see apparatus); e.g. Il.
6.123; Od. 3.114; 9.502; 23.126; Hes. fr. 204.112; hAp. 541 5 cf. also Od.
5.422 ਥȟ ਖȜȩȢ, ȠੈȐ IJİ ʌȠȜȜ IJȡȑijİȚ țȜȣIJઁȢ ਝȝijȚIJȡȓIJȘ; Cypr. fr. 9.12, p. 50 Berna-
bé șȘȡȓૅ, ıૅ ਵʌİȚȡȠȢ ʌȠȜȜ IJȡȑijİȚ, ijȡĮ ijȪȖȠȚ ȞȚȞ; h. 30.3 ȝȞ ıĮ ȤșȩȞĮ įĮȞ
ਥʌȑȡȤİIJĮȚ įૅ ıĮ ʌȩȞIJȠȞ
tit. İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ Ĭ : ȝȞȠȢ İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ p : IJȠ૨ ĮIJȠ૨ ૽ȅȝȒȡȠȣ ȝȞȠȚ İੁȢ
ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ M 1–151 om. Ȇ 3 ਥįĮȝȐııĮIJȠ xp : ਥįĮȝȐıĮIJȠ Mf 2–3 fort.
ȡıİ / țĮȓ IJİ įĮȝȐııĮIJȠ 4 įȚİȚʌİIJȑĮȢ Schulze : įȚȚʌİIJȑĮȢ Ȍ : įȚİȚʌİIJȑĮ M
6 ʌ઼ıȚ MfBīV : ʌ઼ıȚȞ xAQP į ȡȖĮ Hoffmann : įૅ ȡȖĮ ȍ
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 55
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite
6 forms of ਥȣıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ * at 287; Od. 8.288; 18.193; Hes. Th. 196, 1008
8 = Hes. Th. 13 ~ Il. 10.553 (nominative) ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ ǻȚȩȢ * also at e.g. Il. 1.202,
222; 2.157; Od. 4.762 = 6.324; Hes. Th. 13, 920; hHerm. 183 forms of
ȖȜĮȣțʌȚȢ ਝșȒȞȘ * also at 94; e.g. Il. 1.206; 2.166; 5.29; Od. 1.44, 80; 2.382; Hes.
Th. 573; Op. 72; [Hes.] Sc. 470; hAp. 314 9 ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ * at 1
(where see apparatus) 10 ȡȖȠȞ ਡȡȘȠȢ * at Il. 11.734 14 ʌĮȡșİȞȚțȢ
ਖʌĮȜȩȤȡȠĮȢ * at Hes. Op. 519 -ોȢ –ȠȢ
16 form of ਝȡIJȑȝȚįĮ ȤȡȣıȘȜȐțĮIJȠȞ țİȜĮįİȚȞȒȞ * also at 118 -ȠȢ -Ƞȣ -ોȢ (where
see apparatus) 17 ਥȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ * at Il. 7.302 ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ * at 49,
56, 65, cf. 155; Il. 5.375; Od. 8.362; Hes. Th. 989; fr. 176.1; Cypr. fr. 5.1, p. 47
Bernabé 22 forms of ȀȡȩȞȠȢ ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ * also at Hes. Th. 18, 137, 168,
473, 495 23 ȕȠȣȜોȚ ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ * at Vit. Herod. 175; ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ alone *
at 27 (where see apparatus); e.g. Il. 2.348; 3.426; 5.733; Od. 3.42; 6.105; Hes. Th.
25, 52; fr. 343.2; h. 28.7 24 ȆȠıİȚįȐȦȞ țĮ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞ * at Il. 12.17, 34; Hes.
fr. 235.5
26 į IJİIJİȜİıȝȑȞȠȢ ਥıIJȓȞ * at Il. 1.388 29 cf. Hes. Th. 585 IJİ૨ȟİ țĮȜઁȞ
țĮțઁȞ ਕȞIJૅ ਕȖĮșȠȠ; h. 29.4 / țĮȜઁȞ ȤȠȣıĮ ȖȑȡĮȢ țĮ IJȚȝȒȞ; Od. 20.307 țĮȓ țȑ IJȠȚ
ਕȞIJ ȖȐȝȠȚȠ ʌĮIJȡ IJȐijȠȞ ਕȝijİʌȠȞİIJȠ 30 ʌĮȡ ਦȜȠ૨ıĮ] cf. Il. 11.550 = 17.659
Ƞ IJȑ ȝȚȞ Ƞț İੁıȚ ȕȠȞ ਥț ʌĮȡ ਦȜȑıșĮȚ 31–2 cf. hDem. 268–9 İੁȝ į
ǻȘȝȒIJȘȡ IJȚȝȐȠȤȠȢ, ਸ਼ IJİ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȞ / ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚȢ șȞȘIJȠıȓ IJૅ ȞİĮȡ țĮ ȤȐȡȝĮ
IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ 33 cf. 7
26 į IJİIJİȜİıȝȑȞȠȢ ਥıIJȓȞ] cf. also e.g. Il. 1.212; 2.257; 8.286, 454; 18.4; Od.
16.440; 17.229; 19.547 27 ʌĮIJȡઁȢ ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ * at Il. 7.60; 11.66; 22.221;
[Hes.] Sc. 322; ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ alone * also at 23 (where see apparatus) 28 įĮ
șİȐȦȞ * at 172; e.g. Il. 5.381; 6.305; 14.184; Od. 1.14; 4.382, 398; Hes. Th. 376;
hDem. 63; [Hes.] Sc. 338 30 țĮIJૅ ਙȡૅ ਪȗİIJȠ * at e.g. Il. 1.68 = 101 = 2.76
(etc.); Od. 2.417; 3.469; 16.46; hHerm. 365 ʌĮȡ ਦȜȠ૨ıĮ] cf. Il. 11.550 =
17.659 ʌĮȡ ਦȜȑıșĮȚ*; ਦȜȠ૨ıĮ alone * also at 115 (where see apparatus)
32 ȕȡȠIJȠıȚ șİȞ * at Il. 9.159 IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ * at e.g. Il. 17.690; Od. 17.102; Hes.
Op. 745; hDem. 269 35 șİȞ ȝĮțȐȡȦȞ alone * also at Il. 1.339; Od. 8.281;
9.276; Hes. frr. 25.31; 309.1; hDem. 345; hHerm. 71, 251 ȠIJİ șȞȘIJȞ
ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ alone * also at 149 (where see apparatus) 35 = Od. 9.521 = Hes. fr.
204.117 = hHerm. 144
36–7 cf. Mosch. 76 ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ, ȝȠȪȞȘ įȪȞĮIJĮȚ țĮ ǽોȞĮ įĮȝȐııĮȚ 36 cf. Il.
10.391 ʌȠȜȜોȚıȓȞ ȝૅ ਙIJȘȚıȚ ʌȐȡİț ȞȩȠȞ ਵȖĮȖİȞ ૠǼțIJȦȡ 38 cf. Il. 14.160 ʌʌȦȢ
ਥȟĮʌȐijȠȚIJȠ ǻȚઁȢ ȞȩȠȞ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ, 294 ੪Ȣ įૅ įİȞ, ੮Ȣ ȝȚȞ ȡȠȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ
ਕȝijİțȐȜȣȥİȞ 42 cf. 22; Il. 4.59 țĮȓ ȝİ ʌȡİıȕȣIJȐIJȘȞ IJȑțİIJȠ ȀȡȩȞȠȢ
ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ 43 ǽİઃȢ įૅ ਙijșȚIJĮ ȝȒįİĮ İੁįȫȢ * at Hes. Th. 550 44 ਙȜȠȤȠȞ
ʌȠȚȒıĮIJȠ țİįȞ ੁįȣĮȞ * at hAp. 313
36 forms of IJİȡʌȚțİȡĮȪȞȠȣ * at e.g. Il. 1.419; 8.2; 16.232; Od. 17.437; Hes. Op.
52; hDem. 485 37 Ȣ IJİ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȢ] cf. Il. 15.37 = Od. 5.185 = hAp. 85
ȝȝȠȡİ IJȚȝોȢ * at Il. 1.278; 15.189; Od. 11.338; Hes. Th. 414, 426; cf. Od. 5.335
ਥȟȑȝȝȠȡİ IJȚȝોȢ / 38 ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ * at 243; Il. 14.294 39 ıȣȞȑȝȚȟİ
țĮIJĮșȞȘIJોȚıȚ ȖȣȞĮȚȟȓȞ * at 50, 250 (ıȣȞȑȝȚȟĮ); cf. 52 ਕȞȑȝȚȟİ ț. Ȗ.* 40 ૠǾȡȘȢ
… țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȢ ਕȜȩȤȠȣ IJİ] cf. Il. 16.432 ૠǾȡȘȞ … țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȩȞ IJİ*; 18.356
ૠǾȡȘȞ … țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȩȞ IJİ /; h. 12.3 țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȩȞ IJİ* 41 İੇįȠȢ
ਕȡȓıIJȘ] cf. Il. 2.715; 3.124; 6.252; 13.365, 378; Od. 7.57; hDem. 146
42 IJȑțİIJȠ ȀȡȩȞȠȢ ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ * at 22 (where see apparatus) 43 ǽİઃȢ įૅ
ਙijșȚIJĮ ȝȒįİĮ İੁįȫȢ] cf. also Il. 24.88; Hes. Th. 545, 561; fr. 234.2 ǽİઃȢ ਙijșȚIJĮ
ȝȒįİĮ İੁįȫȢ; hDem. 321 44 forms of țȑįȞ ੁįȣĮ * also at 134; Od. 1.428;
19.346; 20.57; 23.182, 232; cf. forms of țȑįȞૅ İੁįȣĮ * at h.Cer. 195, 202
37 IJૅ1 om. M ȝȝȠȡİ ȍ : ȝȠȡİ TacBī 38 İIJૅ ਥșȑȜȘȚ M : İIJૅ ਥșȑȜȠȚ vel İIJİ
șȑȜȠȚ Ȍ 39 ıȣȞȑȝİȚȟİ West : ıȣȞȑȝȚȟİ ȍ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJોȚıȚ ȍ : țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȠıȚ p
42 IJȑțİIJȠ Ȍ : IJȑțİ M 44 țİįȞ ੁįȣĮȞ scripsi : țȑįȞૅ İੁįȣĮȞ ȍ
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 63
She even leads astray the mind of Zeus who delights in lightning,
although he is the most important and gets the most important
share of honor;
whenever she wants, she deceives his subtle mind
and easily involves him with mortal women,
evading the notice of Hera, his wife and sister, 40
who is far and away the loveliest among the immortal goddesses.
Hera was the most prominent child that crooked-counselled Cronus
and her mother Rhea produced; Zeus, whose plans never fail,
made her his respectable, well-disposed wife.
64 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
45 ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ] cf. 53*, 143* = Il. 3.139 ੬Ȣ İੁʌȠ૨ıĮ șİ ȖȜȣțઃȞ
ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ 50 ~ 250 53 ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ] cf. 45*,
143* = Il. 3.139 ੬Ȣ İੁʌȠ૨ıĮ șİ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ 54–5 cf. Il.
2.820–1 IJઁȞ ਫ਼ʌૅ ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ IJȑțİ įૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ, / ੍įȘȢ ਥȞ țȞȘȝȠıȚ șİ ȕȡȠIJȚ
İȞȘșİıĮ; 5.313 ਸ਼ ȝȚȞ ʌૅ ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ IJȑțİ ȕȠȣțȠȜȑȠȞIJȚ /; Hes. Th. 1009–10 ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ
ਸ਼ȡȦȚ ȝȚȖİıૅ ਥȡĮIJોȚ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ / ੍įȘȢ ਥȞ țȠȡȣijોȚıȚ ʌȠȜȣʌIJȪȤȠȣ ȞİȝȠȑııȘȢ
54 cf. Il. 14.157 ǽોȞĮ įૅ ਥʌૅ ਕțȡȠIJȐIJȘȢ țȠȡȣijોȢ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ
45 ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ * also at 53, 143; ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ * also at Il. 13.82;
16.529; Od. 19.485; 23.260 46 ijȡĮ IJȐȤȚıIJĮ * at e.g. Il. 18.344; Od. 6.32;
hAp. 434; [Hes.] Sc. 108 48 ȝİIJ ʌ઼ıȚ șİȠıȚȞ * at hAp. 316; ʌ઼ıȚ șİȠıȚȞ *
also at e.g. Il. 6.140; 15.368; Od. 13.298; 14.423; șİȠıȚȞ * also at 95, 142, 195
49 ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ * at 17 (where see apparatus), 56, 65, cf. 155
52 țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȠȢ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚȢ] cf. 3 -Ȟ -ȦȞ* (where see apparatus); Hes. fr. 1.7
țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȠȢ IJૅ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚȢ* (conjectural) 53 ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ * at
45 (where see apparatus), 143 54 ਥȞ ਕțȡȠʌȩȜȠȚȢ ȡİıȚȞ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ] cf.
ਥʌૅ ਕțȡȠʌȩȜȠȚȢ ȡİııȚȞ / at Il. 5.523; ਥȞ ਕțȡȠʌȩȜȠȚȢ ȡİııȚȞ / at Od. 19.205,
ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ * at Il. 14.157, 307; 20.59, 218; 23.117; Cypr. fr. 5.5, p. 48
Bernabé
But Zeus cast sweet desire into the heart of Aphrodite herself 45
to sleep with a mortal man, to bring her exclusion
from mortal beds to a rapid end
and keep her from boastfully announcing in the presence of all the gods
with a happy laugh, smile-loving Aphrodite,
that she involved male gods with mortal women, 50
who bore mortal sons to immortals,
and that she also entangled goddesses with human mortals.
He accordingly implanted sweet desire in her heart for Anchises,
who was then herding cows on the highest peaks
66 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
70 ıĮȓȞȠȞIJİȢ ʌȠȜȚȠȓ IJİ ȜȪțȠȚ] cf. Od. 10.218–19 ੬Ȣ IJȠઃȢ ਕȝij ȜȪțȠȚ țȡĮIJİȡȫȞȣȤİȢ
į ȜȑȠȞIJİȢ / ıĮȞȠȞ 70–1 ȤĮȡȠʌȠȓ IJİ ȜȑȠȞIJİȢ / ਙȡțIJȠȚ] cf. Od. 11.611 ਙȡțIJȠȚ
IJૅ ਕȖȡȩIJİȡȠȓ IJİ ıȣȢ ȤĮȡȠʌȠȓ IJİ ȜȑȠȞIJİȢ 71 ʌĮȡįȐȜȚȑȢ IJİ șȠĮ ʌȡȠțȐįȦȞ
ਕțȩȡȘIJȠȚ] cf. Il. 13.102–3 Į IJİ țĮșૅ ȜȘȞ / șȫȦȞ ʌĮȡįĮȜȓȦȞ IJİ ȜȪțȦȞ IJૅ ਵȚĮ
ʌȑȜȠȞIJĮȚ 74 cf. Od. 10.479 Ƞੂ ȝȞ țȠȚȝȒıĮȞIJȠ țĮIJ ȝȑȖĮȡĮ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮ
76 ıIJĮșȝȠıȚ ȜİȜİȚȝȝȑȞȠȞ ȠੇȠȞ ਕʌૅ ਙȜȜȦȞ ~ 79 ıIJĮșȝȠıȚ ȜİȜİȚȝȝȑȞȠȢ ȠੇȠȢ ਕʌૅ
ਙȜȜȦȞ ȠੇȠȞ ਕʌૅ ਙȜȜȦȞ * at Od. 9.192 77 ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ ਸ਼ȡȦĮ] cf. Hes. Th. 1009
ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ ਸ਼ȡȦȚ* 79 ıIJĮșȝȠıȚ ȜİȜİȚȝȝȑȞȠȢ ȠੇȠȢ ਕʌૅ ਙȜȜȦȞ ~ 76 ıIJĮșȝȠıȚ
ȜİȜİȚȝȝȑȞȠȞ ȠੇȠȞ ਕʌૅ ਙȜȜȦȞ
70 forms of ȤĮȡȠʌȠȓ IJİ ȜȑȠȞIJİȢ * at Od. 11.611; [Hes.] Sc. 177; h. 14.4; cf. Hes.
Th. 321 ȤĮȡȠʌȠȠ ȜȑȠȞIJȠȢ* 73 Ƞ įૅ ਚȝĮ ʌȐȞIJİȢ * at Od. 8.121; ਚȝĮ ʌȐȞIJİȢ *
also at Il. 6.59; 8.8; 24.253; Od. 21.230 74 țĮIJ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ * at 124
77 forms of șİȞ ਙʌȠ țȐȜȜȠȢ ȤȠȞIJĮ * at Od. 8.457 șİȞ ਙʌȠ țȐȜȜȠȢ ȤȠȣıĮ;
Hes. fr. 171.4 [șİȞ ਙʌ]Ƞҕ țȐȜȜȠȢ [ȤȠȣıĮȞ]; ਙʌȠ țȐȜȜȠȢ ȤȠȣıĮȚ alone * at Od.
6.18; Hes. fr. 215.1 ȋĮȡȓIJȦȞ ਙʌȠ țȐȜȜȠȢ ȤȠȣıĮ 80 ȞșĮ țĮ ȞșĮ * at e.g. Il.
2.779; 21.11; Od. 20.28; Hes. Th. 742; h. 7.39
91–106 cf. Od. 6.149–85 91 ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ įૅ ȡȠȢ İੈȜİȞ * at 144 ʌȠȢ įȑ ȝȚȞ
ਕȞIJȓȠȞ ȘįĮ] cf. Il. 5.170 ıIJો į ʌȡȩıșૅ ĮIJȠȠ, ʌȠȢ IJȑ ȝȚȞ ਕȞIJȓȠȞ ȘįĮ 92 cf.
Od. 6.149 ȖȠȣȞȠ૨ȝĮȓ ıİ, ਙȞĮııĮā șİȩȢ ȞȪ IJȚȢ ȕȡȠIJȩȢ ਥııȚ; 96 țĮ ਕșȐȞĮIJȠȚ
țĮȜȑȠȞIJĮȚ * at Il. 5.342 97 ȞȣȝijȐȦȞ–99 ~ Il. 20.8–9 103 cf. Il. 6.476–7
įȩIJİ į țĮ IJȩȞįİ ȖİȞȑıșĮȚ / ʌĮįૅ ਥȝȩȞ, ੪Ȣ țĮ ਥȖȫ ʌİȡ, ਕȡȚʌȡİʌȑĮ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ
105 ~ Od. 10.498 ਵșİȜૅ IJȚ ȗȫİȚȞ țĮ ȡ઼Ȟ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ
91 ਕȞIJȓȠȞ ȘįĮ * also at e.g. Il. 3.203; 5.647; Od. 1.345, 399; hDem. 405; hAp. 463
93 forms of Ȥȡȣıો ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ * at Il. 22.470; 24.699; Od. 8.337, 342; 17.37 = 19.54
94 ȖȜĮȣțʌȚȢ ਝșȒȞȘ * at 8 -ȚȞ -ȘȞ (where see apparatus) 100 ਥȞ ıțȠʌȚોȚ * at Il.
5.771 ਥȞ ȤȡȦȚ * at e.g. Il. 3.344; Od. 1.426; 7.123; 13.228; Il.parv. fr. 23, p.
82 Bernabé 102 forms of șȣȝઁȞ ȤȠȣıĮ * at Il. 16.355; Od. 11.39; 22.15;
23.97; Hes. Th. 61, 239; hDem. 361, 434; h. 24.4 103 ȝİIJ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ * at Il.
5.86, 834 ȝȝİȞĮȚ ਙȞįȡĮ cf. Od. 18.261 ȝȝİȞĮȚ ਙȞįȡĮȢ* 105 ȗȫİȚȞ țĮ
ȡ઼Ȟ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ * at Il. 24.558; Od. 4.540 = 10.498; ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ alone * at 256
(where see apparatus), 272
106 țĮ ȖȒȡĮȠȢ ȠįઁȞ ੂțȑıșĮȚ * at Od. 23.212 107–8 ~ 191–2 107 ~ Il.
14.193 IJȞ įૅ țIJȜ. 109 ~ Od. 16.187 Ƞ IJȓȢ IJȠȚ șİȩȢ İੁȝȚā IJȓ ȝૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ
ਥȓıțİȚȢ; 110–11 ~ 145–6 110 ȖȣȞ įȑ ȝİ ȖİȓȞĮIJȠ ȝȒIJȘȡ ~ Il. 21.109 șİ įȑ
ȝİ ȖİȓȞĮIJȠ ȝȒIJȘȡ* 111–12 ૅȅIJȡİઃȢ … / Ȣ ʌȐıȘȢ ĭȡȣȖȓȘȢ … ਕȞȐııİȚ] cf. Il.
3.185–6 ĭȡȪȖĮȢ ਕȞȑȡĮȢ ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ, / ȜĮȠઃȢ ૅȅIJȡોȠȢ țĮ ȂȣȖįȩȞȠȢ ਕȞIJȚșȑȠȚȠ
111 ੑȞȠȝȐțȜȣIJȠȢ] cf. Il. 22.51 İ ʌȠȣ ਕțȠȪİȚȢ * at Od. 15.403 113 ~ 116
116 ~ 113 118 ~ Il. 16.183 ਥȞ ȤȠȡȚ ਝȡIJȑȝȚįȠȢ ȤȡȣıȘȜĮțȐIJȠȣ țİȜĮįİȚȞોȢ
119 țĮ ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȚ ਕȜijİıȓȕȠȚĮȚ * at Il. 18.593
107 IJઁȞ įૅ ȝİȓȕİIJૅ ʌİȚIJĮ * at e.g. Il. 1.121, 172; 16.439; Od. 1.44; 3.210; 17.280
ǻȚઁȢ șȣȖȐIJȘȡ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ * also at 81 (where see apparatus) 108 ȤĮȝĮȚȖİȞȑȦȞ
ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ * at Hes. Th. 879; hDem. 352 117 forms of ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ
ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ * at 121; Od. 10.331; hDem. 335 118 forms of ਝȡIJȑȝȚįȠȢ
ȤȡȣıȘȜĮțȐIJȠȣ țİȜĮįİȚȞોȢ * also at 16 -Į -ȠȞ -ȒȞ; Hes. fr. 23a.18 (conjectural)
blessed among his people, and reach the threshold of old age!’
Aphrodite the daughter of Zeus then answered him:
“Anchises, most distinguished of humans born upon the earth—
I am no god, I assure you; why do you compare me to the immortal
goddesses?
I am a mortal, and the mother who gave birth to me was a woman. 110
My father is the famous Otreus—perhaps you have heard of him—
who is the king of all of well-walled Phrygia.
I am quite familiar with your language as well as ours;
for a Trojan nurse brought me up in our home and took care of me
constantly after she got me, as a tiny child, from my beloved mother. 115
And so, you see, I am well-acquainted with your language too.
But now Argeiphontes of the gold staff abducted me
from a chorus in honor of Artemis of the gold arrow-shafts and
loud cries.
We were dancing, a large group of recent brides and girls whose
dowry
76 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
126–7 cf. Il. 19.297–8 ਕȜȜȐ ȝૅ ijĮıțİȢ ਝȤȚȜȜોȠȢ șİȓȠȚȠ / țȠȣȡȓįȚȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ
șȒıİȚȞ 126 ʌĮȡĮ ȜȑȤİıȚȞ] cf. Od. 1.366 = 18.213 ʌĮȡĮ ȜİȤȑİııȚ țȜȚșોȞĮȚ
128 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ į įİȟİ] cf. Od. 5.241 / ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ į įİȟૅ 129 ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ ȝİIJ
ij૨Ȝૅ] cf. Hes. Op. 199 ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ ȝİIJ ij૨ȜȠȞ IJȠȞ ʌȡȠȜȚʌȩȞIJૅ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȣȢ
ਕʌȑȕȘ țȡĮIJઃȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ * at Od. 5.148 130 ~ Od. 10.273 ĮIJȡ ਥȖઅ İੇȝȚā
țȡĮIJİȡ įȑ ȝȠȚ ʌȜİIJૅ ਕȞȐȖțȘ
120 ਕʌİȓȡȚIJȠȢ ਥıIJİijȐȞȦIJȠ * at [Hes.] Sc. 204; cf. Od. 10.195 ਕʌİȓȡȚIJȠȢ
ਥıIJİijȐȞȦIJĮȚ*; ਥıIJİijȐȞȦIJȠ alone * also at Il. 11.36; 15.153 121 ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ
ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ * at 117 (where see apparatus) 122 țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ * at 3
(where see apparatus), 192, 200, 281 124 țĮIJ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ * at 74
125 forms of ijȣıȚȗȩȠȣ ĮȘȢ * at Il. 3.243; Od. 11.301 126 ʌĮȡĮ ȜȑȤİıȚȞ
țĮȜȑİıșĮȚ * at Hes. fr. 22.9 [ʌĮȡĮ Ȝ]ȑȤİıȚȞ țĮȜȑİıșĮȚ; țĮȜȑİıșĮȚ alone * also at
Od. 7.313 ਥȝઁȢ ȖĮȝȕȡઁȢ țĮȜȑİıșĮȚ; Hes. Op. 715 127 forms of țȠȣȡȚįȓȘȞ
ਙȜȠȤȠȞ * also at Il. 1.114; 7.392; Od. 14.245 ਕȖȜĮ IJȑțȞĮ IJİțİıșĮȚ] cf. Hes.
fr. 31.4 ਕȖȜĮ IJȑțȞĮ IJ[İț …]* 128 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ įȒ alone * also at 215; e.g. Il.
4.124; Od. 5.76; Hes. Th. 585; hAp. 127; hHerm. 356 129 țȡĮIJઃȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ
* also at Il. 16.181; 24.345 = Od. 5.49; hDem. 346, 377; hHerm. 294, 414
130 țȡĮIJİȡ … ਕȞȐȖțȘ * also at Il. 6.458
131 ~ 187; cf. Od. 13.324 / Ȟ૨Ȟ įȑ ıİ ʌȡઁȢ ʌĮIJȡઁȢ ȖȠȣȞȐȗȠȝĮȚ, Il. 3.140 į
IJȠțȒȦȞ* 132 ~ Od. 4.64 ıțȘʌIJȠȪȤȦȞ, ਥʌİ Ƞ țİ țĮțȠ IJȠȚȠȪıįİ IJȑțȠȚİȞ
137 ĭȡȪȖĮȢ ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ] cf. Il. 3.185 ĭȡȪȖĮȢ ਕȞȑȡĮȢ ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ / 139 ~ Od.
13.136 = 16.231 ȤĮȜțȩȞ IJİ ȤȡȣıȩȞ IJİ ਚȜȚȢ ਥıșોIJȐ șૅ ਫ਼ijĮȞIJȒȞ (cf. 5.38)
140 ਕȖȜĮ įȑȤșĮȚ ਙʌȠȚȞĮ * at Il. 1.23, 377
131 į IJȠțȒȦȞ * also at Il. 15.663; Od. 15.382 137 ਙȖȖİȜȠȞ ੯țĮ * at Od.
24.413 ਙȖȖİȜȠȢ ੯țĮ 138 forms of țȘįȠȝȑȞȘȚ ʌİȡ * at Il. 1.586; 5.382; 7.110;
18.273; 24.104; Od. 3.240; 7.215; 18.178; 19.511
132 Ƞ ȝȞ ȖȐȡ țİ Ȃ : Ƞ ȖȐȡ IJİ Ȍ : Ƞ ȖȐȡ IJȠȚ V 134 țİįȞ ੁįȣȓȘȚ scripsi :
țȑįȞૅ İੁįȣȓȘȚ MfaP : țȑįȞૅ İੁįȪȘȚ L : țȑįȞૅ İੁįİȓȘȚ p 135 ıȠȢ IJİ țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȠȚȢ Ȍ :
įȠȚȫ IJİ țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȦ M ȖİȖȐĮıȚȞ MfQ : ȖİȖȐĮııȚȞ xp 136 ȞȣઁȢ Ĭ : ȞȘઁȢ M :
om. p post 136 İ IJȠȚ (IJȚ f) ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ ȖȣȞ ııȠȝĮȚ (ıȠȝĮȚ Mf) țĮ Ƞțȓ prae-
bunt MĬ : 136 et 136a in unum Ƞ ıijȚȞ ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ ȖȣȞ ııȠȝĮȚ țĮ ȠȤ p
137 ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ Ȍ : ĮੁȠȜȠʌȩȜȠȣȢ M 139 Ƞ įȑ țȑ ۃIJȠȚ ۄȤȡȣıȩȞ IJİ Matthiae :
Ƞੂ įȑ țİ ȤȡȣıȩȞ IJİ M : Ƞੂ įȑ IJİ ȤȡȣıȩȞ țİȞ Ȍ : Ƞįȑ IJİ ȤȡȣıȩȞ țİȞ AQ
140 ʌȑȝȥȠȣıȚȞ ĬAQ : ʌȑȝȥȠȣıȚ Mp
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 79
143 = Il. 3.139; cf. 45, 53 ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ* 144 ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ įૅ ȡȠȢ
İੈȜİȞ * at 91 145–6 ~ 110–11 (where see apparatus) 147–8 ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȣ į
ਪțȘIJȚ įȚĮțIJȩȡȠȣ … / ૽ǼȡȝȑȦ] cf. Od. 15.319 / ૽ǼȡȝİȓĮȠ ਪțȘIJȚ įȚĮțIJȩȡȠȣ
148 țİțȜȒıİĮȚ ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ * at hHerm. 292 149 cf. Il. 1.547–8 Ƞ IJȚȢ ʌİȚIJĮ /
ȠIJİ șİȞ ʌȡȩIJİȡȠȢ IJȩȞ Ȗૅ İıİIJĮȚ ȠIJૅ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ
142 IJȓȝȚȠȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚıȚ] cf. Hes. fr. 240.7 / IJȓȝȚȠȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚȢ[ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚıȚ țĮ
ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ șİȠıȚ * at Hes. Th. 204, 407 (cf. 296); hHerm. 161 143 ȖȜȣțઃȞ
ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ * also at 45 (where see apparatus), 53 144 ʌȠȢ IJૅ ijĮIJૅ
ț IJૅ ੑȞȩȝĮȗİȞ * at 176; e.g. Il. 1.361; 3.398; 5.372; 7.108; Od. 2.302; 3.374;
21.287; 23.96 146 ੪Ȣ ਕȖȠȡİȪİȚȢ * at Il. 9.41; 17.180; 24.373; Od. 4.157; 13.147;
14.116; 15.155; 19.217; 23.36, 62; 24.122, 512 147 forms of įȚĮțIJȩȡȠȣ * also at
213 (where see apparatus); Od. 12.390; 15.319 / ૽ǼȡȝİȓĮȠ ਪțȘIJȚ įȚĮțIJȩȡȠȣ
forms of ਥȞșȐįૅ ੂțȐȞİȚȢ * at Il. 13.449; Od. 6.206; 7.24; 11.160; 15.492; 16.31;
hHerm. 191, 262 148 ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ * also at 209, 221, 240; e.g. Il. 8.539; 12.133;
14.276; Od. 2.55; 4.209; Hes. Th. 305; hDem. 267; hAp. 485 149 șİȞ ȠIJİ
șȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ * at Il. 18.404; Od. 7.247; hDem. 45; ȠIJİ șȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ
alone * also at 35 (where see apparatus)
141 įĮȓȞȣ vel įĮȞȣ Maī : įĮȓȞȞȣ fLp 144 ȡȠȢ MpcĬ : ȡȦȢ Macp 145 Ȗૅ
Wolf : IJૅ ȍ įȑ ȍ : IJİ x 146 ਕȖȠȡİȪİȚȢ ȍ : ਕȖȠȡȐȗİȚȢ p 147 ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȣ M :
ਕșĮȞĮIJȠȠ Ȍ į ਪțȘIJȚ Hermann : įૅ ਪțȘIJȚ Ȍ : įૅ ਪțĮIJȚ MP 148 ૽ǼȡȝȑȦ Ȍ :
૽ǼȡȝĮȓȦ M
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 81
156 țĮIJૅ ȝȝĮIJĮ țĮȜ ȕĮȜȠ૨ıĮ * at hDem. 194; cf. Verg. Aen. 11.480 oculos
deiecta decoros 157 Ȣ ȜȑȤȠȢ İıIJȡȦIJȠȞ] cf. hDem. 285 ਕʌૅ İıIJȡȫIJȦȞ
ȜİȤȑȦȞ 160 ~ Od. 11.574 IJȠઃȢ ĮIJઁȢ țĮIJȑʌİijȞİȞ ਥȞ ȠੁȠʌȩȜȠȚıȚȞ ȡİııȚ
163 = Il. 18.401; cf. 87–8 164 Ȝ૨ıİ įȑ Ƞੂ ȗȫȞȘȞ] cf. Od. 11.245 / Ȝ૨ıİ į
ʌĮȡșİȞȓȘȞ ȗȫȞȘȞ
150 ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ ȝȚȖોȞĮȚ * at h. 19.34 151 ĮIJȓțĮ Ȟ૨Ȟ * at Od. 5.205; 9.356;
18.203; 20.63 ĮIJઁȢ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞ * at Il. 17.322; hHerm. 234 ਦțĮIJȒȕȩȜȠȢ ĮIJઁȢ
ਝʌȩȜȜȦ / 152 ȕȑȜİĮ ıIJȠȞȩİȞIJĮ * at Il. 17.374; Hes. Th. 684 153 ȖȪȞĮȚ
İੁțȣĮ șİોȚıȚ * at Il. 11.638 ȖȣȞ İੁțȣĮ șİોȚıȚȞ; 19.286 ȖȣȞ İੁțȣĮ șİોȚıȚȞ;
İੁțȣĮ șİોȚıȚȞ alone * also at Il. 8.305; Od. 7.291; Hes. fr. 185.23 [İੁț]ȣĮ șİોȚıȚȞ
154 į૨ȞĮȚ įȩȝȠȞ ਡȚįȠȢ İıȦ * at Il. 3.322; 7.131 155 ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȢ įૅ
ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ] cf. 17 ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ / with apparatus 156 ȝȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ *
also at Od. 1.208 157 șȚ ʌİȡ ʌȐȡȠȢ * at Od. 4.627 = 17.169 158 ĮIJȡ
ʌİȡșİȞ * at e.g. Il. 2.218; 5.724; 7.101; Od. 20.2; 24.230; Hes. Th. 727; hAp. 283
160 ਥȞ ȠȡİıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȘȜȠıȚȞ * at 266; ਥȞ ȠȡİıȚȞ alone * also at Il. 4.455; 11.479 -Ț;
24.614; h.20.4 161 Ƞ įૅ ਥʌİ ȠȞ * at e.g. Il. 1.57; 3.340; 4.382; 5.573; Od.
8.372; 16.478; 21.273 164 İȝĮIJĮ ıȚȖĮȜȩİȞIJĮ * at 85 (where see apparatus)
With those words he took her hand. And smile-loving Aphrodite 155
turned about, casting her lovely eyes downward, and made her way
to the well-spread bed, which even before this had been covered
with soft blankets for the lord; and on top of these
lay skins of bears and of loud-roaring lions
that he personally killed in the high mountains. 160
When they got into the well-constructed bed, then,
he began by removing the shining jewelry from her skin,
the clasps, curved ‘twists’, ‘flower-buds’, and necklaces;
and he removed her waist-wrapper, and stripped off
84 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
170 ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ʌȞȠȞ Ȥİȣİ * at Od. 2.395; but cf. Il. 14.352–3 171–2 İȝĮIJĮ
țĮȜȐ. / ਦııĮȝȑȞȘ įૅ İ ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠȓ] cf. 64 with apparatus 173–4 ȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ /
ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ * at hDem. 188–9 175 ੁȠıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ * at h. 6.18
176 ਥȟ ʌȞȠȣ IJૅ ਕȞȑȖİȚȡİȞ * at Il. 10.138 ਥȟ ʌȞȠȣ ਕȞȑȖİȚȡİ 177 ~ Il. 10.159
ȖȡİȠ, ȉȣįȑȠȢ ȣੂȑā IJȓ ʌȐȞȞȣȤȠȞ ʌȞȠȞ ਕȦIJİȢ;; cf. Il. 18.170 / ȡıİȠ, ȆȘȜİȓįȘ
ȞȒȖȡİIJȠȞ] cf. Od. 13.74, 80 179 ਥȞ ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚ ȞȩȘıĮȢ * at Il. 24.294 = 312
165 ਥʌ șȡȩȞȠȣ ਕȡȖȣȡȠȒȜȠȣ * at Il. 18.389; Od. 7.162; 10.314, 366; ਥʌ șȡȩȞȠȣ
alone * also at Od. 20.96 țĮIJȑșȘțİȞ ਥʌ șȡȩȞȠȣ 169 ijȚĮ ȝોȜĮ * at Il. 9.466 =
23.166 forms of ਕȞșİȝȠȑȞIJȦȞ * at Il. 2.467, 695; 23.885; Od. 12.159; 24.275;
Hes. Th. 878; fr. 405.1 170 IJોȝȠȢ ਙȡૅ * at Il. 7.434; 24.789; Od. 4.401; Hes.
Op. 422; fr. 60.1 ȖȜȣțઃȞ ʌȞȠȞ Ȥİȣİ * also at Od. 18.188 171 İȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ *
at 64 (where see apparatus) 172 įĮ șİȐȦȞ * at 28 (where see apparatus)
176 ʌȠȢ IJૅ ijĮIJૅ ț IJૅ ੑȞȩȝĮȗİȞ * at 144 (where see apparatus) 179 ਥȞ
ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚ ȞȩȘıĮȢ * at 83 ȞȠȒıĮȢ (where see first apparatus)
her shining clothing and set it on a chair that had silver nails, 165
Anchises did. And then—by the will of the gods and by fate,
not understanding the situation clearly—he lay down,
although mortal, beside an immortal goddess.
At the time when herdsmen turn their cows and fine sheep
back to the farmyard out of the blossom-filled pastures,
at that point she poured sweet, painless sleep 170
over Anchises, and she herself put her lovely clothes about her skin.
And after she carefully placed all her garments about her skin,
she stood,
brilliant among goddesses, in the hut; her head touched
the well-made roof-beam, and immortal beauty
of the sort particular to violet-crowned Cytherea shone
from her cheeks. 175
She roused him from sleep, and spoke a word and called
him by name:
‘Wake up, descendant of Dardanus! Why are you sleeping
so soundly now?
Tell me if I look the same to you
as when you first observed me with your eyes!’
86 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
182 IJȡĮʌİȞ ਙȜȜȘȚ * at Il. 5.187 183 ਗȥ įૅ ĮIJȚȢ * at Il. 8.335; Od. 18.157 =
21.139, 166 = 23.164 țĮȜ ʌȡȩıȦʌĮ * also at Il. 19.285; Od. 15.332
185 įȠȞ ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚȞ * at e.g. Il. 3.169; 10.275; 15.488; Od. 2.155; 4.269; 10.414;
hDem. 57, 68 188 ਥȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚıȚȞ * at Od. 1.95, 391 -Ț; 3.78; 4.710 -Ț; 17.419;
19.75; Hes. Op. 249, 270 -Ț, 719
Thus she spoke; and he responded very quickly from his sleep. 180
But when he saw Aphrodite’s neck and lovely eyes,
he was frightened and turned his glance aside, in another direction.
And he covered his handsome face again with the blanket
and spoke winged words, pleading with her:
‘The moment I first laid eyes on you, goddess, 185
I recognized that you were a god; but you lied to me!
But I beg you by Zeus the aegis-bearer:
do not let me dwell among humans alive
but incapacitated! Pity me! Since no man who sleeps with
immortal goddesses retains his strength unimpaired.’ 190
88 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
191–2 ~ 107–8 191 ~ Il. 14.193 IJȞ įૅ țIJȜ. 193 ~ Od. 4.825 șȐȡıİȚ, ȝȘįȑ
IJȚ ʌȐȖȤȣ ȝİIJ ijȡİı įİȓįȚșȚ ȜȓȘȞ 194 cf. Od. 5.347 Ƞįȑ IJȓ IJȠȚ ʌĮșȑİȚȞ įȑȠȢ
Ƞįૅ ਕʌȠȜȑıșĮȚ 195 cf. Od. 9.276 Ƞį șİȞ ȝĮțȐȡȦȞ, ਥʌİ ʌȠȜઃ ijȑȡIJİȡȠȓ
İੁȝİȞ ijȓȜȠȢ ਥıı șİȠıȚ] cf. Od. 24.92 ijȓȜȠȢ ıșĮ șİȠıȚȞ* 196–7 ~ Il.
20.307–8 Ȟ૨Ȟ į į ǹੁȞİȓĮȠ ȕȓȘ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ ਕȞȐȟİȚ / țĮ ʌĮȓįȦȞ ʌĮįİȢ, IJȠȓ țİȞ
ȝİIJȩʌȚıșİ ȖȑȞȦȞIJĮȚ 199 cf. Il. 18.85 ਵȝĮIJȚ IJȚ, IJİ ıİ ȕȡȠIJȠ૨ ਕȞȑȡȠȢ ȝȕĮȜȠȞ
İȞોȚ 202–4 cf. Il. 20.234–5 IJઁȞ țĮ ਕȞȘȡȑȥĮȞIJȠ șİȠ ǻȚ ȠੁȞȠȤȠİȪİȚȞ /
țȐȜȜİȠȢ İȞİțĮ ȠੈȠ, Ȟૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ ȝİIJİȓȘ 202–3 ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ / ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİ] cf.
Hes. Th. 914 ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİȞ ਸȢ ʌĮȡ ȝȘIJȡȩȢ, įȦțİ į ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ
205 șĮ૨ȝĮ ੁįİȞ * at Hes. fr. 145.16 șĮ૨ȝĮ ੁ[įİȞ]; [Hes.] Sc. 318 206 ਥț
țȡȘIJોȡȠȢ * also at Il. 3.295 ȞȑțIJĮȡ ਥȡȣșȡȩȞ * also at Od. 5.93 208 ijȓȜȠȞ ȣੂȩȞ
* at 282; e.g. Il. 3.307; 5.314, 318; 6.474; 15.639; Od. 3.398; hAp. 11; cf. 196
ijȓȜȠȢ ȣੂȩȢ* 209 įȚĮȝʌİȡȢ ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ * at Od. 4.209; hAp. 485; ਵȝĮIJĮ
ʌȐȞIJĮ alone * at 148 (where see apparatus), 221, 240; įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ alone * also at
197 (where see apparatus) 210 ȣੈȠȢ ਙʌȠȚȞĮ * at Il. 2.230 211 ʌʌȠȣȢ
ਕȡıȓʌȠįĮȢ] cf. Il. 3.327 ʌʌȠȚ ਕİȡıȓʌȠįİȢ*; 23.475 ʌʌȠȚ ਕİȡıȓʌȠįİȢ*
212 İੇʌȑȞ IJİ ਪțĮıIJĮ] cf. Od. 3.361 İʌȦ IJİ ਪțĮıIJĮ* 213 įȚȐțIJȠȡȠȢ
ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ * at Il. 21.497; 24.339, 378 = 389 = 410 = 432, 445; Od. 5.43, 75, 94,
145; 8.338; 24.99; Hes. Op. 77 214 forms of ਕșȐȞĮIJȠȢ țĮ ਕȖȒȡȦȢ/ਕȖȒȡĮȠȢ *
at Il. 8.539; Od. 5.136 = 7.257 = 23.336; Hes. Th. 949; fr. 23a.24 ੇıĮ șİȠıȚȞ *
at Il. 21.315; Od. 11.304, 484 215 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ įȒ alone * also at 128 (where
see apparatus)
218 ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȢ ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİȞ ૅǾȫȢ * at Od. 15.250 221 = 240 226–7 cf. Od.
22.197–8 Ƞį ıȑ Ȗૅ ȡȚȖȑȞİȚĮ ʌĮȡૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ ૧ȠȐȦȞ / ȜȒıİȚ ਕȞİȡȤȠȝȑȞȘ
ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȢ 227 ਥʌ ʌİȓȡĮıȚ ȖĮȓȘȢ * at Od. 9.284 233 ıIJȣȖİȡઁȞ țĮIJ
ȖોȡĮȢ ʌİȚȖİȞ] cf. Il. 23.623 ȤĮȜİʌઁȞ țĮIJ ȖોȡĮȢ ਥʌİȓȖİȚ /
217 forms of ȖȘșȩıȣȞȠȢ * at Il. 7.122; 13.29; 21.390; Od. 5.269; 11.540; hDem.
437; hAp. 137 219 forms of ਥʌȚİȓțİȜȠȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ * at Il. 1.265; 4.394 -ȠȢ;
11.60; Od. 15.414; 21.14 -ȠȢ; Hes. fr. 10a.64 -ȠȢ; [Hes.] Sc. 182 220 forms of
țİȜĮȚȞİijȑĮ ȀȡȠȞȓȦȞĮ * at e.g. Il. 1.397; 6.267; 11.78; 24.290; Hes. fr. 195.53;
hDem. 91 221 ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ * at 148 (where see apparatus), 209, 240
223 ʌȩIJȞȚĮ ૅǾȫȢ * at 230 225 ʌȠȜȣȒȡĮIJȠȢ ਸ਼ȕȘ * at 274 228 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİȓ *
at 128 / ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ įȒ (where see second apparatus); e.g. Il. 1.458, 464, 467; Od.
1.150; 2.9, 378; Hes. Th. 820; hDem. 301 229 ਥț țİijĮȜોȢ * at Il. 4.109; 10.15;
16.77 ਥȤșȡોȢ ਥț țİijĮȜોȢ; 18.353; 22.78; 23.169; Od. 13.399, 431; Hes. Th. 924; h.
28.5 230 ʌȩIJȞȚĮ ૅǾȫȢ * at 223
then he no longer went on mourning but instead felt joy in his heart,
and he gleefully rode about, drawn by his whirlwind-footed horses.
So too gold-throned Dawn snatched another member
of your family, Tithonus, who resembled the immortals.
She went off to ask the dark-cloud son of Cronus 220
that (Tithonus) be immortal and live forever,
and Zeus nodded his consent to her and fulfilled her wish.
The fool! Mistress Dawn lacked the wit
to ask for youth and to scour him clean of ruinous old age.
So as long as he was young and luscious, 225
he enjoyed gold-throned, early-born Dawn,
living beside Ocean’s streams at the furthest end of the earth.
But when the first gray hairs spilled down
from his handsome head and noble beard,
Mistress Dawn indeed avoided his bed, 230
94 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
234 ~ Od. 8.298 Ƞįȑ IJȚ țȚȞોıĮȚ ȝİȜȑȦȞ Ȟ Ƞįૅ ਕȞĮİȡĮȚ 236 ਥȞ șĮȜȐȝȦȚ
țĮIJȑșȘțİ] cf. Od. 24.166 ਥȢ șȐȜĮȝȠȞ țĮIJȑșȘțİ* șȪȡĮȢ įૅ ਥʌȑșȘțİ ijĮİȚȞȐȢ ~
60 șȪȡĮȢ ਥʌȑșȘțİ ijĮİȚȞȐȢ*; Il. 14.169 șȪȡĮȢ ਥʌȑșȘțİ ijĮİȚȞȐȢ* 237 ૧ȑİȚ
ਙıʌİIJȠȢ ~ Il. 18.403* ૧ȑİȞ ਙıʌİIJȠȢ 237–8 Ƞįȑ IJȚ țIJȜ. ~ Od. 11.393–4 Ƞįૅ
IJȚ țțȣȢ, / ȠȘ ʌİȡ ʌȐȡȠȢ ıțİȞ ਥȞ ȖȞĮȝʌIJȠıȚ ȝȑȜİııȚ 240 = 221
242 ʌȩıȚȢ țİțȜȘȝȑȞȠȢ İȘȢ ~ Od. 6.244 ʌȩıȚȢ țİțȜȘȝȑȞȠȢ İȘ* 243 ਙȤȠȢ
ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijȚțĮȜȪʌIJȠȚ] cf. Il. 14.294 ȡȠȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijȚțȐȜȣȥİȞ /
231 ਥȞ ȝİȖȐȡȠȚıȚȞ * at e.g. Il. 1.396; 5.805; 7.148; 8.520; Od. 2.94, 299; 3.256;
Hes. fr. 252.3; hDem. 252 233 ਕȜȜૅ IJİ įȒ * at e.g. Il. 1.493; 3.209, 212, 216;
Od. 1.16; 2.150; 3.269; Hes. Th. 58; hAp. 349 235 = Il. 2.5 = 10.17 = 14.161 =
Hes. fr. 209.1, cf. Od. 9.424 = 11.230 238 also = Il. 11.669 ~ Od. 21.283
239 Ƞț ਗȞ ਥȖȫ * at Il. 6.129 Ƞț ਗȞ ਥȖȫ Ȗİ; 8.210 Ƞț ਗȞ ਥȖȫ Ȗૅ; 9.517 Ƞț ਗȞ
ਥȖȫ Ȗİ ıȑ; 20.134 Ƞț ਗȞ ਥȖȫ Ȗૅ; 24.297 Ƞț ਗȞ ਥȖȫ Ȗİ ıૅ ਥȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ * at
247 -Ț (where see apparatus); Il. 24.107; Hes. Th. 782, 954; hHerm. 366, 525;
[Hes.] Sc. 366 240 ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ * at 148 (where see apparatus), 209, 221
241 İੇįȩȢ IJİ įȑȝĮȢ IJİ * at Od. 8.116; 11.469; 18.251; 19.124; 24.17
237 įȒ IJȠȚ Mx, unde įૅ ਵIJȠȚ Hermann : įȒ IJȚ f : įૅ ȠIJȠȚ p ૧ȑİȚ Wolf : ૧İ ȍ
239 ਥȖȫ ȍ : ਥȖİ vel Ȗİ AQ 241 IJȠȚȠ૨IJȠȢ Ȍ : IJȠȠȢ M 244 IJȐȤĮ Mabsp :
țĮIJ fb 245 IJૅ p : Ȗૅ MĬ : ıૅ Ȇ
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 95
although she kept him in her home and took care of him
with mortal food and ambrosia, and gave him attractive clothes.
But when loathsome old age weighed him down completely
and he was unable to move any of his limbs or raise them,
the following struck her in her heart as the best plan: 235
she deposited him in a bedroom and closed the shining doors.
His voice, in fact, runs on relentlessly, but the strength
in his gnarled limbs is no longer as it was before.
I would not choose for you to be immortal
and to live forever among the immortals like that. 240
If you could go on living as you are, with your current
looks and build, and could be called my husband,
in that case no grief would enwrap my subtle mind.
As it is, however, pitiless, indiscriminate old age will soon
enfold you; it is ruinous and tiresome for human beings 245
96 Hymn 5: İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ
247–8 ȞİȚįȠȢ … / ııİIJĮȚ ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ] cf. Il. 16.498–9 ȞİȚįȠȢ /
ııȠȝĮȚ ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ 248 İȞİțĮ ıİȠ * at Il. 6.525 249 ੑȐȡȠȣȢ
* at Hes. Th. 205 ʌĮȡșİȞȓȠȣȢ IJૅ ੑȐȡȠȣȢ ȝİȚįȒȝĮIJȐ IJૅ ਥȟĮʌȐIJĮȢ IJİ 250 ~ 50
252 ਥȟȠȞȠȝોȞĮȚ * at Od. 6.66 ĮįİIJȠ Ȗȡ șĮȜİȡઁȞ ȖȐȝȠȞ ਥȟȠȞȠȝોȞĮȚ /
253 ʌȠȜȜઁȞ ਕȐıșȘȞ] cf. Il. 19.113 ʌȠȜȜઁȞ ਕȐıșȘ* 255 ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ * at
Il. 2.821 ǿįȘȢ ਥȞ țȞȘȝȠıȚ șİ ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ 258 ~ 285, cf. [98] ȡȠȢ
ȝȑȖĮ IJİ ȗȐșİȩȞ IJİ * at Hes. Th. 2
246 IJİ ıIJȣȖȑȠȣıȚ șİȠȓ ʌİȡ] cf. IJȐ IJİ ıIJȣȖȑȠȣıȚ șİȠȓ ʌİȡ * at Il. 20.65; Hes. Th.
810 247 ਥȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ șİȠıȚȞ * at Il. 1.520; 7.102; 15.107; 21.476; Hes. Th.
120; hHerm. 458 248 įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ * at 197 (where see apparatus), 209
İȞİțĮ ıİȠ * also at Od. 6.156 252 Ȟ૨Ȟ į įȒ * at Il. 18.290; 20.307; 21.92;
22.300 253 ȝİIJૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ * at 261 -Ț; Il. 20.314; Hes. Th. 449; hHerm. 168
256 IJઁȞ ȝȞ ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJȠȞ * at 274, 278; cf. Od. 4.414 IJઁȞ ȝȞ ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJĮ*
ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ * at 105 (where see apparatus), 272; e.g. Il. 1.605; 18.11; Od. 4.833;
Hes. Op. 155; fr. 362
260 İੇįĮȡ įȠȣıȚ * at Od. 9.84; 11.123 = 23.270 261 ȝİIJૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ * at 253
-ȚȞ (where see apparatus) 262 forms of İıțȠʌȠȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ * at Il. 24.24,
109; Od. 1.38; 7.137; hAp. 200; hHerm. 73 265 ਥʌ ȤșȠȞ ȕȦIJȚĮȞİȓȡȘȚ * at
hAp. 363 266 ਥȞ ȠȡİıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȘȜȠıȚȞ * at 160 (where see apparatus)
272 ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ * at 105 (where see apparatus), 256 (where see apparatus)
274 IJઁȞ ȝȞ ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJȠȞ * at 256 (where see apparatus), 278 ʌȠȜȣȒȡĮIJȠȢ
ਸ਼ȕȘ * at 225
279 șİȠİȓțİȜȠȢ ıIJĮȚ] cf. șİȠİȓțİȜȩȢ ਥııȚ * at hDem. 159 281 cf. Od. 9.502–3
ȀȪțȜȦȥ, Į țȑȞ IJȓȢ ıİ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ / ੑijșĮȜȝȠ૨ İȡȘIJĮȚ ਕİȚțİȜȓȘȞ
ਕȜĮȦIJȪȞ 283 ȝİȝȞȘȝȑȞȠȢ ੮Ȣ ıİ țİȜİȪȦ * at Hes. Op. 623 ȖોȞ įૅ ਥȡȖȐȗİıșĮȚ
ȝİȝȞȒȝİȞȠȢ, ੮Ȣ ıİ țİȜİȪȦ 284 cf. Il. 20.206 ijĮı ı ȝȞ ȆȘȜોȠȢ ਕȝȪȝȠȞȠȢ
țȖȠȞȠȞ İੇȞĮȚ 285 ~ 258, cf. [98] ȡȠȢ țĮIJĮİȚȝȑȞȠȞ ȜȘȚ * at Od. 13.351;
hHerm. 228 286 ਙijȡȠȞȚ șȣȝȚ * at Od. 21.105
278 IJઁȞ ȝȞ ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJȠȞ * at 256 (where see apparatus), 274 279 ȖȘșȒıİȚȢ
ȡȩȦȞ] ȖȘșȒıȦ įૅ ȡȩȦȞ * at Hes. fr. 302.21 280 ʌȠIJ ǿȜȚȠȞ ȞİȝȩİııĮȞ] cf.
ʌȡȠIJ ǿȜȚȠȞ ȞİȝȩİııĮȞ * at Il. 3.305; 8.499; 12.115; 13.724; 18.174; 23.64
281 țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ * at 3 (where see apparatus), 122, 192, 200
282 ijȓȜȠȞ ȣੂȩȞ * at 208 (where see apparatus) 283 ੮Ȣ ıİ țİȜİȪȦ * also at Od.
10.516; Hes. Op. 316, 536 285 ȡȠȢ țĮIJĮİȚȝȑȞȠȞ ȜȘȚ * also at hHerm. 228;
țĮIJĮİȚȝȑȞȠȞ ȜȘȚ alone * also at Od. 19.431 ȡȠȢ … țĮIJĮİȚȝȑȞȠȞ ȜȘȚ; hAp. 225
276–7 ıȠ įૅ ਥȖȫ, ijȡĮ † IJĮ૨IJĮ (ijȡĮ țİ IJĮ૨IJĮ Barnes, ijȡĮ IJȠȚ Į IJĮ Kamer-
beek) ȝİIJ ijȡİı ʌȐȞIJĮ įȚȑȜșȦ, / ਥȢ ʌȑȝʌIJȠȞ IJȠȢ ĮIJȚȢ ਥȜİȪıȠȝĮȚ ȣੂઁȞ ਙȖȠȣıĮ ȍ :
vers. del. Hermann 279 ȖȘșȒıİȚȢ ȍ : ȖȘșȒıĮȚȢ p 280 ਙȟİȚȢ ȍ : ਙȟĮȚȢ p
ȝȚȞ Hermann : ȞȚȞ Ȍ : Ȟ૨Ȟ M 283 ıઃ Ȍ : ıȠȚ M 284 ijȐıȚȞ Humbert : ijȐıȚ
ȍ : ijȐıșĮȚ Matthiae țȖȠȞȠȞ Barnes : ȖȖȠȞȠȞ ȍ
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 101
288 ȕĮȜȑİȚ ȥȠȜȩİȞIJȚ țİȡĮȣȞȚ] cf. Od. 23.330 ȕĮȜİ ȥȠȜȩİȞIJȚ țİȡĮȣȞȚ*
289 ~ hAp. 544 İȡȘIJĮȓ IJȠȚ ʌȐȞIJĮā ıઃ į ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ ijȪȜĮȟĮȚ 290 ıȤİȠ, ȝȘįૅ
ੑȞȩȝĮȚȞİ] cf. Od. 11.251 ıȤİȠ, ȝȘįૅ ੑȞȠȝȒȞȘȚȢ / șİȞ įૅ ਥʌȠʌȓȗİȠ ȝોȞȚȞ] cf.
ǻȚઁȢ įૅ ਥʌȠʌȓȗİȠ ȝોȞȚȞ * at Od. 5.146 291 ਵȚȟİ ʌȡઁȢ ȠȡĮȞȩȞ * at Il. 23.868
292 ~ h. 10ǹ.4 ȤĮȡİ, șİȐ, ȈĮȜĮȝȞȠȢ ਥȣțIJȚȝȑȞȘȢ ȝİįȑȠȣıĮ 293 = h. 9.[8];
18.[11]
1 cf. Hes. Th. 193 / ਥț įૅ ȕȘ ĮੁįȠȓȘ țĮȜ șİȩȢ 2 ȜȑȜȠȖȤİȞ] cf. Th. 203 IJĮȪIJȘȞ
įૅ ਥȟ ਕȡȤોȢ IJȚȝȞ ȤİȚ į ȜȑȜȠȖȤİ 4 țĮIJ ț૨ȝĮ ʌȠȜȣijȜȠȓıȕȠȚȠ șĮȜȐııȘȢ * at
Cypr. fr. 9.8, p. 50 Bernabé 8 IJȡȘIJȠıȚ ȜȠȕȠıȚȞ] cf. Il. 14.182 ਥȣIJȡȒIJȠȚıȚ
ȜȠȕȠıȚ /
3 ȝȑȞȠȢ ਫ਼ȖȡઁȞ ਕȑȞIJȠȢ] cf. ȝȑȞȠȢ ਫ਼ȖȡઁȞ ਕȑȞIJȦȞ * at Od. 5.478; 19.440; Hes. Th.
869; Op. 625 4 ʌȠȜȣijȜȠȓıȕȠȚȠ șĮȜȐııȘȢ * at Il. 1.34; 9.182; 13.798;; Od.
13.85, 220; Hes. Op. 648; hMerc. 341.* 6 ʌİȡ įૅ ਙȝȕȡȠIJĮ İȝĮIJĮ ਪııĮȞ * at
Il. 16.670 ʌ. į. Į. Į. ਪııȠȞ, 680 ʌ. į. Į. Į. ਪııİ; Od. 24.59 7 ~ Il. 3.336 =
15.480 = 16.137 = 22.123 = [Hes.] Sc. 136 țȡĮIJ įૅ ʌૅ ੁijșȓȝȦȚ țȣȞȑȘȞ İIJȣțIJȠȞ
șȘțİȞ 8 țĮȜȞ ȤȡȣıİȓȘȞ * at Il. 14.351; 18.562; Od. 5.232 = 10.545; 24.3
13 ȤȠȡઁȞ ੂȝİȡȩİȞIJĮ * at hMerc. 481 țĮ įȫȝĮIJĮ ʌĮIJȡȩȢ * at Il. 18.141; [Hes.]
Sc. 471; cf. ʌȡઁȢ įȫȝĮIJĮ ʌĮIJȡȩȢ * at Od. 4.657; 15.459; 19.458; hCer. 107, 160,
180; įȫȝĮIJĮ ʌĮIJȡȩȢ only * at Od. 6.296; 14.319; Hes. Th. 40
tit. İੁȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ a : İੁȢ IJȞ ĮIJȒȞ Dbp : ਪIJİȡȠȢ ȝȞȠȢ İੁȢ IJȞ ĮIJȒȞ At : IJȚ İੁȢ
ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ V : IJȠ૨ ĮIJȠ૨ İੁȢ IJȞ ĮIJȞ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ M : om. Bī 1 ǹੁįȠȓȘȞ ȍ :
ੁįȠȓȘȞ DBī 4 ਵȞİȚțİȞ Ȍ : ਵȞİȚțİ a : İȞİȚțİȞ B : İȞİțİȞ V : ਵȞȣțİ M
7 İIJȣțIJȠȞ ȍ : İIJȚțIJȠȞ Ĭ 8 fort. ਥȞ įૅ İIJȡȘIJȠıȚ 9 ਙȞșİȝૅ ȍ : Ȟșİȝૅ p
12 țȠıȝİȓıșȘȞ p : țȠıȝȓıșȘȞ Ĭ : țȠıȝȒıșȘȞ M ʌʌȩIJૅ ȠȚİȞ Ȍ : ʌʌȩIJૅ İȞ Ȇ :
ʌʌȩIJȚ İȞ M
Hymn 6: To Aphrodite 105
Hymn 6: To Aphrodite
14 ~ Il. 14.187 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ į ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ șȒțĮIJȠ țȩıȝȠȞ; cf. also h. 27.17
ȤĮȡȓİȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ țȩıȝȠȞ ȤȠȣıĮ / 15 ȖȠȞ ਥȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȣȢ] cf. Hes. Th. 285 /
țİIJૅ ਥȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȣȢ 18 ੁȠıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ * at h. 5.175
19 ȖȜȣțȣȝİȓȜȚȤİ] cf. Hes. Th. 206 IJȑȡȥȚȞ IJİ ȖȜȣțİȡȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȐ IJİ ȝİȚȜȚȤȓȘȞ IJİ
20 ȞIJȣȞȠȞ ਕȠȚįȒȞ * at Od. 12.183 (3rd-pl. imperfect indicative) 21 = hCer.
495 = hAp. 546 = hMerc. 580 = h. 10.6 = 19.49 = 28.18 = 29.14 = 30.19, cf. h.
25.7 = 27.22 = 33.19
17 țȠȣȡȚįȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ * at Il. 13.626 ȠțĮįૅ ਙȖİıșĮȚ * at Il. 3.404; Od. 10.35
But after they covered her skin with all this jewelry,
they took her to the immortals. They, when they saw her,
welcomed her, 15
and extended their right hands in greeting; every male god prayed
that she would be his wedded wife and that he would take her home,
for they were astonished at the appearance of the violet-crowned
goddess of Cythera.
Farewell, round-eyed one, sweet and gentle! Grant that I carry off
the prize in this contest, and take good care of my song! 20
But I will mention you and another song as well.
108 Hymn 9: İੁȢ ਡȡIJİȝȚȞ
1–2 cf. Il. 20.71 ਡȡIJİȝȚȢ ੁȠȤȑĮȚȡĮ țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘ ਦțȐIJȠȚȠ; hAp. 199 ਡȡIJİȝȚȢ ੁȠȤȑĮȚȡĮ
ȝȩIJȡȠijȠȞ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȚ; h. 27.1–2 3 ȕĮșȣıȤȠȓȞȠȚȠ ȂȑȜȘIJȠȢ] cf. Il. 4.383 /
ਝıȦʌઁȞ … ȕĮșȪıȤȠȚȞȠȞ 7 = h. 14.6 9 = h. 5.293 = 18.11
5 ਕȡȖȣȡȩIJȠȟȠȢ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞ * at Il. 2.766; 5.449, 517, 760; 7.58; 10.515; 24.758; Od.
17.251; Hes. fr. 185.9; hMerc. 327; hBacch. 19 7 țĮ ıઃ ȝȞ ȠIJȦ ȤĮȡİ * also
at h. 1.D11 West; hAp. 545; hMerc. 579; h. 16.5 … ਕȠȚįોȚ /; 18.10; 19.48 …
ਕȠȚįોȚ /; 21.5 … ਕȠȚįોȚ /; 26.11; 28.17 8 ਙȡȤȠȝૅ ਕİȓįİȚȞ * at hCer. 1; h. 11.1;
13.1; 16.1; 22.1; 26.1; 28.1
Hymn 9: To Artemis
A. As preserved in Ȍ:
ȀȣʌȡȠȖİȞો ȀȣșȑȡİȚĮȞ ਕİȓıȠȝĮȚ, ਸ਼ IJİ ȕȡȠIJȠıȚ
ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚȞā ਥijૅ ੂȝİȡIJȚ į ʌȡȠıȫʌȦȚ
Įੁİ ȝİȚįȚȐİȚ, țĮ ਥijૅ ੂȝİȡIJઁȞ ijȑȡİȚ ਙȞșȠȢ.
ȤĮȡİ, șİȐ, ȈĮȜĮȝȞȠȢ ਥȣțIJȚȝȑȞȘȢ ȝİįȑȠȣıĮ
5 țĮ ʌȐıȘȢ ȀȪʌȡȠȣā įઁȢ įૅ ੂȝİȡȩİııĮȞ ਕȠȚįȒȞ.
ĮIJȡ ਥȖઅ țĮ ıİȠ țĮ ਙȜȜȘȢ ȝȞȒıȠȝૅ ਕȠȚįોȢ.
B. As preserved in M:
ȀȣʌȡȠȖİȞો ȀȣșȑȡİȚĮȞ ਕİȓıȠȝĮȚ, ਸ਼ IJİ ȕȡȠIJȠıȚ
ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚȞā ਥijૅ ੂȝİȡIJȚ į ʌȡȠıȫʌȦȚ
Įੁİ ȝİȚįȚȐİȚ, țĮ ਥijૅ ੂȝİȡIJઁȞ șȑİȚ ਙȞșȠȢ.
ȤĮȡİ, ȝȐțĮȚȡĮ, ȀȣșȒȡȘȢ ਥȣțIJȚȝȑȞȘȢ ȝİįȑȠȣıĮ
5 İੁȞĮȜȓȘȢ IJİ ȀȪʌȡȠȣā įઁȢ įૅ ੂȝİȡȩİııĮȞ ਕȠȚįȒȞ.
ĮIJȡ ਥȖઅ țĮ ıİȠ țĮ ਙȜȜȘȢ ȝȞȒıȠȝૅ ਕȠȚįોȢ.
2 ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚȞ] cf. Hes. Th. 206 IJȑȡȥȚȞ IJİ ȖȜȣțİȡȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȐ IJİ
ȝİȚȜȚȤȓȘȞ IJİ 3 Įੁİ ȝİȚįȚȐİȚ] cf. Hes. Th. 200 į ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȑĮ, IJȚ ȝȘįȑȦȞ
ਥȟİijĮȐȞșȘ 4–5 cf. Hes. Th. 104 ȤĮȓȡİIJİ IJȑțȞĮ ǻȚȩȢ, įȩIJİ įૅ ੂȝİȡȩİııĮȞ
ਕȠȚįȒȞ 4 ~ h. 5.292 ȤĮȡİ, șİȐ, ȀȪʌȡȠȚȠ ਥȣțIJȚȝȑȞȘȢ ȝİįȑȠȣıĮ 5 țĮ
ʌȐıȘȢ ȀȪʌȡȠȣ] cf. h. 6.2 ʌȐıȘȢ ȀȪʌȡȠȣ țȡȒįİȝȞĮ ȜȑȜȠȖȤİȞ 6 = h. 6.21
(where see apparatus)
2 įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚȞ * at Il. 9.261 / ਙȟȚĮ įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚ, cf. Il. 9.699 / ȝȣȡȓĮ įȡĮ įȚįȠȪȢ
5 ੂȝİȡȩİııĮȞ ਕȠȚįȒȞ * also at Od. 1.421; 18.304
A. As preserved in Ȍ:
I will sing of the Cyprus-born goddess of Cythera, who offers
mortals gentle gifts. A smile is always on her
attractive face, and she has an attractive blush in addition.
Farewell, goddess, ruler of well-settled Salamis
and of all Cyprus! Grant me an attractive song!
But I will mention you and another song as well.
B. As preserved in M:
I will sing of the Cyprus-born goddess of Cythera, who offers
mortals gentle gifts. A smile is always on her
attractive face, and an attractive blush runs over it.
Farewell, blessed one, ruler of well-settled Cythera
and of sea-girt Cyprus! Grant me an attractive song!
But I will mention you and another song as well.
112 Hymn 11: İੁȢ ਝșȘȞ઼Ȟ
om. L tit. İੁȢ ਝșȘȞ઼Ȟ MĬ : İੁȢ IJȞ ਝșȘȞ઼Ȟ p : om. TB 1 ȆĮȜȜȐįૅ ȍ : ĮȜȜȐįૅ
D Chalc : ȂĮȜȜȐįૅ B 3 ʌȩȜȘİȢ MAQPac : ʌȩȜȚİȢ Ȍ ਕȣIJȒ Ȍ : ਕȣIJȠȓ M
ʌIJȩȜİȝȠȓ ȍ : ʌȩȜİȝȠȓ p 4 ਥȡȡȪıĮIJȠ Ȍ : ਥȡȡȪııĮIJȠ ǼȆ : ਥȡȪıĮIJȠ M
ȞȚıȩȝİȞȠȞ M : ȞȚııȩȝİȞȠȞ Ȍ 4 ਙȝȝȚ ȍ : ਙȝȚ Ǽ : ਙȝȚȞ T
Hymn 11: To Athena 113
2 ਫ਼ʌİȓȡȠȤȠȞ * at Il. 6.208 = 11.784 ĮੁȞ ਕȡȚıIJİȪİȚȞ țĮ ਫ਼ʌİȓȡȠȤȠȞ ȝȝİȞĮȚ ਙȜȜȦȞ
2 İੇįȠȢ ȤȠȣıĮȞ * at Hes. Th. 908 -Į; frr. 10a.20 İੇįȠȢ ҕȤҕ[ȠȣıĮȞ], 32 İҕੇҕįȠȢ
ȤȠȣıĮȢ, 45; 17a.7; 25.39; hCer. 315 3 ǽȘȞઁȢ ਥȡȚȖįȠȪʌȠȚȠ * at Hes. Th. 41; cf.
Il. 15.293 / ǽȘȞઁȢ ਥȡȚȖįȠȪʌȠȣ țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȩȞ IJİ * at h. 5.40 -ȘȢ -Ƞȣ IJİ
(where see apparatus) 4 țĮIJ ȝĮțȡઁȞ ȅȜȣȝʌȠȞ * at Il. 15.21; Od. 24.351;
ȝĮțȡઁȞ ȅȜȣȝʌȠȞ alone * at e.g. Il. 1.402; 2.48; 5.398; Od. 10.307; 15.43; Hes.
Th. 391; [Hes.] Sc. 466; h.Cer. 92; h. 19.27; Il.parv. fr. 32.4, p. 85 Bernabé
5 ǻȚ IJİȡʌȚțİȡĮȪȞȦȚ * at Il. 1.419; 11.773; Od. 7.164, 180; 19.365; 24.24; h. 1.4;
hCer. 485; hAp. 5
om. L tit. İੁȢ ૠǾȡĮȞ ȍ : İੁȢ IJȞ ૠǾȡĮȞ p 1 ਾȡȘȞ Ȍ : ȡȘȞ D : ਾȡĮȞ M
2 ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ Matthiae : ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȞ ȍ
Hymn 12: To Hera 115
om. M et L tit. İੁȢ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȞ Ĭ : İੁȢ IJȞ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȞ p 1 ૽ǿıIJȓȘ Wolf : ૽ǼıIJȓȘ Ȍ
4 ਥʌȑȡȤİȠ Ȍ : ਪȞૅ ȡȤİȠ Tucker : ਥȞȘȑĮ vel ਥȪijȡȠȞĮ Barnes : fort. ਥʌȓijȡȠȞĮ șȣȝઁȞ
ȤȠȣıĮ Ȍ : ș૨ȝĮ ȜĮȤȠ૨ıĮ Evelyn-White (servato ਥʌȑȡȤİȠ)
Hymn 24: To Hestia 117
12 ȤĮȜȐıĮıૅ İțĮȝʌȑĮ IJȩȟĮ] cf. hAp. 6 ȕȓȠȞ IJૅ ਥȤȐȜĮııİ 13–20 cf. hAp. 186–
206, esp. 197–9 IJોȚıȚ ȝȞ ȠIJૅ ĮੁıȤȡ ȝİIJĮȝȑȜʌİIJĮȚ ȠIJૅ ਥȜȐȤİȚĮ, / ਕȜȜ ȝȐȜĮ
ȝİȖȐȜȘ IJİ ੁįİȞ țĮ İੈįȠȢ ਕȖȘIJȒ / ਡȡIJİȝȚȢ ੁȠȤȑĮȚȡĮ ȝȩIJȡȠijȠȢ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȚ
16 țĮIJĮțȡİȝȐıĮıĮ … IJȩȟĮ] cf. hAp. 8 IJȩȟȠȞ ਕȞİțȡȑȝĮıİ 22 = h. 25.7 = 29.14
= 33.19
11 ĮIJȡ ਥʌȒȞ * at e.g. Il. 15.147; 16.453; 24.155; Od. 1.293; 3.45; 4.412; Hes. Th.
799; hAp. 499 13 ਥȢ ȝȑȖĮ įȝĮ * at Hes. Th. 410; fr. 105.3 ਥȢ ȝ[ȑȖĮ įȝĮ;
ȝȑȖĮ įȝĮ alone * at Od. 10.434; 23.146, 153 țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȠȚȠ ijȓȜȠȚȠ * at Il.
5.357 14 ĭȠȓȕȠȣ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ at Il. 5.509; 9.405; Od. 9.201; hAp. 52; hMerc.
102, 425; [Hes.] Sc. 100 ਥȢ ʌȓȠȞĮ įોȝȠȞ * at Od. 14.329 ૅǿșĮțોȢ ਥȢ ʌȓȠȞĮ
įોȝȠȞ /; 19.399 ૅǿșĮțોȢ ਥȢ ʌȓȠȞĮ įોȝȠȞ /; Hes. Th. 477 ȀȡȒIJȘȢ ਥȢ ʌȓȠȞĮ įોȝȠȞ /;
cf. Il. 22.501 ʌȓȠȞĮ įȘȝȩȞ /; Od. 14.428 ਥȢ ʌȓȠȞĮ įȘȝȩȞ 17 ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ țȩıȝȠȞ *
at h. 6.14 21 ȤĮȓȡİIJİ, IJȑțȞĮ ǻȚȩȢ * at Hes. Th. 104; h. 25.6
14 ʌʌȠȣȢ ੩țȪʌȠįĮȢ * at Il. 5.732 18 = hCer. 495 = hAp. 546 = hMerc. 580 =
h. 6.21 = 10.6 = 19.49 = = 29.14 = 30.19, cf. h. 25.7 = 27.22 = 33.19
13 ૽ȊʌİȡȓȠȞȠȢ ਕȖȜĮઁȢ ȣੂȩȢ * at hCer. 26; Eumel. fr. 3.3, p. 109 Bernabé; ਕȖȜĮઁȢ
ȣੂȩȢ alone * also at e.g. Il. 2.736; 5.79; Od. 4.21, 188; hMerc. 314 16 ȆĮȜȜȢ
ਝșȘȞĮȓȘ * at 1 ȆĮȜȜȐįૅ ਝșȘȞĮȓȘȞ (where see apparatus); e.g. Il. 10.275; 11.438;
15.614; Od. 4.828; 13.190, 252; [Hes.] Sc. 126 ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ * at 4 (where see
apparatus) 17 țĮ ıઃ ȝȞ ȠIJȦ ȤĮȡİ * at h. 1.D11 West; hAp. 545; hMerc.
579; h. 9.7; 14.6; 16.5; 18.10; 19.48; 21.5; 26.11
2 = Il. 5.442 4 țĮȜઁȞ ȤȠȣıĮ ȖȑȡĮȢ țĮ IJȚȝȒȞ] cf. h. 5.29 IJોȚ į ʌĮIJȡ ǽİઃȢ
įțİ țĮȜઁȞ ȖȑȡĮȢ ਕȞIJ ȖȐȝȠȚȠ 9–12 ijȓȜĮ … ਕȜȜȒȜȠȚıȚȞ / İੁįȩIJİȢ] cf. Od.
3.277 ijȓȜĮ İੁįȩIJİȢ ਕȜȜȒȜȠȚıȚȞ / 13 ȤĮȡİ, ȀȡȩȞȠȣ șȪȖĮIJİȡ = Aristonous ii.11,
p. 165 Powell 14 = h. 25.7 = 27.22 = 33.19
om. M et L tit. İੁȢ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȞ Ĭ : İੁȢ IJȞ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȞ p 1 ૽ǿıIJȓȘ Wolf : ૽ǼıIJȓȘ Ȍ
3 ȜĮȤİȢ p : ȜĮȤİ Ĭ 6 ૽ǿıIJȓȘ Ȍ : ૽ǼıIJȓȘ f 9 post 11 transp. Martin; lac.
post 9 ordine versuum servato stat. Wolf 11 ૽ǿıIJȓȘ Ȍ : ૽ǼıIJȓȘ vel ૽ǼıIJȓૉ f
12 ਪȡȝĮIJĮ West : ȡȖȝĮIJĮ vel ਪȡȖȝĮIJĮ Ȍ șૅ ȆsApcQ : IJૅ Ȍ 14 ਥȖઅȞ Ȍ :
ਥȖઅ AQ
Hymn 29: To Hestia 127
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite
1–6 represent the voice of ‘the poet’ (1 ȝȠȚ), whose request to the Muse for
information appears to be answered in 7–291, or perhaps only in 53–291.
1–2 ȂȠ૨ıȐ ȝȠȚ țIJȜ: An initial invocation of the Muse or the Muses is a
common feature of early epic proems (e.g. Il. 1.1 (called șİȐ); 2.761;
11.218 = 14.508 = 16.112 = Il. cyc. 1.1, p. 64 Bernabé; Od. 1.1; Hes. Op.
1; Th. 104, 114–15; Cat. fr. 1.14; Theb. fr. 1, p. 22 Bernabé (called șİȐ);
Epigoni fr. 1, p. 30 Bernabé; Il. parv. fr. 1.1, p. 76 Bernabé (quoted below);
adesp. PMG 938(e), the first of the two combined anonymous hexameters
on Berlin 2285 (ARV2 431.48 and 1653; Douris; ca. 490–480 BCE)
MOIȈA MOI; hHerm. 1 ૽ǼȡȝોȞ ȝȞİȚ, ȂȠ૨ıĮ, ǻȚઁȢ țĮ ȂĮȚȐįȠȢ ȣੂȩȞ; h.
9.1; 17.1; 19.1; 20.1; 31.1; 32.1; 33.1; cf. Alcm. PMG 27.1; Hippon. fr.
128.1 Degani (parodic); Simon. fr. 92.1 West2; Hermipp. fr. 63.1 (parodic);
Call. fr. 86.1; Race (1992) 20. For the Muses, cf. Hes. Th. 1–115, 915–17
with West’s nn. and his p. 32; Gantz (1993) 54–5.
The line up to the caesura is identical to the opening of the Little Iliad
ȂȠ૨ıȐ ȝȠȚ ȞȞİʌİ ȡȖĮ, IJ ȝȒIJૅ ਥȖȑȞȠȞIJȠ ʌȐȡȠȚșİ (fr. 1.1, p. 76 Bernabé),
although the more significant echo is of Hes. Op. 521 (quoted and dis-
cussed below). As Richardson on hDem. 1 ǻȒȝȘIJȡૅ ȪțȠȝȠȞ ıİȝȞȞ șİઁȞ
ਙȡȤȠȝૅ ਕİȓįİȚȞ observes, ‘The first word of an epic poem often formed a
kind of title, giving the main subject’ (e.g. Il. 1.1 ȝોȞȚȞ ਙİȚįİ, șİȐ,
ȆȘȜȘȚȐįİȦ ਝȤȚȜોȠȢ; Od. 1.1 ਙȞįȡĮ ȝȠȚ ȞȞİʌİ, ȂȠ૨ıĮ, ʌȠȜȪIJȡȠʌȠȞ, Ȣ
ȝȐȜĮ ʌȩȜȜĮ; Theb. fr. 1, p. 22 Bernabé ਡȡȖȠȢ ਙİȚįİ, șİȐ, ʌȠȜȣįȓȥȚȠȞ,
ȞșİȞ ਙȞĮțIJİȢ; cf. hHerm. 1 (quoted above); Matro SH 534.1 = fr. 1.1
Olson–Sens įİʌȞȐ ȝȠȚ ȞȞİʌİ, ȂȠ૨ıĮ, ʌȠȜȪIJȡȠijĮ țĮ ȝȐȜĮ ʌȠȜȜȐ (a
parody of Od. 1.1); West on Hes. Th. 1). Here, on the other hand, ȡȖĮ
ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ is reserved for the end of the verse, and the signif-
icance of the phrase—which seems initially to refer to the goddess' general
sphere of interest in the world, like in ȡȖȠȞ ਡȡȘȠȢ in 10—emerges only
gradually; cf. below.
ȞȞİʌİ: The verb (poetic; in the plural generally in the metrically iden-
tical aorist form ıʌİIJİ) is conventional in proems (e.g. Od. 1.1* (quoted);
Hes. Op. 2; Th. 114 IJĮ૨IJȐ ȝȠȚ ıʌİIJİ ȂȠ૨ıĮȚ ૅȅȜȪȝʌȚĮ įȫȝĮIJૅ ȤȠȣıĮȚ;
130 Commentary
Cat. fr. 1.14; Il. parv. fr. 1.1*, p. 76 Bernabé (quoted above); h. 19.1; 32.1;
33.1).
ȡȖĮ ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ echoes Hes. Op. 521 (of a sheltered
young woman; cf. 14–15 n.) Ƞ ʌȦ ȡȖૅ İੁįȣĮ ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ,
where ‘the deeds of Aphrodite’ is a periphrasis for ‘sex’. But here the
phrase appears momentarily to refer to the exercise of the near-universal
power described in 2–5. Contrast 6 with n., 9*, 21. Only at 45–52 does it
emerge that the ȡȖĮ in question are Aphrodite’s adventures with Anchises
and their consequences.
ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ: For the connection between Aphrodite’s
gold jewelry and her overwhelming seductiveness in the main narrative
line of the Hymn, cf. 87–90 n. But the epithet might simultaneously be
taken to refer to the enormous quantities of temple dedications that belong
to the goddess as object of cult, hence in part the reference to Cyprus at the
beginning of 2 (see below, and cf. 6 n. on the epithet Cytherea). The com-
bination of the epithet with Aphrodite’s name is formular but not Homeric
(cf. 9 and the other passages cited in the second apparatus; all in erotic
contexts); cf. the Homeric Ȥȡȣıો ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ / and variants thereof (e.g. 93
with the second apparatus; Il. 5.427; Od. 3.14); 16–17 n. (on objects be-
longing to the gods regularly described as made of gold). The hiatus re-
flects the development of the form from an original ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȚૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ
/. The adjective is attested in Homer in the formulaic phrases ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȚȠ
ȂȣțȒȞȘȢ / (Il. 7.180; 11.46; Od. 3.304) and ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȢ ʌȠȜȣȤȐȜțȠȢ (Il.
10.315 (of Dolon); 18.289 (of Troy)); subsequently almost exclusively
poetic (e.g. Archil. fr. 19.1 West2; Pi. P. 4.53; 6.8). Cf. 18 n. (a variant
reading in a different sedes); Boedeker (1974) 26.
2 is echoed at A.R. 1.850 ȀȪʌȡȚȢ Ȗȡ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ੯ȡıİȞ / (of the
Lemnian women); see Introduction 3.
ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ: Aphrodite is called ȀȪʌȡȚȢ elsewhere in early epic only in
Iliad 5 (330, 422, 458 ~ 883 ȀȪʌȡȚįĮ*, 760) and at Hes. fr. 124.2 (quoted
in 6 n.). Here the use of the title—emphasized via enjambment (cf. 22)—
serves in part to prepare for the goddess’ retreat at 58–9 (where see nn.) to
her temple in the city of Paphos to beautify herself. But the fact that Aph-
rodite is hailed as ‘queen of well-settled Cyprus’ again in the poet’s final
salutation of her, in the penultimate verse of the Hymn (292 with n.), sug-
gests a connection to his own social and religious world; or perhaps h. 5
served originally as a prooimion for the Cypria. For Aphrodite’s associa-
tion with Cyprus, see also Od. 8.362–3 (quoted in 58–68 n.); h. 6.2; 10.1;
Hes. Th. 193, 199 (explaining the related name ȀȣʌȡȠȖİȞȒȢ (‘born on
Cyprus’) as referring to the fact that she first set foot on land on the island,
after having been carried about the sea in the foam (aphros) produced by
Sky’s genitals after he was castrated by Cronus (Th. 188–99), a detail that
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 131
human beings (3). But this is then converted into an opposition between
gods, on the one hand, and other—implicitly mortal—creatures (3–5), on
the other, with the non-human creatures divided between birds and beasts
(4), and the beasts further divided into those found on the land and in the
sea (5). ʌ઼ıȚ at the beginning of 6 (where see n.) thus comes as a trium-
phant cap to the entire, unexpectedly extensive list.
3 ij૨ȜĮ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ: i.e. ‘all human beings everywhere in all
their diversity’, a universal declaration matching șȘȡȓĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ at the end of
4. For the expression, cf. 129 ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ ȝİIJ ij૨Ȝ(Į) with n., ij૨ȜĮ
ȖȣȞĮȚțȞ (Il. 9.130, 272), ij૨ȜĮ șİȞ (e.g. Il. 15.54), ij૨ȜĮ īȚȖȐȞIJȦȞ (Od.
7.206), ij૨ȜĮ șȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ (hHerm. 578). For the opposition between
human beings and ‘beasts’, cf. 122–4 with nn. For the emphatic description
of human beings as creatures subject to death (viz. as the gods are not; a
common epic formulation), cf. 35 with n., 39 with n., 46–52 with nn., 122,
200, 281.
4–5 For fish, land-animals, and birds all subject to Aphrodite’s power, see
S. fr. 941.9–11; E. Hipp. 447–50; and cf. h. 30.3–4 (Earth, mother of all,
who nourishes) ȝȞ ıĮ ȤșȩȞĮ įĮȞ ਥʌȑȡȤİIJĮȚ įૅ ıĮ ʌȩȞIJȠȞ / įૅ ıĮ
ʌȦIJȞIJĮȚ (‘everything that moves on the bright land, or the sea, or that
flies’). For beasts in particular, cf. 68–74, where Aphrodite’s appearance
on the slopes of Mount Ida causes the local wolves, lions, bears, and wild-
cats, referred to there as șોȡİȢ (68, cf. 18, 123), to slink off to their lairs to
mate. Here a much wider range of creatures is in question, and the term
șȘȡȓĮ is used instead, with ʌȠȜȜȐ—stressing quantity, as at Od. 5.422 and
Cypr. fr. 9.12, p. 50 Bernabé (both quoted in the first apparatus), further
emphasizing the extent of the goddess’ power—in place of įİȚȞȐ in Hes.
Th. 582 (quoted in the first apparatus), on which 5 appears otherwise to be
modeled, and where the poet stresses the awful emotional impact of the
images on the headband worn by the ruinous first woman. (The manu-
scripts of Hesiod have ʌȠȜȜȐ, as in the Hymn, while įİȚȞȐ is preserved
only in a papyrus; which version of the Theogony the Hymn-poet knew is
impossible to say.)
4 is one of only two verses in the hAphr. with a fourth-foot caesura (al-
so 271); see Introduction 5.
įȚİȚʌȑIJİĮȢ: Elsewhere in early hexameter poetry, the adjective—
which the evidence of Alcm. PMG 3.66–7 ĮੁȖȜȐ[İ]ȞIJȠȢ ਕıIJȒȡ / ੩ȡĮȞ
įȚĮȚʌİIJȒȢ (Laconian) suggests is best written įȚİȚ-, at least in Homer and
Hesiod, and thus presumably here as well, rather than įȚȚ-, with the MSS—
appears exclusively in the genitive singular in the formulaic phrase
įȚİȚʌİIJȑȠȢ ʌȠIJĮȝȠȠ, filling the space from the feminine caesura to the end
of the line (e.g. Il. 16.174; Od. 4.477, 581; Hes. fr. 320). The etymology of
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 133
the word is obscure, as is how the Iliad- and Odyssey-poets and Hesiod
understood it; cf. LfgrE s. įȚȚʌİIJȒȢ; Treu (1958) 260–70; Szemerényi
(1974) 144–5; Renehan (1972) 93–6; (1975) 65. Here it appears in a differ-
ent form and sedes than elsewhere, and the contrast with land- and sea-
creatures in the rest of 4–5 suggests that it be taken ‘that fly through the
sky’ (as if derived from ǻȚȓ + ʌȑIJȠȝĮȚ; see Hinge (2006) 247–8) rather than
‘that fall from the sky’ (as if the second element were from ʌȓʌIJȦ), i.e.
‘that swoop down and settle on the ground’ (thus Allen, Halliday, and
Sikes (1963)). If that is correct, the accent belongs on the antepenult rather
than on the penult (as also in Alcman). M’s įȚȚʌİIJȑĮ represents assimila-
tion to the case of șȘȡȓĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ.
6 resumes the content of the relative clause that begins at 2 ਸ਼ IJİ (note in
particular ʌ઼ıȚ, ‘to all of these’, i.e. gods (2), humans (3), and beasts of
every sort (4–5)). But the effect of the intervening material is that—in
contrast to 1 ȡȖĮ ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ (where see n.)—ȡȖĮ …
ਥȣıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ here can only be understood as a periphrasis for
‘sex’, as again in 9, 21 (cf. 10; contrast 11, 15); Hes. Op. 521 (quoted in 1
n.). Cf. Porter (1949) 252–4; Podbielski (1971) 18–20; Pellizer (1978)
118–19.
ʌ઼ıȚ į ȡȖĮ: ʌ઼ıȚȞ (xAQP) is most likely a product of the—typically
scattered; cf. Introduction 6—acceptance in the Ȍ-family of a superlinear
nu designed to correct the meter after įૅ ȡȖĮ had replaced (with neglect of
digamma; contrast 1) į ȡȖĮ (Hoffmann) in ȍ or its exemplar. Cf. 9 n.,
10–11 n., 21 n.
ȡȖĮ ȝȑȝȘȜİȞ is an epic phrase, but is elsewhere attested only at line-
end (e.g. Il. 5.876; 9.228 (digamma neglected); Od. 5.67).
ਥȣıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ: For the combination of titles, cf. 1–2
ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ / ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ (but with the gloss supplied by the
goddess’ personal name there now omitted). The character Aphrodite who
plays a central part in the narratio that begins at 53 is never said to wear a
garland, headband, or the like (esp. 162–5; see West on Hes. Th. 578 for
the meaning of ıIJİijȐȞȘ), and there may once again (cf. 1–2 n.) be a glanc-
ing reference to the goddess of cult, as also at 175 ੁȠıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ*
(a comparison drawn by the narrator between the ‘immortal beauty’ that
shines from the character Aphrodite’s cheeks at the moment she re-
assumes her proper appearance in Anchises’ hut, and the appearance typi-
cal of ‘violet-crowned Cytherea’), 287 ਥȣıIJİijȐȞȦȚ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȚ* (the char-
acter Aphrodite warns Anchises not to boast to the other Trojans of having
slept with her, using a title under which she is known to the world general-
ly). The adjective (also a v.l. at 175 ੁȠıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ*, where see n.)
is applied routinely to goddesses, heroines, and the like (e.g. Od. 2.120 (the
heroine Mycene); Hes. Th. 255 (the Nereid Halimede), 1008 ਥȣıIJȑijĮȞȠȢ
134 Commentary
ਚįȠȞ: For the ‘timeless’ use of the verb to refer to an individual god’s
sphere of interest, see 9 n., and note the respect of the initial digamma.
The punctuation, which puts ਫ਼ıȝȞĮȓ IJİ ȝȐȤĮȚ IJİ in apposition to ȡȖȠȞ
ઓȡȘȠȢ at the end of 10, is that of West (2003). ‘Combats and fights’ are
engaged in by individual men (or armies made up of individual men),
whereas ‘wars’ (10) are the concern of cities or states. The words thus lend
immediate, practical content to the phrase they gloss, as the attention of the
narrative gradually shifts from the divine sphere (what Athena herself cares
about and does) in 9–10 to the human sphere (what she encourages human
beings to do) in 12–15 (where see n.); cf. 18–20 n.
After the repeated, emphatic reference to military affairs in 10 and the
first half of 11, țĮ ਕȖȜĮ ȡȖૅ ਕȜİȖȪȞİȚȞ comes as a surprise that reveals
a second side of Athena and a second contrast with Aphrodite (cf. 9). In
Homer, ਕȖȜĮ ȡȖĮ are not ‘brilliant deeds’, i.e. actions (for example in
war) that win the individual responsible for them honor in the eyes of oth-
ers. Instead, the phrase is consistently used for the ‘fine crafts’ produced by
women or goddesses, and in particular their weaving (Od. 10.223; 13.289;
15.418; 16.158; cf. Od. 22.421–3; Hes. Op. 63–4; fr. 43a.70–3); cf. 15. The
sheen attached to such objects thus belongs to the objects alone, and the
adjective represents the focalization of those who desire or consume them
(cf. 12–15 n.); the renown is not transferred via a sort of social hypallage to
the individuals who create the goods. The idea is expanded in 12–13 to
include items produced by human craftsmen, as also at h. 20.2–3 (He-
phaestus and Athena taught human beings ਕȖȜĮ ȡȖĮ, in particular how to
construct homes for themselves); note the appreciative ʌȠȚțȓȜĮ ȤĮȜțȚ at
the end of 13 with n. The change in the thought is accompanied (or
marked) by a shift in construction: ਕȖȜĮ ȡȖ(Į) is not yet another subject
for ਚįȠȞ, as it initially appears to be, but the object of ਕȜİȖȪȞİȚȞ. (Cf. 18,
where ਥȞĮȓȡİȚȞ, however, contributes to the sense, as ਕȜİȖȪȞİȚȞ here does
not; perhaps emend to ਕȜİȖȪȞİȚ, with Athena as subject?) The digamma at
the beginning of ȡȖĮ is respected, as also in 9 and 10.
12–15 In 10–11, ‘wars and Ares’ doings’ are tacitly taken to be of interest
not just to Athena but to the implied audience of the poem as well, and to
fall within their assumed area of cultural competence. Cart- and chariot-
making (12–13), on the other hand, like the production of textiles (14–15),
are represented as skills practiced by specific, implicitly subordinate
groups, and have value not in and of themselves but as a result of what
they yield.
12 ʌȡȫIJȘ does not identify Athena as the first in a series of similar figures
(‘she was the first to teach’), as if human beings had learned this lesson
repeatedly. Instead, the word reinforces the idea of priority already inher-
138 Commentary
ent in ਥįȓįĮȟİ (‘she first taught’, i.e. ‘it was she who in the beginning
taught’, a historical aorist; contrast 15 with n.). Cf. Pelliccia (1985) 51;
Faulkner (2006) 69; and note the similar use of the adjective with forms of
İਫ਼ȡȓıțȦ (‘be the first to discover’, which means nothing more than ‘dis-
cover’) at e.g. Phoron. fr. 2.5–6, p. 119 Bernabé. For Athena teaching
craftsmen their skills, e.g. Il. 5.60–2; 15.410–12; Od. 6.232–4 = 23.159–
61; h. 20.2–3; D.S. v.73.8; cf. Od. 8.493–4; Hes. Op. 430–1. For the asyn-
deton, cf. Il. 17.597; 24.710; Od. 3.36.
Forms of ਕȞȒȡ (‘man’) are generally pleonastic in expressions such as
IJȑțIJȠȞĮȢ ਙȞįȡĮȢ (e.g. Il. 4.187 ȤĮȜțોİȢ … ਙȞįȡİȢ; 16.633 įȡȣIJȩȝȦȞ
ਕȞįȡȞ; 23.845 ȕȠȣțȩȜȠȢ ਕȞȒȡ; [Hes.] Sc. 214 ਕȞȡ ਖȜȚİȪȢ; cf. LfgrE s.v.
B III 4 a Į); for IJȑțIJȠȞİȢ ਙȞįȡİȢ in particular, Il. 6.315; 13.390; 16.483;
Od. 9.126. But here the word serves to mark the contrast with Athena’s
status as a divinity—a point underlined by ਥʌȚȤșȠȞȓȠȣȢ, which might oth-
erwise also be regarded as pleonastic—on the one hand (cf. h. 20.2–3
ਕȖȜĮ ȡȖĮ / ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȣȢ ਥįȓįĮȟİȞ ਥʌ ȤșȠȞȩȢ, of Hephaestus together with
Athena), and the girls described in 14–15, on the other. A IJȑțIJȦȞ (etymol-
ogy uncertain) is a ‘builder’ or ‘craftsman’ who works with wood and
similar hard materials, sometimes attaching metal parts (e.g. Il. 4.110–11 (a
bow made of horn with a gold string-notch); Od. 19.55–7 (a couch with
ivory and silver insets); cf. Il. 5.59–62 (a ship-builder named Tekton);
hHerm. 25 (construction of a lyre described with the cognate verb
IJİțIJĮȓȞȦ)), as here; treated as a basic occupational category and distin-
guished from a potter at Hes. Op. 25.
13 Because carts and chariots are large, complicated objects that require
horses or mules to be of use, they are among the most luxurious of luxury
goods.
ıĮIJȓȞĮȚ (attested only in the plural) are fancy carts of some sort, and
are elsewhere used exclusively by women (Sapph. fr. 44.13 ıĮIJȓȞĮȚ[Ȣ] ʌૅ
ਥȣIJȡȩȤȠȚȢ (pulled by mules and ridden by Troy’s women and girls as part
of a marriage celebration; contrasted with the horse-drawn ਚȡȝĮIJĮ used by
the city’s men); E. Hel. 1311 (used by Demeter/the Mountain Mother;
lyric) and effeminates (Anacr. PMG 388. 12 (among the affectations of the
disgusting nouveau riche Artemon)). Probably a loan-word from a lan-
guage such as Lydian or Phrygian; attested nowhere after Euripides, except
in Herodian (who repeatedly defines it as İੇįȠȢ ਚȡȝĮIJȠȢ, ‘a type of cart’)
and at Hsch. ı 247 (glossed Įੂ ਚȝĮȟĮȚ; most likely from a note on Helen).
The obscurity of the term must be at least in part responsible for the cor-
ruption of ıĮIJȓȞĮȢ to ıȐIJȚȞĮ in ȍ (as if this were a neuter plural; further
corrupted or ‘corrected’ to ıțȪIJȚȞĮ in f); Barnes’ addition of IJİ serves to
eliminate both masculine caesura and hiatus between țĮ and ਚȡȝĮIJĮ.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 139
where in early epic only there; subsequently at Thgn. 1341 (of a boy with
whom the speaker is in love).
The point of ਥȞ ȝİȖȐȡȠȚıȚȞ is not just—perhaps not even primarily—
that the girls are taught to weave ‘within (their father’s) house’. Instead,
the house is where they are properly found almost all the time (cf. 114
ȝİȖȐȡȦȚ) and especially when they do their weaving.
ਕȖȜĮ ȡȖ(Į): see 11 n.
ਥʌ ijȡİı șİıĮ ਦțȐıIJȘȚ: Craftsmen produce goods of all kinds, and
relatively few of them occupy themselves with carts and wagons (12–13
with 13 n.). But every household needs cloth, and every woman, young or
old, must devote time to producing it, like it or not; cf. 139–40 n. For the
language, cf. Il. 13.121 ਥȞ ijȡİı șȑıșİ ਪțĮıIJȠȢ; Od. 4.729 ਥȞ ijȡİı șȑıșİ
ਦțȐıIJȘ; ਥʌ ijȡİı șોț(İ) at e.g. Il. 1.55; 8.218; Od. 5.427; 18.158; 21.1.
16–20 can be understood as a second short embedded ‘descriptive’ or ‘at-
tributive’ hymn (cf. 8–15 n.), in honor of another virgin daughter of
Zeus—who himself, however, goes unmentioned here (contrast 8, 23, 27–
9). Hymns 9 and 27 (printed and discussed elsewhere in this volume) are
also dedicated to Artemis.
16–17 A priamel, once again resuming the general negative assertion in 7
(cf. 9 n., and see below), but applying it in this case to Artemis before the
positive description of her interests in 18–20.
Ƞį … / įȐȝȞĮIJĮȚ ਥȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ: Unlike in 7 (where see n.), the em-
phasis is on Aphrodite’s failure to achieve the results she desires, rather
than on the methods she employs to pursue them, which are irrelevant to
the specific point at issue. ਥȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ in the sense ‘in lovemaking, in bed’
is Homeric (e.g. 150 with n.; Il. 2.232; 24.130 (both with forms of ȝȓıȖȦ,
literally ‘mix’)). But the use of the phrase as something approaching a bare
instrumental dative with įȐȝȞȘȝȚ (cf. 3 ਥįĮȝȐııĮIJȠ with n., 82 n.; Od.
9.516; Hes. fr. 141.2 ǻȚઁȢ įȝȘșİıĮ įȩȜȠȚıȚ (of Europa)) to say that Aph-
rodite is eager to convince Artemis to go to bed with someone else, as a
means of subduing her, is unexpected. For the verb, cf. also Hes. Th. 121–2
(of Eros) ʌȐȞIJȦȞ IJİ șİȞ ʌȐȞIJȦȞ IJૅ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ / įȐȝȞĮIJĮȚ ਥȞ ıIJȒșİııȚ
ȞȩȠȞ țĮ ਥʌȓijȡȠȞĮ ȕȠȣȜȒȞ.
ਝȡIJȑȝȚįĮ ȤȡȣıȘȜȐțĮIJȠȞ țİȜĮįİȚȞȒȞ: modeled on Il. 20.70–1 (quot-
ed in the first apparatus), which also supplied the template for h. 9.1–2;
27.1–2; cf. 118 (where most of the Ȍ-family MSS again carelessly drop a
syllable from ȤȡȣıȘȜȐțĮIJȠȢ); Bacch. 10.37–9 ਡȡIJİȝȚȢ ਕȖȡȠIJȑȡĮ /
ȤȡȣıĮȜȐțĮIJȠȢ … / … IJȠȟȩțȜȣIJȠȢ. The accusative form ਝȡIJȑȝȚįĮ is inno-
vative, ਡȡIJİȝȚȞ being standard elsewhere (e.g. h. 27.1). Artemis, like
Athena (8 with n.), is introduced with a grand epic formula that implicitly
stresses her majesty and thus—despite the universal claim in 2—the intrin-
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 141
in the sense ‘far-stretching’) and tragic lyric (S. OC 1479; E. Hel. 1308
(both of sounds)); and occasionally in late prose.
ੑȜȠȜȣȖĮȓ are emotionally charged, inarticulate cries that follow or ac-
company prayer and/or sacrifice (Il. 6.301; Od. 3.450; 4.767) or another
manifestation of divine power (Od. 22.408, 411; hAp. 119, 445). Here the
word refers via synecdoche to the slaughter of a victim that marks the cli-
max of what must now be understood as public festivities that are part of
the human world and include, as preliminary matters, the music and danc-
ing mentioned in the first half of the verse. Elsewhere in early epic,
ੑȜȠȜȣȖĮȓ are produced only by women, who do not play the lyre or make
sacrifice, but who are described as participating in a chorus at a festival of
Artemis at 118–20 and must here be imagined as part of the crowd of wor-
shippers.
20 ਙȜıİȐ IJİ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮ: An ਙȜıȠȢ (‘sacred grove’) is a special precinct set
aside for a god outside a city (e.g. Od. 6.291–4; 17.204–8), and routinely
contains an altar (Od. 17.208–11; hAp. 384; [Hes.] Sc. 70), on the one
hand—making this an appropriate setting for the sacrifices referred to
obliquely in 19 (where see n.)—and an abundant source of water (e.g. Od.
6.292; 17.205–6, 208–10; hAp. 384–5), and therefore trees (e.g. Od. 6.291–
2 ਙȜıȠȢ … / ĮੁȖİȓȡȦȞ (‘a sacred grove of poplars’); hAp. 76 ਙȜıİĮ
įİȞįȡȘȑȞIJĮ (‘sacred groves full of trees’), 143, 235), on the other; cf. 97
with n., 264–8 with nn. The trees within the grove produce the shade to
which the adjective (never of ਙȜıİĮ elsewhere in early epic, but commonly
applied to mountains, clouds, and halls) refers; the focalization is either
that of celebrants (like those whose actions are obliquely described in 19,
as more explicitly at Od. 20.277–8 IJȠ įૅ ਕȖȑȡȠȞIJȠ țȐȡȘ țȠȝȩȦȞIJİȢ ਝȤĮȚȠȓ
/ ਙȜıȠȢ ʌȠ ıțȚİȡઁȞ ਦțĮIJȘȕȩȜȠȣ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ (‘and the long-haired Achae-
ans gathered beneath the shady sacred grove of Apollo who shoots from
afar’)) or—more in keeping with the general structure of the passage (see
18–20 n.)—of Artemis herself, as she visits the spot, drawn from the
mountain and her hunting by the sound of the celebration in her honor. Cf.
below on the singular ʌIJȩȜȚȢ and įȚțĮȓȦȞ; 72–4 n. on ıțȚȩİȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ.
įȚțĮȓȦȞ: i.e. in context ‘who show the gods due respect’ (e.g. Od.
3.133; 6.120 = 9.175), by collectively sponsoring (hence the reference to
the city) and individually participating in the local rites celebrated in the
sacred precincts referred to in the first half of the verse, and thus by exten-
sion in the specific activities described in 19 (and see below on ʌIJȩȜȚȢ).
The assessment is thus again easily understood as that of Artemis (cf.
above on ਙȜıİȐ IJİ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮ), who is pleased by the dances and sacrifices
carried out in her honor. For Artemis’ concern for justice and her readiness
to punish its opposite (not usually among her most prominent characteris-
tics), see also Call. h. 3.121–35; and cf. Anacr. PMG 348.5–8 (of Artemis)
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 145
48, where the epithet is used of the tricky Prometheus. Both Cronus and
Zeus are characterized in primarily intellectual terms, as again in 42–3. But
the wiles of the former proved no match for the plans of the latter (below),
and the quiet implication is that Aphrodite’s similarly wide-ranging power
(2–6, esp. 6), which also depends on treachery and deceit (7), may fare no
better, should she as well come into conflict with Zeus (although cf. 36–44
with nn.).
ȕȠȣȜોȚ ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ: Although perhaps itself subject to Fate, the
ȕȠȣȜ ǻȚȩȢ (‘will of Zeus’; see LfgrE s.v. B 1d), when exerted, is else-
where presented as a fundamental force in determining the ultimate course
of events in the epic world (esp. Il. 1.5 and Cypr. fr. 1.7, p. 45 Bernabé
ǻȚઁȢ įૅ ਥIJİȜİȓİIJȠ ȕȠȣȜȒ (‘the will of Zeus was accomplished’); cf. 26–7 n.;
Richardson on hDem. 9). Reference to it thus amounts to a quiet assertion
that Zeus now controls the universe, and by implication that Cronus does
not, a message reinforced by the renewed reference to the aegis (cf. 8 with
n.; Janko on Il. 15.308–11), as again in 27 ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ* (cf. 187 ʌȡઁȢ
ǽȘȞઁȢ … ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ with n.; h. 28.7 with n.). The phrase as a whole can
accordingly be read as something approaching a gloss on Hes. Th. 495–6,
where ‘great Cronus of the bent ȝોIJȚȢ’ is said to have been defeated
IJȑȤȘȞȚıȚ ȕȓȘijȓ IJİ ʌĮȚįઁȢ ਦȠȠ (‘by the crafts and might of his son’). The
transposition ǻȚઁȢ ȕȠȣȜોȚ is an independent error in ī and T, and lacks
stemmatic significance.
24 ʌȩIJȞȚĮȞ: In 21–3, Hestia is presented as a conventionally-minded girl
who plays a subordinate role in the intrigues between her father Cronus
and his successor Zeus. The enjambed title ‘lady’ (of goddesses at e.g. Od.
1.14; Hes. Th. 11; hAp. 12), on the other hand, lends her independent maj-
esty, not only providing further motivation for the eagerness of Poseidon
and Apollo to have her hand in marriage, but anticipating and thus in one
sense explaining the astonishing independence with which she acts in 25–8
(contrast ĮੁįȠȓȘ in 21 with n., and see 25–6 n.). Put another way, ʌȩIJȞȚĮȞ
can be understood as an intrusive description that interrupts the narrative to
point proleptically to the extraordinary honors with which Zeus showers
Hestia in 29–32, and so to her position in contemporary cult. Cf. 21 n. on
ĮੁįȠȓȘȚ țȠȪȡȘȚ, 25–7 n. on 26 į IJİIJİȜİıȝȑȞȠȢ ਥıIJȓȞ, 32–3.
Ȟ țIJȜ: Introducing the second narrative portion of the myth; cf. 22–3
n. The story of the courting of Hestia by Poseidon and Apollo is not attest-
ed elsewhere and may be a nonce detail, which serves to set up the far
more richly developed (and much more certainly traditional) account that
follows of how she refused all suitors (26–8) and was rewarded—or com-
pensated—by Zeus for her decision (29–32). In any case, Poseidon and
Apollo are two of the most obviously eligible male gods, representing the
older and the younger generation of Olympians, respectively; neither takes
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 149
n.). By swearing by Zeus’ head, Hestia affirms his authority over herself
and the other gods. But by tying that affirmation to her own insistence on
remaining a virgin forever, she simultaneously binds his hands at a crucial
moment in cosmic history: if Zeus is now truly king of the gods in place of
his father Cronus (cf. 22–3 with nn.), he must side with Hestia rather than
with either Poseidon or Apollo. Not only does Zeus let Hestia have her
way, therefore, but he offers her enormous honors as well (29–32). The
story of Styx, who offers her allegiance to Zeus at a crucial moment in his
struggle with the Titans and receives enormous rewards—including the
right of her children to remain in his house ‘all their days’ (ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ;
cf. 28 ʌȐȞIJૅ ਵȝĮIJĮ, 30 with n.)—in return (Hes. Th. 397–401), is similar.
For the story of dispute between Zeus and Poseidon over the hand of The-
tis, which had a similar potential to destabilize Zeus’ reign in its earliest
stages, cf. Pi. I. 8.22–32, 39–40 with Dornseiff (1931) 203 (arguing that
the older tale was the model for the Hymn’s story of the unsuccessful
courtship of Hestia); Jouan (1956) 290–302 (suggesting the version of the
story in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women as the specific model here);
Lenz (1975) 142–3 (responding to Jouan); Slatkin (1991), esp. 59–84, 96–
105.
ʌȐȞIJૅ ਵȝĮIJĮ represents a unique reworking of the standard epic for-
mula ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ (generally line-final; cf. 148 with the second apparatus,
209, 221, 240; attested subsequently at e.g. Arat. 20*, 204*; A.R. 4.648*;
Call. fr. 288.51*).
ʌĮIJȡ ǽİȪȢ (attested in early epic at Il. 4.235; 5.33; 17.630; hDem.
321, but never in this sedes) picks up on ʌĮIJȡઁȢ ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ in 27
(where see n.), marking the capacity in which Zeus now acts, and thus the
significance of the support Hestia has given him.
țĮȜઁȞ ȖȑȡĮȢ: In Homer, the first syllable of forms of țĮȜȩȢ is invaria-
bly scanned long (note esp. Od. 11.184 ıઁȞ įૅ Ƞ ʌȫ IJȚȢ ȤİȚ țĮȜઁȞ ȖȑȡĮȢ,
ਕȜȜ ਪțȘȜȠȢ; h. 29.4 (of Hestia) / țĮȜઁȞ ȤȠȣıĮ ȖȑȡĮȢ țĮ IJȚȝȒȞ) rather
than short, as here and at 261; scanned short at Hes. Th. 585 with West p.
82; Op. 63. Nor is an epic ȖȑȡĮȢ generally given a positive adjective in any
case (although cf. Od. 11.184 (quoted above; perhaps the model for the
phrase here, despite the different scansions of țĮȜȩȞ), 534 ȖȑȡĮȢ ਥıșȜȩȞ
(both from consolatory speeches in the Underworld, and conceivably given
additional emotional coloring as a result); hHerm. 129 IJȑȜİȠȞ … ȖȑȡĮȢ
(obscure); h. 29.4 (quoted above; of the honor bestowed on Hestia, and
most likely an echo of this line); Il.Parv. fr. 21.8, p. 81 Bernabé ਥʌȓȘȡȠȞ …
ȖȑȡĮȢ), for a special portion of honor is a superlatively fine possession in
and of itself. For ‘giving’ divine honors, cf. Richardson on hDem. 327f.
ਕȞIJ ȖȐȝȠȚȠ: Perhaps modeled on Od. 20.307 țĮȓ țȑ IJȠȚ ਕȞIJ ȖȐȝȠȚȠ
ʌĮIJȡ IJȐijȠȞ ਕȝijİʌȠȞİIJȠ, where the phrase (attested nowhere else in early
152 Commentary
in every house or temple (viz. in the guise of its hearth (ੂıIJȓȘ)), where she
is awarded her own initial share of sacrifices. For Hestia’s/the hearth’s
presence in all houses and temples, cf. h. 24.1–2 (Apollo’s temple at Del-
phi); 29.1–4; Aristonous’ Hymn to Hestia 12–13, p. 165 Powell ȝȠȪȞĮ
ʌȣȡઁȢ ਕȝijȚȑʌȠȣıĮ / ȕȦȝȠઃȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ ਥȡȚIJȓȝȠȣȢ (‘who alone tend the
much-honored altars of the gods with fire (?)’). For her right to a first-fruit
share of sacrifices, cf. h. 24.3 (where the olive oil that oozes from her hair
must represent her share of libation-offerings); 29.5–6 (‘(there are no feasts
where) someone does not begin by pouring libations of honey-sweet wine
to Hestia first and last’); Aristonic. FGrH 493 F 5 (quoted at 21–32 n.),
preserved at ȈVī Ar. V. 846, discussing the proverb ਕijૅ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȢ ਕȡȤȩȝİȞȠȢ
(‘beginning from Hestia’; alluded to also at Pl. Euthphr. 3a; Crat. 401b).
Zeus and ‘the ੂıIJȓȘ of faultless Odysseus’ are invoked together in a formu-
lar oath at Od. 14.158–9 = 17.155–6 = 19.303–4 = 20.231–2; but she
scarcely seems personified there.
31 treats Hestia’s position in the temples of the gods, 32 her status
among mortals and by implication in their homes. But in both cases human
beings—specifically referred to only here in the embedded Hestia-hymn
(cf. 20, at the end of the embedded Artemis-hymn, with nn.)—are respon-
sible for whatever honors she is awarded, and the other gods function as
her colleagues. For the general idea, cf. hDem. 268–9 (quoted in the first
apparatus), where Richardson detects possible influence from the hAphr.
(note IJȑIJȣțIJĮȚ*, less awkward here, where the 3rd-person verb is appropri-
ate; but see below on IJȚȝȐȠȤȠȢ; cf. Introduction 3).
The formal structure of 31 and 32 is very similar: in the first half of the
line up to the feminine caesura, a conjunction and a participial phrase in-
cluding the word ʌ઼ıȚ(Ȟ); the word șİȞ; and a feminine adjective describ-
ing Hestia followed by a copulative verb. Variety is supplied by the fact
that in 31 șİȞ is a possessive genitive with ȞȘȠıȚ, whereas in 32 it func-
tions as a genitive of the whole with ʌȡȑıȕİȚȡĮ.
ਥȞ ȞȘȠıȚ: The plural ȞȘȠıȚ is attested elsewhere in early epic only at
hAp. 347*, and in the short form at Hes. Th. 990; h. 1.D1 West ਥȞ ȞȘȠȢ
(both line-final).
IJȚȝȐȠȤȠȢ is attested elsewhere in early epic only at hDem. 268 (where
see Richardson’s n.; quoted above). Hoekstra (1969) 56 argues that the
long alpha is an epic Aeolicism, and that the presence of the word in the
hDem. represents the influence of the hAphr. But which of the two poems
is earlier is impossible to say, and direct influence in one direction or the
other need not be assumed in any case. See Introduction 3.
ʌĮȡ ʌ઼ıȚ ȕȡȠIJȠıȚ is extremely emphatic: no matter how powerful
Aphrodite may be, mortals nonetheless universally honor the virginal
Hestia more. For the idea, cf. D.S. v.68.1 IJȠȪIJȦȞ (i.e. the children of Cro-
154 Commentary
nus and Rhea) į ȜȑȖİIJĮȚ IJȞ ȝȞ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȞ IJȞ IJȞ ȠੁțȓȦȞ țĮIJĮıțİȣȞ
İਫ਼ȡİȞ, țĮ įȚ IJȞ İİȡȖİıȓĮȞ IJĮȪIJȘȞ ʌĮȡ ʌ઼ıȚ ıȤİįઁȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚȢ ਥȞ
ʌȐıĮȚȢ ȠੁțȓĮȚȢ țĮșȚįȡȣșોȞĮȚ, IJȚȝȞ țĮ șȣıȚȞ IJȣȖȤȐȞȠȣıĮȞ (‘of this
group, the story goes that Hestia discovered the establishment of house-
holds, and that on account of this benefaction, among almost all peoples
she has a position in all their homes, and gets honors and sacrifices’).
ʌȡȑıȕİȚȡĮ: ‘eldest’, sc. ‘and thus most deserving of honor’; cf. 22
with n. The word is first attested here and is subsequently treated as poetic:
Ar. Ach. 883 (tragic parody) with Olson ad loc.; Lys. 86 (‘Laconian’); E. IT
963; Orphic fr. 315.3 Kern = 702.4 F Bernabé; conjectural at S. fr.
314.339.
33–35 33 resumes 7 (where see n.), while 34–5 both summarize the content
of 2–6 (although see below) and set up the reference to Aphrodite’s decep-
tion of Zeus in 36 (where see n.). In contrast to 2–6, however, 34–5 re-
spond to the catalogue of three divine exceptions to the goddess’ universal
power in 7–33 with a negative declaration that emphasizes her victims’
historical (perfective) failure to escape her, rather than her own constant,
unchanging influence (not ‘she exercises power over all creatures’, but ‘no
creature has ever escaped her’; contrast 36–40 with n.), while omitting any
mention of animals (cf. 4–5), which by implication lack the capacity to be
persuaded (ʌİʌȚșİȞ ijȡȑȞĮȢ) or deceived (ਕʌĮIJોıĮȚ).
Ƞ ʌȑȡ IJȚ … / ȠIJİ șİȞ … ȠIJİ … ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ (literally ‘nothing at
all of either gods or human beings’) is an awkward and unlikely way of
saying ‘not a single god or human being’.
The contrast between the chiastically arranged adjectives ȝĮțȐȡȦȞ and
șȞȘIJȞ serves to bring out the force and significance of the former: unlike
human beings, the gods are ‘happy, blessed’ no matter what happens to
them, even if they find themselves unable to resist Aphrodite’s assaults (cf.
34), for they are not subject to death. Cf. 2–3, 38–39 n., 92, 109–10, 167;
Pellizer (1978) 126–9; less pointed contrasts at 142, 149. For the language
of 34, cf. Od. 8.212 IJȞ įૅ ਙȜȜȦȞ Ƞ ʌȑȡ IJȚȞૅ*.
36–37 Perhaps echoed at Mosch. 76 ȀȪʌȡȚįȠȢ, ȝȠȪȞȘ įȪȞĮIJĮȚ țĮ ǽોȞĮ
įĮȝȐııĮȚ; see Introduction 3.
The terms in which Zeus is described render Aphrodite’s ability to lead
him astray an a fortiori proof of her absolute power (34–5). If anyone can
hold out against her, it ought to be the most powerful (and best-married) of
the gods; but she dominates even him. Cf. E. Tr. 949–50 (of Zeus and Aph-
rodite) Ȣ IJȞ ȝȞ ਙȜȜȦȞ įĮȚȝȩȞȦȞ ȤİȚ țȡȐIJȠȢ, / țİȓȞȘȢ į įȠ૨ȜȩȢ ਥıIJȚ
(‘he who has power over the other gods, but is her slave’); Podbielski
(1971) 28–9; Smith (1981a) 38.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 155
ʌȐȡİț ǽȘȞઁȢ ȞȩȠȞ ਵȖĮȖİ: van Eck (1978) ad loc. argues that ਵȖĮȖİ
(like ıȣȞȑȝİȚȟİ in 39) cannot be a ‘timeless’ aorist with IJİ, on the ground
that ‘the statement that Aphrodite makes Zeus fall in love with mortal
women, is no longer valid in the poet’s days’. But nothing in the text has
drawn a sharp, clear line between ‘heroic time’ and the poet’s own time,
and 2–6 in fact argue for the contrary; and the verbs are best taken as de-
scribing Aphrodite’s regular and continuing (rather than past and vanished)
mode of behavior. Cf. 38–39 n.; Pelliccia (1985) 133–4. Elsewhere in early
epic, ʌȐȡİț ȞȩȠȞ functions adverbially (‘senselessly, thoughtlessly, stupid-
ly’; I adopt West’s accentuation in place of the traditional ʌĮȡȑț); cf. Il.
10.391 ʌȠȜȜોȚıȓȞ ȝૅ ਙIJȘȚıȚ ʌȐȡİț ȞȩȠȞ ਵȖĮȖİȞ ૠǼțIJȦȡ (‘Hector stupidly
led me astray with many bad suggestions’); 20.133; hHerm. 547. Here, on
the other hand, ʌȐȡİț is treated as in ‘tmesis’ with ਵȖĮȖİ, which takes
ǽȘȞઁȢ ȞȩȠȞ as its object. The phrase ǽȘȞઁȢ ȞȩȠȞ is Hesiodic (Op. 661; frr.
43a.52; 303.2), but is not attested elsewhere in this sedes.
IJİȡʌȚțİȡĮȪȞȠȣ: The lightning-bolt is the weapon with which Zeus
overcame the Titans (Hes. Th. 141, 687–704) and which he continues to
wield against his enemies (288 with n.). It thus serves as a symbol of his
power, and the implications of the epithet are teased out in 37: not only is
Zeus objectively ‘the greatest’ (ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȢ), but he is recognized as such
(ȝİȖȓıIJȘȢ … ȝȝȠȡİ IJȚȝોȢ), sc. by human beings and other gods as well.
(The anaphora creates a sense of consequence: Zeus is ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȢ, and he is
accordingly awarded ȝİȖȓıIJȘȢ … IJȚȝોȢ. For other references to Zeus as
ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȢ, e.g. Il. 7.202 = 24.308; Hes. Th. 49, 548; h. 23.1.) Aphrodite
nonetheless has the best of him, because she operates in another forum, by
leading his mind astray (ʌȐȡİț … ȞȩȠȞ ਵȖĮȖİ); cf. 7 n., 22–3 (again im-
plicitly recalling the Titanomachy) with n., 38 with n. Forms of
IJİȡʌȚțȑȡĮȣȞȠȢ appear routinely in this sedes in early epic (see the second
apparatus), always preceded by a form of ǽİȪȢ, although not in the geni-
tive.
Ȣ IJİ țIJȜ is reminiscent of the sort of relative clause typical of hymnic
proems; cf. 2 n., 41–3 with n.; Hes. Th. 49 (what the Muses sing about
Zeus) ııȠȞ ijȑȡIJĮIJȩȢ ਥıIJȚ șİȞ țȐȡIJİȚ IJİ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȢ (‘to what extent he is
the strongest of the gods and the most powerful’).
Ȣ IJİ ȝȑȖȚıIJȠȢ is an epic phrase, but is attested elsewhere only at line-
end. ȝȝȠȡİ IJȚȝોȢ / is likewise Homeric and Hesiodic, but is not combined
elsewhere with an adjective such as ȝİȖȓıIJȘȢ. See the second apparatus.
38–39 36 offers the bald assertion that Aphrodite routinely leads Zeus
astray, while 37 brings out some of the peculiarity of this, by expanding on
the theme of his seemingly insuperable power implicit in IJİȡʌȚțȑȡĮȣȞȠȢ.
38–9, by contrast, return to the general idea expressed in 36 (36 ʌȐȡİț
ǽȘȞઁȢ ȞȩȠȞ ਵȖĮȖİ ~ 38 IJȠ૨ … ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਥȟĮʌĮijȠ૨ıĮ), but explore the situa-
156 Commentary
nally or properly belong together) is first attested here (see LSJ s.v. I.2),
and the use of the active to mean ‘cause others to have sex’ (also 50, 250;
cf. 52 ਕȞȑȝȚȟİ in the same sense) appears to be unexampled outside of the
hAphr. and Parthenius SH 640.4 (although Pelliccia (1990) 188–90 argues
that Thgn. 190 ʌȜȠ૨IJȠȢ ȝİȚȟİ ȖȑȞȠȢ puns on this usage). -ȝİȚȟ- rather than
ȍ’s metrically indifferent -ȝȚȟ- is the older form of the verb, and I follow
West (2003) in restoring it here, as again in 50, 52, 250.
țĮIJĮșȞȘIJોȚıȚ ȖȣȞĮȚȟȓȞ is not an epic formula, and is apparently
adapted from the common Homeric țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ / (3*). The
inclusion of the adjective (unnecessary for the basic sense) brings out the
absurdity of the situation, and thus the power of Aphrodite: Zeus, the
greatest and most-honored of the gods (36 with n.), is forced by her to have
sex not just with women but with mortal women, when he could sleep with
his beautiful immortal wife instead. Cf. 40–4 with n., 46 ਕȞįȡ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȚ
with n., 50*, 250*; and note the contrast implicit in 41 ਥȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȚıȚ
șİોȚıȚ*. Given the cluster of allusions in 38 to the story of Hera’s seduction
of Zeus in Iliad 14, the reference is presumably in the first instance to the
extended catalogue of mortal lovers he offers his wife at 14.317–25—none
of whom, he claims, enflamed him with desire as much as she does now.
Cf. 40 n., 50–2 n. The restriction of interest to Zeus’ specifically mortal
lovers (contrast Il. 14.326–8, where he includes a mention of his affairs
with Demeter and Leto) anticipates his treatment of Aphrodite in 45–6,
where see n.
40–44 are easily understood as a short embedded ‘descriptive’ or ‘attribu-
tive’ hymn to Hera, like those in honor of Athena and Artemis at 8–20 (see
7–33 n., and note the relative clause in 41 with n.). h. 12 (to Hera; printed
and discussed elsewhere in this volume) likewise refers to the goddess’
ancestry (1), beauty (2), status as Zeus’ wife and sister (3), and prominence
(4; see 42 n.), although all as a way of developing the theme of her majesty
(1, 5), which receives no particular attention here, the focus being instead
on Zeus and the peculiarity of his eagerness to seek implicitly inferior mor-
tal lovers. For other early hymns to Hera, see Sapph. fr. 17; Alc. fr. 129.
40 In Iliad 14 (cf. 38–9 n.), Hera must make herself exceptionally attrac-
tive in order to ensure that Zeus feels lust for her. ǹnd although he there
claims to have been ‘mastered by desire’ when he had sex with various
other mortal women and goddesses (14.315–16 ȝૅ … ȡȠȢ … / …
ਥįȐȝĮııİȞ, ‘lust overcame me’; cf. 14.328 ੮Ȣ ıȑȠ Ȟ૨Ȟ ȡĮȝĮȚ țĮȓ ȝİ
ȖȜȣțઃȢ ȝİȡȠȢ Įੂȡİ, ‘as much as I now feel lust for you, and sweet desire
has control of me’), he never presents his behavior as mistaken or as re-
quiring an apology, and he certainly makes no mention of forgetting the
existence of his wife. Here, on the other hand, Aphrodite involves Zeus
158 Commentary
sively within the tale of Zeus’ rise to power. Cf. h. 12.1–4, where the narra-
tive line is even more deeply submerged in a largely ‘descriptive’ or ‘at-
tributive’ structure: Hera was born to Rhea (1); is/was exceptionally beau-
tiful (2); and is the sister and wife of Zeus (3–4).
42–44 unpack and lend narrative content to țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȢ ਕȜȩȤȠȣ IJİ in 40
(where see n.). Chiastic structure: (a) an adjective in the accusative, set in
apposition to ‘her’ (Hera) and governed by (b) a third-person singular verb,
the subject of which is provided by (c) a cluster of names and associated
titles and epithets in the nominative; (c´) another name-epithet cluster in
the nominative, serving as the subject of (b´) another third-person verb
governing (c´) a second (and considerably more extended) set of accusa-
tives set in apposition to an implied ‘her/Hera’.
42 is adapted from Il. 4.59 țĮȓ ȝİ ʌȡİıȕȣIJȐIJȘȞ IJȑțİIJȠ ȀȡȩȞȠȢ
ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ (‘crooked-counselled Cronus bore me as his eldest daughter’;
Hera asserts her right to have her hostility toward Troy respected by Zeus),
but with țȣįȓıIJȘȞ rather than ʌȡİıȕȣIJȐIJȘȞ (which would do metrically
just as well), as mandated by the narrator’s interpretation of Hes. Th. 454
(see 22–3 n.).
țȣįȓıIJȘȞ (superlative of țȪįȡȠȢ) is proleptic within the implied narra-
tive (for which, see 41 n.): Hera is ‘exceptionally prominent’ not when she
is born, but as a result of her marriage to Zeus (43–4). For the idea, cf. h.
12.4 / țȪįȡȘȞ. Epic vocabulary (cf. 108; of gods at e.g. Il. 2.412 (Zeus);
4.515 (Athena); Hes. Th. 548 (Zeus); hAp. 62 (Leto)), but attested nowhere
else in early epic in this sedes.
For ‘lively’ ਙȡĮ marking a new narrative moment, see 30 n.
For the reference to the conflict between Cronus and Zeus and the ul-
timate victory of the latter implicit in the descriptions of Cronus as
ਕȖțȣȜȠȝȒIJȘȢ and Zeus as ਙijșȚIJĮ ȝȒįİĮ İੁįȫȢ, see 22–3 n.; and cf. Rich-
ardson on Il. 24.88. But the mention of Rhea, and specifically as Hera’s
mother rather than as the previous queen of the gods vel sim. (ȝȒIJȘȡ IJİ
૽ȇİȓȘ; cf. Hes. Th. 453–4; h. 12.1 Ȟ IJȑțİ ૽ȇİȓȘ (where Cronus is ignored)),
adds a strikingly domestic note (cf. 110, 133–42), as if Hera were a beauti-
ful (41) young girl, and Zeus was a suitor who had come to her parents’
house to ask for (or claim) her hand; cf. the characterization of her in 44
with n., and see 109–10 n. (on the differing characterizations of epic moth-
ers and fathers). At Il. 14.295–6, on the other hand, the poet claims that
Hera and Zeus slept together secretly before their parents knew of their
relationship. For the relative ages of Zeus and Hera, see Janko on Il.
14.203–4, who notes that she appears to be imagined there as considerably
younger than her husband (as an archaic Greek bride normally would be;
cf. Hes. Op. 699, quoted below). The characterization of Zeus also serves
160 Commentary
to highlight the wisdom with which he chose his wife, as emerges emphat-
ically in 44, and anticipates the success of the plan described in 45–52.
For 44, cf. Hera’s own description of her status as Zeus’ wife at hAp.
313 (quoted in the first apparatus).
ĮੁįȠȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ ʌȠȚȒıĮIJȠ țİįȞ ੁįȣĮȞ: Hera is presented as the ideal
bride and wife both in the eyes of the world (for the sense of ĮੁįȠȠȢ, see
21 n.) and in her attitude toward her husband (țİįȞ ੁįȣĮȞ; contrast 134
with n.). That Aphrodite is able to make Zeus forget about her (40) is thus
all the more tragic—or ridiculous—hence the emphatic accumulation of
adjectives. For the ideal of the devoted (țİįȞȒ) wife, see Hes. Th. 607–10;
Op. 699 ʌĮȡșİȞȚțȞ į ȖĮȝİȞ, ੮Ȣ țૅ ਵșİĮ țİįȞ įȚįȐȟİȚȢ (‘Marry a vir-
ginal young woman, so that you can teach her to be devoted to you’). The
singular ĮੁįȠȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ is not attested elsewhere in early epic, but is
adapted from the line-end formula ĮੁįȠȓȘȚȢ ਕȜȩȤȠȚıȚȞ (Il. 6.250; 21.460;
Od. 10.11; hAp. 148); cf. the numerous Homeric references to the ਙȜȠȤȠȢ
țİįȞȒ (e.g. Il. 24.730; Od. 1.432; 20.57; 22.223). țİįȞ ੁįȣĮȞ (as opposed
to ȍ’s spondaic țȑįȞૅ İੁįȣĮȞ) is the older version of the formula, and I
accordingly restore it here, as also in 134. Contrast West on Hes. Th. 264;
Richardson on hDem. 195, both of whom would maintain the paradosis in
such situations.
45–53 The extent of Aphrodite’s power has now been described in consid-
erable detail (1–6, 34–5). That there are three exceptions (7–33, correcting
2–6, esp. 2, 6) shows that this power is not quite universal. There are only
three exceptions, however, and all are goddesses; and the only other sub-
stantial force in the universe, as it is presented here, is Zeus (esp. 8 with n.,
22–9 with nn.)—who is not part of the story of the love-affair of Aphrodite
and Anchises as other sources tell of it (see Introduction 1). That Aphrodite
has treated Zeus badly has been made clear in 36–44, and this abuse might
be seen in retrospect as motivating his action against her. But nothing has
been said explicitly about Zeus’ resentment of Aphrodite’s meddling in his
(seemingly otherwise entirely happy) marriage, nor has she herself yet
emerged as more than a marginal character in the narrative (although she
certainly figures as a cosmic force). Although the narratio (the ‘pars epi-
ca’) arguably begins at 45, therefore, some crucial elements have yet to be
supplied (46–52). After they are in place, the thought in 45–6 is resumed in
53, although this time in a specific rather than a generic form, and the story
of Aphrodite and Anchises, which occupies almost all the rest of the poem,
begins. Cf. Smith (1981a) 39–40; Pelliccia (1985) 134–7.
45–46 Gods and goddesses have sex with one another as well as with hu-
man beings, and this is all Aphrodite’s doing; thus at 24–5 Hestia shows
that she is not subject to Aphrodite’s power (cf. 7, 33) by rejecting two
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 161
immortal lovers, while at h. 6.16–17 (where see n.) various male gods beg
for the privilege of marrying Aphrodite herself. Whether Aphrodite is a
virgin when Zeus moves against her is left unspecified and appears not to
matter for the purposes of the Hymn, for Zeus punishes her not simply by
inspiring her with lust, but by inspiring her with lust for a human being, as
she has done repeatedly to him (38–9); the way Aphrodite is described as
mocking her own victims in 48–52, 247–55 suggests that he does so be-
cause this will be, at least potentially, tremendously humiliating. See Intro-
duction 1.
The antecedent of IJોȚ … ĮIJોȚ might easily be taken to be Hera, es-
pecially given the renewed reference to Zeus (also the subject in 43–4),
were it not for the presence of țĮȓ, which strengthens the adversative sense
of įȑ (Denniston (1954) 305), making it clear that the focus of the narrative
has returned to Aphrodite after the explanatory digression in 37–44 on
Zeus’ motivation for punishing her.
ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ is borrowed from Il. 3.139 (quoted ver-
batim in 143), where Iris inspires Helen with sudden longing for ‘her for-
mer husband, her city, and her parents’ (cf. 131 į IJȠțȒȦȞ with n.); the
phrase is reused again at 53*; and cf. Carm. Naupact. fr. 6.1–2, p. 125
Bernabé ǹੁȒIJȘȚ ʌȩșȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ įૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ / ǼȡȣȜȪIJȘȢ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ
ȝȚȖȒȝİȞĮȚ (‘bright Aphrodite cast longing into Aiete to have sex with Eury-
lyte’). But here, as elsewhere in the Hymn, the ȝİȡȠȢ in question is purely
sexual (cf. 143–4), and the epic phrase as reimagined thus recalls the
ȖȜȣțઃȢ ȝİȡȠȢ for sex with Helen that takes hold of Paris at Il. 3.446, and
for sex with Hera that takes hold of Zeus at Il. 14.328. In any case, Zeus’
action represents a sudden turning of the tables on Aphrodite (cf. 2 ਸ਼ IJİ
șİȠıȚȞ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ੯ȡıİ with n.), with his purposes being gradually
unpacked in the verses that follow.
ਕȞįȡ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȚ: The adjective is in one sense pleonastic, since
men are by definition subject to death. But it serves to underline the vast
distance that normally separates immortal gods from humans, as also in 39
(where see n.), 50, 109–10, and 167 (with a similarly pleonastic ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȚ
… șİ઼Ț), and contains an ironic echo of what appears to be Aphrodite’s
own language (see 50–2 n.). The idea is reinforced by ȕȡȠIJȑȘȢ İȞોȢ in 47.
The combination is unusual (although cf. Il. 10.440–1 țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȠੇıȚȞ … /
ਙȞįȡİııȚȞ; Hes. Op. 484 ਕȡȖĮȜȑȠȢ įૅ ਙȞįȡİııȚ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȠıȚ ȞȠોıĮȚ) and
seems to be modeled on the common early epic țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȠ ਙȞșȡȦʌȠȚ (cf.
3 with n.).
ȝȚȤșȒȝİȞĮȚ: see 38–9 n. The word appears * at Il. 11.438; Cypr. fr.
9.4, p. 49 Bernabé.
IJȐȤȚıIJĮ momentarily captures Zeus’ focalization in the description of
the motivation for his action (ijȡĮ): he has had enough, and he intends to
162 Commentary
put a stop to Aphrodite’s bad behavior ‘as quickly as possible’. The narra-
tor routinely enjoys access to the motivations and feelings of the poem’s
characters (e.g. 56–7, 83, 84–5, 91), none of whom occupy a similarly
privileged position vis-a-vis one another.
47–49 Zeus’ purpose is defined in 47–8 via two separate verbs: the first—
expressed in the optative—defines his plan (to compel Aphrodite to have
sex with a mortal creature), the second—in the more vivid subjunctive—its
intended consequences (to put an end to her nasty talk after she treats other
gods in a similar way). The working-out of Zeus’ plan is the main subject
of the rest of the Hymn. But here the verb that describes it (ȝȘįૅ …
ਕʌȠİȡȖȝȑȞȘ İȘ) is functionally equivalent to a participle, in that its pri-
mary purpose is to set the circumstances for the description of what actual-
ly matters to him (ȝȘįૅ … / … ਥʌİȣȟĮȝȑȞȘ İʌȘȚ; for the rough syntax, see
Kamerbeek (1967) 390–1), and the latter accordingly receives the empha-
sis in the verses that follow (although see 50–2 n.). Aphrodite’s general
power over Zeus and the other Olympians is part of the very structure of
the universe (2–6, 34–5), and his plan as articulated here does nothing to
alter that fact. Instead, Zeus is eager to alter Aphrodite’s reaction to her
successes, which is described in 48–9 as boasting like a Homeric victor
over a dead or wounded enemy (ਥʌİȣȟĮȝȑȞȘ) and doing so publicly in the
presence of all the gods (ȝİIJ ʌ઼ıȚ șİȠıȚȞ; cf. 253 ȝİIJૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ), i.e.
in Zeus’ house, in the hearing of his devoted but much-deceived wife (cf.
40–4 with nn.) and virgin daughters (7–32), and with an air of amused self-
satisfaction (ਲįઃ ȖİȜȠȚȒıĮıĮ). That this is a description of how Aphrodite
actually acts, rather than of how Zeus fears she might act, is made clear by
the goddess herself at 247–53, where she laments that, as a consequence of
having slept with Anchises, she will now be spoken of by the other Olym-
pians in the way she previously spoke of them. That realization in turn will
have larger consequences, in that it will put a stop to Aphrodite bringing
gods and human beings together in bed, even if they continue to have sex
with more ‘appropriate’ partners; cf. 247–55 n.
ȕȡȠIJȑȘȢ İȞોȢ: see 45–6 n.
ਕʌȠİȡȖȝȑȞȘ İȘ: In Homer, the verb (never in the perfect) always has
a concrete sense of separating persons or objects that were previously in
close proximity (e.g. Il. 21.599; 24.238; Od. 21.221), or of keeping apart
persons or objects that might normally and properly come into close prox-
imity (e.g. Il. 8.325; Od. 3.296; 11.503). But Aphrodite has never been in a
mortal’s bed, nor is there any reason why she automatically ever should be,
and here the participle means something more like ‘immune from, excused
from contact with’.
ਥʌİȣȟĮȝȑȞȘ İʌȘȚ: The hiatus is mitigated by caesura.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 163
56–57 In 53–5 the setting of the narrative changes abruptly, via the de-
scription of Zeus’ actions in regard to Aphrodite (53), from the presence of
the king of the gods (presumably in his halls; cf. 48 with n.) to Mount Ida,
where Anchises is watching his cows (54–5). Now it emerges that this
movement has carried Aphrodite along with it, for she too has seen An-
chises (IJઁȞ … ੁįȠ૨ıĮ) and in particular has been struck by how handsome
he is (cf. 55 įȑȝĮȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ ਥȠȚțȫȢ). While the text never says as
much, therefore, it is as if she has already made her way to Troy, although
explicit mention of her first trip to Ida has been elided from the narrative,
in order that her (second) arrival there can be described in detail in 68–74,
after the side-journey to Paphos that prepares for it (58–67). Cf. 58–60 n.
In 143–4 (cf. 73–4 with n.), it is explicit that ȡȠȢ is an internal reac-
tion to the intrusion of ȝİȡȠȢ from another source. țĮIJ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ȝİȡȠȢ
İੈȜİȞ can accordingly be understood as in the first instance a gloss on
ȡȐıĮIJ(Ƞ) that emphasizes the agency of Zeus (cf. 54–5 n.): he cast desire
into Aphrodite’s heart (53); she fell in love with Anchises when she saw
him, meaning that Zeus’ use of desire was successful; and į ʌİȚIJĮ marks
the logical and temporal connection between the two events. But merely
seeing the individual who becomes the love-object has the same captivat-
ing effect on the viewer in 84–91 (where see nn.), as also at Il. 14.293–4;
16.181–2 IJોȢ į țȡĮIJઃȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ / ȡȐıĮIJૅ ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚȞ ੁįȫȞ (‘when
powerful Argeiphontes saw her with his eyes, he fell in love with her’; one
of the models for this verse: cf. the first apparatus, and note 118 ~ Il.
16.183 with n.); Hes. frr. 140 ǼȡȫʌȘȞ … ǽİઃȢ șİĮıȐȝİȞȠȢ … ȡȐıșȘ
(‘when Zeus gazed upon Europa, he fell in love’); 145.13 IJોȢ įૅ ਙȡૅ [ਥȞ
ੑ]ijșĮȜȝȠıȚȞ ੁįઅȞ ȡȐııĮIJȠ (‘when he saw her, then, with his eyes, he
fell in love’). Along with the shift of subject to Aphrodite from Zeus in
these verses, therefore, the description of precisely how the goddess fell in
love with Anchises offers a second perspective on the action, which em-
phasizes her experience rather than Zeus’ intentions (which were realized
in the event, but did not really guide it) and allows į ʌİȚIJĮ to be under-
stood as marking a relationship not between Zeus’ plans and their conse-
quences (above), but between Anchises’ extraordinary physical attractive-
ness (55 įȑȝĮȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ ਥȠȚțȫȢ) and Aphrodite’s reaction to it.
ȍ’s įਵʌİȚIJĮ would be the only example of crasis in the Hymn, and I
print instead į ʌİȚIJĮ (with correption), as also in 209. į ʌİȚIJĮ/įਵʌİȚIJĮ
is common in early epic, but is elsewhere always found immediately before
the feminine caesura, except in 209 IJઁȞ į ʌİȚIJĮ*.
The reference to Aphrodite as ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȒȢ serves to keep the reason
for what is happening to her in focus (cf. 16–17 n., 45–52), with the further
ironic twist that she is now the one in love (and feeling the emotions that
go along with the experience), as again in 65 and 155.
168 Commentary
oil, the sort that covers the gods who are forever,
and dressed her in lovely clothing, marvellous to behold.
Although Aphrodite is said in Od. 8 to visit Paphos, ‘where her sacred
precinct and altar were/are’, the text contains no reference to a temple. Nor
are we told that the goddess is washed, anointed, and dressed within her
precinct, which is instead mentioned only to explain why she chose the city
of Paphos in particular to visit. Indeed, while the action is in one sense
localized on Cyprus, it takes place entirely on the divine level, with no hint
of any mortal presence beyond the adjective șȣȒİȚȢ (suggesting sacrifice
and thus cult) or of a fear of prying mortal eyes. That Aphrodite’s divine
attendants bathe her when she arrives, and then anoint her with oil and
dress her, is part of the convention of arrival-scenes (e.g. Od. 4.48–50),
modestly adapted to suit the arrival of a god (8.365). But the bath is also
easily understood as intended to render the goddess presentable again after
her lovemaking with Ares, just as part of the point of dressing her in ‘love-
ly garments’ must be that she arrived from Olympus naked. The ultimate
result of the care the Graces bestow on Aphrodite, at any rate, is to restore
her to her proper divine appearance (note especially the explicitly norma-
tive 8.365), and this is the end of the story rather than its beginning.
(2) Il. 14.169–72, 281–3
explains why she does everything for herself, rather than relying on divine
servant-women. The account of her toilette occupies 17 lines (14.170–86),
almost all of them ignored by the Hymn-poet. She is dirty and accordingly
begins by washing her body clean (14.170–1), after which she anoints
herself with a special supply of perfumed oil (14.171–2), whose scent is
described, via a retrospective account of its production, in a pair of verses
that were corrupt already in antiquity (14.173–4). She then anoints and
braids her hair; dresses elaborately; puts on jewelry, a head-scarf, and san-
dals (14.175–86); and leaves her chamber to find Aphrodite (14.187–9; cf.
64 with n.) and eventually Sleep, with whom she travels, hidden inside a
cloud, to Mount Ida to find Zeus (14.281–3).
The Hymn-poet begins with Odyssey 8 (58–9 ~ Od. 8.362–3), but in-
troduces a temple reminiscent of Hera’s chamber (note 60 = Il. 14.169; 63
= Il. 14.172), which Aphrodite enters, closing the doors behind her (58,
60). The gesture serves to create a private space for the goddess, and thus
implies potential spectators, who are presumably to be identified with the
human worshippers whose presence has been hinted at in the emphatically
repeated adjective șȣȫįȘȢ (58–9; for the word’s implications, see above on
Od. 8.363). 61–3 (where see nn.) thus offer a privileged glimpse within the
temple, where the goddess’ divine attendants care for her, using what is
now presented as sacred oil, i.e. dedications that have been made to her and
are accordingly stored in her sanctuary (contrast Il. 14.172–4). The re-
mainder of the process by which Aphrodite is beautified is described only
in retrospect, in the aorist participles in 64–5, and in a distinctly summary
fashion, as comparison with the elaborate account of Hera’s dressing and
ornamentation in Il. 14.176–86 makes clear. Detailed description of the
goddess’ clothing and jewelry, and thus of her transformed physical ap-
pearance, is reserved for 86–90 and 162–5, where it is used to great effect;
see nn. ad locc. The emphasis here is instead almost entirely on odors:
Aphrodite’s temple and altar are fragrant with the scent of sacrifice (58,
59); Cyprus itself smells good, at least when she leaves it (66 with n.); and
the only part of the Graces’ care of the goddess that is explicitly described
involves the washing and perfuming of her body—here never said to have
been dirty in the first place (contrast Il. 14.170–1, and cf. above on Od.
8.364). Greek gods in general, like places associated with them and in
particular with their birth or arrival, have a distinct—and, one assumes,
profoundly appealing—odor (hDem. 277–8 (Demeter) with Richardson on
275ff (p. 252), with references to later material and secondary sources;
hHerm. 231–2 (Maia’s cave, containing the baby Hermes); h. 7.36–7 (Dio-
nysus); Thgn. 8–9 (Delos when Apollo is born there); [A.] PV 114 (the
Oceanids); E. Hipp. 1391 (Artemis); Ar. Av. 1715–16; Ath. 9.395a); for
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 171
Aphrodite’s delicious smell in particular, see Cypr. frr. 4–5, pp. 46–8
Bernabé; cf. 175 (the goddess wears a crown of violets); S. fr. 361.
58–60 For the description of Aphrodite’s cult center, cf. in general Sapph.
fr. 2.1a–4 (lacunose and corrupt) . . ĮȞȠșİȞ țĮIJȚȠȣ[ı] / … ȞĮ૨ȠȞ / ਙȖȞȠȞ
ʌʌҕ[ĮȚ … ] ȤȐȡȚİȞ ȝȞ ਙȜıȠȢ / ȝĮȜȓ[ĮȞ], ȕҕȝȠȚ įૅ ۃȞۄȚ șȣȝȚȐȝİ/ȞȠȚ
[ȜȚ]ȕҕĮȞȫIJȦۃȚ‘( ۄcoming down from … a sacred temple where … a lovely
grove of apple trees, and altars are in it, smoking with incense’).
ਥȢ ȀȪʌȡȠȞ įૅ ਥȜșȠ૨ıĮ: Where Aphrodite’s journey begins is left un-
specified (although cf. 56–7 n.), and the manner of her travel is treated in a
similarly oblique manner as a result; see below, and contrast 66–7 with n.,
117–25. For Aphrodite’s connection to Cyprus, cf. 2 with n.
șȣȫįİĮ ȞȘઁȞ įȣȞİȞ: For the expression, cf. Od. 7.80–1 (of Athena)
țİIJȠ įૅ ਥȢ ȂĮȡĮșȞĮ țĮ İȡȣȐȖȣȚĮȞ ਝșȒȞȘȞ, / į૨Ȟİ įૅ ૅǼȡİȤșોȠȢ
ʌȣțȚȞઁȞ įȩȝȠȞ; hDem. 355 șȣȫįİȠȢ ȞįȠșȚ ȞȘȠ૨, 385 ȞȘȠȠ ʌȡȠʌȐȡȠȚșİ
șȣȫįİȠȢ. The verb often has implications of descent (cf. LfgrE s.v. B I 1
aĮ–bȕ) and may thus hint that Aphrodite swoops down to her temple from
the sky (cf. 67 with n.).
șȣȫįİĮ and șȣȫįȘȢ (cf. 63 IJİșȣȦȝȑȞȠȞ, 66 İȫįİĮ; Od. 5.264
șȣȫįİĮ*; 21.52 șȣȫįİĮ*; Porter (1949) 269 ‘The idea of fragrance … is
developed by repetition to be the dominating theme of the passage’) is
easily taken to represent the goddess’ own focalization, as she enters her
temple and catches the scent that fills it and that comes from the altar on
which offerings are continually burnt to her (cf. below). For the interest in
temples, cf. 31.
ਥȢ ȆȐijȠȞ and ȞșĮ įȑ Ƞੂ IJȑȝİȞȠȢ ȕȦȝȩȢ IJİ șȣȫįȘȢ in 59 do not ad-
vance the action, but function instead as separate retrospective explanatory
glosses on the two actions described in 58 (‘She went to Cyprus—
specifically to Paphos—and entered her fragrant temple—since her sacred
precinct and fragrant altar are/were there’); Ȟșૅ ਸ਼ Ȗૅ İੁıİȜșȠ૨ıĮ in 60
accordingly resumes șȣȫįİĮ ȞȘઁȞ įȣȞİȞ in 58 after the interruption. The
temenos surrounds the temple, while the altar stands before it; together
they define both its setting and its function (as a residence for the deity to
whom the place belongs, and who can accordingly be approached via sacri-
fice); cf. 100–2 with nn., 267–8 with n.
ȕȦȝȩȢ IJİ șȣȫįȘȢ: cf. hAp. 87 șȣȫįȘȢ … / ȕȦȝઁȢ țĮ IJȑȝİȞȠȢ. ȉhe
standard early epic expression is ȕȦȝȩȢ IJİ șȣȒİȚȢ (in this sedes at Il. 8.48;
23.148; Od. 8.363; cf. Hes. Th. 557 șȣȘȑȞIJȦȞ ਥʌ ȕȦȝȞ), ‘her altar
rich with sacrifices’, the adjective șȣȫįȘȢ (‘fragrant with incense’) being
reserved for clothing (Od. 5.264; 21.52; cf. hDem. 231, of Demeter’s
țȩȜʌȠȢ (‘bosom’)), chambers (Od. 4.121; hDem. 244, 288), and in the
Hymns of a temple (hDem. 385) and of Olympus as the residence of the
gods (hDem. 331; hHerm. 322). The repetition of the word nonetheless
172 Commentary
serves to make the point that the smell that distinguishes Aphrodite’s tem-
ple is identical with the one that distinguishes her altar, and thus that it
originates there.
ijĮİȚȞȐȢ obliquely suggests the presence of mortal worshippers, who
see the doors only from the outside; cf. 236 with n.
61–65 For the typical elements of the bathing- and dressing-scene, see
Arend (1933) 124–6.
61–63 The repetition of ȞșĮ (cf. 59, 60) is in part a consequence of quot-
ing both epic exemplars exactly, but also of the fact that the location of the
action—better put, the location from which it is seen or smelled—is suffi-
ciently unstable in this section of the poem that it must be repeatedly speci-
fied.
ȋȐȡȚIJİȢ ȜȠ૨ıĮȞ țĮ ȤȡıĮȞ ਥȜĮȓȦȚ: The Graces serve Aphrodite as
epic slave-women do their masters or their masters’ guests; cf. the formular
IJઁȞ/IJȠઃȢ įૅ ਥʌ ȠȞ įȝȦȚĮ ȜȠ૨ıĮȞ țĮ ȤȡıĮȞ ਥȜĮȓȦȚ (‘slave-women
washed him/them then and anointed him/them with olive oil’) at Il. 24.587;
Od. 4.49; 8.454; 17.88. The goddess is accordingly passive throughout the
procedure (cf. 64 ਦııĮȝȑȞȘ, 65 țȠıȝȘșİıĮ), but the Graces’ anointing,
dressing (64), and ornamenting her with jewelry (65) also echoes the be-
havior of mortal functionaries who provided similar services for cult-
statues in temples (including anointing them with oil; cf. h. 9 introductory
n.; 24.3 with n.; Call. h. 5.29–32). For the Graces (a byword for beauty:
e.g. Il. 17.51; Od. 6.18; Hes. fr. 215) as Aphrodite’s servants and attend-
ants, e.g. Il. 5.338; Od. 18.194; Cypr. frr. 4–5, pp. 46–8 Bernabé; Olson on
Ar. Pax 41–2 (with further references); and cf. 95–6 n., 292–3 n.; hAp.
194–6; h. 27.15 with 13–20 n.; Gantz (1993) 54.
62 and 63 are drawn unadapted from Odyssey 8 and Iliad 14, respec-
tively, resulting in the juxtaposition of the cognate adjectives ਕȝȕȡȩIJȦȚ at
the beginning of the first verse and ਕȝȕȡȠıȓȦȚ at the beginning of the se-
cond. The lines describe the oil with which Aphrodite is anointed (61) in
radically different but complementary terms. In 62, this is merely an exam-
ple of the sort of substance (ȠੈĮ) the gods always have on their skin, and
the oil thus belongs to the divine sphere and is timeless. In 63, by contrast,
it represents a specific supply (IJȩ ૧Į) of perfumed oil prepared for Aphro-
dite at some point in the past (by the Graces? or her human attendants?)
and available for her in her temple in Paphos now, and thus belongs to the
mortal sphere and to history.
The meaning of ਦįĮȞȚ (a Homeric hapax) was obscure already in an-
tiquity, as was whether it took a rough or a smooth breathing. (If the
breathing is taken to be smooth, a digamma is wanted, both here and in the
Homeric model, to avoid hiatus.). The Iliad-scholia connect the word with
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 173
ਲįȪ (‘sweet’; ȈAbT), but also gloss it İȫįİȚ (‘fragrant’; ȈT; cf. Hsch. Ț
166); that they may be guessing does not mean that they are wrong, and if
their interpretation is along the right lines, IJȩ ૧Ȑ Ƞੂ IJİșȣȦȝȑȞȠȞ İȞ can be
understood as serving to explain how Hera (and Aphrodite) have such oil:
it is sweet/fragrant because it has been perfumed for them. The MSS of the
Hymn have ਦĮȞȚ (or ਥĮȞȚ), which Hurst (1976) 23–5, and Janko ad loc.
argue should be restored at Il. 14.172, which Janko then translates ‘for her
immortal dress, which was scented’. But a reference to Hera’s clothing is
out of place at that point in the narrative in Iliad 14, as it would be here as
well, and it is better to assume a simple uncial omission (Ǽǻǹȃ > Ǽǹȃ)
and print ਦįĮȞȚ (Clarke) in the Hymn instead.
64–65 These verses in one sense continue the description of Aphrodite’s
visit to her temple: after the Graces wash and anoint her with oil (61–3),
she dresses and puts on jewelry. But the participles are retrospective, so
that the final stages of the goddess’ preparations are described only after
they take place, as background for her hasty departure for Troy (66–7 with
nn.), while the Graces—whose duties to their mistress are presumably not
to be thought of as coming to an end, the moment her bath is over—
abruptly drop out of the narrative, except to the extent that their agency is
implicit in ਦııĮȝȑȞȘ įૅ İ and especially țȠıȝȘșİıĮ. For the lack of any
explicit description here of Aphrodite’s clothing and jewelry, see 58–68 n.
64 is modeled on Il. 14.187 ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ į ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ șȒțĮIJȠ
țȩıȝȠȞ (‘but after, in fact, she put all her costume about her skin’; sum-
ming up Hera’s preparations, before she goes to seek out Aphrodite as part
of the next phase of her plan to seduce Zeus); reworked again in 171–2
İȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ. / ਦııĮȝȑȞȘ įૅ İ ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ įĮ șİȐȦȞ, where see n.,
and at h. 6.14.
İ and țĮȜȐ represent Aphrodite’s own assessment of the situation: only
after she is satisfied with her choice of garments and with how they have
been arranged, tied, and pinned (cf. 163–4 with nn.), does she leave her
temple on Cyprus for Troy.
Especially after 61–3, ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ (* at e.g. Il. 7.207; 23.67 ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ
İȝĮIJĮ ਪıIJȠ; Od. 16.210 ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ İȝĮIJૅ ȤȠȞIJȚ; h. 6.14 ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ;
27.17 [Hes.] Sc. 183) is implicitly erotic: what matters most about the god-
dess’ clothing is the sweet-smelling flesh hidden beneath it; cf. 84–91, esp.
88–90, with nn., 162–7 with nn., 171–2 with n.
ȤȡȣıȚ țȠıȝȘșİıĮ: Because Aphrodite is a goddess, her jewelry is
of course all made of gold (cf. 16–17 n.). But the detail is also appropriate
to the role she adopts on Mount Ida (117–20 with nn.), where she pretends
to be a marriageable young woman snatched away from a dance at a festi-
val; cf. h. 6.11–13 n.; Il. 2.872 Ȣ țĮ ȤȡȣıઁȞ ȤȦȞ ʌȩȜİȝȩȞįૅ İȞ ȪIJİ
174 Commentary
țȠȪȡȘ (‘who went to war wearing gold, like a young woman’); E. El. 176–
7, 190–2; Ar. Ach. 257–8 with Olson ad loc.
ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȢ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ: see 56–7 n.
66–77 For the arrival-motif (departure, arrival, discovery of the individual
sought, description of the surroundings, and address), see Arend (1933)
28–34; here the visitor does not speak first, as is generally the case.
66–68 are modeled on Il. 14.227–8 (Hera, now as beautiful as she can
make herself, leaves her private chamber on Olympus and heads in the
direction of Troy) ıİȪĮIJૅ ਥijૅ ੂʌʌȠʌȩȜȦȞ ĬȡȘȚțȞ ȡİĮ ȞȚijȩİȞIJĮ, /
ਕțȡȠIJȐIJĮȢ țȠȡȣijȐȢ, Ƞį ȤșȩȞĮ ȝȐȡʌIJİ ʌȠįȠȚȞ (‘She set off for the
snowy mountains of the Thracian horsemen, the highest peaks, nor did she
touch the ground with her feet’), 281–3 (Hera and Sleep make their way to
Mount Ida) IJઅ ȕȒIJȘȞ ȁȒȝȞȠȣ IJİ țĮ ǿȝȕȡȠȣ ਙıIJȣ ȜȚʌȩȞIJİ, / ȑȡĮ
ਦııĮȝȑȞȦ, ૧ȓȝijĮ ʌȡȒııȠȞIJİ țȑȜİȣșȠȞ. / ǿįȘȞ įૅ ੂțȑıșȘȞ ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțĮ,
ȝȘIJȑȡĮ șȘȡȞ (‘The two of them set off, leaving behind Lemnos and the
city of Imbros, clothed in mist, swiftly making their way. The two of them
came to spring-filled Ida, the mother of wild beasts.’) But for 64, 66, cf.
also Il. 7.207–8 (of Ajax) ĮIJȡ ਥʌİ į ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ ııĮIJȠ IJİȪȤİĮ, /
ıİȪĮIJૅ ʌİȚșૅ (‘But when he had put all his gear about his skin, then he set
off’).
Aphrodite’s second journey to Troy, unlike her first (see 56–7 n.), is
described in some detail, since this time she does more than simply gaze at
Anchises and immediately rush off elsewhere.
ıİȪĮIJૅ ਥʌ ȉȡȠȓȘȢ and ʌȡȠȜȚʌȠ૨ıૅ İȫįİĮ ȀȪʌȡȠȞ describe the same
action from different perspectives: Aphrodite ‘rushed off in the direction of
Troy’ by ‘leaving fragrant Cyprus behind’. 67 traces her course, and she
reaches her destination in 68. The goddess’ eagerness to be off is brought
out by ıİȪĮIJ(Ƞ) (used of rapid, vigorous motion; * at Il. 6.505; 7.208;
14.227; Od. 5.51; hDem. 43) and ૧ȓȝijĮ, as well as by the lack of any men-
tion of landmarks or intermediate stops along the way (contrast Il. 14.225–
30). Cf. the similar sense of a single-minded mission implicit in ੁșઃȢ
ıIJĮșȝȠȠ in 69.
İȫįİĮ ȀȪʌȡȠȞ: cf. 58–68 n., 58–60 n. The implication is perhaps
that Troy—and specifically the cowyard on Mount Ida (69)—smells no-
where near as sweet as (the goddess’ altar and temple on) Cyprus. Cf. Il.
18.575; Od. 10.411 (where țȩʌȡȠȢ (‘dung’) is used via synecdoche to refer
to the place where cows are kept penned up at night). The paradox thus
brings out in a different way (cf. above) the strength of the impulse that
drives Aphrodite to seek out Anchises. van Eck (1978) ad loc. advocates
for M’s țોʌȠȞ; but no mention has been made of a garden belonging to
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 175
Aphrodite, only of a temple, sanctuary, and altar (58–9), and the reading
presumably represents a correction after rho dropped out of the text.
ȥȚ ȝİIJ ȞȑijİıȚȞ: an odd tangle of Homeric language and motifs, the
verbal (but not the intellectual) model for which is Od. 16.264, where the
gods are said to reside ‘up high in the clouds’ (/ ȥȚ ʌİȡ ਥȞ ȞİijȑİııȚ; cf. Il.
15.192 ǽİઃȢ įૅ ȜĮȤૅ ȠȡĮȞઁȞ ਥȞ ĮੁșȑȡȚ țĮ ȞİijȑȜȘȚıȚ; 20.155 ǽİઃȢ įૅ
ਸ਼ȝİȞȠȢ ȥȚ; Hes. Th. 529 ǽȘȞઁȢ ૅȅȜȣȝʌȓȠȣ ȥȚ ȝȑįȠȞIJȠȢ; Op. 204 / ȥȚ
ȝȐȜૅ ਥȞ ȞİijȑİııȚ (where an eagle flies)). At Il. 14.282, from which the
second half of 68 is drawn direct, Hera and Sleep travel from Lemnos to
Troy ȑȡĮ ਦııȐȝİȞȦ (‘clothed in mist’), rendering them invisible to Zeus
(and everyone else); cf. Il. 5.186; 15.308, where Apollo wraps himself in a
cloud (ȞİijȑȜȘ) to prevent mortals from seeing him. But Aphrodite does not
travel in secret, and the idea in the first half of 68 is drawn instead from
passages such as Il. 5.867, where Ares ascends from the Trojan plain ‘into
wide heaven’ on his way to Olympus ȝȠ૨ ȞİijȑİııȚȞ (‘along with the
clouds’, sc. because they too are found high in the sky), for she as well
must move emphatically upward in order to land high on Mount Ida—
whence she descended in 58 (see n. on įȣȞİȞ)—in 68 (cf. 54).
Allen’s ȞȑijİıȚȞ ૧ȓȝijĮ, a simple correction of M’s ȞȑijİıȚ ૧ȓȝijĮ, is
guaranteed by the explicit reworking of Il. 14.282–3 (see above). But Ȍ’s
ȞİijȑİııȚ șȠȢ (which features the standard early epic dative plural form of
ȞȑijȠȢ (e.g. Il. 5.867*; 17.594; Od. 5.293, 303*; 16.264*; Hes. Op. 204*))
scans, and the variant must represent a deliberate correction of the text
after nu-moveable was lost and (more important) the expected tetrasyllabic
form of the noun drove out the unexpected trisyllabic form, requiring that
the now unmetrical ૧ȓȝijĮ be replaced with șȠȢ (* at e.g. Il. 3.325, 422;
5.722; Od. 5.243; 8.443; [Hes.] Sc. 418).
ǿįȘȞ … ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțĮ, ȝȘIJȑȡĮ șȘȡȞ proleptically captures the expe-
rience of Aphrodite, as she makes her way, in the guise of the Homeric
ʌȩIJȞȚĮ șȘȡȞ (cf. Il. 21.470, of Artemis), along the mountain’s flanks (69),
noting its many springs and trailed by the wild animals that depend on
them (70–2; for the connection between springs and the presence of ani-
mals, cf. Il. 16.823–5). The goddess’ experience of the Trojan countryside
is nonetheless bounded and shaped by a set of fundamentally pastoral con-
cerns that represent the perspective and interests of Anchises and his fellow
cowherds, and presumably of the poem’s original audience as well; cf. 54
ʌȠȜȣʌȓįĮțȠȢ ǿįȘȢ with n., 122–4 n.
68–112 Omitted in M, leaving Ȍ (through its various descendants) as the
only witness to this portion of the text; cf. Introduction 6.
69–75 Aphrodite could just have easily have landed on Ida directly outside
the cowyard (cf. Od. 1.102–3, where Athena moves in a single bound from
176 Commentary
ny lions’); and the rest of 71 reflects the influence of Il. 13.102–3 (of
ȜĮijȠȚ, ‘does’) Į IJİ țĮșૅ ȜȘȞ / șȫȦȞ ʌĮȡįĮȜȓȦȞ IJİ ȜȪțȦȞ IJૅ ਵȚĮ
ʌȑȜȠȞIJĮȚ (‘which in the woods are the food of swift wildcats and wolves’).
Not only are the animals that trail Aphrodite dangerous, making their
eagerness to fawn on her like pets (cf. above) striking and paradoxical, and
thus a demonstration of her extraordinary power over them (cf. 4–6), but
all of them are predatory carnivores (੩ȝȠijȐȖȠȚ), explaining the absence of
wild boars (contrast Il. 17.20–2; Od. 4.456–7; 11.611 (quoted above)) and
the presence instead of panthers (unusual in catalogues of this sort). None
of the animals is described as making a sound (contrast 159 ȕĮȡȣijșȩȖȖȦȞ
IJİ ȜİȩȞIJȦȞ with n.), and in the end Aphrodite sees (72) rather than hears
them.
ʌȠȜȚȠȓ IJİ ȜȪțȠȚ: Wolves (Keller (1909) i.87–8) are also called ‘gray’
at Il. 10.334; hHerm. 223, and are associated with mountains at Il. 16.158–
9 (bracketed by West (2003), following Leaf and Wilamowitz), 352–5; Od.
10.212 ȜȪțȠȚ … ੑȡȑıIJİȡȠȚ; h. 14.4–5. They eat deer and the like at Il.
13.102–3; 16.158–9, and lambs and kids at Il. 16.352–3 (cf. Il. 22.263–4),
but only when shepherds have foolishly allowed their animals to stray, and
they make no raids on isolated farmsteads, as lions do (below). Wolf-skins
are therefore much rarer, and seemingly much less ‘heroic’, than lion-skins
in particular; cf. 159–60 with n. Dolon wears one, along with an equally
disreputable weasel-skin on his head, at Il. 10.334–5.
ȤĮȡȠʌȠȓ IJİ ȜȑȠȞIJİȢ: Lions (Keller (1909) i.24–61) are the epic preda-
tors par excellence and are associated with mountains at e.g. Il. 5.554–5;
16.823–5; Od. 6.130 ȜȑȦȞ ੑȡİıȓIJȡȠijȠȢ (‘a lion bred in the mountains’).
They eat not just sheep and goats (e.g. Il. 5.136–42; 10.485–6; 13.198–
200) and wild animals of various sorts (e.g. Il. 16.756–8; [Hes.] Sc. 402–
3), as wolves do as well (above), but also cattle (e.g. Il. 5.161–2; 11.172–6;
12.293; 15.630–6), which they sometimes get by raiding farms (e.g. Il.
5.554–7; 17.657–60; Od. 6.130–4). They are therefore in constant conflict
with herdsmen, for whom they pose an on-going threat; cf. 159–60 n.
ȤĮȡȠʌȩȢ is a standard epic epithet of lions (see the first apparatus, and add
hHerm. 569; of dogs at hHerm. 194), but its meaning is obscure; perhaps
‘brown’ (thus Maxwell-Stuart (1981)), balancing ‘gray’ (of the wolves) in
the first half of the line.
ਙȡțIJȠȚ: Bears (Keller (1909) i.175–83) are treated as fearsome crea-
tures at Od. 11.611; hHerm. 223; h. 7.46 (ਙȡțIJȠȞ … ȜĮıȚĮȪȤİȞĮ, ‘a shag-
gy-necked bear’; one of the animals Dionysus uses to terrify the sailors
who kidnap him), but otherwise receive no attention in early epic, match-
ing the lack of an epithet for them here, as also in 159. For the asyndeton, see
West on Hes. Th. 245: ‘Omission of the copula IJİ is quite common in such
178 Commentary
lists, but normally only after the first name in the line’ (accompanied by a
long list of examples).
ʌĮȡįȐȜȚȑȢ IJİ șȠĮ ʌȡȠțȐįȦȞ ਕțȩȡȘIJȠȚ: ʌȐȡįĮȜȚȢ is a generic term
for a large wildcat (‘panther, leopard’; cf. Il. 10.29 ʌĮȡįĮȜȑȘȚ … /
ʌȠȚțȓȜȘȚ, ‘a spotted ʌȐȡįĮȜȚȢ-skin’; Semon. fr. 14 ਥȞ ȠȡİıȚȞ … /
ʌȐȡįĮȜȚȞ, ‘a ʌȐȡįĮȜȚȢ in the mountains’; Keller (1909) i.62–4); described
as feeding on ȜĮijȠȚ (‘does’) at Il. 13.102–3, and used as an image of mar-
tial strength and fury at Il. 17.20; 21.573–8; cf. Od. 4.457 (one of the crea-
tures into which the Old Man of the Sea transforms himself in his violent
attempt to escape Menelaus and his men). The careful description of the
wildcats’ swiftness (sc. in pursuit) and consistent, relentless ferocity to-
ward their prey brings the description of the parade of savage animals that
follows Aphrodite to a climax, while simultaneously serving to bring out
how peculiar their behavior—like that of the normally equally bloodthirsty
wolves, lions, and bears that accompany them—is in the presence of the
goddess.
ʌȡȠțȐįȦȞ: deer of some sort. Homer uses ʌȡȩȟ rather than ʌȡȠțȐȢ:
Od. 17.295 (of Odysseus’ old dog Argos, whom the young men used to
take out) ĮੇȖĮȢ ਥʌૅ ਕȖȡȩIJİȡĮȢ į ʌȡȩțĮȢ į ȜĮȖȦȠȪȢ (‘to hunt wild
goats, ʌȡȩțİȢ, and hares’). Cf. the similar pair įȩȡȟ/įȠȡțȐȢ.
72–74 The animals that follow Aphrodite are abruptly overwhelmed by
lust not through any choice or action of their own—no access is offered to
their thoughts or emotions, if they have any—but because she casts ȝİȡȠȢ
into their breasts. Cf. h. 27.6–9 n. Vision is nonetheless associated again
with the origin of desire (cf. 56–7 n.), although in this case it is the goddess
of love herself who does the seeing.
ਵȧıĮȞ (Ilgen’s correction of ȍ’s late, non-epic ਵ(Ț)İıĮȞ) is found * at
Il. 10.197; 13.305; 17.495; Od. 20.7; 24.13.
ȝİIJ ijȡİıȓ (* at 193, 223; e.g. Il. 4.245; Od. 16.436; Hes. Op. 274;
hHerm. 164 -ȚȞ) is in one sense pleonastic with IJȑȡʌİIJȠ șȣȝȩȞ (for the
expression, cf. the more economical hAp. 342 ਲ į ੁįȠ૨ıĮ / IJȑȡʌİIJȠ Ȟ
țĮIJ șȪȝȠȞ (‘When she saw that, her heart was pleased’); less striking
parallels at Il. 20.23; Od. 5.74; hAp. 204). But comparison with 193, 276
(both ȝİIJ ijȡİıȓ*) suggests that the prepositional phrase serves to make
clear that Aphrodite’s reaction to her first glimpse of the animals has a
distinct intellectual element (‘when she thought about it’ vel sim.), creating
a logical link between the moment she spies them following her (ȡȩȦıĮ)
and her internal (emotional) response (IJȑȡʌİIJȠ șȣȝȩȞ), which motivates
the outward reaction described in 73.
țĮ IJȠȢ ਥȞ ıIJȒșİııȚ ȕȐȜૅ ȝİȡȠȞ has no specific epic model; for the
expression, cf. 53 Ƞੂ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ with n.; Il. 5.513 ਸțİ,
țĮ ਥȞ ıIJȒșİııȚ ȝȑȞȠȢ ȕȐȜİ ʌȠȚȝȑȞȚ ȜĮȞ; 11.802 = 13.468 ~ Od. 17.150
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 179
੬Ȣ ijȐIJȠ, IJȚ įૅ ਙȡĮ șȣȝઁȞ ਥȞ ıIJȒșİııȚȞ ȡȚȞİ; hAp. 462 ੬Ȣ ijȐIJȠ țĮȓ ıijȚȞ
șȐȡıȠȢ ਥȞ ıIJȒșİııȚȞ șȘțİ.
ıȪȞįȣȠ is attested nowhere else in early epic, although cf. Il. 10.224 /
ıȪȞ IJİ įȪૅ ਥȡȤȠȝȑȞȦ; Od. 9.289 / ıઃȞ į įȪȦ ȝȐȡȥĮȢ (in both of which the
preposition is actually in ‘tmesis’ with the participle), 429 ıȪȞIJȡİȚȢ*
(‘three by three, in groups of three’). Subsequently at Pi. P. 3.81 and in
5th/4th-c. prose.
țȠȚȝȒıĮȞIJȠ: * also at Il. 1.476; 9.713; Od. 12.32; 14.524; 19.427. For
the euphemism, cf. 167 ʌĮȡȑȜİțIJȠ with n.; Il. 2.335; Od. 8.295; Hes. Th.
213; LfgrE s.v. B 2 b; English ‘sleep with’.
țĮIJ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ: Cf. 124* with n. For ȞĮȣȜȠȢ in the sense
‘haunt’, cf. Hes. Th. 129; h. 14.5; 26.8 țĮșૅ ਫ਼ȜȘȑȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ /.
75 With the wild beasts that accompanied Aphrodite across the mountain
now out of sight (74), the attention of the narrative returns to the goddess
herself, who has reached the destination set for her in 69. What follows
presupposes and can thus be read against the beginning of Odyssey 14,
where the hero comes face to face with his faithful swineherd Eumaeus.
Both scenes are set at an isolated farmstead outside of and above the city
(cf. Od. 14.2 ȤȡȠȞ ਕȞૅ ਫ਼ȜȒİȞIJĮ įȚૅ ਙțȡȚĮȢ (‘over the wooded countryside,
through the heights’), and feature an encounter between a disguised and
dissembling visitor and a herdman left behind for the day by his fellow-
workers, who have taken the animals out to graze or forage (cf. Od. 14.25–
8). Not only is Eumaeus a slave charged with keeping his master’s pigs
(Od. 14.3–4) rather than a hero (77) working temporarily (note IJȩIJ(İ) in 54
with n.) as a cowherd, however, but Odysseus catches him in the middle of
the humble task of cutting a pair of sandals out of an ox-hide for himself
(Od. 14.23–4), whereas Anchises is playing a lyre like a gentleman (80
with n.).
țȜȚıȓĮȢ İʌȠȚȒIJȠȣȢ: At Od. 14.5–22, Homer offers a detailed, cir-
cumstantial description of Eumaeus’ beautifully built and managed farm,
which nonetheless features only a single building, the hut in which he and
the other herdsmen eat and sleep (e.g. Od. 14.45 țȜȚıȓȘȞįૅ ȠȝİȞ (‘let us go
into the hut’, sc. for a meal)) and which serves as concrete evidence of his
devotion to his absent master (cf. Od. 14.3–4). Here the plural suggests a
larger establishment. But the elaborate architectural features of the place
must be imagined on the basis of the adjective, which in itself says nothing
more than that this is the type of place a hero (or aspiring hero) might
build—or have built for himself; cf. 157–60 n., 173–4 ıIJȘ ਙȡĮ țȜȚıȓȘȚā
İʌȠȚȒIJȠȣ ۃį ۄȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ.
76–77 76 is largely repeated in 79, although with Anchises in the nomina-
tive rather than the accusative; 78–80 (or even 81) might thus have fol-
180 Commentary
lowed directly after 75. The intervening verses, however, serve to resume
and correct 54–5—Anchises may work routinely (iterative ȕȠȣțȠȜȑİıțİȞ)
as a cowherd on the slopes of Mount Ida, but he is not out in the pasture
with the animals at the moment, although he remains just as handsome as
ever—while providing what the repeated insistence that everyone else had
left the farmstead for the day with the animals implicitly characterizes as
crucial information for understanding the action that follows. Cf. 168–9
(the impending return of the other herdsmen motivates Aphrodite’s depar-
ture) with n. Although Aphrodite nominally ‘discovers’ Anchises at this
point in the narrative, therefore, IJઁȞ įૅ Șȡİ ıIJĮșȝȠıȚ is in fact anticipa-
tory (‘—when she came upon him in the farmstead, he had been left behind
…’). ȜİȜİȚȝȝȑȞȠȞ ȠੇȠȞ țIJȜ. thus represents not what the goddess herself
knows or perceives, but background information provided by the narrator.
The narrative returns to Aphrodite’s own interests and perceptions only in
80, after the resumptive 79. For encounters between humans and immortals
routinely located in isolated spots, see Pelliccia (1995) 273–7.
The words ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ ਸ਼ȡȦĮ are borrowed from Hesiod’s account of Ae-
neas’ birth at Th. 1009* (dative). ਸ਼ȡȦĮ represents a perspective that is both
entirely human (Anchises is the sort of man who might interact or even
sleep with a goddess—who for her part would describe him as merely an-
other mortal creature subject to death (50–2 with nn., 247–55 with nn.))
and firmly rooted in the audience’s own time, after the events described or
anticipated in the Hymn, which establish his claim to heroic status, rather
than in the time of the characters, for whom this is in the future.
șİȞ ਙʌȠ țȐȜȜȠȢ ȤȠȞIJĮ: cf. 55 įȑȝĮȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ ਥȠȚțȫȢ. The re-
newed mention of how handsome Anchises is, serves as a reminder that
Aphrodite is already consumed with desire for him (cf. 56–7) and of why.
What follows accordingly takes up the separate question of how he re-
sponds to the sight of her (84–91, esp. 91).
78–80 For the function of these verses in the narrative, and the emphatic
echo of 76 in 79 (Aeneas was alone!), see 76–7 n. Note the descriptive
imperfects ਪʌȠȞIJȠ and ʌȦȜİIJ(Ƞ); this is the general situation into which
Aphrodite abruptly intrudes in 81.
Ƞੂ įૅ ਚȝĮ ȕȠȣıȞ ਪʌȠȞIJȠ: For the language and construction, cf. 73–4;
Il. 2.630 (etc.) IJȚ įૅ ਚȝĮ … ȞોİȢ ਪʌȠȞIJȠ; 18.577 ȞȠȝોİȢ ਚȝૅ ਥıIJȚȤȩȦȞIJȠ
ȕȩİııȚȞ; Od. 15.397 ਚȝૅ İııȚȞ … ਦʌȑıșȦ; Hes. Op. 406 ਸ਼IJȚȢ țĮ ȕȠȣıȞ
ਪʌȠȚIJȠ.
ȞȠȝȠઃȢ țȐIJĮ ʌȠȚȒİȞIJĮȢ: The adjective represents the goal of the ex-
pedition, which is to find the richest pasturage possible; cf. 54–5 n., 169
with n.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 181
The enjambment of ʌȐȞIJİȢ stresses the contrast between ‘all (the oth-
er)’ herdsman, who are away from the farm for the day, and Anchises, who
is there alone for Aphrodite to discover.
Aphrodite arrives at the farmstead at 75, and then in 76 ‘discovers’
Anchises there. How she finds him is not specified, and ʌȦȜİIJૅ ȞșĮ țĮ
ȞșĮ in 80 implicitly raises the question again, by noting that Anchises—
unlike Eumaeus in Odyssey 14 (cf. 75 n.)—is not simply sitting by the
front gate, but is wandering aimlessly around the establishment. By 81
(where see n.), however, the goddess is standing directly in front of An-
chises, and įȚĮʌȡȪıȚȠȞ țȚșĮȡȓȗȦȞ suggests that his whereabouts have been
given away by the ‘piercing’ sound of his lyre. For įȚĮʌȡȪıȚȠȞ (adverbial),
see 19 n. The word is focalized by Aphrodite, and brings her discreetly
back into the narrative after the explanatory digression in 76–9; cf. 81–3 n.
țȓșĮȡȚȢ (whence the verb țȚșĮȡȓȗȦ, forms of which appear * at hAp. 515;
hHerm. 423, 425, 433, 455, 475, 510) is a standard Homeric term for a
lyre; see 19 n.; Maas and Snyder (1989) 30–4; West (1992) 49–56. Why
Anchises has been left behind at the farm by the other men is not stated—
indeed, why the farm and the other herdsmen have been introduced into the
story at all, when Anchises’ encounter with Aphrodite might simply have
taken place on the mountainside, like Paris’ with Aphrodite, Athena, and
Hera (cf. 69 n.)—is unclear. But (again unlike Eumaeus; cf. above; 75 n.)
he seems to have no work to do, and is merely entertaining himself. Nor
does Anchises’ lyre play any further part in the story, to the extent that he
is never even said to set it down. Instead, his instrument and his skill at
playing it are further marks of his privileged, elite status: he is a hero (77),
and when heroes have nothing nothing else to occupy their time, they play
the lyre (esp. Il. 9.186–9 (Achilleus)).The detail also inevitably evokes the
story of the Judgment of Paris, who is routinely represented in artistic
sources as playing a lyre on the slopes of Mount Ida when Hermes arrives
with the three goddesses in tow (e.g. LIMC s. Paridis Iudicium #24, 29, 30,
34–6, 38–9; cf. Il. 3.54–5 (Hector reproaching Paris) Ƞț ਙȞ IJȠȚ ȤȡĮȓıȝȘȚ
țȓșĮȡȚȢ IJȐ IJİ įȡૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ / ਸ਼ IJİ țȩȝȘ IJȩ IJİ İੇįȠȢ, IJૅ ਥȞ țȠȞȓȘȚıȚ
ȝȚȖİȓȘȢ (‘Your lyre would do you no good, nor would Aphrodite’s gifts,
your hair, or your good looks, when you found yourself in the dust!’)).
81–83 In terms of logical and temporal structure, the verses are in reverse
order: Aphrodite appears before Anchises (81), having already altered her
appearance (82), motivated by a desire not to frighten him (83).
ıIJો įૅ ĮIJȠ૨ ʌȡȠʌȐȡȠȚșİ: Aphrodite drops temporarily out of the
narrative at 76; her absence is particularly apparent in the shift in the oth-
erwise identical description of Anchises, from accusative (as the object of
her discovery) in 76 to nominative (going independently about his busi-
ness, unaware of her presence) in 79. For her reemergence via the adjective
182 Commentary
one of the individually anonymous Graces (95–6), who are said to associ-
ate with the (Olympian) gods and are thus implicitly distinguished from
them, but who are also described as immortal, something that does not
need to be specified of Artemis, Leto, Aphrodite, Themis, and Athena; or
(3) one of the various types of nymphs (97, 99), anonymous both collec-
tively and individually, who are somehow divine but also mortal, even if
extremely long-lived (cf. 258–72), and whom one might not unreasonably
imagine encountering far outside the city.
93–94 The list of Olympian goddesses grows gradually more elaborate,
from two bare names (‘Artemis’ and ‘Leto’), to a single name adorned with
a simple epithet (‘golden Aphrodite’), to a pair of names adorned with two-
element epithets (‘well-born Themis’ and ‘gleaming-eyed Athena’). But it
also displays a neat chiastic structure, with a virgin goddess at each end (A:
Artemis, A´: Athena), two consorts of Zeus from the Titan generation be-
tween them (B: Leto, B´: Themis), and Aphrodite herself (C) at the center
of the catalogue.
ਡȡIJİȝȚȢ … ȤȡȣıȑȘ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ: Of the individual Olympian god-
desses, attractive mortal women are conventionally compared either to
Artemis alone (Od. 4.122 (the poet describing Helen); 6.102–9 (the poet
describing Nausicaa), 150–2 (Odysseus’ best guess as to who Nausicaa
might be, if she is a goddess); both are entrancing but pointedly chaste
figures)), or to ‘Artemis or golden Aphrodite’ (Od. 17.37 = 19.54 (the poet
describing Penelope, whose chastity and sexual potential are alike central
to his story)). Artemis is a particularly good guess here, given that she
haunts the mountains (18 with n.).
ȤȡȣıȑȘ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ: The epithet is conventional (cf. 1 ʌȠȜȣȤȡȪıȠȣ
ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȢ with n., 95–9 n.), as is the use of ȖȜĮȣțʌȚȢ to describe Athe-
na (cf. 8, and see the second apparatus). But the adjectives, along with the
non-traditional ȣȖİȞȒȢ (see below), combine to paint a flattering if sug-
gestive picture of Anchises’ anonymous visitor: she is richly ornamented in
gold (cf. 89) and therefore both (objectively) marriageable and (subjective-
ly) attractive to him (cf. 82 n.); she is not a slave or a simple peasant-girl,
but from a good family, and thus deserves both his interest and his respect;
and her willingness to look him in the eye (cf. 91 with n.) hints at personal
possibilities between them (cf. 155–6 n.). ȤȡȣıȑȘ (with -ȑȘ in synizesis) is
Barnes’ correction of the paradosis Ȥȡȣıો. West on Hes. Th. 822 points out
that MSS routinely offer the contracted form of the adjective when it is
used of Aphrodite, but prefer the uncontracted form elsewhere; this seems
inadequate grounds for declining to emend, given the lack of metrical or
interpretative implications.
ĬȑȝȚȢ ȣȖİȞȒȢ: A telling collocation of ideas, especially given the
non-traditional character of the epithet (see below, and contrast above on
190 Commentary
one well cannot be taken for granted (cf. 185–9, and note Nestor’s ȜȘșȚ at
the very beginning of his prayer, as also in Telemachus’ address to the
transformed stranger at Od. 16.184–5 ਕȜȜૅ ȜȘșૅ, ȞĮ IJȠȚ țİȤĮȡȚıȝȑȞĮ
įȫȠȝİȞ ੂȡȐ / į ȤȡȪıİĮ įȡĮ, IJİIJȣȖȝȑȞĮā ijİȓįİȠ įૅ ਲȝȑȦȞ (‘But show
mercy, so that we can give you offerings you will appreciate and presents
of worked gold; spare us!’)). The suppliant must accordingly work to make
what he offers in return for a benevolent attitude on the deity’s part as
tempting as possible, hence Nestor’s specification that the bull to be sacri-
ficed to Athena will never have been put to the plow, will have its horns
gilded, etc., and Telemachus’ insistence that the gold objects he will offer
will be ‘(elaborately) worked’. Anchises for his part promises that the new
altar he proposes setting up will be located in a prominent spot, bringing
the maximum honor to the deity, and will receive rich sacrifices on a con-
stant basis. Unlike Nestor, however, Anchises promises not a single spec-
tacular offering but a new cult, which he will maintain himself. His offer of
fine sacrifices in perpetuity is thus implicated in what he requests from his
visitor in the verses that follow. Only if he grows wealthy and lives to be
an old man, will he be in a position to make the sort of offerings the god-
dess would like to receive for as long as she would, presumably, like to
receive them; and only if she grants him children, will her new cult contin-
ue after its mortal founder’s death. So too Anchises’ request for personal
distinction (matching his proposal to locate the altar in a conspicuous spot)
will serve the goddess’ interests as much as his own, since the more prom-
inent he is among his people, the more prominent the deity he worships
will become as well.
100–101 The grammatically unnecessary—and thus emphatic—use of ਥȖȫ
(balanced by ıȪ in 102) makes it clear from the first that Anchises’ offer
will be matched by a request for something in return from his visitor.
A ıțȠʌȚȒ (cognate with ıțȑʌIJȠȝĮȚ) is properly a ‘look-out spot’, i.e.
an elevated place from which one can see a long distance (e.g. Od. 10.146–
50). But the gloss ʌİȡȚijĮȚȞȠȝȑȞȦȚ ਥȞ ȤȫȡȦȚ (adapted from the Homeric
ʌİȡȚıțȑʌIJȦȚ ਥȞ ȤȫȡȦȚ (Od. 1.426; 10.211, 253; 14.6), in which the second
element in the adjective comes, however, from ıțȑʌȦ/ıțİʌȐȦ, ‘cover,
shelter’; for the hiatus, also e.g. Il. 3.344 įȚĮȝİIJȡȘIJȦȚ ਥȞ ȤȫȡȦȚ /; 5.386
țȡĮIJİȡȦȚ ਥȞ įȑıȝȦȚ /) that follows effectively reverses the significance of
the word: the point of placing the goddess’ altar on a mountain- or hilltop
is not that she and her worshippers will have a fine view from there, but
that everyone in the area will be able to see what is going on in the place,
bringing her the maximum amount of attention and honor. (Cf. Demeter’s
cognate request at hDem. 270–2 for a temple and altar ਥʌ ʌȡȠȪȤȠȞIJȚ
țȠȜȦȞȚ (‘on a prominent hill’).) The adjective țĮȜȐ, used to describe the
offerings the goddess will receive in her new cult-spot, must accordingly
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 193
(1975) 125–6; Smith (1981a) 49–55; de Jong (1989) 20–1; Clay (1989)
175–8; Bergren (1989) 18–20.
107–108 are repeated almost word-for-word in 191–2.
ǻȚઁȢ șȣȖȐIJȘȡ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ: see 81*–3 n.
ਝȖȤȓıȘ: Anchises has no idea who his visitor is, and the fact that she
knows his name must accordingly be explained in the course of her story
(126–8 with nn.).
țȪįȚıIJİ ȤĮȝĮȚȖİȞȑȦȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ: If Anchises’ initial speech to Aph-
rodite is flattering and deceptive (91–106 n.), her response is as well, since
he is scarcely the ‘most famous person born on the earth’; cf. 103 with n.,
132 n., 192*. ȤĮȝĮȚȖİȞȑȦȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ serves to set up the question of Aph-
rodite’s supposed mortal ancestry in 109–10, and is thus better than its
Homeric metrical equivalent țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ (3*). But as Richard-
son on hDem. 113 observes, the formula is in addition elsewhere ‘used of
men in relation to the superior (and destructive) powers of the gods, nature,
etc.’, lending a quiet, chilling irony in the disguised Aphrodite’s choice of
phrase—not for Anchises, but for the external audience listening to or
reading the poem.
109–110 109 is a slightly reworked version of Od. 16.187, where Odysseus
assures Telemachus that he is not a god but his father; cf. 91–106 n., 100–6
n.; but in this case the reassurance is misleading. Like Nausicaa at Od.
6.196–7, Aphrodite gives her father’s name but not her own (although the
Phaeacian princess does eventually let her own name slip in the teasingly
flirtatious speech she puts in the mouth of one of the local boys at Od.
6.276–84).
IJȓ ȝૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȚıȚȞ ਥȓıțİȚȢ; is to be understood as an interjection, and
the construction of Ƞ IJȓȢ IJȠȚ șİȩȢ İੁȝȚ continues in 110 ਕȜȜ țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȒ
Ȗİ, as also in the Homeric model, where the verb is, however, repeated
(Od. 16.188 ਕȜȜ ʌĮIJȡ IJİȩȢ İੁȝȚ). For the aggressively maintained dis-
tinction between gods and human beings ‘subject to death’ in the Hymn,
see 33–5 n., 45–6 n., and cf. on ȖȣȞ įȑ ȝİ țIJȜ. below.
van Eck (1978) 46 defends the paradosis țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȒ IJİ by reference to
the observation of Denniston (1954) 513, that the combination of IJİ and įȑ
generally expresses ‘contrast … added to the original idea of addition’, but
then concedes that this is irrelevant, since ‘here įȑ has explanatory force’.
Gemoll’s țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȒ Ȗİ, with the particle serving to emphasize the contrast
with șİȩȢ in 109, is the simplest and most conservative of emendations (ī
misread as ȉ, as again in 116, 145; cf. 245), and clarifies the expression at
an exceedingly low palaeographic price.
ȖȣȞ įȑ ȝİ ȖİȓȞĮIJȠ ȝȒIJȘȡ adapts and reverses Achilleus’ description
of his own ancestry at Il. 21.109 șİ įȑ ȝİ ȖİȓȞĮIJȠ ȝȒIJȘȡ* (‘the mother
196 Commentary
who gave birth to me was a goddess’; cf. Il. 1.280 șİ įȑ ıİ ȖİȓȞĮIJȠ
ȝȒIJȘȡ* (‘the mother who gave birth to you was a goddess’; Nestor to
Achilleus)), just before he kills Hector, implicitly tying the story of An-
chises (and Aeneas) to the larger Troy-saga, and to the sharp contrast be-
tween mortals and immortals Aphrodite has just drawn, while pointedly
evoking one of the most significant narrative moments in the Iliad; cf.
111–12 n., 126–9 n. Otreus’ daughter never gives her mother’s name (Nau-
sicaa is similarly discreet at Od. 6.305, 310–11, while naming Alcinous
again at 6.299, 302), but does apply emotionally-colored adjectives to her
(115 with n., 138 with n.; note also 134 (of Anchises’ mother)), whereas
she describes her father in terms of his reputation and political influence
(111–12); cf. 42–3 n., 139; Hes. Th. 932 ʌĮȡ ȝȘIJȡ ijȓȜȘȚ țĮ ʌĮIJȡ ਙȞĮțIJȚ
(‘by the side of his beloved mother and his father the king’).
110–111 are repeated almost word-for-word in Anchises’ response at 145–
6, where see n.
111–112 Otreus is borrowed from Il. 3.184–9 (the Teichoskopia; cf. 143–4
n.), where Priam compares the size of the Achaean forces favorably to the
ĭȡȪȖĮȢ ਕȞȑȡĮȢ ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ (cf. 137 with n.), / ȜĮȠઃȢ ૅȅIJȡોȠȢ țĮ
ȂȣȖįȩȞȠȢ ਕȞIJȚșȑȠȚȠ (‘Phrygians with their rapid steeds, the people of
Otreus and godlike Mygdon’), and tells Helen how he fought as a Phrygian
ally against the Amazons. The incident is most easily understood as a
youthful adventure (cf. Kirk ad loc.: ‘Priam’s Phrygian reference is very
much in the style of Nestor’s reminiscences’), putting Otreus (mentioned
nowhere else outside the Hymn except perhaps at [Apollod.] Bib. iii.12.3) a
generation or so before the Trojan War and thus contemporary with An-
chises. For the terms in which Aphrodite describes him, see 109–10 n.
ੑȞȠȝȐțȜȣIJȠȢ is a Homeric hapax at Il. 22.51 (Priam cries out to Hec-
tor from the walls of Troy, trying to convince him to run from Achilleus),
and was noteworthy enough to be reused also at hHerm. 59
(ੑȞȠȝȐțȜȣIJȠȞ*). The unique adjective İIJİȚȤȒIJȠȚȠ in turn articulates a
fundamental narrative element that binds together not just the Teichoskopia
(above) and Priam’s appearance in Iliad 21, but also the death of Hector at
Achilleus’ hands before his father’s eyes later in the Book (109–10 n.).
Aphrodite’s lying tale—which leads directly to the birth of Aeneas, who
escaped the destruction of Troy—thus engages pointedly with the story of
the ruin of Priam and his branch of the royal family; and this theme of
intergenerational loss, but also of the possibility for rescue, redemption,
and renewal, is reinforced via the Odyssean references that frame these
verses, to the reunion of Odysseus and his son Telemachus (109), on the
one hand, and the kidnapping of Eumaeus (112, 114–15), on the other. Cf.
126–9 n., 176–80 n., 185–6 n., 196–9 n.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 197
like her child, and gave me toys to keep me happy’). Note the figura ety-
mologica IJȡȠijઁȢ IJȡȑijİȞ.
įȚȐʌȡȠ (‘from one end to the other’, i.e. here ‘from beginning to end,
constantly’; an unparalleled usage) sits awkwardly with ıȝȚțȡȞ ʌĮį(Į),
since although Aphrodite was (supposedly) once a little girl, she was not
one throughout the time her nurse was taking care of her. ıȝȚțȡȞ ʌĮį(Į)
is therefore best understood as the object of ਦȜȠ૨ıĮ, while ਕIJȓIJĮȜȜİ must
take ȝİ again. Aphrodite’s account of her upbringing proceeds in any case
in reverse chronological order: she (1) was raised—i.e. she reached the age
she is now—by a nurse who (2) cared for her constantly for years after (3)
getting her as a little girl from her mother.
ijȓȜȘȢ ʌĮȡ ȝȘIJȡȩȢ is another bit of conventional social piety: Aphro-
dite’s mother is ‘dear’ to her even if she was raised by her nurse.
116 resumes 113, but without reference to Aphrodite’s ability to speak
Phrygian (contrast 113 ȖȜııĮȞ … țĮ ਲȝİIJȑȡȘȞ ıȐijĮ ȠੇįĮ), which
makes no difference to Anchises; the key point is that his visitor is fluent in
‘Trojan’, allowing them to have this conversation. Put another way, the
difference between the two verses anticipates the action in the story that
follows, as Aphrodite is snatched away from her family and native land,
and brought to Mount Ida and Anchises.
įȒ lends emphasis to ੬Ȣ … ȖȜııȐȞ Ȗİ țIJȜ., and thus represents Aph-
rodite’s assertion that this conclusion is based on the information offered in
114–15 (almost ‘—I assure you that this is the case—’), while IJȠȚ nonethe-
less places the responsibility for identifying the specific logical connection
between the facts and their consequences squarely on Anchises and the
Hymn’s audience.
İ ȠੇįĮ: see 113 n.; and cf. hHerm. 467 İ ȠੇįĮȢ* (also respecting di-
gamma).
117–120 Ȟ૨Ȟ įȑ: returning to the main point after the explanatory digres-
sion in 113–16: If Aphrodite is the Phrygian king Otreus’ daughter (112–
13), how did she get to Anchises’ hut on the slopes of Mount Ida, and what
is her purpose in visiting him there?
ਕȞȒȡʌĮȟİ: The verb is used routinely in early epic to mean ‘snatch,
kidnap’ (e.g. Il. 9.564; Od. 4.515; hDem. 414; cf. LfgrE s. ਖȡʌȐȗȦ B 2)
rather than ‘snatch up (into the sky)’. 125 (where see n.) suggests that the
latter is nonetheless the sense intended here, as again in 208; the more
significant point is that where Aphrodite is taken to is ignored in 117–20,
which concentrate instead on where she was taken from; cf. 121 n. The
conventional epic explanation of Hermes’ behavior would be that he
snatched up Otreus’ daughter in order to rape her in an isolated spot (cf.
203 with n.), after which one could expect him to abandon her, allowing
200 Commentary
her to find her way eventually to Anchises’ door. Indeed, 118 is borrowed
more or less direct from Il. 16.183, which tells how Hermes (referred to as
țȡĮIJઃȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ; cf. 117) caught sight of the beautiful Polymele, and
thereupon fell in love with her, invaded her bedroom, had sex with her, and
got her pregnant. The information about the god’s actual purposes with the
princess offered in 126–7 (which continue to play, however, on the tradi-
tional language of rape-scenes; see n. ad loc.) thus comes as a surprise both
to her (when Hermes finally explains where he is taking her at the end of
their long journey within her inset narrative) and to Anchises (as she tells
him her story in the course of their unexpected encounter in the
cowyard)—and perhaps to the Hymn’s external audience as well. Cf. 123–
4 n.; Od. 15.427 ȝૅ ਕȞȒȡʌĮȟĮȞ*; Reinhardt (1956) 11–12; and for Hermes
as sexually active, 262–3 (sleeping with the nymphs) with n.
ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ: According to hHerm. 529–32 (corrupt in
531 and obscure throughout), Hermes’ gold staff (referred to also at Il.
24.343–4; Od. 5.47–8, 87; 10.277, 331; hDem. 335; hHerm. 539; h. 29.8,
13; for the material (conventional of attributes of the gods), see 16–17 n.)
keeps him safe and guarantees that all his undertakings succeed, provided
they are in accord with Zeus’ will (?); cf. h. 29.8, where the series of epi-
thets ‘messenger of the blessed ones, ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ, giver of good
things’ perhaps contains its own internal narrative logic: the messenger,
when vested with divine authority, can accomplish the ends men desire.
But within the narrative Otreus’ daughter offers Anchises, the epithet (used
again in 121) is better understood as representing the physical token that
allowed her to recognize her divine assailant. For ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ (the origi-
nal sense of which is obscure; see S. West on Od. 1.37ff), cf. 129, 213, 263
(different elements of a single formular system); h. 29.7.
ਥț ȤȠȡȠ૨ ਝȡIJȑȝȚįȠȢ ȤȡȣıȘȜĮțȐIJȠȣ țİȜĮįİȓȞȘȢ: In the embedded
hymn at 16–20 (where see nn.), Artemis is described with the same epi-
thets, and an oblique description is offered of rites in her honor as the vir-
gin goddess of hunting, and of the setting in which those rites are per-
formed, in ‘shady sacred groves and the city of just men’. 119–20 can
accordingly be understood as an account of one such celebration, in such a
grove, near or within such a city, with lyres (19) providing musical accom-
paniment for the chorus’ song; perhaps a number of choruses competing
against one another; and sacrifice afterward (cf. 19 n. on ੑȜȠȜȣȖĮȓ). Cf. the
implied setting of Alcman’s roughly contemporary partheneia; Calame
(2001) 91–101. But here the story is told from the perspective of a member
of a one group of celebrants with her own limited set of interests.
At Il. 18.593, from which the second half of 119 is drawn, the dancers
on Achilleus’ shield are all young and unmarried (ȓșİȠȚ țĮ ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȚ
ਕȜijİıȓȕȠȚĮȚ (‘young men and girls whose dowry will consist of many
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 201
121 ȞșİȞ sums up the information provided in 118–20, and with that
background and all the erotic and social possibilities it creates and contains
in place, Aphrodite returns to the story she began and then abruptly broke
off at 117 (where see nn.).
122–124 Aphrodite’s point is not that, after she and Hermes left the Phryg-
ians’ extensive fields behind (122), they travelled through uninhabited
country until they came to Mount Ida (123–4), but that the god led her
through numerous separate cultivated areas, standing via synecdoche for
individual towns and villages (122), between which lay expanses of wil-
derness (123–4). The line-initial anaphora ʌȠȜȜ … / ʌȠȜȜȒȞ thus has the
rhetorical function of emphasizing how far she has come, and how far she
is from home. The order in which the two principal elements in her story
are presented nonetheless serves to create a shorthand vision of her journey
that fits the basic facts of the case: she has been taken from the settled
world of men and out into the wild. That only one relatively unadorned line
in her account is devoted to the human world, while two far more richly
developed verses are allotted to the wilderness, thus both creates the im-
pression that the latter is more extensive than the former, and makes it
clear that Otreus’ daughter has been transported an enormous distance
from her normal urban environment.
ਵȖĮȖİȞ: see 125 n.
For the external audience of the Hymn, the phrase țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ
ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ can be understood as yet another reference to the already well-
established theme that the inevitability of death is a fundamental feature of
human existence and one that separates us decisively—and appropriately—
from the gods (35 with n., 38–9 with n., etc.). But within Aphrodite’s
speech, the contrast is instead between human beings, on the one hand, and
beasts (șોȡİȢ; cf. 68 with n.), on the other, and between our part of the
world (122) and theirs (123–4). The perspective is strikingly anthropocen-
tric throughout, in that wilderness is treated not as an independent sphere
opposed to the similarly independent world of men, but as whatever land
human beings have not (i.e. not yet) divided up and settled (ਙțȜȘȡȩȞ IJİ țĮ
ਙțIJȚIJȠȞ, on which see further below). 123–4 thus amount in some ways to
a series of negative explanatory glosses on ȡȖĮ … ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ: humans
divide up and settle land, and work it, whereas beasts only ‘wander
through’ the territory left to them in search of other creatures to kill and
eat; they consume their food raw (੩ȝȠijȐȖȠȚ; * at Il. 11.479; 16.157), as
we, by implication, do not; and their alleged fondness for ‘shadowy lairs’
(ıțȚȩİȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ) is a back-handed way of saying that our homes are
better lighted and more accessible—at least to us. The tone is accordingly
in part triumphant and superior (‘human beings have created a safe and
happy world of which the beasts have no share’), but also fearful. ‘The
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 203
wild’—that part of the physical world over which people exercise no con-
trol via their political institutions and the investment of labor those institu-
tions make possible (see below)—is defined by the presence not just of
animals generally but of predators, who are constantly on the prowl (Ȟ įȚ
/ … ijȠȚIJıȚ) with murderous intent, and who lurk in spots where human
beings cannot see well and into which we are accordingly ill-advised to
intrude unless we are looking for a fight, adding some bitter point to
țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ (i.e. ‘who can be killed’; cf. 149 with n.). None of this is inap-
propriate to a story told by a privileged young girl abruptly snatched away
from her family and city, and dropped on a deserted mountainside far from
home. But the ideology implicit in Aphrodite’s comments is richer than
that, and seems reminiscent of 70–1 (where see n.); and the reference to
wild beasts țĮIJ ıțȚȩİȞIJĮȢ ਥȞĮȪȜȠȣȢ inevitably recalls in any case the
goddess’ easy mastery of the lions, wolves, wildcats, and bears on Mount
Ida in 69–74, throwing her feigned terror of such creatures here into quietly
amusing relief.
ʌȠȜȜȒȞ: sc. ȖĮĮȞ.
ਙțȜȘȡȩȞ IJİ țĮ ਙțIJȚIJȠȞ captures in compact form the social and eco-
logical history of the ‘worked lands of human beings’ mentioned in the
previous verse, from a collective perspective, on the one hand, and an indi-
vidual one, on the other: the community allots (țȜȘȡȩȦ) land to its
members, who settle (țIJȓȗȦ) their portions and invest their labor
(ਥȡȖȐȗȠȝĮȚ) in them, eliminating the ‘shadowy lairs’ that shelter large
predators—as well as the predators themselves, if possible. ਙțIJȚIJȠȢ (cog-
nate with țIJȓȗȦ, ‘found, build, settled’; LSJ’s ‘untilled’ is too specific) is
attested in Mycenean but nowhere else in Greek literature; here it is used
for the sake of the jingle with ਙțȜȘȡȠȢ. Contrast the positive evaluation
ਥȣțIJȚȝȑȞȘȢ (of Cyprus) in 292. For the confusion in the MSS (ਙțIJȚIJȠȞ
MDL : ਙțIJȚıIJȠȞ Ata : ਙIJȚțIJȠȞ p) and its implications for the presence of
variants and superlinear corrections in Ȍ, see Introduction 6.
125 Ȍ’s ȥĮȪİȚȞ (advocated for by van Eck (1978) ad loc. and Smith (1979)
32–4, and printed by Faulkner (2008) and Richardson (2010)) would have
to be understood as a comment on the character of the speaker’s progress
through the lands described in 122–4, ‘I scarcely thought that my feet
touched the ground’, sc. ‘because we traveled so fast and so lightly’.
ਵȖĮȖİȞ in 122 arguably leaves open the possibility that Hermes ‘led’ Otre-
us’ daughter by the hand from Phrygia to Troy, after he snatched her out of
Artemis’ chorus (but contrast e.g. hDem. 30 (the rape of Persephone)
ȖİȞ), although ਕȞȒȡʌĮȟİ/ਸ਼ȡʌĮȟİ (117 ~ 121) is more naturally taken to
imply that nothing about the trip was voluntary, which is to say that she
was carried in Hermes’ arms; and as Allen, Halliday, and Sikes (1963)
(citing Il. 14.225–30, esp. 228; 20.325–8, esp. 325 (miscited as 20.335);
204 Commentary
Od. 5.49; hDem. 377–83; add e.g. Il. 5.364–6; Od. 1.319–20) observe ad
loc., ‘the Gods and persons they conveyed flew’. See also van der Ben
(1986) 14–15. But the detail—which might have made better sense, on this
interpretation, if offered between 121 and 122—would in any case be flat
and unhelpful here, especially after ʌȠȜȜ … / ʌȠȜȜȒȞ in 122–3, which has
already made the point that the journey was a long one. M’s ȥĮȪıİȚȞ, on
the other hand, represents an important contribution to the structure of the
narrative: by saying that she never expected to set foot on the ground
again, Aphrodite implies that she in fact did so, and precisely at this point,
after the long journey through the air described in 122–4. Although the
information in 126–8 (where see n.) is presented in a complicated fashion,
therefore, 125 serves to show that what follows represents a new stage in
the action, after Hermes and Otreus’ daughter have landed on Mount Ida.
This is the only explicit reference ‘Otreus’ daughter’ makes to her own
thoughts or feelings in this speech, although her attitudes and perceptions
are embedded throughout it.
The paradosis ਥįȩțȠȣȞ contains an Attic contraction corrected by La
Roche’s metrically equivalent įȩțİȠȞ (printed also by West (2003) and
Faulkner (2008)).
ijȣıȚȗȩȠȣ ĮȘȢ: in Homer always in connection with the dead, whom
the earth holds within it (Il. 3.243*; Ȗો ijȣıȓȗȠȠȢ 21.63; Od. 11.301*). Here
the epithet recalls the ideology of husbandry implicit in 122–4 (where see
n.), while expressing the speaker’s relief at touching the earth again and
thus, implicitly, the terror she experienced during her flight through the air.
L has again (cf. 99 with n.) corrected the text on the basis of its Homeric
model(s).
126–132 126–7 are modeled on Il. 19.287–8 (Briseis bewails the dead
Patroclus; see the first apparatus), with an echo of Od. 1.366 = 18.213
ʌĮȡĮ ȜȑȤİıȚȞ țȜȚșોȞĮȚ (the Suitors pray to share Penelope’s bed) as well;
129 recalls both Hes. Op. 199 (Aidos and Nemesis will someday flee the
earth, ‘and baneful griefs will be left for mortal human beings’) and Od.
5.148 (Hermes departs for Olympus, having informed Calypso that she
may not keep Odysseus for herself); 130 is adapted from Od. 10.273
(Odysseus heads off to the house of Circe, another of his goddess lovers,
just before his own encounter with Hermes); 131 is modeled on Od. 13.324
(Odysseus addresses Athena upon his return to Ithaca), perhaps with a
reference to Il. 3.140 (Helen is filled with longing for her life before Troy;
cf. 45–6 n.) as well; and 132 is modeled on Od. 4.64 (Menelaus assesses
the look of Telemachus and Pisistratus), with a trace at the beginning of
Od. 4.236 (Helen for her part describes Telemachus and Pisistratus as
ਕȞįȡȞ ਥıșȜȞ ʌĮįİȢ (‘the children of excellent men’)). Aphrodite’s lie is
thus richly connected once again both to Homer’s story of the fall of Troy
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 205
and the tragedy of Priam and his family, on the one hand, and to the ques-
tion of the propriety (or wisdom) of goddesses sleeping with mortal men,
on the other; and it simultaneously sounds a gloomy note about the ulti-
mate future of human society, while signalling the occasional possibility of
happy endings and of a successful transition between generations. Cf. 109–
10 n., 111–12 n., 196–9 n.
126–129 Aphrodite begins her account of what Hermes told her with An-
chises treated as a third party and the emphasis on what other people will
know and say about the two of them (‘In Anchises’ bed you will be called
his wedded wife’, a condensed way of expressing ‘You will sleep in An-
chises’ bed and be called his wedded wife’; see further below). But the
second half of her report is a substantial step further removed from what
the god supposedly said in direct speech, for Anchises is now referred to in
the second person (ıȠȓ), putting his perspective and interests to the fore:
while the world as a whole will call Otreus’ daughter his wife, his children
will be ਕȖȜĮȐ in his own eyes in particular (‘and that I would bear you
children who would reflect well on you’ vel sim.). 128 might be intended to
describe a separate, subsequent stage in the imaginary action: after telling
Otreus’ daughter that she would marry someone named Anchises and bear
him children, Hermes pointed the man out (or told her where to find him).
The line is better understood, however, as summarizing the action de-
scribed in 126–7, in which case the order of the elements in what might
otherwise appear an awkward and opaque account of the god’s words (cf.
Kamerbeek (1967) 391–2) can be seen to match what Hermes might rea-
sonably be thought to have done and said, after he and Otreus’ daughter
landed on the side of Mount Ida (cf. 125 n.): he showed her (įİȟİ; cf. 134,
275) her future husband and explained the situation (țĮ ijȡĮıİȞ): ‘This is
Anchises (ਝȖȤȓıİȦ); you will sleep with him (ʌĮȡĮ ȜȑȤİıȚȞ) and will
accordingly be called his wedded wife (țĮȜȑİıșĮȚ / țȠȣȡȚįȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ);
and eventually you will bear him children who will reflect well on you
(ਕȖȜĮ IJȑțȞĮ IJİțİıșĮȚ, with the focalization of the adjective shifting
when Otreus’ daughter tells the story of her adventure to Anchises).’ For
the importance of 126 as explaining how Otreus’ daughter knows An-
chises’ name, see 108 n. In fact, Anchises is nowhere said to have more
than one son, Aeneas, except at [Apollod.] Bib. iii.12.2, where he is as-
signed in addition a certain Lyrus, ‘who died childless’.
126–127 In the course of her speech, Otreus’ daughter has (inter alia)
traced a version of her life-story, in normal chronological order, from her
birth (110), to the moment she was turned over to the nurse who raised her
(114–15), to her emergence in public as an marriageable young woman
(119–20 with nn.). But only with the abrupt revelation that Hermes carried
206 Commentary
her off to be Anchises’ bride rather than his own (cf. 117–20 n.) does it
become apparent how carefully her forged autobiography has been con-
structed to suggest her potential to be an ideal wife for him: she is well-
born, and in fact the daughter of a king who is a Trojan ally (111–12 n.);
she speaks, and indeed has an intimate feel for ‘Trojan’ (113, 116 with
nn.), but has no other history outside of her parents’ house (114–15); and
she is not just old enough to marry, but both extremely attractive, as the
enormous crowd that gathered to watch her dance at the festival of Artemis
in her native city (120) will attest, and likely to bring an enormous dowry
(119, cf. 139–40).
The combination of a future form of IJȓțIJȦ (elsewhere generally
IJȑȟȦ/IJȑȟȠȝĮȚ; see below) with the phrase ਕȖȜĮ IJȑțȞĮ is characteristic of
divine rape-stories (Od. 11.249; Hes. fr. 31.2 (conjectural but likely), 4);
cf. 117–20 n. IJİțİıșĮȚ is not attested elsewhere, and it appears to be a
nonce form, invented on analogy with e.g. aorist ਪʌİıȠȞ < ʌȓʌIJȦ yielding
future ʌİıİıșĮȚ; cf. 197 ਥțȖİȖȐȠȞIJĮȚ with n.
129–130 ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ ȝİIJ ij૨Ȝ(Į): cf. 3 n.; ȝİIJ ij૨ȜĮ șİȞ at Il.
15.54, 161 = 177; Hes. Op. 199 / ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ ȝİIJ ij૨ȜȠȞ; hDem. 322,
443, 461; West on Hes. Th. 202 șİȞ IJૅ ਥȢ ij૨ȜȠȞ, who notes that expres-
sions of the sort ‘the ij૨ȜȠȞ/ij૨ȜĮ of the gods’ are used almost exclusively
when someone goes to join them. But all Otreus’ daughter can know—and
all Aphrodite means to communicate—is that Hermes disappeared, leaving
her behind; if she claims that he went off to be with the other gods again,
that is only because that is the conventional destination of Olympians when
they break off contact with mortal creatures.
The characterization of Hermes as țȡĮIJȪȢ in 129 sets up țȡĮIJİȡ …
ਕȞȐȖțȘ in 130: Hermes is responsible for the situation Otreus’ daughter
finds herself in or, put the other way around, he has articulated (in 126–7)
what inevitably will be, and she must make the best of it. For the phrase
țȡĮIJİȡ … ਕȞȐȖțȘ, cf. (in addition to Od. 10.273, on which the verse is
modeled) Il. 6.458*; Hes. Th. 517; Cypr. fr. 9.3, p. 49 Bernabé; Parry
(1986) 257–9.
131–132 131 (~ 187) is a witty adaptation of Od. 13.324 / Ȟ૨Ȟ įȑ ıİ ʌȡઁȢ
ʌĮIJȡઁȢ ȖȠȣȞȐȗȠȝĮȚ (‘But now I beg you, in your father’s name’; Odysseus
addressing Athena), in that the father appealed to there is Zeus, whose
name replaces the metrically equivalent ʌĮIJȡȩȢ in this verse.
ʌȡઁȢ ǽȘȞઁȢ ȖȠȣȞȐȗȠȝĮȚ į IJȠțȒȦȞ: Among the most obviously
amusing elements of the portion of Aphrodite’s speech that follows, in
which she pleads with Anchises to accept her as his wife, is the representa-
tion of this request as something her interlocutor might be disinclined to
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 207
(who does the ‘mastering’), on the one hand, and the woman (who gains
‘experience of love-making’), on the other. In both cases, however, the
perspective adopted is that of the male partner, who exercises power over
the woman while (as he sees it) offering her access to something she has
not known before; and the interests and concerns embedded in the descrip-
tion are those of Anchises rather than of his parents and his siblings, and
certainly not of Otreus’ daughter. Forms of ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȠȢ appear * at e.g. Il.
14.163; Od. 8.271; Hes. Th. 224; hAp. 208.
For the contrast between the reference to Anchises’ father simply with
the possessive adjective ıȚ, but to his mother with the emotionally more
vivid țİįȞ ੁįȣȓȘȚ, cf. 42–3, 109–10 n., 138. The latter description (cf.
ȝȘIJȑȡȚ țİįȞોȚ at Od. 10.8; Hes. Op. 130) is persuasive: ‘who is devoted to
you’, sc. ‘and upon whose affection I can accordingly call as part of this
appeal’ (cf. 131–2). Anchises’ brothers (or ‘siblings’?) are more richly
described than either of their parents, with both a possessive adjective and
a relative clause. But they drop out of the narrative in 136, where the use of
the term ȞȣȩȢ (‘daughter-in-law’; far and away the most common sense of
the word) leaves no doubt that the point at issue is how his father and his
mother (not his family generally) will evaluate their son’s prospective
bride. The brothers are thus arguably intruders here, and the precise signif-
icance of Ƞ … ȝȩșİȞ ȖİȖȐĮıȚȞ, which might mean either ‘who were born
of the same two parents’ or ‘who were born of the same mother’, is like-
wise obscure, although the resumptive ıijȚȞ in 136 suggests that the former
alternative is to be preferred. But the presence of IJȠȚ (making the sense
‘who were born in your interest’, i.e. ‘whom you have got’) leaves no
doubt in any case that the crucial point is that it is good for a man to have
brothers, so that the fact that Anchises’ parents (or mother) have given him
some, amounts to another reason why he ought to accede to the request
Otreus’ daughter is making in their name (131). Anchises is not assigned
brothers (or sisters, for that matter) anywhere else in the literary tradition;
but there is no reason why his visitor—who is no longer quoting Hermes or
following his specific orders—should be aware that her future husband is
an only child, and the idea that he must belong to a richly flourishing line
is implicitly flattering (cf. 104). For ʌĮIJȡȓ IJİ ıȚ, cf. Il. 8.283*. For Ƞ IJȠȚ
ȝȩșİȞ ȖİȖȐĮıȚȞ, cf. Od. 5.476–7 įȠȚȠઃȢ … șȐȝȞȠȣȢ / ਥȟ ȝȩșİȞ
ʌİijȣIJĮȢ; Hes. Op. 108 ੪Ȣ ȝȩșİȞ ȖİȖȐĮıȚȞ șİȠ șȞȘIJȠȓ IJૅ ਙȞșȡȦʌȠȚ.
This is one of three examples in the Hymn (also 225, 230) of hiatus after
IJȠȚ; contrast 178.
For țİįȞ ੁįȣȓȘȚ (in place of the MSS’s țȑįȞૅ İੁįȣȓȘȚ vel sim.), cf. 44
țİįȞ ੁįȣĮȞ* with n.
ıȠȢ IJİ țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȠȚȢ: M’s unmetrical and nonsensical įȠȚȫ IJİ
țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȦ (nominative/accusative/vocative dual) perhaps originated in a
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 209
note that attempted to explain an error of some sort by claiming that the
phrase ought to be in the dual (ıȠȞ IJİ țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȠȚȞ) rather than the plural.
Or perhaps 135 ought simply to be expelled from the text; cf. 136 n.
136 represents Otreus’ daughter’s summary of the case she expects to
make (or have made for her) when Anchises puts her on display (134
įİȟȠȞ) to his family and in particular to his parents (ıijȚȞ; see 133–5 n.),
whose looming judgment of her merits as a daughter-in-law is embedded in
the contrast between the adjectives ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ and İੁțȣĮ (‘unacceptable? or
acceptable?’); cf. 137–40 n. For İੁțȣĮ used absolutely of a wife who is
‘appropriate’ (sc. to her husband’s status, aspirations, and the like), cf. Il.
9.399 (Achilleus describing his own marital prospects, if he declines to
have Agamemnon’s daughter); and note hDem. 83–4 Ƞ IJȠȚ ਕİȚțȢ /
ȖĮȝȕȡȩȢ (‘not an unacceptable son-in-law for you’; the Sun-god’s evalua-
tion of Hades for Demeter).
Between 136 and 137, MĬ have an additional line, İ IJȠȚ ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ
ȖȣȞ ııȠȝĮȚ țĮ Ƞțȓ (‘(so that they can decide) whether I will be an
inappropriate wife (sc. for you) or not’), which is patently a doublet of 136
and must have stood in ȍ. (p have a single line Ƞ ıijȚȞ ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ ȖȣȞ
ııȠȝĮȚ țĮ Ƞțȓ, in place of 136–6a, the scribe’s eye having leapt from
ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ in the first verse to the same word in the second, producing the
hybrid, which has no authority.) Either the two verses must be combined
into one (İ ıijȚȞ ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ ȖȣȞ ııȠȝĮȚ ਲ਼ İੁțȣĮ Ruhnken; Ƞ ıijȚȞ
ਕİȚțİȜȓȘ ȖȣȞ ııȠȝĮȚ, ਕȜȜૅ İੁțȣĮ Humbert), or one or the other must be
expelled from the text. With the exception of van der Ben (1986) 15–17,
who would print 136a between 138 and 139, but whose proposed transla-
tion (‘to tell my father and mother … whether I shall be an unseemly wife
for you or no’) represents an even more awkward use of İੁʌİȞ than the
generally accepted one he argues against (‘to tell [the news]’), modern
editors are united in retaining 136 and rejecting 136a. țĮ Ƞțȓ might
easily have originated in a corruption of ਲ਼ İੁțȣĮ (thus Shackle (1915)
163–4, arguing for Ruhnken’s text), and ȖȣȞȒ could represent a deliberate
attempt to remove ȞȣȩȢ, which might have been thought to sit awkwardly
with the reference in 135 to Anchises’ brothers (for whom his new wife
would be instead a sister-in-law), from the text (thus Càssola (1975)); sub-
sequent attempts to mend the meter and integrate the revised version of the
verse syntactically and logically with what followed and preceded probably
produced the variant preserved alongside the original in the MSS. See also
above on the problematic 135 (another clumsy product of editorial inter-
vention in this section of the text?).
137–140 Second-person active imperative ʌȑȝȥȠȞ (cf. 134 įİȟȠȞ) would
do just as well metrically as infinitive-for-imperative ʌȑȝȥĮȚ at the begin-
210 Commentary
ning of 137, and the shift in construction perhaps suggests that Anchises’
family, having approved of his marriage to Otreus’ daughter, are now im-
agined as communicating collectively with the Phrygian king and his wife.
The projected marriage-gifts, on the other hand, are to be sent to Anchises
personally (139–40; and cf. 141–2 n.).
੯țĮ: The reason why Otreus’ daughter urges that a messenger be sent
to Phrygia ‘quickly’ appears initially to be supplied by țȘįȠȝȑȞȘȚ in the
next verse: the queen is worried about her vanished child. (For language
implying affection, devotion, and the like associated with the mother but
not the father, cf. 109–10 n., 133–5 n.). But ʌİȡ suggests that this emotion
stands in contrast to one more relevant to the matter Otreus’ daughter is
discussing (‘although she feels concern’, i.e. ‘upset though she may be’).
The message from Anchises’ family will calm the anxieties of Otreus’ wife
in any case. But the real reason that news of the engagement must be dis-
patched to Phrygia as quickly as possible, is that the sooner that is done,
the sooner the parents’ gifts—and the consent to the marriage they repre-
sent (cf. below)—can be brought back, allowing the wedding to take place.
ȝİIJ ĭȡȪȖĮȢ ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ: Whatever the significance of the adjec-
tive (see below), the most important function of this phrase is to recall
again Priam’s description of Otreus at Il. 3.185–6 (cf. 111 with n.) and thus
the extent of the Phrygian king’s power and the desirability of entering into
a marriage-alliance with him. Horses suggest—and indeed embody—
wealth; if ĮੁȠȜȠʌȫȜȠȣȢ means ‘of the rapid steeds’, as seems likely (cf. Il.
19.404 ʌȩįĮȢ ĮੁȩȜȠȢ ʌʌȠȢ), the further implication is that, however fast
the Trojan messenger travels to Phrygia, a response will come back even
faster, and laden with lavish presents (cf. 139–40).
Otreus and his wife ought to have the same power to approve or disap-
prove their daughter’s marriage as Anchises’ parents do (134–6 with n.).
But Aphrodite makes no mention of that, and instead describes the gifts
they will send when they—inevitably, it seems—agree to the match. At
119, where Otreus’ daughter is advertising her own desirability, she im-
plies that a bride’s family normally receives a substantial ‘price’ for her.
Here, by contrast, where the goal is to convince Anchises to have her, the
woman’s family sends the gifts. Perhaps even more striking, the gold and
textiles the prospective bridegroom will be offered are described as ਙʌȠȚȞĮ
(‘compensation’; cf. 210), as if the Phrygians were suppliants or somehow
in the wrong, implicitly allowing Anchises to make a display of magna-
nimity simply by accepting their gifts (as at Il. 1.377, on which the end of
140 is modeled, where Agamemnon signally fails to act so wisely). Cf.
Keaney (1981) 261–4; van der Ben (1986) 17.
The explicit indication of shift of subject produced by Ƞ įȑ țȑ ۃIJȠȚ ۄis
syntactically unnecessary, and ȤĮȜțȩȞ IJİ (which occurs in this sedes in Od.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 211
13.136 = 16.231, on which this verse is modeled) could easily have been
retained at the beginning of 139. But bronze is not something one sends in
large quantities as a gift, at least by horseback (cf. 137 with n.).
In ȤȡȣıઁȞ … ਚȜȚȢ the adverb stresses the amount of gold Anchises
will receive from his bride’s parents, whereas in ਥıșોIJĮ … ਫ਼ijĮȞIJȒȞ the
adjective brings out the effort invested in producing the cloth; after the
separate references to King Otreus and his wife in 138, the first item is
naturally taken to represent his contribution to the gift, whereas the cloth-
ing will be sent by the girl’s mother, who made it with her own hands. Cf.
14–15 n.; Od. 8.441 and 13.66–7 (Arete adds a robe and a tunic to the pre-
sents—described in the verses on which 139 is modeled—given to Odys-
seus by the Phaeacian men); 15.110–29 (Menelaus makes Telemachus a
farewell gift of a gold and silver mixing-bowl, while Helen brings him a
robe that she wove herself and explicitly offers in anticipation of his mar-
riage).
The adjectives in 140 are intended to persuade Anchises, who will,
Otreus’ daughter assures him, be impressed not just by the quantity of gifts
her parents send (ʌȠȜȜȐ), but by the positive light they shed on him as the
recipient of this lavish display of favor (ਕȖȜĮȐ; cf. 126–9 n.; Od. 13.135 =
16.230, where the gifts the Phaeacians offer Odysseus are described as
ਕȖȜĮ įȡĮ).
141–142 The wedding-feast (standing via synecdoche for the wedding
itself) will be ੂȝİȡȩİȞIJĮ because Anchises will desire it at that point, since
it will (142) bring him honor (IJȚȝȒ) not just among human beings but
among the gods as well, bringing Otreus’ daughter back to the first point in
her request (131 ʌȡઁȢ ǽȘȞઁȢ ȖȠȣȞȐȗȠȝĮȚ with n.). For the phrase ȖȐȝȠȞ
ੂȝİȡȩİȞIJĮ, cf. ੂȝİȡȩİȞIJĮ ȖȐȝȠȞ at Hes. frr. 37.6; 211.6 (conjectural). That
the bridegroom is imagined hosting his own wedding-feast is unexpected
(contrast Il. 19.299 (Patroclus promised to arrange a wedding-feast for
Achilleus and Briseis); Od. 4.3–4 (Menelaus gives a double wedding-feast
for his son and daughter)), but is consistent with the relentless, flattering
attention paid to Anchises throughout the final portion of Aphrodite’s
speech; cf. 137–40 n. (on the receipt of the Phrygian presents).
įĮȓȞȣ ȖȐȝȠȞ: For įĮȓȞȣȝȚ in the active with an internal accusative of
the meal or occasion celebrated (LfgrE s.v. B 1), cf. Il. 9.70; 19.299
įĮȓıİȚȞ į ȖȐȝȠȞ (Briseis to the dead Patroclus; the immediately preceding
verses are evoked at 126–7); 23.29; Od. 3.309; 4.3 įĮȓȞȣȞIJĮ ȖȐȝȠȞ. The
variant reading įĮȓȞȞȣ in most of the Ȍ-family MSS probably reflects the
presence of a superlinear nu taken over into some copies of the text but not
into others; see Introduction 6.
212 Commentary
143–144 143 = Il. 3.139 (quoted at less length at 45, 53), where Iris charms
Helen, who immediately sets off to the city’s gates and discusses the Greek
champions from Troy’s walls with Priam there (cf. 111–12 n.). When the
disguised Aphrodite comes to fetch her later, Helen recognizes the goddess
and makes an angry speech introduced by the formula ʌȠȢ IJૅ ijĮIJૅ ț IJૅ
ੑȞȩȝĮȗİȞ (Il. 3.398, although the formula is widely attested elsewhere; cf.
the second apparatus, and see 87–90 n. for another possible echo of the
verse).
੬Ȣ İੁʌȠ૨ıĮ summarizes 108–42 as whole, but must refer in particular
to the request at 131–42, to which the speech by Anchises that follows
responds specifically. ȖȜȣțઃȞ ȝİȡȠȞ ȝȕĮȜİ șȣȝȚ is not a second action
separate from and subsequent to Aphrodite’s speech (as if the participial
clause meant ‘after speaking thus’), but summarizes its effect (‘by speaking
thus, by means of these words’). ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ įૅ ȡȠȢ İੈȜİȞ at the beginning of
the next verse performs the same function again, but simultaneously trans-
fers the attention of the narrative from Aphrodite (143) to Anchises (144,
where the agent has been transformed into the impersonal ‘lust’, glossing
‘desire’ in 143 in a way typical of the Hymn; cf. 45–6 n., 57).
ਝȖȤȓıȘȞ įૅ ȡȠȢ İੈȜİȞ: Anchises has already been described as in-
spired by lust at 91*, making the renewed reference to his emotional or
psychological state in one sense unnecessary. But Anchises’ desire to get
Aphrodite into bed—and as quickly as possible—is such a fundamental
motivator for the speech that follows (esp. 149–54) that it bears mentioning
a second time; more complicated explanations, such as that offered by van
der Ben (1986) 10–11 (‘Whereas ȡȠȢ stands for a disposition, the word
ȝİȡȠȢ would seem to apply to desires—only in contexts where their ful-
filment is simultaneously striven for in immediate action’), are beside the
point. The further consequence of this presentation of the situation is that
mention is made of Anchises taking Aphrodite’s hand only in 155; cf. be-
low and n. ad loc.
The formula ʌȠȢ IJૅ ijĮIJૅ ț IJૅ ੑȞȩȝĮȗİȞ is often used even when the
speaker does not go on to refer to his or her interlocutor by name (e.g. Il.
5.372; 6.253, 485; see in general Calhoun (1935) 223–6 (who argues that
in Homer, use of the formula communicates above all else the earnestness
and intimacy of the situation); Couch (1937) 129–40, esp. 136–40 (who
maintains that the speaker is in most cases socially superior to the address-
ee—as is not the case here)). But Anchises now knows that his visitor is
Otreus’ daughter, as he did not the first time he addressed her, and he in
fact refers to her as such in 146, so that the phrase is now more appropriate
than it would have been in 91 ʌȠȢ įȑ ȝȚȞ ਕȞIJȓȠȞ ȘįĮ*, where see n. Cf.
176* (the only other use of the formula in the Hymn), where the second
word in the speech that begins in 177 is ǻĮȡįĮȞȓįȘ. The first half of a line
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 213
that ends this way generally describes a gesture or a movement, most often
taking the interlocutor’s hand (Ȟ IJૅ ਙȡĮ Ƞੂ ij૨ ȤİȚȡȓ at e.g. Il. 6.253, 406;
18.384, 423; Od. 8.291; 10.280; waking Anchises up at 176, where see n.).
Here that idea is postponed until 155, where the language is tellingly non-
traditional.
145–146 ੪Ȣ ਕȖȠȡİȪİȚȢ marks everything Anchises has said up to this point
in response to Otreus’ daughter as something approximating as a quotation
(~ 110–11, where see n.). But the clause also serves to pointedly remind
the external audience that the purpose Anchises announces in 149–55 is a
direct consequence of his reliance on all the individual points in the ex-
tended series of İੁ-clauses in 145–8: he has been lied to and taken in by
Aphrodite, and a case can thus be made that he is not responsible for any-
thing terrible that may happen to him as a consequence of sleeping with
her. Cf. 166–7 (a summary of the situation by the narrator, who notes that
Anchises slept with Aphrodite both because the gods wanted this and out
of ignorance) with n., 185–6 (where Anchises himself argues in his own
defense that he was taken in) with n.; Smith (1981a) 55–6; de Jong (1989)
17. This in turn supports the notion that Anchises’ remarks at 92–9 about
the possibility that his visitor may be an Olympian goddess, or at least a
Grace or a local nymph, are not to be taken altogether seriously; cf. 91–106
n. But he is in any case allowed to quote not just Aphrodite’s claim in 111
to be Otreus’ daughter (her supposedly exalted parentage being something
that might reasonably increase his interest in marrying her, making it worth
mentioning in this context; note ੑȞȠȝȐțȜȣIJȠȢ), but also her insistence in
110 that she is mortal and that her mother is a human being (which is in her
own speech merely a coy response to his flattery, and accordingly requires
no repeating), because her status as an immortal will become an issue later
in the poem.
147–148 are a much-condensed version of the forged recent personal histo-
ry Aphrodite offered Anchises at 117–30. (Cf. 145–6 ~ 110–11 with n.; the
identification of Otreus as king of Phrygia in 112 and the explanation of
his daughter’s ability to speak ‘Trojan’ in 113–16 are information of a
different sort and require no reference here.) Hermes’ agency (ਪțȘIJȚ) is
mentioned because he brought ‘Otreus’ daughter’ from her otherwise im-
possibly distant homeland to Mount Ida (cf. below). But the other colorful
and revealing details of her journey have been systematically stripped out;
all that matters, as Anchises re-tells the story, is that she is here (ਥȞșȐįૅ
ੂțȐȞİȚȢ; cf. 130 ਥȖઅ ıૅ ੂțȩȝȘȞ) and that she will be regarded as his wife
(ਥȝ įૅ ਙȜȠȤȠȢ țİțȜȒıİĮȚ; cf. 125–6 ਝȖȤȓıİȦ … ȝİ … țĮȜȑİıșĮȚ /
țȠȣȡȚįȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ).
214 Commentary
ȝİ ıȤȒıİȚ ʌȡȓȞ is literally ‘will hold me here before’, i.e. ‘will keep me
from’ (cf. Il. 17.502–4 Ƞ Ȗȡ ਥȖȫ Ȗİ / ૠǼțIJȠȡĮ ȆȡȚĮȝȓįȘȞ ȝȑȞİȠȢ
ıȤȒıİıșĮȚ ੑȓȦ, / ʌȡȓȞ Ȗૅ ਥʌૅ ਝȤȚȜȜોȠȢ țĮȜȜȓIJȡȚȤİ ȕȒȝİȞĮȚ ʌʌȦ (‘for I
don’t expect that Priam’s son Hector will end his rampage until he reaches
Achilleus’ flowing-maned horses’); LfgrE s.v. B I b Į bb ĮĮ, p. 845), alt-
hough the idea of movement through space is quickly activated in 155–7.
The unparalleled expression ıોȚ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ ȝȚȖોȞĮȚ (cf. 16–17 n., 38–9 n.),
meanwhile, uses the possessive adjective in place of an objective genitive
(‘to mix in love with you’). For the language, cf. 287; h. 19.34 ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ
ȝȚȖોȞĮȚ*; ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ ȝȚȖİıĮ * at Od. 19.266; Hes. Th. 125, 333, 375,
920, 927; hHerm. 4; hBacch. 57; h. 18.4; Cypr. fr. 9.2, p. 49 Bernabé).
151–154 ĮIJȓțĮ Ȟ૨Ȟ: i.e. ignoring all the items in the long catalogue of
socially appropriate actions for a couple planning to wed offered by Aph-
rodite in 133–42, which leads up to but never mentions the wedding night.
Ƞįૅ İ țİȞ țIJȜ gives more specific content to the possibility envisioned
in 149–50, that some god or human being might try to prevent Anchises
from sleeping with Otreus’ daughter, by offering an extreme case: Apollo
himself (ĮIJઁȢ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞ)—rather than a member of one of their families
(cf. 133–8), for example, or even some minor deity who had taken a fancy
to the girl—might attempt to interfere. But exactly what an assault by the
god’s arrows would mean is spelled only in 154, after the emotional tem-
perature of Anchises’ speech has been raised further by the emphatic re-
sumptive ȕȠȣȜȠȓȝȘȞ țİȞ ʌİȚIJĮ in the first half of 153, followed by the
hyperbolic vocative ȖȪȞĮȚ İੁțȣĮ șİોȚıȚ in the second: at that point, he
would be willing to die, provided he managed to get her into bed first. This
is all rhetorical posturing: Anchises is alone on a mountainside far from the
city, and he has no reason to think that anyone has any interest in keeping
him from doing whatever he wishes with his visitor and presumed wife-to-
be, let alone that a major Olympian god might choose to strike him dead on
that account. But the nonchalant willingness he expresses to suffer any-
thing for the sake of a brief if delicious sexual adventure stands in sharp
and revealing contrast to his reaction in 187–90 (where see n.), when he
discovers who Otreus’ daughter really is, and considers what might happen
to him as a consequence; and cf. 160 with n.
153–4 make it clear that what Anchises imagines, is that Apollo might
choose to shoot him dead, but only after he and Otreus’ daughter have had
sex. The god is therefore appropriately described as ਦțȘȕȩȜȠȢ (‘who
shoots from afar’; cf. LfgrE s.v. B, implicitly correcting the entry in LSJ):
he can interfere, but only from a distance, i.e. not immediately, and An-
chises can do what he wants in the meantime, provided he is willing to pay
the price.
216 Commentary
active and aggressive role is now his, and she merely consents to follow his
lead to what is emphatically presented in what follows as his bed (158–60),
and in a way that emphasizes and allows for the expression of her own
supposed modesty (below). For a woman following her lover to bed, cf. Il.
3.447 (Paris and Helen) ૧Į, țĮ ਙȡȤİ ȜȑȤȠıįİ țȚȫȞā ਚȝĮ įૅ İʌİIJૅ ਙțȠȚIJȚȢ
(‘So he spoke, and he led the way, going to bed; his wife followed along
with him’).
Aphrodite has been standing at Anchises’ door, facing him (cf. 75, 81),
and she now enters the house behind him, to go to his bed (157). Although
he presumably pivots about to go inside, still holding her hand, therefore,
she does not, but must instead walk straight ahead (ਪȡʌİ).
ȝİIJĮıIJȡİijșİıĮ (forms of the verb * at Il. 8.258; 11.447; 15.52; Od.
2.67) is accordingly not ‘turned around’ (van Eck (1978) ad loc.; cf. West
(2003) ‘turned’) vel sim., but must describe the same action as țĮIJૅ
ȝȝĮIJĮ țĮȜ ȕĮȜȠ૨ıĮ, which serves to gloss and expand the specific
sense of the word that precedes it: as Aphrodite enters Anchises’ house,
she turns her head and upper body about, casting her eyes down toward the
ground in a display of maidenly modesty (ĮੁįȫȢ; cf. 21 n.); cf. 182 (An-
chises turns his eyes away from Aphrodite when she reveals herself to him
in her proper divine form) with n.; hDem. 214 ਥʌȓ IJȠȚ ʌȡȑʌİȚ ȝȝĮıȚȞ
ĮੁįȫȢ (‘your eyes display a becoming modesty’) with Richardson ad loc.
(but with no explanation of why it is that ‘ĮੁįȫȢ and ȤȐȡȚȢ were thought of
as having their seat in the eyes’, as if this was assumed to be a physiologi-
cal rather than a social fact) and on hDem. 194 (comparing inter alia Il.
3.427, where Helen is described as ııİ ʌȐȜȚȞ țȜȓȞĮıĮ as she prepares to
attack Paris for his lack of manliness; cf. 181–2 n.); Verg. Aen. 11.480
oculos deiecta decoros (identified by van Eck (1978) ad loc. as ‘a transla-
tion of this passage’). Contrast the goddess’ much bolder initial attitude at
91 with n., as well as the epithet țȣȞȫʌȘȢ/țȣȞʌȚȢ, literally ‘dog-eyed’, i.e.
‘willing to look anyone straight in the face under any circumstances’ and
thus ‘shameless’ (e.g. Il. 3.180; Od. 4.145 (both Helen speaking of her-
self); 8.319 (Hephaestus speaking of Aphrodite, after he catches her in bed
with Ares); cf. West on Hes. Op. 67). The fact that Anchises is holding
Aphrodite’s hand (155) makes the gesture possible, since it allows her to
enter the house with her eyes averted but safe from collisions with the
door-jamb, the furniture, or the like.
157–160 The approving adjective İıIJȡȦIJȠȞ (cf. 161 İʌȠȚȒIJȦȞ with
n.; hDem. 285 ਕʌૅ İıIJȡȫIJȦȞ ȜİȤȑȦȞ (‘from the well-spread bed’); the
only other attestion of the adjective in early epic; Alc. fr. 283.8) captures
the focalization of someone looking at Anchises’ bed before the covers
have been lifted and disturbed. The clauses that follow, by contrast, adopt
the perspective of an individual already within the covers: the blankets are
218 Commentary
soft to the touch (ȝĮȜĮțોȚȢ), and animal-skins are heaped ‘on top of’
(ʌİȡșİȞ) them, rather than the texture or color of the skins being de-
scribed, and the blankets are referred to as spread beneath them. The sepa-
rate descriptions of the bedding in 157–8 șȚ țIJȜ. and of the skins in 158–
60 ĮIJȡ țIJȜ., meanwhile, are cast as mini-histories of the goods and,
particularly in the case of the latter, of the man to whom they belong and to
whom the information provided can reasonably be traced (as it cannot be to
his visitor). The fabric had been spread over the bed even before the lovers
arrived on the scene (ʌȐȡȠȢ), and the fact that Anchises is described at the
end of the 157 with the exalted term ਙȞĮțIJȚ (dative of interest, not neces-
sarily identifying the individual who carried out the task himself) makes it
a reasonable conclusion that this was done by a slave-woman rather than
by Anchises himself; cf. below. That some anonymous woman produced
the cloth for him can also be assumed (14–15 n., 137–40 n.), but is not
specified. Anchises himself, at any rate, acquired the bear- and lion-
skins—an unexpected substitute for the sheep-skins normally used along
with blankets on beds in early epic (Il. 9.660; Od. 23.179; cf. Od. 20.3, 95,
142)—by hunting in the mountains (cf. 18 n.). The atmosphere evoked is a
mixture of the royally luxurious (cf. 165 with n., 173 with n.) and the hero-
ically rustic, on the one hand, and of the domestic and the wild, on the
other. Cf. the bed prepared for Odysseus by the rustic herdsman Eumaeus
at Od. 14.519: İȞȒȞ, ਥȞ įૅ ੑȓȦȞ IJİ țĮ ĮੁȖȞ įȑȡȝĮIJૅ ȕĮȜȜİȞ (‘a bed; and
he threw sheepskins and goatskins onto it’); and in general Smith (1981a)
58–9. For bears and lions, see 70–1 n.
The M-scribe was unsure of the gender of neuter ȜȑȤȠȢ, which he took
to be masculine and for which he accordingly wrote ȜȑȤȠȞ.
ȤȜĮȓȞȘȚıȚ ȝĮȜĮțોȚȢ: The adjective is commonly applied in early epic
to fabric (e.g. Od. 1.437; 19.234; 23.290; specifically of a ȤȜĮȞĮ at Hes.
Op. 537 ȤȜĮȞȐȞ IJİ ȝĮȜĮțȒȞ*), and thus by extension to beds covered with
such material (e.g. Il. 9.618; 10.75; Od. 20.58; 22.196) and perhaps to the
sleep one gets in them (e.g. Il. 24.678 ȝĮȜĮțȚ įİįȝȘȝȑȞȠȚ ʌȞȦȚ (‘bound
in soft sleep’)). M’s įȓȞȘȚıȚ looks like an artifact of an uncial text in which
a badly written ȋȁǹǿȃ was mistaken for ȋǻǻǿȃ vel sim. and ‘corrected’
via the removal of the two offending initial letters. The initial mu on
ȝĮȜĮțોȚȢ is sufficient to render the final syllable of ȤȜĮȓȞȘȚıȚ heavy, and
there is no need for the nu-moveable added in some descendants of Ȍ
(probably a metricizing superlinear note, adopted in some but not all mem-
bers of the family).
160 is borrowed more or less direct from Od. 11.574 (quoted in the
first apparatus; see above for the variation in the second half of the verse),
where the subject is Orion (seen by Odysseus in the Underworld), who was
shot and killed by Artemis after Dawn took him as her lover (Od. 5.121–4;
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 219
cf. 218–38 n.). The echo, coming as it does at the moment when Anchises
is getting into bed with his goddess lover, is implicitly threatening, espe-
cially after 151–4, where Anchises expresses his willingness to be pierced
by Apollo’s arrows, if that is to be the price of sleeping with the woman
who has presented herself to him as Otreus’ daughter.
ȕĮȡȣijșȩȖȖȦȞ is first attested here; subsequently at Pi. I. 6.34; Bacch.
9.9; Nic. Th. 171 ȕĮȡȣijșȩȖȖȦȞ IJİ ȜİȩȞIJȦȞ* (a quotatoin of this verse?).
161 ȜİȤȑȦȞ İʌȠȚȒIJȦȞ picks up ȜȑȤȠȢ İıIJȡȦIJȠȞ in 157 (where see n.),
marking the return to the main narrative line after the temporally and spa-
tially expansive explanatory digression in 157 șȚ–160. The adjective
would normally refer to the careful construction of the bed-frame itself; cf.
75 (of the buildings in the farm-complex), 173 (of the roof-beam); Od.
20.150 (of chairs); [Hes.] Sc. 64 (of chariots). But in context it must mean
‘well-composed’ vel sim., the point being that Anchises’ bed-frame, blan-
kets, and animal-skins form a whole that is not just aesthetically attractive
but comfortable as well, since the characters are now sitting together on top
of or within them, rather than standing in front of the bed, as in 157. Cf.
166–7 n.
ਥʌȑȕȘıĮȞ: For this use of the verb, cf. 151–4 n.
162–165 The narrative proceeds at a strikingly slow pace in these verses
(see below on 163 and 165 in particular), as Anchises strips Aphrodite item
by item of the costume she assumed in 64–5 (where her clothing is men-
tioned first, her jewelry second, the order being reversed here as her lover
undresses her). In both passages, the glancing reference to the goddess’
flesh (ਕʌઁ ȤȡȠȩȢ; cf. 64 ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ*, 172 ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ* with n.) serves to tanta-
lize and tease: although the nominal focus of the narrative is on the jewelry
and clothing Anchises removes, it works to incite interest in the body he
sees but the Hymn’s audience never hears described. Cf. below on țĮ
țĮIJȑșȘțİȞ țIJȜ.; 64–5 n., 87–90 n., 168–9 n.
For the ‘staging’ of the action (i.e. the question of whether Anchises
and Aphrodite ought really to be in his bed when he removes her clothing,
rather than standing beside it), see 173–5 n.
163 = Il. 18.401 (Hephaestus describes the items he made for Thetis af-
ter she gave him shelter when Hera threw him out of heaven). The same
verse appears in adapted form at 87–8 (where see nn.), where the reference
to ʌȩȡʌĮȢ—generally taken to be cognate with ʌİȓȡȦ (‘pierce’) and
equivalent in sense to ʌİȡȩȞȘ, a clasp (fibula; the word is sometimes used
instead for a straight dress-pin) that served to hold robes together; cf. Od.
18.292–4 (Antinoos gives Penelope a ʌȑʌȜȠȢ fitted with twelve ʌİȡȩȞĮȚ …
/ ȤȡȪıİĮȚ, țȜȘıȚȞ ਥȣȖȞȐȝʌIJȠȚȢ ਕȡĮȡȣĮȚ (‘gold clasps furnished with care-
fully curved pin-tubes’)); 19.226–7 (Odysseus wore a ʌİȡȩȞȘ that featured
220 Commentary
two tubes, sc. to secure its pins, with his ȤȜĮȞĮ when he left Ithaca for
Troy))—has been removed, and the adjective ਥʌȚȖȞĮȝʌIJȐȢ (in place of IJİ
ȖȞĮȝʌIJȐȢ in the original) applied instead pleonastically to the ਪȜȚțĮȢ. But
at 87–8 the jewelry is all purely and pointedly decorative, whereas here the
clasps deserve mention, since they serve to keep Aphrodite’s clothing in
place; and ȖȞĮȝʌIJȐȢ anticipates Anchises’ gesture as he pinches them open
to remove her dress in 164–5. The catalogue of individual items of jewelry
in 163 is all in apposition to țȩıȝȠȞ … ijĮİȚȞȩȞ in 162, and is thus in one
sense unnecessary. But it serves to retard the action, converting the scene
into something approaching a slow strip-tease (note ʌȡIJȠȞ in 162, making
the sequential nature of what follows clear: first the jewelry, piece by
piece; then the belt; then the robes) staged for the audience’s benefit; cf.
above, and below on 165.
ȗȫȞȘȞ: A ȗȫȞȘ is worn about the stomach (cf. 255, 282); in Homer
women always put one on over another garment (Il. 14.181 (over a ਪĮȞȠȢ);
Od. 5.230–1 = 10.543–4 (over a ij઼ȡȠȢ)), allowing them to pull the fabric
together to produce a waist. Anchises must accordingly untie (Ȝ૨ıİ) Aph-
rodite’s ȗȫȞȘ before he can remove the rest of her clothing, the clasps that
held her robe together (sc. at her neck or shoulder) having already been
removed by implication in 163 (see above), allowing it to fall halfway—
but only halfway—off of her. Cf. Od. 11.245 / Ȝ૨ıİ į ʌĮȡșİȞȓȘȞ ȗȫȞȘȞ
(‘he untied her virginal ȗȫȞȘ,’ i.e. ‘he removed her clothing when she was
still a virgin’); Alc. fr. 42.9–10 Ȝ[ȣıİ įૅ] / ȗȝĮ ʌĮȡșȑȞȦ (‘he untied the
girl’s ȗȫȞȘ’), and for the language, Il. 4.215 / Ȝ૨ıİ įȑ Ƞੂ ȗȦıIJોȡĮ; 16.804 /
Ȝ૨ıİ įȑ Ƞੂ șȫȡȘțĮ.
Respect for the digamma at the beginning of İȝĮIJĮ via lack of elision
of preceding short vowels is standard in early epic (e.g. 85, 171; Il. 2.261;
5.905; Od. 4.253; h. 6.6; an exception at Hes. Op. 556). Ȍ’s ੁįȑ is therefore
correct, and M’s įૅ must represent a clumsy attempt to mend the meter by
a scribe determined to eliminate the apparent hiatus.
țĮ țĮIJȑșȘțİȞ ਥʌ șȡȩȞȠȣ: A good choice, given that the goddess’
clothing has just been described as ‘shining’, and the floor of the hut
doubtless consists—at best (cf. 66–8 n. on İȫįİĮ ȀȪʌȡȠȞ)—of dirt; cf.
170–2 n.; Od. 1.439–40 (Eurycleia carefully folds Telemachus’ tunic when
he goes to bed, and hangs it on a peg); Hdt. i. 9. 2 (Candaules predicts that
his wife will place her clothing on a șȡȩȞȠȢ after she undresses). But the
detail also slows the narrative pace yet again, lending an air of care and
deliberation to Anchises’ actions, while directing the attention of the
Hymn’s audience in what might seem, were the text’s manipulative tenden-
cies in this regard not so consistent (cf. above), the wrong direction, as if
what matters most, when Aphrodite’s clothing is taken off, is where the
clothing is put.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 221
at all the main object of the poet’s interest but simply the hinge on which
his narrative is centered’; Bergren (1989) 24–5.
For the pointed, programmatic contrast between ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȚ … șİ઼Ț and
ȕȡȠIJȩȢ, see 45–6 n. But here (as at Il. 2.821 șİ ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ (‘after
she slept with him, a goddess with a mortal’); likewise of Anchises and
Aphrodite) the words ‘goddess’ and ‘mortal’ also iconically capture the
sense of the line, by lying together side-by-side.
For Ƞ ıȐijĮ İੁįȫȢ, cf. Il. 15.632 Ƞ ʌȦ ıȐijĮ İੁįȫȢ /; Od. 1.202 ȠIJૅ
ȠੁȦȞȞ ıȐijĮ İੁįȫȢ /.
168–169 ȝȠȢ į() țIJȜ: In Homer (e.g. Il. 1.475; 7.433; 8.68; Od. 4.400;
9.58 (all ȝȠȢ įૅ*)), phrases of this sort normally provide an objective
indication of time via reference to the movements of the sun or the like. In
only a handful of cases, all having to do with the end of the day, is human
behavior described instead (Il. 11.86–9 (a woodcutter breaks off work and
has dinner); Od. 12.439–40 (a man leaves the assembly-place after decid-
ing numerous court-cases); cf. Od. 13.31–4 (a weary plowman waits for
the sun to go down)), and no direct connection exists between the work
these individuals are said to have been engaged in and the action in the
main narrative line. Here, on the other hand, the reference to generic
herdsmen returning to the fold with their animals in the evening is equiva-
lent to a specific suggestion that Anchises’ fellow-cowherds will soon
come back to the farmstead (cf. 76 with n., 78–9), meaning that Aphrodite
must leave the place now or risk being discovered by them; cf. Smith
(1981a) 61–3; Radin (1988) 293–307, esp. 302. The implication is that
Aphrodite and Anchises spend the entire day making love; cf. 166–7 n.
İੁȢ ĮȜȚȞ: Unlike an ĮȜȒ, which in connection with animals means
‘fold’ or ‘pen’ (e.g. Il. 4.433 (cows); Od. 9.184 (sheep and goats)), with no
specific function attached to the place, an ĮȜȚȢ is simply a spot to spend
the night (cf. Od. 22.470 (birds); hHerm. 71 (cows)), and does not neces-
sarily suggest the presence of a structure. The word thus implies less about
where the animals are being driven to than about why they are being driven
there.
ijȚĮ ȝોȜĮ ȞȠȝȞ ਧȟ ਕȞșİȝȠȑȞIJȦȞ: The adjectives are closely con-
nected: the sheep are fat because their grazing-grounds are rich. ijȚĮ ȝોȜĮ
are always mentioned elsewhere in early epic in connection with ȕȩİȢ (e.g.
Il. 5.556; 8.505, 545; 9.406; Od. 11.108; 18.278; Hes. fr. 204.50), but nev-
er in the formulation / ȕȠ૨Ȣ IJİ țĮ ijȚĮ ȝોȜĮ, while ‘meadows’ (ȜİȚȝȞİȢ)
are occasionally described as ‘full of flowers’, i.e. of foliage of all sorts (Il.
2.467; Od. 12.159), but ‘grazing-grounds’ (ȞȠȝȠȓ) are not.
170–172 For ‘lively’ ਙȡ(Į), marking this as a crucial turning point in the
story, as again in 173, see 30 n.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 223
ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ ȝȞ ਥʌ ȖȜȣțઃȞ ʌȞȠȞ Ȥİȣİ / ȞȒįȣȝȠȞ: The closest parallel
for the language comes from the Odyssey (see the first apparatus). But the
obvious model for the detail is the end of the story of the seduction of Zeus
at Il. 14.352–3 (cf. 58–68 n.), where the king of the gods falls asleep after
making love to Hera, and ȞȒįȣȝȠȢ ૠȊʌȞȠȢ sets off at a run to the Achaean
ships to inform Poseidon; cf. Od. 8.296 (Ares and Aphrodite).
ȞȒįȣȝȠȞ is not appreciably different in sense from ȖȜȣțȪȞ (cf. S. West
on Od. 4.793–4, and see below), while ĮIJ į ȤȡȠ ȞȞȣIJȠ İȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ is
resumed in ਦııĮȝȑȞȘ įૅ İ ʌȐȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ, meaning that a verse iden-
tical to 64 could easily have stood in place of 171–2. Instead, we are al-
lowed to watch the goddess dress twice, the first time with attention to the
quality of her garments, as if she was picking them up from the chair and
inspecting them, to be sure that they are still as spotless as when Anchises
took them off of her (cf. 165 with n.), the second time (in retrospect) focus-
sing on her reaction to the garments’ disposition, as if, satisfied by their
general appearance, she has now draped them about herself and is adjust-
ing her belt and dress-clasps (cf. 163–4 with nn.). The Hymn’s audience is
once more reminded explicitly of the divine body they have never heard
described (ȤȡȠ, ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ), the attention of the narrative focussing again
(‘perversely’) on the clothing that conceals it; cf. 162–5 n.
ȞȒįȣȝȠȞ: The sweet, pleasant sleep Aphrodite pours over Anchises is
set in pointed, anticipatory contrast (emphasized via enjambment) to the
discomfort he will inevitably experience (cf. 83 ȝȒ ȝȚȞ IJĮȡȕȒıİȚİȞ ਥȞ
ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚ ȞȠȒıĮȢ) once he sees her in something approaching her proper
divine form (180–90, where note the explicit renewed reference to the
sleep from which Anchises abruptly emerges when Aphrodite speaks to
him). For ȞȒįȣȝȠȢ ʌȞȠȢ, e.g. Il. 2.2; 10.91; 14.242; Od. 4.793; 12.311.
All Aphrodite has done, up to the bucolic caesura in 172, is to make
herself look the way she did when Anchises first laid eyes on her outside
his door (81–6; for the absence of any reference to her jewelry here, see
174–5 with n., 181 n.). The description įĮ șİȐȦȞ thus really belongs with
what follows in 173–5: once Aphrodite stands up, her appearance is ab-
ruptly transformed and she becomes ‘brilliant among goddesses’, i.e. ‘bril-
liant even for a goddess’ (esp. 174–5); cf. the identical reference to Hestia
in 28* with n. For the ‘local dative’ ȤȡȠ in 171, cf. Od. 14.506 țĮț ȤȡȠ
İȝĮIJૅ ȤȠȞIJĮ.
173–175 For the relationship between this passage and hDem. 188–90 įૅ
ਙȡૅ ਥʌૅ ȠįઁȞ ȕȘ ʌȠıȓ, țĮȓ ૧Į ȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ. ʌȜોıİȞ į șȪȡĮȢ
ıȑȜĮȠȢ șİȠȚȠ. / IJȞ įૅ ĮੁįȫȢ IJİ ıȑȕĮȢ IJİ ੁį ȤȜȦȡઁȞ įȑȠȢ İੈȜİȞ (‘(Deme-
ter) set foot on the threshold, and she filled the doorway with a divine radi-
ance. Awe, reverence, and pale fear seized (Metaneira)’), see below (on the
unexpected use of the dative with țȪȡȦ); Introduction 3. For Aphrodite’s
224 Commentary
radiance and the terror it inspires in Anchises (182), cf. hDem. 189–90
(quoted above) with Richardson ad loc., 275–80. For the combination of
height and beauty, cf. 82 with n.
One might expect Aphrodite to put her clothes and jewelry on (171–2)
only after she gets out of bed. But dressing herself again as Otreus’ daugh-
ter does not alter how she will look to Anchises when he wakes up (cf.
178–82, esp. 181), whereas the moment she stands up (ıIJȘ), her head
touches the roof-beam (ȝİȜȐșȡȠȣ / ț૨ȡİ țȐȡȘ), and the fact that she is a
goddess becomes apparent. There is thus a slight, productive distortion of
proper narrative order here (facilitated by 161–7, where Anchises removes
Aphrodite’s clothing and jewelry after they enter his bed rather than be-
fore, since getting into the bed is the climax of the elaborate description of
it in 157–60).
For ‘lively’ ਙȡĮ, see 30 n., 170–2 n.
The mention of the țȜȚıȓȘȚ makes it explicit that Aphrodite is no long-
er in bed (cf. above), and brings the structure explicitly back into the narra-
tive just in time to contextualize the reference to the roof-beam that fol-
lows. İʌȠȚȒIJȠȣ adds a bit of grandeur —borrowed from Aphrodite’s
țȐȡȘ, to which any aesthetic approbation expressed here ought properly to
belong—to the setting, while making it clear that even if this is only a
cowherd’s hut or lean-to, it is as impressive as a hut or lean-to can be,
meaning that it no small matter that Aphrodite’s head reaches its ceiling.
Cf. 157–60 n.; Knox (1971) 27–31, esp. 31 ‘When terms appropriate to a
house or palace are used to any appreciable extent of a țȜȚıȓȘ, this is done
for special effect.’ The hiatus between țȜȚıȓȘȚ and İʌȠȚȒIJȠȣ is mitigated
by the caesura, but the language is nonetheless probably modeled on the
less problematic 75 țȜȚıȓĮȢ İʌȠȚȒIJȠȣȢ (which similarly straddles the fem-
inine caesura).
ț૨ȡİ: The confusion in the Ȍ-family MSS can be traced to a badly
written miniscule kappa in ȍ (or a manuscript intermediary between ȍ and
Ȍ), which the M-scribe deciphered correctly but the Ȍ-scribe took for an
eta, producing Șȡİ/Șȡİ (bp). The a-scribe in turn took the eta for a beta
(also very similar in minuscule), while the f-scribe attempted to correct the
text by writing ਸ਼ȡİ/ਸȡİ. țȪȡȦ consistently takes the dative rather than the
genitive in early epic, except here and at hDem. 188–9 (quoted above).
For Aphrodite’s archetypal țȐȜȜȠȢ, e.g. Il. 9.389; Od. 18.192–4 (where
‘beauty’ is treated as a divine cosmetic that can be applied to a mortal
woman’s face); Hes. Th. 194 ~ h. 6.1. For the light produced during divine
epiphanies, cf. Il. 4.75–80; hAp. 442–5; Richardson on hDem. 189.
ȠੈȩȞ IJૅ ਥıIJȞ țIJȜ is presented not as a partisan assessment of the quali-
ty of Aphrodite’s beauty, but as the poet’s own assertion of fact that estab-
lishes explicitly (contrast 173–4) that the goddess assumes her full conven-
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 225
ਥțĮȜȪȥĮIJȠ țĮȜ ʌȡȩıȦʌĮ); ĮੁįȫȢ (patently the proper response, now that
Anchises knows that his visitor is a goddess, with the normal physical
turning-away from the object or individual shown ‘respect’ (182) ex-
pressed in an exaggerated form, as if to make up for a failure to do so
properly before; cf. 184–5 n.); and a desire to find a more effective refuge
from the sheer overpowering brilliance of the divine face.
ȤȜĮȓȞȘȚ: i.e. in the bedclothes (158 with n.).
The hiatus between ȤȜĮȓȞȘȚ and ਥțĮȜȪȥĮIJȠ is mitigated by caesura; an
anonymous early editor attempted to deal with the matter by inserting a
superfluous IJૅ (ȍ).
țĮȜ ʌȡȩıȦʌĮ: The adjective can be understood as focalized by Aph-
rodite (cf. 241–3), allowing the pathos evoked—‘Such a beautiful face, yet
so sad and despairing!’—to prefigure her abrupt change of attitude in 191–
5 (contrast 175–9 with nn.), where see nn.
184 comes direct from Odyssey 22 (see the first apparatus, and cf. 187
n.), where a series of suppliants beg Odysseus and Telemachus—in two
out of three cases, successfully—to spare their lives in the aftermath of the
general slaughter of the Suitors. The Homeric context serves both to bring
out Anchises’ desperation (cf. 188–90) and to raise the possibility that
Aphrodite will choose to show him mercy, while acknowledging that she
may choose to act otherwise.
185–186 A strikingly resourceful response to the order in 178–9 (note the
echo of 179 ȝİ IJઁ ʌȡIJȠȞ ਥȞ ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚ ȞȩȘıĮȢ in ıૅ ੪Ȣ IJ ʌȡIJĮ … įȠȞ
ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚȞ), the expected response to which is an admission that ‘No,
you do not look like the person I first took you for.’ Anchises insists in-
stead that he initially recognized Aphrodite’s divinity (cf. 92–106, esp. 92–
9), meaning that she is exactly who he thought she was then, an irony cap-
tured verbally in the echo of 185 șİȐ in 186 șİઁȢ ıșĮ. But she lied to him
(sc. and made him believe that she was mortal), and the obvious implica-
tion is that he ought not to be punished for anything he did on that basis;
for similarly exculpatory remarks by the narrator (rather than his charac-
ter), cf. 145–6 with n., 166–7 with n. None of this means that Anchises’
initial speech to his beautiful visitor was necessarily sincere (cf. 91–106
n.), and Anchises’ insistence that it was, points to his desperation here.
In both of the entreaties to Odysseus introduced by verses identical to
184 (Od. 22.311 = 343; Medon’s plea to Telemachus at Od. 22.361–70 is
of a different character), the request for mercy comes first (Od. 22.312 =
344 ȖȠȣȞȠ૨ȝĮȓ ıૅ, ૅȅįȣıİ૨ā ıઃ įȑ ȝૅ ĮįİȠ țĮȓ ȝૅ ਥȜȑȘıȠȞ; (‘I’m on my
knees before you, Odysseus! Treat me with ĮੁįȫȢ and show me mercy!’);
cf. 187–90), and the evidence of innocence or merit on which it is based
follows (Od. 22.313–19, 345–53). But Anchises’ excuse for his behavior is
properly a response to 178–9, and the order of the rhetorical elements has
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 229
șȐȡıİȚ, ȝȘį … įİȓįȚșȚ: For șȐȡıȠȢ as the opposite of įȑȠȢ, cf. Od.
6.140.
IJȠȓ IJȚ: The words must have been written one above the other in ȍ and
(following ȍ) in Ȍ, one of them having fallen out of the text earlier via
haplography. The Ĭ-scribe included both in the text in the proper order; the
M-scribe included both, but in the wrong order (IJȚ IJȠȓ); and the p-scribe
chose between them (IJȚ).
ijȓȜȠȢ ਥıı șİȠıȚ: cf. 196–9 n. on 199 ਪȞİțĮ ȕȡȠIJȠ૨ ਕȞȑȡȠȢ
ȝʌİıȠȞ İȞોȚ; Il. 20.347–8 (quoted in 193–5 n.); Od. 24.92 (quoted in
193–5 n.); Hes. fr. 25.38 ijȓȜȠȢ įૅ Ȟ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ.
196–200 See 200–80 n.
196–199 Although Aphrodite tells Anchises that he will have a son, this is
presented only as evidence of the favor in which the gods hold him (194–
5), and might still be taken as an oblique way of assuring him that his sex-
ual vitality will be unaffected by having slept with her (cf. 189–90 with n.).
Only at 255, after a long digression on the history of relationships between
beautiful young Trojan men and the gods, and of her own (lack of) further
plans for him, does Aphrodite expressly inform Anchises that she will be
his child’s mother.
ijȓȜȠȢ echoes 195, but now with Anchises as focalizer (cf. de Jong
(1989) 23): just as Anchises himself is ‘dear to the gods’, so Anchises’ son
will be to him.
Ȣ ਥȞ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ țIJȜ is a reworking of Il. 20.307–8 Ȟ૨Ȟ į į ǹੁȞİȓĮȠ
ȕȓȘ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ ਕȞȐȟİȚ / țĮ ʌĮȓįȦȞ ʌĮįİȢ, IJȠȓ țİȞ ȝİIJȩʌȚıșİ ȖȑȞȦȞIJĮȚ,
modified to take account of the fact that—whatever the Iliad-poet may
have intended to communicate (cf. Janko (1982) 158; Edwards on Il.
20.75–155)—Aeneas’ descendants did not continue to rule in Troy, to
whose final disaster the Hymn repeatedly if obliquely refers (cf. 111–12 n.,
176–80 n.), although his generally acknowledged escape from the confla-
gration meant that his branch of the royal family survived elsewhere. See
Introduction 1.
ਥțȖİȖȐȠȞIJĮȚ: An obscure form, but the context (cf. 196 ਕȞȐȟİȚ) guar-
antees that it is a future of some sort, presumably invented by the poet; cf.
127 IJİțİıșĮȚ with n.; Chantraine (1935) 131–2; Janko (1982) 157.
Baumeister’s ਥțȖİȖȐȠȞIJİȢ (printed by West (2003)) substitutes obscurius
for obscurum, and is thus no improvement.
ĮੁȞઁȞ / … ਙȤȠȢ is a standard Homeric collocation (e.g. Il. 4.169; 8.124;
15.208; 16.55, 508; 17.83; Od. 16.87; 18.274), but is attested nowhere else
in this sedes. For a more complete and complicated explanation of Aphro-
dite’s ਙȤȠȢ, see 243–55 with n.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 233
The aorist ıȤİȞ shows that the action described in IJȚ į țĮ țIJȜ. be-
longs not in the present but in the future, after Anchises’ child is born, at
which point it will be given a name that suits Aphrodite by commenting on
the character of her relationship with its father (although see above on the
ambiguity of her promise to Anchises at this point in the narrative). ĮੁȞȩȞ
thus represents Aphrodite’s own anticipated eventual characterization of
the grief she already feels (see above). For similar play on Aeneas’ name,
cf. Il. 13.481–2 įİȓįȚĮ įૅ ĮੁȞȢ / ǹੁȞİȓĮȞ. For the motif of the significant
name generally, e.g. Od. 19.407–9 ʌȠȜȜȠıȚȞ Ȗȡ ਥȖȫ Ȗİ ੑįȣııȐȝİȞȠȢ IJȩįૅ
ੂțȐȞȦ, / … / IJȚ įૅ ૅȅįȣıİઃȢ ȞȠȝૅ ıIJȦ ਥʌȫȞȣȝȠȞ; Hes. fr. 235.2 (of
Ileus, eponym of Ilium) țĮȓ Ƞੂ IJȠ૨IJૅ ੑȞȩȝȘȞૅ ȞȠȝૅ ȝȝİȞĮȚ, ȠȞİțĮ
ȞȪȝijȘȞ / İਫ਼ȡȩȝİȞȠȢ ȜİȦȞ ȝȓȤșȘ ਥȡĮIJોȚ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ; Cypr. fr. 29.4–5, p. 60
Bernabé ਡȞȚȠȞ ਥțȐȜİıİ įȚ IJઁ ਕȞȚĮșોȞĮȚ ĮIJȞ įȚૅ ĮIJȩȞ; Dodds on E. Ba.
367; and cf. 200–1 n. For the use of ȠȞİțĮ in such contexts, cf. West on
Th. 144–5 (where the reference to ‘[Th.] 196’ should be to 197 (quoted
below)). Here the explanation is taken one logical step further back, by
means of the ਪȞİțĮ-clause. The name ǹੁȞİȓĮȢ in fact appears to be of non-
Greek origin (LfgrE s.v. E), and the etymology proposed here is of a typi-
cally naive early epic variety; cf. esp. Hes. Th. 195–8 (Aphrodite got her
name ȠȞİțૅ ਥȞ ਕijȡȚ / șȡȑijșȘ (‘because she was nourished in the aph-
ros/foam’)); fr. 235.
The expression ıȤİȞ ਙȤȠȢ is attested elsewhere in early epic only at
Merop. fr. 2.4, p. 133 Bernabé [ਙ]ȤȠȢ ıȤİșİȞ ૽ǾҕȡҕĮҕțȜ[ોĮ] (but cf. 207
ʌȑȞșȠȢ … Ȥİ, 225 ȤİȞ ʌȠȜȣȒȡĮIJȠȢ ਸ਼ȕȘ; LfgrE s. ȤȦ B I 1aȕ cc ĮĮ (p.
844)), while ਪȞİțĮ/İȞİțĮ is used elsewhere as a conjunction (rather than
as a preposition with the genitive, as at 248; cf. ȠȞİțĮ = Ƞ ਪȞİțĮ in 198)
only at Hes. fr. 180.10 ]İȞİțૅ ਙȡૅ İįİȚ ਥțĮȓȞȣIJȠ [ij૨ȜĮ ȖȣȞĮȚțȞ].
ਪȞİțĮ ȕȡȠIJȠ૨ ਕȞȑȡȠȢ ȝʌİıȠȞ İȞોȚ reworks Il. 18.85 (Achilleus
to Thetis, describing how Zeus and the other Olympians contrived her
wedding to Peleus) ਵȝĮIJȚ IJȚ IJİ ı ȕȡȠIJȠ૨ ਕȞȑȡȠȢ ȝȕĮȜȠȞ İȞોȚ. Not
only does Aphrodite present herself as a victim of circumstances beyond
her control, therefore, but if ਥȝʌȓʌIJȦ is understood as a functional passive
of ਥȝȕȐȜȜȦ, the implication is that she now realizes that another god is
responsible for what has happened to her—and to Anchises, lending further
point to ਥʌİ ijȓȜȠȢ ਥıı șİȠıȚȞ in 195. Cf. Lenz (1975) 127–31; Clay
(1989) 184.
This is Aphrodite’s last reference to Aeneas until 255, and 256–91 (or
247–91) could easily follow more or less directly after 199, were the Hymn
not at least as interested in Anchises and his fate as it is in his son.
200–280 unpack the assertions in 196–200 in reverse (ring-composition)
order: 200–38 (esp. 200–1) tell why Aphrodite slept with Anchises (cf. 199
ȕȡȠIJȠ૨ ਕȞȑȡȠȢ ȝʌİıȠȞ İȞોȚ), with comparative reference to the stories
234 Commentary
of two other attractive young Trojan men who drew divine attention (intri-
guingly, Aphrodite makes no mention of her own presumed agency in
either situation); 239–54 offer two separate if compatible explanations of
why what she has done—or what has happened to her (cf. 199 with n.)—
causes her grief (cf. 198–9 ȝૅ ĮੁȞȩȞ / ıȤİȞ ਙȤȠȢ); and 255–80 (esp.
255–7, 273–80) discuss the birth of Aeneas (cf. 196 / ıȠ įૅ ıIJĮȚ ijȓȜȠȢ
ȣੂȩȢ) and how he will make his way to Troy (cf. 196 Ȣ ਥȞ ȉȡȫİııȚȞ
ਕȞȐȟİȚ /).
200–201 obliquely explain how it is that Aphrodite came to sleep with a
mortal creature (cf. 199 ȕȡȠIJȠ૨ ਕȞȑȡȠȢ): his family produces extraordi-
narily handsome men. (For Aphrodite’s physical attraction to Anchises, cf.
53–7, 241–3.) Cf. the description of Anchises’ great-uncle Ganymede
(202–17 with nn.) at Il. 20.233: Ȣ į țȐȜȜȚıIJȠȢ ȖȑȞİIJȠ șȞȘIJȞ
ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ (‘who was in fact the handsomest of human beings’). But the
reference to humans specifically as ‘subject to death’ (țĮIJĮșȞȘIJȞ
ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ; cf. 3 with n.) simultaneously expresses the gist of Aphrodite’s
dilemma, as well as one of the central organizing ideas of the Hymn as a
whole: because men die but the gods do not, the gap between the two
groups is—almost (cf. 202–17, esp. 214), and certainly now—
unbridgeable. İੇįȩȢ IJİ ijȣȒȞ IJİ (accusative of respect with ਕȖȤȓșİȠȚ) at the
end of 201 thus comes as a final, knowing qualifier, ‘at least as far as İੇįȠȢ
and ijȣȒ go’.
ਕȖȤȓșİȠȚ: used of the Phaeacians at Od. 5.35 = 19.279, in the sense
‘closely related to’ and thus ‘coming in close contact with’ (cf. Od. 7.201–
6); attested nowhere else before the Roman period. van der Ben (1986) 24,
followed by Faulkner (2008) ad loc., detects a pun on ਝȖȤȓıȘȢ.
ਫ਼ȝİIJȑȡȘȢ ȖİȞİોȢ is picked up in 219 (of Tithonus’ ancestry), while
İੇįȩȢ IJİ ijȣȒȞ IJİ is echoed in the somewhat more specifically appreciative
İੇįȩȢ IJİ įȑȝĮȢ IJİ in 241 (where see n.). For ȖİȞİȒ in the sense ‘family’, see
LfgrE s.v. B 4.
İੇįȩȢ IJİ ijȣȒȞ IJİ: i.e. ‘in physical attractiveness’; cf. Il. 22.370 (of
Hector’s corpse, stripped of its armor and soon to be described as ȝĮȜĮțȩȢ,
‘soft’) ijȣȞ țĮ İੇįȠȢ ਕȖȘIJȩȞ (‘amazing in its ijȣȒ and İੇįȠȢ’); Od. 6.16 (of
Nausicaa) ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȚıȚ ijȣȞ țĮ İੇįȠȢ ȝȠȓȘ (‘resembling the immortal
goddesses in her ijȣȒ and İੇįȠȢ’); Hes. Th. 259 (of Euarne, one of the Ne-
reids) ijȣȞ ਥȡĮIJ țĮ İੇįȠȢ ਙȝȦȝȠȢ (‘lovely in ijȣȒ and faultless in
İੇįȠȢ’). İੇįȠȢ properly refers to an external evaluation of an individual’s
physical appearance, ijȣȒ to how he or she ‘really is’ (sc. ‘inside’); cf. Od.
5.211–13 (Calypo, speaking of Penelope) ‘I do not believe that I am inferi-
or to her in build or ijȣȒ, since it is quite unlikely that mortal women can
contend with immortal goddesses in build or İੇįȠȢ.’
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 235
202–204 are a modified and expanded version of Il. 20.234–5 (from Aene-
as’ long speech to Achilleus just before the two men come to blows, in-
cluding a detailed account of his own ancestry): (Ganymede, most beauti-
ful of mortal men) IJઁȞ țĮ ਕȞȘȡȑȥĮȞIJȠ șİȠ ǻȚ ȠੁȞȠȤȠİȪİȚȞ / țȐȜȜİȠȢ
İȞİțĮ ȠੈȠ, Ȟૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ ȝİIJİȓȘ (‘whom the gods snatched up to pour
wine for Zeus, on account of his beauty, so that he could be among the
immortals’). The most significant difference between the passages is that in
the Hymn Zeus is said to have taken Ganymede so that the boy could serve
the gods collectively, whereas in the Iliad the gods collectively carried out
the kidnapping in order that Ganymede could serve Zeus. Authors and
artists from Theognis (1345–8) on agree that Zeus’ interest in Ganymede
was erotic (cf. Ibyc. PMGF 289(a); Pi. O. 1.43–5; 10.104–5; S. fr. 345; E.
Or. 1391–2; IA 1049–53; Gantz (1993) 557–60; LIMC iv.1.154–5), and
although Aeneas in the Iliad (followed by [Apollod.] Bib. iii.12.2) and
Aphrodite in the Hymn are both silent on the point, the context requires
that interpretation in these verses as well: the point of 200–1 is not just that
the men in Anchises’ family are exceptionally handsome, but that they are
so handsome that even immortals want to sleep with them (and see below
on ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİȞ). Dawn’s purpose in abducting Tithonus is treated in a simi-
larly coy fashion at 218–19, 226 (and see 166–7 n.); cf. 220–1 n. But 230
leaves no doubt that she and Tithonus shared a bed, whereas here the narra-
tor makes a systematic effort to obscure what Aphrodite would otherwise
appear to be saying, by calling Zeus ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ (see below) and assigning
him a decorous public interest in Ganymede’s beauty, sc. as a means to
ornament his halls for the pleasure of the Olympians as a group. See in
general Podbielski (1971) 68; Lenz (1975) 107–9 (with good observations
on how the Hymn-poet combines the Iliadic material and fills in its blank
portions); Smith (1981a) 71–7 (who imports a Freudianizing disapproval
into the Hymn’s version of the story); Clay (1989) 186–7; Bergren (1989)
32–3.
ਵIJȠȚ (‘you can be sure, let me remind you’ vel sim.) renders what fol-
lows particularly vivid; ȝȑȞ is balanced by į(ȑ) in 218. Cf. 225; Denniston
(1954) 553–5.
ȟĮȞșȩȞ is not merely a casual detail, but prepares for and helps explain
Ȟ įȚ țȐȜȜȠȢ: Ganymede strikes Zeus as good-looking, and thus as worth
having as a fixture in his house, in part because he is blond. For įȚ
țȐȜȜȠȢ, cf. Od. 11.282* / ȖોȝİȞ ਦઁȞ įȚ țȐȜȜȠȢ (‘he married her because
of her beauty’); Hes. fr. 23a.13* (conjectural).
ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ: The adjective suggests that Zeus is not driven by lust in
particular (see above) but proceeds in a rational, calculating fashion, with
an eye to accomplishing the goal defined in the ȞĮ-clause in 203–6. The
entire ȞĮ-clause represents Zeus’ plan. But ǻȚઁȢ țĮIJ įȝĮ (‘in Zeus’
236 Commentary
house’) rather than ‘in his own house’ imagines the god as a third party to
the action rather than as the agent, and thus begins a shift to the Olympians
generally as focalizers that becomes explicit in 205–6 (where see n.).
ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİ Ȟ įȚ țȐȜȜȠȢ: A nu-moveable must have been present in
some form in ȍ, given M’s ਸ਼ȡʌĮıૅ ĮੁȞઁȞ. But it may have been only a
superlinear supplementary letter there (and thus in Ȍ), hence the division in
the Ȍ-family MSS (ਸ਼ȡʌĮıૅ ਦઁȞ fp : ਸ਼ȡʌĮıૅ ਥȞઁȞ x); see Introduction 6.
The nu is in any case unnecessary, and I print Matthiae’s ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİ Ȟ (cf.
Hes. fr. 204.42 ਵșİȜİ Ȟ țĮIJ șȪȝȠȞ) rather than Hermann’s ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİȞ Ȟ.
For ਖȡʌȐȗȦ used in erotic contexts (of a rape), see 117–20 n., 218; and
cf. Hes. Th. 914 (of Persephone) ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİȞ ਸȢ ʌĮȡ ȝȘIJȡȩȢ, įȦțİ į
ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ (‘[Hades] snatched [her] from her mother, and Zeus the
counsellor gave [her to him]’), which must be the model for 202–3 ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ
ǽİȪȢ / ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİ.
ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ ȝİIJİȓȘ might be merely a vague, preliminary way of ex-
plaining the idea spelled out in detail in 204 (‘that he might spend time in
the company of the immortals, by pouring wine for them’), with Gany-
mede’s fate left obscure (a much-honored mortal resident of Olympus? or a
new god?) until 214. But the phrase can also be taken ‘that he might be one
of the immortals’ (cf. 214 with n.), the implication being that Zeus was
aware of the problem Dawn would face in 220–1, but needed no one’s
permission to deal with it. In that case, 204 serves to define the role this
sudden new addition plays in the divine household, and 205 ʌȐȞIJİııȚ …
ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ must be understood ‘all the (other) immortals’.
ਥʌȚȠȚȞȠȤȠİȪȠȚ: The compound is a hapax legomenon; șİȠȢ is a dative
of advantage (‘for the gods’) which does not depend on the prefix. LfgrE s.
ȠੁȞȠȤȠȑȦ suggests that ‘one might think of [the] movement of [the]
ȠੁȞȠȤȩȠȢ’, sc. about the circle of drinkers, which makes good sense with
ǻȚઁȢ țĮIJ įȝĮ in the first half of the verse (Ganymede is to do his work
‘throughout Zeus’ house, pouring wine for the gods’) and is thus most
likely correct (see 205–6 n.). But LfgrE also compares ਥʌȚȕȠȪțȠȜȠȢ (‘the
cowherd in charge’ vel sim., raising the possibility that ਥʌȚȠȚȞȠȤȠİȪȦ
means ‘be the wine-pourer in charge’), and notes in addition Baumeister’s
suggestion that the sense intended is ਥʌ IJોȚ ૠǾȕȘȚ (‘in addition to Hebe’,
who pours the gods’ nektar at Il. 4.3). Ancient scholarship maintained that
water was poured into the mixing-bowl first, with wine added on top of it
(Ath. 11.782a–b, citing Hes. Op. 595–6; Xenoph. fr. B 5 West2; Thphr. fr.
571 Fortenbaugh, presumably from On Drunkenness), so that the idea
might be instead that Ganymede is to ‘pour wine (into the mixing-bowl) on
top of (the water already in it)’, in which case 205–6 refer to a slightly later
stage in the process, as the boy dips the mixed wine from the bowl with a
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 237
pitcher. Forms of the verb appear in line-final position at Il. 2.127; 20.234;
Od. 1.143; 21.142. For M’s infinitive ਥʌȚȠȚȞȠȤȠİȪİȚȞ, see 205–6 n.
205–206 An individual scene drawn from Ganymede’s general (anticipat-
ed) service as the gods’ wine-pourer (204). șĮ૨ȝĮ ੁįİȞ and ȤȡȣıȑȠȣ țIJȜ.
are to be taken together (‘a marvellous sight, as he …’). ʌȐȞIJİııȚ
IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ glosses the opening of the line, explaining who is to
marvel at the sight of Ganymede (viz. all the immortals, without exception;
cf. 202–4 n., and note the overbearing ʌȐȞIJİııȚ, which makes it clear that
Zeus allowed for no exceptions to his plan) and how they are to react (viz.
by showing Ganymede respect and honor, an extraordinary reaction by
Olympian gods to anyone, let alone to a once-mortal boy pouring their
wine, reflecting again Zeus’ deep personal investment in the effect he an-
ticipates), while ȤȡȣıȑȠȣ țIJȜ. describes what the gods are to see. But
ʌȐȞIJİııȚ IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ is also temporally much less specific than
the longer phrase in which it is embedded, and in this sense it is to be taken
with ȞĮ țIJȜ. in 203–4. Ganymede is to be ‘among’ the gods and serve as
their wine-pourer, in which context they will show him respect and honor;
when he fills his pitcher, standing in the center of the group by the mixing-
bowl, allowing them all to look at and appreciate him simultaneously, their
reaction will expand to include awe, sc. at the boy’s beauty.
șĮ૨ȝĮ ੁįİȞ is an unusual expression (see the second apparatus),
șĮ૨ȝĮ ੁįȑıșĮȚ / (as in 90) being far more common in early epic.
fp have IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȢ, while M has IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȞ; the fact that x read
IJİIJȚȝȑȞȠȞȠȢ leaves little doubt that both endings were available in ȍ, in
ȍ’s descendant Ȍ, and in Ȍ’s descendant Ĭ, with one written above the
other. Cf. Introduction 6. The M-scribe apparently assumed that the word
ought to agree with șĮ૨ȝĮ, and accordingly converted the verb in 204 into
an infinitive, as in the Iliadic exemplar, and did the same with the participle
in 206. The x-scribe, meanwhile, clumsily inserted both endings into the
text.
206 is a strikingly visual and elegantly balanced line (adjective + noun,
participle, noun + adjective), capturing some of the character of the imag-
ined scene itself. But the description of what the gods are to see and marvel
at focuses less on Ganymede than on the mixing-bowl and the nektar he
handles, making it tempting to suppose that the adjectives also refer via a
sort of ecphrastic hypallage to the boy’s golden hair (cf. 202) and his
cheeks, or perhaps better to his blush, when he realizes that all eyes are
upon him as he does the mixing; cf. 284 ȞȪȝijȘȢ țĮȜȣțȫʌȚįȠȢ with n. For
gold as the substance out of which the gods’ possessions are conventional-
ly made, see 16–17 n. For nektar (often but not always conceived as a liq-
uid substance), see Olson–Sens on Archestr. fr. 16.3–4, and cf. 231–2 n.
238 Commentary
and on, until the king of the gods at last intervened (210). The form
ȖȩĮıțİ is attested nowhere else in early epic, but cf. ȖȠȐĮıțİȞ at Od.
8.92.
210–217 At Il. 5.265–7 (quoted in 210–11 n.) Aeneas reports that Zeus
gave Tros special horses (for which, see 210–11 n.) in compensation for
his loss of Ganymede. (Contrast Il.parv. fr. 29, pp. 84–5 Bernabé, where
the father’s name is Laomedon, and he receives a gold grapevine made by
Hephaestus.) The Homeric Aeneas makes no mention of grief on Tros’ part
or pity on Zeus’, and the exchange takes on something approaching a
commercial character: in return for the most beautiful of human beings (cf.
20.233), Tros is awarded—and seemingly accepts without protest—the
finest horses in the world. Nor is the Iliadic Tros told what has happened to
Ganymede, or even why the boy was taken. In Aphrodite’s version of the
story, by contrast, Zeus acted out of pity (210) rather than a sense of equi-
ty, and the gift of horses—which now sits somewhat awkwardly within the
story created to contextualize and explain it—was accompanied, on his
express orders (213), by a full account of the situation and in particular the
fact that Ganymede was to be made immortal (212, 214). Only after Tros
received this news, moreover, is he said to abandon his grief and take
pleasure in the gift he had been given (215–17).
210–211 are modeled on Il. 5.265–7 (the ancestry of Aeneas’ horses,
which Anchises got by secretly breeding his own mares to Laomedon’s
stallions) IJોȢ ȖȐȡ IJȠȚ ȖİȞİોȢ, ਸȢ ȉȡȦ ʌİȡ İȡȪȠʌĮ ǽİȪȢ / įȤૅ ȣੈȠȢ ʌȠȚȞȞ
īĮȞȣȝȒįİȠȢ, ȠȞİțૅ ਙȡȚıIJȠȚ / ʌʌȦȞ, ııȠȚ ĮıȚȞ ਫ਼ʌૅ IJૅ ȑȜȚȩȞ IJİ (‘For
they are of the breed that wide-voiced Zeus gave to Tros, as compensation
for his son Ganymede, since they are the best horses of all those beneath
the dawn and the sun’).
For ȣੈȠȢ ਙʌȠȚȞĮ, cf. 137–40 n.; Il.parv. fr. 29.1, p. 84 Bernabé (of
Zeus’ gift to Laomedon in return for Ganymede) ʌĮȚįઁȢ ਙʌȠȚȞĮ /.
Homeric horses are routinely described as ੩țȪʌȠįİȢ (‘swift-footed’;
common in this sedes, e.g. Il. 5.732; 10.535, 569; Od. 18.263; 23.245), but
can be ਕİȡıȓʌȠįİȢ (whence the contracted form ਕȡıȓʌȠįĮȢ; attested
nowhere else in early epic), literally ‘foot-lifting’, i.e. ‘prancing’ vel sim.,
when the meter requires (Il. 3.327 / ʌʌȠȚ ਕİȡıȓʌȠįİȢ; 18.532 ਥijૅ
ʌʌȦȞ / ȕȐȞIJİȢ ਕİȡıȚʌȩįȦȞ; 23.475 / ʌʌȠȚ ਕİȡıȓʌȠįİȢ). That is
not the case here, and the adjective might have been chosen to fit the im-
mediate narrative context; although the horses given to Tros are patently
high-spirited, they are not yet in rapid motion (contrast 215–17). But un-
like in Iliad 5, where Zeus offers Tros the best (mortal) horses in the world,
Aphrodite claims that he awarded him the type that pull the chariots of the
gods (IJȠȓ IJૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȣȢ ijȠȡȑȠȣıȚ), sc. through the air (e.g. Il. 8.392–6).
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 241
The more significant point must accordingly be that his new team are ca-
pable of lifting their feet up off the ground in flight, at least when they
carry Olympians; cf. 217 ਕİȜȜȠʌȩįİııȚȞ with n.
In Iliad 5, Tros gets extraordinary horses in return for his equally ex-
traordinary child (210–17 n.). Here the nature of the exchange (cf. above)
reflects instead the relationship between the Hymn and its Iliadic exemplar:
just as Tros’ mortal son is made immortal, so are Homer’s mortal horses.
The inflation of the value of the horses also makes clear by contrast how
significant the news of Ganymede’s fate is to Tros, since he pays no atten-
tion to the former until he is offered the latter (215–17 with nn.).
212–214 IJȠȪȢ Ƞੂ įȡȠȞ įȦțİȞ ȤİȚȞ resumes 210–11 įȓįȠȣ įȑ Ƞੂ ȣੈȠȢ
ਙʌȠȚȞĮ, / ʌʌȠȣȢ ਕȡıȓʌȠįĮȢ, picking up the narrative thread again after the
brief digression on the nature of the horses in the second half of 211.
įȡȠȞ glosses 210 ਙʌȠȚȞĮ (cf. Il. 5.266 ʌȠȚȞȒȞ), but simultaneously under-
cuts the force of the word, altering the character of the story as a whole.
The horses are now not ‘satisfaction’ for Ganymede, but merely a ‘gift’—
and a seemingly incidental one at that. What matters to Tros is instead
Hermes’ news of his son’s happy situation (214), and only after the old
man has that, does he take pleasure in his extraordinary new team (215–
17); cf. 210–11 n.
The subject of įȦțİȞ seems at first to be Zeus (cf. 210 įȓįȠȣ), but
might instead be Hermes, who is certainly the subject of İੇʌİȞ. In either
case, it must be Hermes (acting as Zeus’ agent) who actually brought Tros
the horses Zeus had offered him, and at the same time told the old man
what had happened to Ganymede. The subjects of the verbs in 214–17 are
even less explicitly marked and must be deduced from context: only Gan-
ymede is likely to be made immortal (cf. 203–5 with 202–4 n.), and only
Tros is in a position to hear Zeus’ message (cf. 212–13), give up his grief
(cf. 207), and take pleasure in his horses (cf. 210–11).
İੇʌȑȞ IJİ ਪțĮıIJĮ implies that Tros learned everything that Anchises
and the Hymn’s external audience are told in 202–5, including who abduct-
ed Ganymede and where he was taken to (cf. 207–8 with nn.), and how he
was regarded there. But none of this is mentioned in 214, where the news
that finally released Tros from his grief (215–17) is summarized as simply
the fact that Ganymede was now immortal and thus virtually a god.
ǽȘȞઁȢ ਥijȘȝȠıȪȞȘȚıȚ: i.e., implicitly, as an expression of the pity re-
ferred to in 210; and cf. 215–17 n. on 215 ǽȘȞઁȢ … ਕȖȖİȜȚȐȦȞ. Elsewhere
in early epic, ਥijȘȝȠıȪȞȘ is attested only in the singular.
įȚȐțIJȠȡȠȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ: i.e. Hermes, referred to here in his capacity
as the one who bridges the divine and human worlds (cf. 147–8 n.), and
specifically as Zeus’ trusted agent or messenger (e.g. Il. 24.339; Od. 5.43;
Hes. Op. 77; cf. 117–20 n. on ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ).
242 Commentary
beings, cf. 157–60 n. (Orion); Od. 15.249–51 (Cleitus; one of the models
for this passage); Hes. Th. 986–7 (Cephalus); Gantz (1993) 36.
218–219 ੪Ȣ įૅ Į is attested in this sedes elsewhere in early epic only at
Od. 5.129, at the conclusion of Calypso’s catalogue of mortal lovers of
goddesses, and of how terribly the other gods have treated them.
ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȢ, also used of Dawn at e.g. Od. 12.142 = 15.56; 14.502;
15.250 (the abduction of Cleitus); 19.319; cf. hHerm. 326, stresses her
divine majesty (for gold as the characteristic material of the gods’ posses-
sions, see 16–17 n.) and thus her standing not just to make requests of Zeus
(220–1), but to have them granted (222); cf. 223 n. on ʌȩIJȞȚĮ. The epithet
is also applied to Hera (Il. 1.611; 14.153; 15.5; hAp. 305; h. 12.1) and Ar-
temis (Il. 9.533; Od. 5.123), but is particularly appropriate of Dawn, since
it can be understood as describing aspects of her appearance early in the
morning; cf. 226 ȤȡȣıȠșȡȩȞȦȚ with n. That the second element in the ad-
jective is originally from the rare and obscure șȡȩȞĮ, ‘flowers’ (Il. 22.441),
rather than from șȡȩȞȠȢ, is possible. But there is no indication that the
word was understood that way by the Hymn-poet or the original audience,
and Wilamowitz’s insistence that, however one might describe the goddess
moving through the sky early in the morning, one could scarcely refer to
her as ‘enthroned’, is (despite Càssola (1975) ad loc.) too heavy-handedly
literal to be taken seriously. Cf. Il. 8.442–3 ĮIJઁȢ į ȤȡȪıİȚȠȞ ਥʌ șȡȩȞȠȞ
İȡȪȠʌĮ ǽİȪȢ / ਪȗİIJȠ (‘wide-voiced Zeus himself sat upon his gold
throne’); LfgrE s. ਥȪșȡȠȞȠȢ. p’s ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȞ represents assimilation to the
case of ȉȚșȦȞȩȞ.
ਸ਼ȡʌĮıİȞ: cf. 117–20 n., 202–4 n.
Aphrodite’s point is not that Dawn took Tithonus away from his family
(although that is true; cf. 207–9), but that he was from the Trojan royal
family and was accordingly worth taking, which is to say that ਫ਼ȝİIJȑȡȘȢ
ȖİȞİોȢ (echoing 201) is to be taken more closely with ȉȚșȦȞȩȞ (as a defin-
ing genitive, ‘(a member) of your family’) than with the verb (as a partitive
genitive; cf. LSJ s.v. ਖȡʌȐȗȦ 2).
ਥʌȚİȓțİȜȠȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ explains Dawn’s behavior: she kidnapped Ti-
thonus because he looked handsome enough to be a god. Cf. 91–106 n. (on
the comparison of good-looking mortals to gods), 202–3 with n.; Sapph. fr.
58.21 ȠȞIJĮҕ [ț]ȐҕȜҕȠҕȞ; Tyrt. fr. 12.5 West2 (both quoted in 218–38 n.).
220–225 The story of Dawn’s appeal to Zeus is omitted in Sapph. fr. 58
(quoted, along with Mimn. fr. 4 West2, in 218–38 n.), and although Mim-
nermus says explicitly that ‘(Zeus) awarded Tithonus eternal ugly old age’
(ȉȚșȦȞȚ … įȦțİȞ ȤİȚȞ țĮțઁȞ ਙijșȚIJȠȞ ۄ … ۃ/ ȖોȡĮȢ), no reference to
the king of the gods’ motivation in doing so survives there, and the charac-
terization of Tithonus’ fate as ‘more frightening than death’ in the balance
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 245
ter, he …’)), in which the point is either that the subject should have
known or realized something (in which case the tone is condemnatory: e.g.
Il. 5.406; 20.264; Od. 3.146; Hes. Op. 40, 456) or that he or she could not
have known this (in which case the tone is pathetic: e.g. Il. 2.38; 12.113;
17.497)—but with the judgment routinely rendered by the narrator rather
than by a character within the story. Here the emphasis on intellectual pro-
cesses—or the lack of them—in ȝİIJ ijȡİıȓ suggests condemnation: Dawn
fell into a trap she might have avoided, had she thought matters through
more carefully. The dignified ʌȩIJȞȚĮ ૅǾȫȢ thus has something approaching
an ironic tone: ‘mistress Dawn’—who might have asked for, and perhaps
got, anything she wanted (cf. 218–19 n. on 218 ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȢ)—made a
mess of the situation. Cf. 230* with n. The title ʌȩIJȞȚĮ is commonly ap-
plied to a wide variety of goddesses, e.g. Circe (Od. 8.448), Demeter
(hDem. 478), Hebe (Il. 4.2), Hera (Il. 1.551), Leda (hAp. 12), Maia
(hHerm. 19), Peitho (Hes. Op. 73), and Tethys (Hes. Th. 368); also of
Dawn at Sapph. fr. 157 ʌȩIJȞȚĮ ǹȦȢ.
ȝİIJ ijȡİıȓ appears * at 72 (where see n.), 193.
ਸ਼ȕȘȞ ĮੁIJોıĮȚ ȟ૨ıĮȓ IJૅ ਙʌȠ ȖોȡĮȢ ੑȜȠȚȩȞ: The closest parallels for
the language are at Il. 9.445–6 (Phoenix denies that he would abandon
Achilleus) Ƞįૅ İ țȑȞ ȝȠȚ ਫ਼ʌȠıIJĮȓȘ șİઁȢ ĮIJઁȢ / ȖોȡĮȢ ਕʌȠȟȪıĮȢ
șȒıİȚȞ ȞȑȠȞ ਲȕȫȠȞIJĮ (‘not even if the god himself were to promise to
scrape my old age and make me young and vigorous’) and Nost. fr. 7.1–2,
p. 97 Bernabé (Medea restores Aeson’s youth with her magic drugs)
ĮIJȓțĮ … șોțİ … ਲȕȫȠȞIJĮ / ȖોȡĮȢ ਕʌȠȟȪıĮıĮ (‘Immediately she made
him vigorous, by scraping off his old age’), in both of which old age is
imagined as a scurf or patina that can be scoured off a person, as in 244.
But Phoenix and Aeson are already old men, who thus require such treat-
ment, whereas Tithonus at this point in his story is not (225), making the
imagined alternative (or supplemental) request self-contradictory. Someone
awarded perpetual youth will never need to slough off old age to begin
with; what Dawn ought to have requested for her lover was instead a com-
bination of eternal life and eternal ਸ਼ȕȘ (cf. 214). Despite the way Aphro-
dite presents them, therefore, these words do not describe ‘what Dawn
ought really to have asked for’, but anticipate the narrative arc of what
follows in 225–38: because Dawn failed to make the proper request of
Zeus, Tithonus eventually began to grow gray; and because Dawn at that
point lacked the ability to scrape or scour her lover young again, the situa-
tion could not be redeemed. For ‘youth’ and ‘old age’ as opposed condi-
tions, with no intermediary phase between them, see 228–9 n.
IJ(İ) links not ĮੁIJોıĮȚ and ȟ૨ıĮȚ, but ਸ਼ȕȘȞ and ȟ૨ıĮȚ, which are both
the objects of the first infinitive: ‘to request perpetual youth and (the ability
to) scour off …’
248 Commentary
ster’s cave, their ship supposedly having been wrecked ਥʌ ʌİȓȡĮıȚ ȖĮȓȘȢ
(Od. 9.284). Up to this point, the narrative has concentrated on Dawn, and
Tithonus has been a pawn. But in 226–7 the focus shifts abruptly to his
situation and in particular to the pleasure he takes in (sleeping with) her,
rather than the other way around; and the one who suffers most in what
follows is emphatically Tithonus, not his divine lover.
IJİȡʌȩȝİȞȠȢ: sc. in bed (cf. 230), although that is not yet said specifi-
cally; cf. 202–4 n. But the implication is that Tithonus’ life was generally
happy at this point; contrast 230–8 with nn. Forms of IJİȡʌȩȝİȞȠȢ appear *
at Il. 7.61; Od. 12.52; h. 27.5.
Dawn’s home is located at the furthest eastern edge of the earth (ਥʌ
ʌİȓȡĮıȚ ȖĮȓȘȢ; cf. Sapph. fr. 58.20 İੁȢ ıȤĮIJĮ Ȗ઼Ȣ ijȑȡȠȚıĮ[Ȟ] (‘carrying
him to the earth’s ends’)), about which Ocean is wrapped like a band (ʌĮȡૅ
ૅȍțİȚĮȞȠȠ ૧ȠોȚȢ), and thus where the sun rises (esp. Od. 12.3–4, of the
location of Circe’s island: șȚ IJૅ ૅǾȠ૨Ȣ ȡȚȖİȞİȓȘȢ / ȠੁțȓĮ țĮ ȤȠȡȠȓ İੁıȚ țĮ
ਕȞIJȠȜĮ ૅǾİȜȓȠȚȠ (‘where Dawn’s house and dancing-places are, and the
raising point of the Sun’). ȞĮİ and the general description of the geogra-
phy of the place make it clear that Tithonus has the run of the area, sc.
when his lover is off elsewhere (cf. below); contrast 231, 236. But the loca-
tion at the very end of the world means that he also has no more hope of
escaping his captivity than Ganymede does.
226 nominally refers to the pleasure Tithonus gets from sleeping with
Dawn. But the goddess is imagined at the moment she emerges from their
bed (cf. Il. 11.1–2 = Od. 5.1–2) early in the morning (ȡȚȖİȞİȓȘȚ) and ac-
companied by a golden glow conceived as her throne (ȤȡȣıȠșȡȩȞȦȚ; see
218–19 n., and cf. the epithet ਥȪșȡȠȞȠȢ (‘well-throned’), used only of
Dawn, at Il. 8.565; Od. 6.48; 15.495; 17.497; 18.318; 19.342). For the
collocation of adjectives, cf. Od. 23.347–8 (of Athena causing the day to
begin) ĮIJȓțૅ ਕʌૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠ૨ ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȞ ȡȚȖȑȞİȚĮȞ / ੯ȡıİȞ (‘at once she
roused up the gold-throned, early-born one from Ocean’).
ʌĮȡૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ ૧ȠોȚȢ: an otherwise unattested variant of a cluster of
closely related early epic phrases (mostly line-final): ਥʌૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ
૧ȠȐȢ* (Il. 18.240); ਥʌૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ ૧ȠȐȦȞ / (Il. 3.5); ਕʌૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ ૧ȠȐȦȞ /
(Il. 19.1); ʌĮȡૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ ૧ȠȐȦȞ / (Od. 22.197); ʌĮȡ ૧ȩȠȞ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ /
(Il. 16.151; Od. 11.21); ਥʌૅ ૅȍțİĮȞȠȠ ૧ȑİșȡĮ / (Il. 23.205; cf. Hes. Th.
695).
228–229 Tithonus now has a full beard (229), and he only loses his claim
to ‘lovely youth’ (225–7) when it begins to go gray (along with his hair,
which he wears long, hanging down over his shoulders, hence țĮIJȑȤȣȞIJȠ /
… ਥț țİijĮȜોȢ). For the sake of the argument, at least, Tithonus thus goes
direct from ਸ਼ȕȘ to the initial stages of ‘ruinous old age’ (224 with n.),
without passing through the intermediary period we would refer to as
250 Commentary
‘adulthood’. For Tithonus’ ‘gray hairs’, cf. Sapph. fr. 58.14 (of ‘Sappho’
herself) Ȝİ૨țĮȓ IJૅ ਥȖȑȞȠȞIJȠ IJȡȓȤİȢ ਥț ȝİȜĮȓĮȞ (‘my hair is white rather than
black’), 22 ʌҕȩҕȜҕȚҕȠҕȞҕ ȖોȡĮȢ (‘gray old age’).
șİȚȡĮȚ: first attested here of human hair (as opposed to horse hair, as
in Homer).
The focalization in 229 is easily taken to be Dawn’s, representing how
she saw Tithonus before he began to age (cf. 225–7 n.), and sets up her
abrupt loss of sexual interest in him in 230. The line ought thus almost to
be translated as including a pang of regret, ‘from his once-handsome head
and once-noble beard’, with the jingle țĮȜોȢ ਥț țİijĮȜોȢ İȘȖİȞȑȠȢ IJİ
ȖİȞİȓȠȣ capturing the aesthetic pleasure Tithonus’ appearance generated in
his lover, at least when he was younger.
230–232 At 226 (where see n.), Tithonus’ (main) source of pleasure is said
to be Dawn herself (and thus her bed), but he ‘inhabits’ and must accord-
ingly be free to wander about the entire area. Now, by contrast, the goddess
not only refuses to sleep with him, but keeps him shut up within the house.
The care she bestows on him suggests continuing affection, or at least a
desire that he remain as plump and presentable as possible (cf. on 232
țĮȜȐ below). As he is only now turning gray and is still capable of moving
about on his own (cf. 233–4, 237–8), the restrictions placed on his move-
ments are not easily understood as intended to protect him. Instead, they
must be designed to ensure that no one else sees him (cf. 225–7 n.) in his
diminished state—which dramatically advertises Dawn’s own earlier disas-
trous folly (233–4).
IJȠ૨ įૅ … İȞોȢ … ਕʌİȓȤİIJȠ: The bed is Dawn’s rather than Titho-
nus’; but he is the one left alone in it (and cf. 236 with n.). For the expres-
sion, cf. 154 ıોȢ İȞોȢ ਥʌȚȕȐȢ with n.; Il. 14.206–7 = 305–6.
For ਵIJȠȚ … ȝȑȞ, see 202–4 n.
ʌȩIJȞȚĮ ૅǾȫȢ echoes 223 (where see n.); and see below.
ĮIJઁȞ … ਕIJȓIJĮȜȜİȞ … / ıȓIJȦȚ IJૅ ਕȝȕȡȠıȓȘȚ IJİ: Human beings nor-
mally consume bread and the like, while the gods drink nektar and eat
ambrosia (literally ‘immortality stuff’); cf. 205–6 n., 260 (nymphs, alt-
hough doomed eventually to die, eat ਙȝȕȡȠIJȠȞ İੇįĮȡ (‘divine food, immor-
tal food’)) with n.; e.g. Od. 5.196–9 (Calypso serves Odysseus mortal food,
but consumes nektar and ambrosia herself); hAp. 124; Hes. Th. 640. Titho-
nus’ oddly mixed diet thus reflects his unique status as both immortal
(ਙȝȕȡȠIJȠȢ) and doomed to grow ever older (220–2); cf. 237–8 n. The verb
is elsewhere always used of children (cf. 115 ਕIJȓIJĮȜȜİ*) or animals. To-
gether with the title ʌȩIJȞȚĮ, it brings out Tithonus’ ‘kept’ status and help-
lessness, and Dawn’s absolute power over him.
ȤȠȣıĮ … țĮ … įȚįȠ૨ıĮ: A mild zeugma, since ਥȞ ȝİȖȐȡȠȚıȚȞ
ȤȠȣıĮ defines the main action (‘she kept him in the house’), while
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 251
show signs of age in 231 (cf. 230–2 n.), is thus complete—or at least as
complete as she can make it (237 with n.).
șȪȡĮȢ įૅ ਥʌȑșȘțİ ijĮİȚȞȐȢ: sc. ‘and determined never to open them
again’. The second half of 236 follows the goddess out of the chamber in
which she left Tithonus, and the adjective captures the appearance of the
doors from the exterior (as also in 60, where see nn.) after she closes them,
as they reflect back the brilliant light produced by ‘gold-throned Dawn’
(cf. 226 with n.) herself.
237–238 A statement of continuing fact, which concludes but stands out-
side the otherwise essentially ‘historical’ account of the romantic misad-
venture of Dawn and Tithonus (although cf. 223–4 with n., and see below).
IJȠ૨ įૅ ਵIJȠȚ ijȦȞ ૧ȑİȚ ਙıʌİIJȠȢ: Aphrodite (and the Hymn-poet) make
no specific reference to the content of Tithonus’ remarks, and perhaps his
garrulity is merely further evidence of his ever-more advanced age. But
237 Ƞįȑ–238 is modeled closely on Od. 11.393–4 (quoted in the first ap-
paratus), which describes the betrayed and bitter (esp. Od. 11.409–12, 424–
34) Agamemnon in the Underworld; and what one would expect Tithonus
to do in any case, is to complain about his lover’s foolishness, which got
him into this dilemma, using words similar to 223–4. Although Dawn has
contrived to avoid the sight of her lover’s ever-increasing physical decrepi-
tude, therefore, she cannot escape his constant (ਙıʌİIJȠȢ cf. hAp. 360
șİıʌİıȓȘ įૅ ਥȞȠʌ ȖȑȞİIJૅ ਙıʌİIJȠȢ) verbal reminders of her mistake and its
consequences. For ૧ȑȦ used of a voice, cf. Il. 1.249; Hes. Th. 39, 84, 97.
For IJȠ૨ įૅ ਵIJȠȚ, cf. 230*. The p-scribe mistook the point of the first clause
and wrote ȠIJȠȚ for ਵIJȠȚ, as if what was meant was that both Tithonus’
voice and his physical strength failed him.
Ƞįૅ IJȚ țțȣȢ / țIJȜ can be taken to refer back to the situation de-
scribed in 234, seen now as a permanent state of affairs: Tithonus is too old
to move. But the fact that Dawn no longer has physical contact with her
lover (see above) means that that she must have stopped feeding him (cf.
232 with n.) at the same time she shut him up in his chamber, and his ulti-
mate and on-going complete loss of vigor must simultaneously be under-
stood as a consequence of this further deprivation.
ȠȘ ʌȐȡȠȢ ıțİȞ implies, in a mournfully retrospective fashion, what
has not been expressly said before, that at the moment Dawn kidnapped
Tithonus, he was not just good-looking (cf. 229 with n.) but physically
robust as well (and cf. 241 İੇįȩȢ IJİ įȑȝĮȢ IJİ, which can plausibly be taken
to refer to a similar distinction).
ਥȞ ȖȞĮȝʌIJȠıȚ ȝȑȜİııȚȞ: Unlike in Od. 11.394* (above), where Ag-
amemnon’s limbs are merely ‘flexible’, i.e. supple and strong (cf. Od.
13.398* = 430*; 21.283* (all of Odysseus)), Tithonus’ are gnarled with
extreme old age, like Nestor’s at Il. 11.669* and Priam’s at Il. 24.359*.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 253
bielski (1971) 71–3; Smith (1981a) 87–90; van der Ben (1986) 29–30;
Clay (1989) 189–91 (who opts for a solution very similar to (b) above);
Bergren (1989) 33–5 (Aphrodite’s silence on the possibility of appealing to
Zeus for immortality for Anchises marks her acceptance of Zeus’ authority
over her); Walcot (1991) 150–1.
239 ਥȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚȞ: ‘among the (genuine) immortals’, i.e. those who do
not age; but also by extension ‘in heaven’, since were Aphrodite to form a
permanent alliance with Anchises, she would presumably carry him off
there with her, as Zeus did with Ganymede (204), at least to visit (cf. 242–
3 n.), his permanent residence in the latter case perhaps being her temple in
Paphos (58–9 with n.), like Tithonus’ with Dawn in her house ‘at the ends
of the earth’ (227 with n.).
241 IJȠȚȠ૨IJȠȢ ਥઅȞ İੇįȩȢ IJİ įȑȝĮȢ IJİ: i.e. ‘such as you are now’ (not ‘such
as you would be, were you to share Tithonus’ fate’). For Aphrodite’s admi-
ration of Anchises’ physical appearance, see 55–7; and cf. 237–8 n. on ȠȘ
ʌȐȡȠȢ ıțİȞ.
242–243 ਲȝȑIJİȡȩȢ IJİ ʌȩıȚȢ țİțȜȘȝȑȞȠȢ İȘȢ: sc. by the other gods,
whose actions and attitudes provide the context in which Aphrodite con-
sistently imagines herself operating (esp. 246–53, and cf. 239 n.). ʌȩıȚȢ
țİțȜȘȝȑȞȠȢ İȘȢ is modeled on the second half of Od. 6.244 (Nausicaa
fantasizes about the handsome stranger to her slave-girls; quoted in the first
apparatus) and thus momentarily evokes the flirtatious atmosphere of An-
chises’ initial speech to Aphrodite in 91–106 (where see n.), before she
slams the door shut to all such possibilities in 244–6. Cf. 252–5 n. on
ਥȟȠȞȠȝોȞĮȚ. So too ਙȤȠȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijȚțĮȜȪʌIJȠȚ echoes but reverses
Il. 14.294 (Zeus catches his first glimpse of the newly beautified Hera; see
also 38 with n.) ȡȠȢ ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝijȚțȐȜȣȥİȞ / (‘desire enwrapped
his subtle mind’), making it clear that the current tale of seduction, by con-
trast, has ended unhappily (contrast 58–68 with n.).
ʌȣțȚȞȢ ijȡȑȞĮȢ: The adjective implies that—whatever we are to make
of her motivations, or lack thereof—Aphrodite has thought the situation
through rationally and at length, as the careful analysis of the consequences
of her actions that follows in 244–55 makes clear; cf. 239–46 n., 247–55 n.
243–255 At 199–200, Aphrodite mentions the ਙȤȠȢ she feels as a conse-
quence of ‘falling into’ Anchises’ bed, but she goes on there to offer a long
explanation of how this was possible (200–38) rather than describing why
what she has done causes her grief. In 244–55 she returns to the theme of
her ਙȤȠȢ and articulates three interconnected reasons for it: Anchises is
doomed to grow old, so that a long-term relationship between them is im-
possible (244–6; for the peculiarity of this complaint, see 239–46 n.); the
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 255
male gods in particular will no longer pay attention to her jibes about being
forced to sleep with mortal women, since Aphrodite herself has now done
something similar (247–54); and she is pregnant (255). ਙȤȠȢ appears *
also at e.g. Il. 2.171; 8.124 = 316 ૠǼțIJȠȡĮ įૅ ĮੁȞઁȞ ਙȤȠȢ ʌȪțĮıİ
ijȡȑȞĮȢ ȞȚȩȤȠȚȠ (‘terrible grief for his charioteer overwhelmed Hector’s
subtle mind’) 17.83 ૠǼțIJȠȡĮ įૅ ĮੁȞઁȞ ਙȤȠȢ ʌȪțĮıİ ijȡȑȞĮȢ ਕȝij
ȝİȜĮȓȞĮȢ (‘terrible grief overwhelmed Hector’s dark mind’); Od. 21.249,
412.
244–246 IJȐȤĮ is focalized by Aphrodite—Anchises will grow old ‘soon’
by divine standards, not by human ones—and ȝȠȓȚȠȞ (‘indiscriminate’)
and ȞȘȜİȚȑȢ (‘pitiless’; a lengthened form of the adjective attested else-
where in early epic only at Hes. Th. 770) are best understood that way as
well: who a person is or what he deserves, makes no difference to ȖોȡĮȢ,
and no amount of special pleading or manuevering will allow Aphrodite to
exempt her lovely Anchises from it. Cf. 239–46 n., 247–8 n.; Il. 4.315
(Agamemnon speaking to Nestor) ਕȜȜȐ ıİ ȖોȡĮȢ IJİȓȡİȚ ȝȠȓȚȠȞ (‘but in-
discriminate old age wears you out’); Od. 3.236 ਕȜȜૅ IJȠȚ șȐȞĮIJȠȞ
ȝȞ ȝȠȓȚȠȞ Ƞį șİȠȓ ʌİȡ / țĮ ijȓȜȦȚ ਕȞįȡ įȪȞĮȞIJĮȚ ਕȜĮȜțȑȝİȞ,
ʌʌȩIJİ țİȞ įȒ / ȝȠȡૅ ੑȜȠ țĮșȑȜȘȚıȚ IJĮȞȘȜİȖȑȠȢ șĮȞȐIJȠȚȠ (‘But in
fact not even the gods are able to protect a man they love from indiscrimi-
nate death, when the miserable fate of woe-filled death takes hold of him’).
IJȩ IJૅ ʌİȚIJĮ ʌĮȡȓıIJĮIJĮȚ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚıȚȞ amounts to a gloss on this
idea—(all) human beings eventually grow old (for the generalizing ‘epic’
IJİ, cf. 95 with n., 246; for uncial ȉ corrupted to ī, cf. 110 with n.)—but
also alters the focalization of what follows in the first half of 246: old age
is ȠȜȩȝİȞȠȞ and țĮȝĮIJȘȡȩȞ not for the gods (who never experience it)
but for human beings (who do). What the gods loathe ( IJİ ıIJȣȖȑȠȣıȚ
șİȠȓ ʌİȡ) is accordingly not so much old age in the abstract, as its concrete
manifestation in time-worn—and implicitly unattractive—mortal bodies.
Put more directly, once Anchises has his first few gray hairs, Aphrodite
will feel at best about him the way Dawn did about Tithonus in 228–32; cf.
233 ıIJȣȖİȡઁȞ … ȖોȡĮȢ with n. IJȐȤĮ (Mabsp) and țĮIJ (fb) seem to
have been offered as alternative readings in Ȍ (which probably drew them
both direct from ȍ). The p-scribe (like the M-scribe) chose IJȐȤĮ, whereas
the Ĭ-scribe preserved both variants; and the various descendants of Ĭ
adopted one reading or the other (IJȐȤĮ a : țĮIJ f), or retained both (țĮIJ,
IJȐȤĮs b).
ਕȝijȚțĮȜȪȥİȚ is a pointed echo of ਕȝijȚțĮȜȪʌIJȠȚ* in 243: Aphrodite is
wrapped in grief, whereas Anchises will soon be wrapped—far more liter-
ally (cf. 223–4 n.)—in old age.
For the sense of ȝȠȓȚȠȞ (obscure already in antiquity), cf. Atha-
nassakis (1976) 4–7; Russo on Od. 18.264.
256 Commentary
audience, as they once supposedly did before the Trojan War, that cannot
be because Aphrodite has lost the power to make them do so. Instead, she
no longer has any motivation to exercise her power in that way, for the fun
has gone out of the game (note the limiting clause İIJૅ ਥșȑȜȘȚ in 38, whose
significance becomes clear only now, in retrospect): she can no longer
mock the other Olympians when she compels them to sleep with mortal
creatures and have mortal children; and that is what her mouth will no
longer open wide to say. Cf. Pelliccia (1985) 150–2; van der Ben (1986)
30–2, followed closely by Clay (1989) 166, 169–70, 192–3; Bergren
(1989) 35–7. In any case, the fact that Aphrodite has had sex with a mortal
matters less than what it means for her power—and how she has thrown it
away.
As Aphrodite describes the situation, her power over the other gods has
a fundamentally intellectual basis, as does her recent failure. Her ȞȩȘȝĮ, as
manifested in her ȝȒIJȚįİȢ, allows her to make the male Olympians sleep
with mortal women (249–51), while having sex with Anchises was a result
of ਙIJȘ (253 ਕȐıșȘȞ), which made her behave in ways her ȞȠ૨Ȣ would not
previously have allowed (254 ਕʌİʌȜȐȖȤșȘȞ … ȞȩȠȚȠ).
247–248 ȝȑȖ(Į) is not in the Homeric original (quoted below) and repre-
sents Aphrodite’s own focalization: the reproach as she imagines it will be
enormous, just as it will supposedly go on constantly (ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ
įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ), as if the other gods had nothing to do with their time but talk to
and about her.
ȞİȚįȠȢ … / ııİIJĮȚ ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ is modeled on Il.
16.498–9, where Sarpedon, having been mortally wounded by Patroclus in
the battle that culminates in Patroclus’ death, urges Glaucus to fight for his
body: ȞİȚįȠȢ / ııȠȝĮȚ ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ (‘I will be a cause of
abuse forever and constantly’). Given that general context, İȞİțĮ ıİȠ can
be taken to evoke Il. 6.524–5*, where Hector notes that the other Trojans
speak badly of Paris for his reluctance to commit himself wholeheartedly
to the war, and places the blame for everything that has happened to their
city squarely on his brother’s shoulders: ਫ਼ʌȡ ıȑșİȞ ĮıȤİૅ ਕțȠȪȦ /
ʌȡઁȢ ȉȡȫȦȞ, Ƞ ȤȠȣıȚ ʌȠȜઃȞ ʌȩȞȠȞ İȞİțĮ ıİȠ (‘I hear ugly re-
marks about you from the Trojans, who have enormous trouble on your
account’).
ਥȞ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ șİȠıȚȞ sets Aphrodite’s concerns once again in the
context of divine society (cf. 242–3 n., 253), and implicitly recalls the
problem of human beings’ allegedly inescapable mortality discussed in
241–6. But the phrase also bolsters the sense of ਵȝĮIJĮ ʌȐȞIJĮ įȚĮȝʌİȡȑȢ:
because the gods are immortal, their abuse can be imagined as genuinely
going on and on, day after day, for all time. Ȍ’s ȝİIJૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚıȚ șİȠıȚȞ is
a good epic phrase (e.g. Il. 21.500; Od. 8.348; Hes. Th. 394; hDem. 444;
258 Commentary
hAp. 206)—hence presumably its intrusion here—but does not fit the me-
ter.
249–251 The action described is all set emphatically in the past, making it
clear that none of this is likely ever to happen again.
ਥȝȠઃȢ ੑȐȡȠȣȢ evokes Hes. Th. 205*–6, where the newly-born Aphro-
dite’s realm is described as ʌĮȡșİȞȓȠȣȢ IJૅ ੑȐȡȠȣȢ ȝİȚįȒȝĮIJȐ IJૅ ਥȟĮʌȐIJĮȢ
IJİ / IJȑȡȥȚȞ IJİ ȖȜȣțİȡȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȐ IJİ ȝİȚȜȚȤȓȘȞ IJİ (‘the whispers of unmar-
ried girls, their smiles and tricks, and pleasure, sweet lovemaking and
joy’). Despite West on Hes. Th. 205, however, the conversations in ques-
tion here are not those that go on between lovers but (hysteron-proteron)
those Aphrodite has with the other gods, maliciously detailing her latest
successes with her plots (ȝȒIJȚįĮȢ) to get male Olympians into bed with
mortal women, or perhaps explaining to them how they can accomplish the
projects she has put into their minds. Cf. 48–52 with nn. ĮੈȢ (referring back
to the plots alone) rather than ȠੈȢ (referring to both the conversations and
the plots) is accordingly used as the relative.
The MSS’s ȝȒIJȚĮȢ (supposedly from third-declension ȝોIJȚȢ) is a non-
form which must be emended to the metrically identical ȝȒIJȚįĮȢ, uncial ǻ
having been accidentally omitted before ǹ and the odd—because wrong—
accusative plural having been faithfully transmitted thereafter as an appar-
ent rarity.
250 echoes 50 (where see n., and cf. 38–9 n. on the systematic contrast
‘mortal vs. immortal’). But here the claim is both expanded (via the addi-
tion of ʌȐȞIJĮȢ at the end of 249) and made more specific (vs. the generic
boast quoted in 50–2). Perhaps more important, Aphrodite’s lack of refer-
ence to her ability to cause goddesses to take male mortal lovers (contrast
52) genders not only her description of her historical relationship with the
other Olympians but also, in retrospect, the future confrontations envi-
sioned in 247–8. As she tells the story here, she exercised power over and
subsequently humiliated only male gods, and it must accordingly be their
words in particular she fears.
For ıȣȞȑȝİȚȟİ in place of the metrically equivalent paradosis ıȣȞȑȝȚȟİ,
see 38–9 n.
ʌȐȞIJĮȢ Ȗȡ ਥȝઁȞ įȐȝȞĮıțİ ȞȩȘȝĮ explains not why the male Olym-
pians used to live in fear (IJȐȡȕİıțȠȞ) of Aphrodite in general, but why
they were concerned about her plots (ȝȒIJȚįĮȢ) in particular, hence the
pointed echo of ʌȐȞIJĮȢ at the end of 249. The relative clause in 249–50
explains the practical effect of Aphrodite’s intrigues, whereas the ȖȐȡ-
clause describes the means by which they operated: because her intelli-
gence gave her dominion over the other gods, she could use her plots to
force them to behave as she wanted. For įĮȝȞȐȦ and its cognates in similar
contexts, see 2–3 n. Neither iterative is attested elsewhere.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 259
ıȤȑIJȜȚȠȞ describes the impression the ਙIJȘ that afflicted Aphrodite has
made on her, Ƞț ੑȞȠȝĮıIJȩȞ the judgment that impression evokes. Ƞț
ੑȞȠȝĮıIJȩȞ (cf. Od. 19.260 = 597 = 23.19; Hes. Th. 148 (all line-final); fr.
33a.18 Ƞț ੑȞȠȝĮıIJȐ*) is Martin’s emendation of the MSS’s metrically
deficient and nonsensical Ƞț ੑȞȩIJĮIJȠȞ, and is better than Clarke’s Ƞț
ੑȞȠIJĮıIJȩȞ (< ੑȞȠIJȐȗȦ, ‘blame, abominate’ (Hes. Op. 258; hHerm. 30); the
adjective is not attested elsewhere), which ought to mean ‘not blamed’ (i.e.
‘to which I impute no fault’; precisely the wrong sense) rather than ‘not to
be made light of, serious’ (Allen, Halliday, and Sikes (1963)). Cf. Smith
(1979) 36–7.
255 At 196–9, Aphrodite informs Anchises that he will eventually have a
son, whose name will recall her own ‘terrible grief’ (ĮੁȞઁȞ / … ਙȤȠȢ; cf.
243 ਙȤȠȢ with n.) at having slept with him. The Hymn’s external audience
must have been aware that Aphrodite herself was Aeneas’ mother, given
the existence of a passage of the Iliad (quoted below) that says exactly that,
while at Od. 11.249–50 the river-god Enipus tells Tyro that she can be sure
that she will bear him children, since that they have slept together, for Ƞț
ਕʌȠijȫȜȚȠȚ İȞĮȓ / ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ (‘sexual encounters with immortals are
never unproductive’). But all Anchises has been told explicitly is that his
line will continue, while the absence of any mention of Dawn’s sons
Memnon and Emathion from the extended account of her relationship with
Tithonus at 218–38 (where see n.) has made the matter of offspring appear
to lie outside the standard trajectory of such tales, especially given the way
Aphrodite interprets this one in 239–46: as an exploration of the intercon-
nected problems of old age, mortality, and immortality, with no sense of
intergenerational implications. The fact that Aphrodite is pregnant and will
be Aeneas’ mother has thus been reserved as a surprise for Anchises, at
least; and most of the rest of the poem consists of an exploration of the
implications of that fact for him and his son (256–90). Cf. 281–90 n.
ʌĮįĮ įૅ ਫ਼ʌઁ ȗȫȞȘȚ ਥșȑȝȘȞ: Whatever the root cause of her behavior
(253–4 with n.), Aphrodite takes full responsibility—or blame—for her
situation: she got herself pregnant. Cf. 282 with n. For the expression (at-
tested nowhere in early epic outside of the Hymn), cf. also A. Ch. 992
IJȑțȞȦȞ ਵȞİȖțૅ ਫ਼ʌઁ ȗȫȞȘȞ ȕȐȡȠȢ (‘she bore the weight of children beneath
her belt’); Eu. 607–8 ıૅ șȡİȥİȞ ȞIJȠȢ … / ȗȫȞȘȢ (‘she brought you up
within her belt’); E. Hec. 762 IJȠ૨IJȩȞ ʌȠIJૅ IJİțȠȞ țਙijİȡȠȞ ȗȫȞȘȢ ʌȠ (‘I
bore this boy, once upon a time, and carried him beneath my belt’). But the
image in the Hymn is bolder than that in the later tragic examples, since
there the child has implicitly come into substantial physical being before its
mother is imagined as carrying or nourishing it (note esp. A. Ch. 992 ‘the
weight of children’), whereas here the initial moment of conception itself is
figured as an abrupt physical deposit of Aeneas within Aphrodite’s belly.
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 261
The hiatus ȗȫȞȘȚ ਥșȑȝȘȞ is mitigated by caesura. For the ȗȫȞȘ, see 162–5
n.
ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ is borrowed from Il. 2.820–1* (Aeneas) IJઁȞ ਫ਼ʌૅ
ਝȖȤȓıȘȚ IJȑțİ įૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘ, / ੍įȘȢ ਥȞ țȞȘȝȠıȚ șİ ȕȡȠIJȚ İȞȘșİıĮ
(‘whom bright Aphrodite bore to Anchises, after sleeping with him on the
flanks of Mount Ida, a goddess with a mortal’), although there the empha-
sis is on the contrast between Aphrodite’s status as a goddess and An-
chises’ mortality.
256 In 257–75, Aphrodite reports that Aeneas will be raised by the local
nymphs rather than by his mother (cf. 274–5 n.). She similarly absents
herself, on the narrative level, from his birth here, moving him direct from
her belly (256) into the sunlight and the hands of his nurses.
Aphrodite uses the phrase IJઁȞ ȝȑȞ, ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJȠȞ repeatedly in this
passage (also 274, 278, in both cases without the comma, on which see
below; attested nowhere else in early epic, although cf. Od. 4.414 IJઁȞ ȝȞ
ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJĮ*) to articulate the temporal and logical structure of her
description of the course of the earliest phase of Aeneas’ life and relation-
ship with Anchises.
įȘȚ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ: ‘Seeing the light of the sun’ is also used via synec-
doche to refer to the moment of birth at hAp. 71 ȝ ʌȩIJૅ ਗȞ IJઁ ʌȡIJȠȞ
įȘȚ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ (‘lest when he first sees the light of the sun’). But far
more often in early epic, variants of the phrase mean ‘be alive’ generally,
and thus appear with a present rather than an aorist form of the verb, as in
105. In any case, seeing the sun’s light—and thus eventually losing sight of
it—is a mark of mortal rather than immortal existence: like his father, but
unlike his mother, Aeneas is doomed to die. Cf. 272 with n. (ijȐȠȢ might
instead be treated as the subject of įȘȚ. But this would be an odd expres-
sion, and it is easier to take Aeneas as the subject of the verb and ijȐȠȢ as
its object, and to punctuate after ȝȑȞ, so that IJȩȞ is offered proleptically as
the object of șȡȑȥȠȣıȚȞ in 257, where it is resumed in ȝȚȞ.)
257–258 257 is resumed in 273, 258–72 being in one sense digressive (see
259–72 n.).
ȞȪȝijĮȚ ȝȚȞ șȡȑȥȠȣıȚȞ: For nymphs as surrogate mothers for the chil-
dren of gods, cf. Hes. Th. 346–8 with West ad loc.; h. 26.3–6 (Dionysus
raised by the nymphs of Mount Nysa įİȟȐȝİȞĮȚ țȩȜʌȠȚıȚ (‘after they re-
ceived him to their bosoms’); cf. 262–3 n.); and see in general Jeanmaire
(1933) 283–96. For nymphs generally, see 97–9 n.
The adjectives in 257 identify two key attributes of the nymphs as
Aphrodite describes them below: they inhabit—and thus sleep in—
mountains (ੑȡİıțȚȠȚ, apparently < ȡȠȢ + țİȝĮȚ), including Mount Ida
(258, 266; cf. Od. 6.103–5), and they have large breasts (ȕĮșȪțȠȜʌȠȚ; cf.
262 Commentary
dances’), 19–21. For the verb (a ‘timeless’ hymnic aorist, like ijȣıĮȞ in
265), cf. Hes. Th. 8 (of the Heliconian Muses); hHerm. 505*.
262–263 If Hermes and the silens routinely sleep with nymphs, they ought
to have offspring, who might perhaps be additional nymphs, in which case
there is a close logical connection between these verses and 264–5 (but see
264–8 introductory n.). More likely their children are other strange ‘moun-
tain’ or ‘wilderness’ creatures such as centaurs (cf. [Apollod.] Bib. ii.5.4,
where the centaur Pholos is identified as the child of Silenus and a nymph),
Pans (cf. h. 19.2–3, 19–26, where Pan himself roams the woods and dances
with mountain nymphs; and see Gantz (1993) 110–11), and additional
silens or satyrs (since X. Smp. 5.7 identifies the naiad nymphs as the moth-
ers of the silens; Silenus eventually becomes the father of the satyrs, as in
Euripides’ Cyclops; and Paus. i.23.5 reports that the oldest satyrs are
called silens); cf. S. fr. 314.41–2 [ … ]İȓȦȞ ȞȣȝijȠȖİȞȞȒ[IJ … ] / [ … ]Ȟҕ
IJȓȢ ਥıIJȚ, where Pearson (his lines 35–6), following Wilamowitz, prints [ਲ਼
IJȞ ੑȡ]İȓȦȞ ȞȣȝijȠȖİȞȞȒ[IJȠȣ ȖȑȞȠȣȢ] / [șȘȡ]Ȟ IJȓȢ ਥıIJȚ (‘or this is one of
the mountain beasts from the race sprung from nymphs’), taking this as a
reference to the satyrs who make up the chorus. Ȉ Pi. O. 13.34–5 reports
that Bounos, king of Corinth, was the son of Hermes and a nymph.
ıȚȜȘȞȠȓ: This is the first reference to silens (half-horse, half-human
creatures, more often associated with Dionysus than with Hermes) in ex-
tant literary sources; precisely how (and whether) they are to be distin-
guished from satyrs (first mentioned at Hes. fr. 123, where they and the
ȠȡİȚĮȚ ȞȪȝijĮȚ șİĮȓ (‘mountain nymph goddesses’) are siblings) is unclear,
although see above. For the common literary and artistic theme of romantic
and sexual relations between nymphs and silens, see Pi. fr. 156.2–3 ȞĮįȠȢ
ਕțȠȓIJĮȢ / ȈȚȜȘȞȩȢ (‘Silenus, bed-fellow of a naiad’); Hedreen (1992) 71–3;
(1994) 47–69, esp. 47–54; Gantz (1993) 135–9, esp. 137 ‘In all, we must
admit severe limits to our information for the Archaic period’; LIMC
VIII.1.1108–10. The name is spelled ȈǿȁǼȃȅǿ on the François vase (570–
565 BCE) and elsewhere in early vase-inscriptions (references at
Kretschmer (1894 [1980]) 132–3; a personal name at IG I3 53.3 (433/2
BCE)), and ought presumably to be written that way here, as in ȍ (Mfb). Ȍ
(followed by Ĭ) seems to have offered İ as a superlinear supplement: the f-
and b-scribes opted for ıȚȜȘȞȠȓ, the a-scribe for ıİȜȘȞȠȓ, and the p-scribe
took both letters into the text (ıİȚȜȘȞȠȓ). Cf. Introduction 6.
İıțȠʌȠȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ: A nicely chosen epithet, if the point is that
Hermes got a ‘good look’ at the nymphs, allowing him to assess their indi-
vidual charms (cf. 257 ȕĮșȪțȠȜʌȠȚ with n., 264–7 with nn.), when they
danced for the gods in heaven (cf. 261 with n.). İıțȠʌȠȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ is a
unique variant of the Homeric and hymnic ਥȪıțȠʌȠȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ / (attest-
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 265
ed in various cases at Il. 24.24, 109; Od. 1.38; 7.137; hAp. 200; hHerm.
73), in which the first word is always scanned ȣ - - -.
ȝȣȤȚ ıʌİȓȦȞ ਥȡȠȑȞIJȦȞ: Nymphs routinely inhabit caves (e.g. Od.
5.57–8; 13.103–4 (quoted below), 349–50; hHerm. 6), but apparently have
sex only in the inmost corners of their residences (rendering the activity
invisible to mortal eyes). The adjective is colored by the erotic nature of
the activity carried on in the place it describes (ȝȓıȖȠȞIJૅ ਥȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȚ), as at
hDem. 425 (Persephone describes what she and her companions were do-
ing just before Hades carried her off to be his bride) ʌĮȓȗȠȝİȞ įૅ ਙȞșİĮ
įȡȑʌȠȝİȞ Ȥİȓȡİııૅ ਥȡȩİȞIJĮ (‘we were enjoying ourselves and plucking
ਥȡȩİȞIJĮ flowers with our hands’).
264–268 It eventually emerges that nymphs die (269–72 with nn.), mean-
ing that they must constantly be born as well. Homer and Hesiod refer
routinely to them as ‘daughters of Zeus’ (e.g. Il. 6.420; Od. 6.105; 9.154;
Hes. fr. 304.5; cf. Alc. fr. 343; contrast Hes. Th. 187, where Meliad
nymphs are born from the blood of the castrated Sky), hence perhaps their
readiness to dance for the Olympian gods in his house, as Hesiod’s Muses
(also Zeus’ daughters) do at Th. 36–43. Here the matter of the nymphs’
parentage is ignored, and they enter the world as arbitrarily as they exit it
(269 with n.). In any case, what at first appears to be a further, incidental
detail of Aphrodite’s description of them in fact sets up the demonstration
in what follows that—as asserted in 259—although nymphs are not mortal
in the way that human beings are (cf. 260–1), neither are they immortal
like the Olympians; cf. 267–8 n.
For the connection between individual trees and individual nymphs,
whose lives are somehow interlocked with theirs, cf. Charon of Lampsacus
(5th c. BCE) FGrH 262 F 12, citing (F 12a ap. Ȉ A.R. 2.476) Pi. fr. 165
ੁıȠįȑȞįȡȠȣ / IJȑțȝĮȡ ĮੁȞȠȢ șİȩijȡĮıIJȠȞ ȜĮȤȠıĮ (‘alloted a divinely-
declared limit of a lifespan equal to a tree’s’) and (F 12b ap. Tzetzes in
Lyc. 480) Eumel. fr. 15 (II), p. 113 Bernabé; Call. h. 4.83–5 ૧ૅ ਥIJİઁȞ
ਥȖȑȞȠȞIJȠ IJȩIJİ įȡȪİȢ ਲȞȓțĮ ȞȪȝijĮȚ; / ȞȪȝijĮȚ ȝȞ ȤĮȓȡȠȣıȚȞ, IJİ įȡȪĮȢ
ȝȕȡȠȢ ਕȑȟİȚ, / ȞȪȝijĮȚ įૅ Į țȜĮȓȠȣıȚȞ, IJİ įȡȣı ȝȘțȑIJȚ ijȪȜȜĮ (‘Did
oaks actually come into being at the same time as nymphs? The nymphs
are happy when the rain makes the oaks grow, whereas the nymphs wail
when leaves are no longer on the oaks’); 6.36–9 (where the nymphs play
about the trees in Demeter’s sacred grove, and one of the trees shrieks in
pain when struck with an axe); and note the generic names Dryads (‘Oak-
tree nymphs’), Hamadryads (‘Simultaneous-with-oak-tree nymphs’; hinted
at here in ਚȝ(Į) … įȡȪİȢ), and Meliads (‘Ash-tree nymphs’ (Hes. Th.
187)).
The description of the trees whose existence is tied to that of the
nymphs is easily understood as incorporating crucial characteristics of the
266 Commentary
nymphs themselves: they are beautiful (țĮȜĮȓ; cf. 261 n.), tall
(ਫ਼ȥȚțȐȡȘȞȠȚ with 264–5 n., ȜȓȕĮIJȠȚ; cf. 81–3 n.), and ‘flourishing’
(IJȘȜİșȐȠȣıĮȚ; cf. 257 ȕĮșȪțȠȜʌȠȚ with n.), and the presence of a group of
them marks a spot as belonging to one or more individual gods (267–8
with n.; cf. 261 with n.). To see a stand of such trees in particular is thus to
catch a glimpse of nymphs in the only guise in which they normally reveal
themselves to mortal eyes (although cf. 284–5 with n.), and the repeated
reference to the trees’ height and size captures the awestruck perspective of
a human being who enters a grove of them and stares up toward their tops.
The focalization is in any case once again firmly human (esp. ਥʌ ȤșȠȞ
ȕȦIJȚĮȞİȓȡȘȚ, with its firmly agricultural orientation) and thus set in the
valleys, over which the mountains loom (ਥȞ ȠȡİıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȘȜȠıȚȞ; cf. 160*
with n.): the places where the nymphs’ trees grow are specifically not the
normal home of the mortal creatures who visit them. Cf. 257–8 n., 260 n.,
268 with n. The trees are plural in 264–5 (as again in 270–2) only because
this is also true of the nymphs (who are presumably born and die at sepa-
rate, individual times, rather than en masse), whereas what are described in
266–8 are actual sacred groves, i.e. large stands of such trees in a single
place.
264–265 ਥȜȐIJĮȚ and įȡȪİȢ are specifically ‘firs’ and ‘oaks’ (thus LfgrE
s.vv.), although the underlying opposition is between conifers and decidu-
ous trees generally; cf. Il. 11.494; 23.328; [Hes.] Sc. 376, 422, in all of
which įȡȪİȢ are contrasted with ʌİ૨țĮȚ (‘pines’); Mastronarde on E. Ph.
1515–16. For firs as notably tall trees, Il. 5.560; 14.287; Od. 5.239; for
their presence in the mountains, Il. 14.287; Hes. Op. 509–10. For oaks as
tall, Il. 12.132 įȡȪİȢ ȠȡİıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȚțȐȡȘȞȠȚ (probably the model for the end
of 264); for their presence in the mountains, also Il. 13.389–90; Hes. Op.
232, 509–10; [Hes.] Sc. 374–6.
The adjective ਫ਼ȥȚțȐȡȘȞȠȚ (cf. Il. 12.132 įȡȪİȢ ȠȡİıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȚțȐȡȘȞȠȚ* /)
neatly bridges the gap between the trees (which do not actually have heads)
and the nymphs whose form they represent in the mortal world (who do);
cf. 268 țİȓȡȠȣıȚ with n. As applied to the trees, the word is in one sense
proleptic: they are not tall the moment they emerge from the ground, but
must grow to full size along with their nymphs, just as they later decay and
die in conjunction with them (269–72). But in practice the presence of
nymphs can be detected only in retrospect, in towering, full-grown trees,
and especially in collections of them; not every sapling is a juvenile
nymph. In a separate and more significant sense that has shaped the lan-
guage in this verse, therefore, the goddesses’ groves are ‘lofty’ from the
very first, and they are, unsurprisingly, normally found in places inaccessi-
ble to ordinary human contact (276) and in particular to logging (278 with
n.).
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 267
ਕȗȐȞİIJĮȚ: The verb (cognate with ਙȗȦ (A); cf. esp. Il. 4.487 (of a
felled tree) ਲ ȝȑȞ IJૅ ਕȗȠȝȑȞȘ țİIJĮȚ ʌȠIJĮȝȠȠ ʌĮȡૅ ȤșĮȢ (‘it lies there,
dried, along the riverbanks’) is attested elsewhere only at Nic. Th. 205
ਕȗȒȞȘȚ, where it may represent a learned allusion to this verse, and at Hsch.
Į 1439 ਕȗȐȞșȘā ਥȟȘȡȐȞșȘ (perhaps a misguided attempt to explain a text
that should have read ĮȐȞșȘ, as at Th. 339, 368, where ਕȗ- is a variant
reading for the more common Į-). But cf. Od. 11.587 țĮIJĮȗȒȞĮıțİ (of
causing water to disappear from in front of someone).
ਥʌ ȤșȠȞȓ echoes 265*, explicitly marking the return to the generalized
mythical narrative that began in 264–5, after the cultic excursus in 266–8.
įȑȞįȡİĮ țĮȜȐ: The trees are no longer ‘beautiful’ when the decay de-
scribed in 270–1 takes place, and the reference is instead back to the situa-
tion in 266–8 (esp. 266 țĮȜĮȓ), before any of this has happened, while the
grove is still flourishing. The standard Homeric epithet of įȑȞįȡİĮ is
ȝĮțȡȐ (‘tall’; Il. 9.541 įȑȞįȡİĮ ȝĮțȡȐ /; 11.88; Od. 5.238; 7.114; 18.359),
and the use of an alternative adjective marks this as a deliberate evocation
of—and contrast with—the description of the trees in the immediately
preceding verses.
271 is one of only two verses in the hAphr. with a fourth-foot caesura
(also 4); see Introduction 5.
ਕȝijȚʌİȡȚijșȚȞȪșİȚ: The double prefix indicates that the bark disap-
pears not just ‘on the exterior’ of the trees but all about their circumference
as well, i.e. as opposed to the appearance of a few isolated bald patches.
The compound (a hapax) is a high-style epic formation, like
ਕȝijȚʌİȡȚıIJȡȦijȐȦ at Il. 8.348 ਕȝijȚʌİȡȚıIJȡȫijĮ*, and ਕȝijȚʌİȡȚıIJȑijȦ at
Od. 8.175; cf. the numerous similar formations catalogued in LSJ in later
authors such as Callimachus, Oppian, Quintus Smyrnaeus, and Nonnus,
who self-consciously echo early poetic mannerisms.
IJȞ … ȥȣȤȒ: literally ‘their soul’, i.e. the soul of the individual
nymph whose tree has just died.
șૅ: The MSS have Ȥૅ (i.e. țİ), which will not do with the indicative;
see Smith (1979) 37–9.
ȥȣȤ ȜİȓʌİȚ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ: see 105, 256 n. The phrase is modeled on
passages such as Il. 18.11 ȜİȓȥİȚȞ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ /; Od. 11.93 ȜȚʌઅȞ ijȐȠȢ
İȜȓȠȚȠ /; Hes. Op. 155 ȜȚʌȠȞ ijȐȠȢ İȜȓȠȚȠ /, on the one hand, and Od.
14.134 ȥȣȤ į ȜȑȜȠȚʌİȞ, 426 IJઁȞ įૅ ȜȚʌİ ȥȣȤȒ; 18.91 ੮Ȣ ȝȚȞ ȥȣȤ ȜȓʌȠȚ,
on the other.
273 resumes 257 (note șȡȑȥȠȣıȚȞ*) after the long digression in 258–72.
But there the adjectives in the second half of the line serve to introduce the
discussion of the nymphs and their ways that follows, whereas here Aph-
rodite’s words focus on Aeneas and the paradoxical nature of the arrange-
ment—this is her son (ਥȝઁȞ … ȣੂȩȞ), but the nymphs will be in charge of
270 Commentary
him (ʌĮȡ ıijȓıȚȞ … ȤȠȣıĮȚ)—and thus the possibility (or likelihood) that
she will eventually make alternative plans for him (274–5, 280).
274–275 In the text as the MSS present it, Aphrodite says both that the
nymphs who raise Aeneas will bring him to Anchises (274–5) and that she
will do so herself (276–7 ıȠ įૅ ਥȖȫ, ijȡĮ † IJĮ૨IJĮ ȝİIJ ijȡİı ʌȐȞIJĮ
įȚȑȜșȦ, / ਥȢ ʌȑȝʌIJȠȞ IJȠȢ ĮIJȚȢ ਥȜİȪıȠȝĮȚ ȣੂઁȞ ਙȖȠȣıĮ (‘But I will
come again to you—let me go through all these matters in my mind—again
in the fifth year, bringing the boy’); corrupt but easily emended). One pair
of lines must be expelled (despite van Eck (1978) ad loc., who nonetheless
admits his inability to explain what he characterizes as the ‘correction’ of
274–5 in 276–7); that 276, as we have it, is lacunose, does not count
against it, although the obscurity (or vacuity) of the thought arguably does.
If 274–5 are retained (as in the text printed here, and in Faulkner (2008)
and Richardson (2010)), Aphrodite’s involvement with Anchises is over at
the end of this speech; she abandons Aeneas to the nymphs completely the
moment he is born (cf. 256–7); and the boy apparently visits Troy for the
first time as a young teenager (see below). If 276–7 are retained instead (as
in Càssola (1975), and as urged by Smith (1979) 39–41 and by West
(2003) in his n.), Aphrodite promises that she will visit Anchises again in
four years and personally bring their son to him, and Aeneas spends all but
his very earliest childhood in the city. That the repetition of the first half of
274 in 278 (cf. 256) strikes the modern ear as clumsy, is not to the point,
since an ancient audience may well have disagreed with an aesthetic judg-
ment of this sort. More important, the repetition supplies a mechanical
explanation for the error that led to the generation of an alterative version
of the lost verses: the eye of a scribe copying “MS 1” (which preserved the
text as printed here) leapt from IJઁȞ ȝȞ ਥʌȞ į ʌȡIJȠȞ in 274 to the same
phrase at the beginning of 278, causing him to omit 274–5 from his copy
of the poem (“MS 2”); someone studying “MS 2” created 276–7 (or bor-
rowed the verses from elsewhere) and inserted them in the text to fill the
logical gap between Aphrodite’s announcement in 273 that the nymphs
would raise Aeneas and her prediction in 278–9 of Anchises’ reaction to
his first sight of the boy, producing “MS 3” (perhaps nothing more than
“MS 2” with marginal additions); a subsequent reader compared two cop-
ies of the text, one containing 274–5 but not 276–7 (i.e. the correct original
version, as in “MS 1”), the other containing 276–7 but not 274–5 (i.e. the
artificially supplemented version in “MS 3” and passed on from that MS to
its descendants, if it had any); and in a subsequent copy (“MS 4”) depend-
ant on this collation, all four verses were given. Cf. 97–9 (another example
of ancient supplementation of the text designed to correct the omission of a
verse via a simple mechanical error), 136 and 136a (a doublet of a more
complicated sort).
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 271
274 ਪȜȘȚ: A bold use of the verb; LfgrE s.v. B I A 2aȕ (col. 352) offers as
parallels only instances in which the subject is sleep (ʌȞȠȢ) or desire
(ʌȩșȠȢ), both of which can more easily be imagined ‘seizing’ control of a
person. But Aphrodite treats Aeneas throughout as a passive creature, who
is to be led off in various directions, put on display, and gazed at, but who
never makes a gesture or says a word of his own.
ʌȠȜȣȒȡĮIJȠȢ ਸ਼ȕȘ: i.e. early adolescence, the age at which Tithonus,
for example, was snatched away by Dawn to be her lover (225*–7); cf. Od.
15.366 (the age at which a girl is married, and a boy is sent off to make his
own way in the world). Although the adjective modifies ਸ਼ȕȘ, it actually
represents an evaluation of the handsome young men who reach that age,
and is the product of an appreciative erotic public gaze that Anchises gen-
erally participates in and can understand, even if in the specific case of
Aeneas he will take part in it in only a peripheral fashion (275–82 with
nn.).
275, 278–279 įİ૨ȡȠ: i.e. to the cowyard on the slopes of Mount Ida, from
where Anchises will take the boy to Troy (280). There is no hint in Aphro-
dite’s vision of the future that Anchises will visit the city in the meantime,
in part because of the extraordinary acceleration of time within the narra-
tive—years have passed in 273–4, and have carried Anchises, unchanged
because there has been no space within the text for him to age or engage in
other activities, along with them—but also because only when Anchises
gets Aeneas will he be transformed into a central figure in Trojan society;
cf. 103–6 with nn., 278–82 with nn.
What the nymphs will show (įİȓȟȠȣıȚ) to Anchises, and what he will
accordingly see (įȘȚȢ), will be his—or his and Aphrodite’s—child (ʌĮįĮ,
șȐȜȠȢ; for the difference between the terms, see below). But the sight will
cause him joy (ȖȘșȒıİȚȢ ȡȩȦȞ) because he will immediately (ʌȡIJȠȞ)
recognize that what others will see, sc. when he takes the boy to Troy
(280), will be instead an extraordinarily handsome and thus extraordinarily
desirable young man (ȝȐȜĮ Ȗȡ șİȠİȓțİȜȠȢ ıIJĮȚ; cf. 274 ʌȠȜȣȒȡĮIJȠȢ ਸ਼ȕȘ
with n.).
ʌĮįĮ (‘child’; what Aeneas will be to the nymphs) is a more straight-
forward and emotionally much less charged word than șȐȜȠȢ (‘shoot’, i.e.
‘offspring, scion’; what Aeneas will be to Anchises); cf. Il. 22.87* (Hector,
about to die, as addressed by Hecabe) with Richardson ad loc.; Od. 6.157
(Nausicaa as seen by her adoring parents); hDem. 66 (the kidnapped Per-
sephone as described by the broken-hearted Demeter), 187 (Demophon in
his mother’s arms); LfgrE s.v. ‘liebevoll-bewundernd … aus Elternsicht’.
ੑijșĮȜȝȠıȚ is common with forms of ȡȐȦ and similar verbs (e.g. Il.
1.587; 3.28; Od. 3.94; 4.226; Hes. Th. 451; hDem. 333; hAp. 415; cf. 83,
179).
272 Commentary
(contrast 258 ȝȑȖĮ IJİ ȗȐșİȩȞ IJİ* with n.) is in part simply to mark it as a
likely home for nymphs; cf. 264–72 with nn.; Od. 13.350–1 (a sacred cave
of the local nymphs on Ithaca, with Mount Neritus towering over it
țĮIJĮİȚȝȑȞȠȞ ȜȘȚ). But the phrase also helps explain how Aeneas could
have been brought up undetected on the slopes of Ida, as well as why his
mother’s identity is a cipher, for what goes on beneath a dense spread of
foliage is impossible to see or know.
286–288 Although the imaginary action in the protasis is divided between
two formally parallel verbs, the second in fact provides the motivation for
the first: Anchises may be tempted to reveal (ਥȟİȓʌȘȚȢ) that he slept with
Aphrodite out of boastfulness (ਥʌİȪȟİĮȚ). ਥȟİʌȠȞ regularly refers to dis-
closing something previously—and in two of the three other early epic uses
of the word, better—left unsaid (Il. 9.61; 24.654; Od. 15.443).
ਙijȡȠȞȚ șȣȝȚ is borrowed from Od. 21.105, where Telemachus at-
tempts to excuse his own ill-timed laughter in response to Antinoos’ mis-
taken insistence (Od. 21.93–4) that ‘there is no man among all of us here
such as Odysseus was’ despite the disguised hero’s presence in the room.
The adjective is focalized by Aphrodite, to whom this is patently reckless
and insane behavior, whereas Anchises, as she imagines him, is acting out of
high-spirited, boastful self-confidence, with no sense of making a mistake.
ਥȣıIJİijȐȞȦȚ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȚ: The epithets define Aphrodite not as An-
chises sees and has experienced her, but as she is worshipped, e.g. at Troy,
where he just been imagined claiming to have slept with a well-known
object of public cult. Cf. 6 ਥȣıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ* with n., 175
ੁȠıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ* with n.
ǽİȪȢ ıİ ȤȠȜȦıȐȝİȞȠȢ țIJȜ: That Aphrodite was Aeneas’ mother is
commonplace in the Iliad, as the allusion in 284 (where see n.) to the pas-
sage in Book 20 in which Aeneas himself describes his ancestry makes
clear. Anchises must thus not have kept his relationship with the goddess
secret, and some ancient sources conclude that he was accordingly pun-
ished in the way referred to here (S. fr. 373.2–3; Verg. Aen. 2.649; Hyg.
fab. 94; and see in general Podbielski (1971) 78–9; Lenz (1975) 144–52
(arguing that the story goes back to the Iliou Persis)), hence perhaps the
strikingly concrete nature of the warning (not merely ‘beware lest Zeus
…’, as in e.g. Hermes’ words to Calypso at Od. 5.146, echoed in 290).
Indeed, the fact that the Iliad reports (without explanation) that Aeneas was
raised in his brother-in-law’s house (13.465–6) might be taken to imply
that it assumes a version of the story in which Anchises died while his son
was still young. Alternatively, Aphrodite’s words might be understood as
an empty threat, given the blanket assurances she offers Anchises at 193–5,
before her own situation is mooted, and the fact that Zeus has no obvious
interest in suppressing the story (esp. 45–52); cf. 289–90 n. on 290; van der
Hymn 5: To Aphrodite 275
Ben (1986) 39 (‘Her threat is therefore both quite absurd and void’); Ber-
gren (1989) 39. There is in any case some irony in the fact that the narrator
has himself told at great length a story the goddess is allegedly so eager to
have no one hear. See in general Clay (1989) 198–200.
ȕĮȜȑİȚ ȥȠȜȩİȞIJȚ țİȡĮȣȞȚ: Given the allusion at 281 to Odysseus’
encounter with the Cyclops and its consequences, it is tempting to hear a
specific reference to the description of the hero’s ship and companions at
Od. 23.330 ȕĮȜİ ȥȠȜȩİȞIJȚ țİȡĮȣȞȚ (‘(Zeus) stuck it with a smoking
lightning-bolt’), although note also Hes. Th. 515; fr. 51.2 (both quoted in
the second apparatus)). The adjective describes not so much the lightning-
bolt itself as its effect on the object it strikes, which is left a smoldering
wreck, allowing anyone who sees it hit to attempt to work out the chain of
consequence or guilt that explains the event.
289–290 İȡȘIJĮȓ IJȠȚ ʌȐȞIJĮ masquerades as an impersonal statement of
objective fact requiring the complex subjective response described in the
balance of the two verses. But ʌȐȞIJĮ actually means not ‘everything’ but
‘everything (you need to know)’, sc. ‘(in my opinion)’, as also at hAp. 544
İȡȘIJĮȓ IJȠȚ ʌȐȞIJĮā ıઃ į ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ ijȪȜĮȟĮȚ (‘You have been told every-
thing (you need to know); safeguard this in your mind!’); also following a
balanced series of positive orders and warnings at the end of a Hymn).
For ıઃ į ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ ȞȠȒıĮȢ, cf. also Il. 19.174 ıઃ į ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ*;
20.310 ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ ȞȩȘıȠȞ /; Od. 3.26 ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ ȞȠȒıİȚȢ.
ıȤİȠ, ȝȘįૅ ੑȞȩȝĮȚȞİ: cf. Poseidon’s order to Tyro after he sleeps
with her at Od. 11.251 ıȤİȠ, ȝȘįૅ ੑȞȠȝȒȞȘȚȢ / (‘Restrain yourself and do
not mention my name!’) and, more generally, the demand for secrecy (sc.
about her new rites) addressed to the Eleusinian nobles by Demeter at
hDem. 478–9. ȝȘįૅ ੑȞȩȝĮȚȞİ articulates the proper outward expression of
the internal restraint Aphrodite demands of Anchises in ıȤİȠ, while șİȞ
įૅ ਥʌȠʌȓȗİȠ ȝોȞȚȞ supplies the positive ground for this restraint and the
action it engenders, and thus identifies the result of the internal process of
cognition and reflection described in ijȡİı ıોȚıȚ ȞȠȒıĮȢ. At the same
time, ȝȘįૅ ੑȞȩȝĮȚȞİ converts the detailed set of positive orders in 283–5
into a single, brief negative command, just as șİȞ įૅ ਥʌȠʌȓȗİȠ ȝોȞȚȞ
summarizes the hypothetical situation Anchises is urged to avoid in 286–8
in a positive way. The MSS have ȝȘįૅ ੑȞȩȝȘȞİ; but the aorist subjunctive
(rather than the aorist imperative) is normal in prohibitions (cf. the Homer-
ic model for the verse, quoted above), hence Hermann’s present imperative
ੑȞȩȝĮȚȞİ (adopted by all modern editors). Smith (1979) 43–5 advocates
for retaining the aorist subjunctive, on the ground that the construction is
not impossible and the present of ੑȞȠȝĮȓȞȦ is attested nowhere else in
early epic. But as van der Ben (1986) 40–1 points out, the ending -İ (sc.
rather than -ȠȞ) is also unexpected with a first aorist, and Hermann’s
276 Commentary
and the sensuous pleasure associated with it). For the verb used to refer to
an individual deity’s dominion over part of the physical world, cf. Il.
15.90–2 (where an actual process of casting lots appears to be in question;
cf. Janko on 15.185–93); h. 19.6–7 Ȣ ʌȐȞIJĮ ȜȩijȠȞ ȞȚijȩİȞIJĮ ȜȑȜȠȖȤİȞ /
țĮ țȠȡȣijȢ ੑȡȑȦȞ țĮ ʌİIJȡȒİȞIJĮ țȑȜİȣșĮ (‘to whom belongs every
snowy hill-crest, the mountain peaks, and the rocky tracks’; of Pan; the
only other attestion of ȜȑȜȠȖȤİȞ in this sedes in early epic). Here Cyprus
falls to Aphrodite simply by virtue of the fact that she first comes to land
there, as 3–5 (which introduce the ‘historical background’ to the cultic fact
articulated in this clause) make clear.
3–5 İੁȞĮȜȓȘȢ facilitates the transition between the description in 2 (where
see n.) of Aphrodite’s authority on Cyprus conceived as a land-mass full of
cities, to the marine setting of the narrative in șȚ țIJȜ.: that the island (in
this section of the Hymn seemingly populated only by deities) lies ‘in the
sea’ matters because Aphrodite emerges from there in what follows.
Homer repeatedly describes the west wind as moist (Od. 14.458;
19.206; cf. ਫ਼ȖȡઁȞ ਕȑȞIJȠȢ) and powerful (e.g. Il. 2.147–8; 19.415–16; cf.
ǽİijȪȡȠȣ ȝȑȞȠȢ), and as particularly capable of stirring up the sea (Il.
4.422–6; 7.63–4; 9.4–7; Od. 4.402; cf. ț૨ȝĮ ʌȠȜȣijȜȠȓıȕȠȚȠ șĮȜȐııȘȢ).
The description of the climactic conditions when Aphrodite appeared on
the Cyprian coast thus amounts to a naturalizing version of a crucial ele-
ment in Hesiod’s tale, in which foam (ਕijȡȩȢ, connected by Hesiod with
the name Aphro-dite) spontaneously appeared around Sky’s genitals as
they floated in the sea, and the goddess grew up out of it (Th. 190–2). Here,
by contrast, the foam is produced by the billows the wind casts on the
shore, and Aphrodite is merely carried onshore along with it. That the west
wind in particular brings Aphrodite to Cyprus implies that she lands at
Paphos (cf. 5–11 n.; h. 5.58–9 n.) rather than at Salamis (cf. h. 10.4 with
n.), which is located on the east coast of the island.
ǽİijȪȡȠȣ ȝȑȞȠȢ ਫ਼ȖȡઁȞ ਕȑȞIJȠȢ is adapted from a line-end formula (see
the second apparatus) that routinely refers to the winds generally rather
than to the west wind in particular.
ʌȠȜȣijȜȠȓıȕȠȚȠ is focalized on the shore (where waves crash) rather
than further out to sea (where they are by and large silent), and ȝĮȜĮțȚ as
well suggests direct physical contact with the foam (cf. h. 5.158 with n.),
sc. as it lies on the sand, where Aphrodite has been carried along with it.
The adjectives throughout these verses are thus easily understood as cap-
turing the experience of the goddess herself, who first feels the moist
wind blowing vigorously at her back (ǽİijȪȡȠȣ ȝȑȞȠȢ ਫ਼ȖȡઁȞ ਕȑȞIJȠȢ);
then hears the roar of the breakers; and finally finds herself standing on the
beach, her feet covered in ‘soft foam’, on an island that is now hers.
282 Commentary
5–11 No setting is specified for the action described in IJȞ į țIJȜ., alt-
hough Aphrodite arrived on the west coast of Cyprus in 3–5 (where see n.).
That the Seasons are said to take her in (6 įȑȟĮȞIJ(Ƞ)) suggests that she goes
to visit them, i.e. that they have a permanent residence on the island, where
they store their jewelry when they are not wearing it, and which they leave
when they go off to dance in Zeus’ house on Olympus (11–13); one would
in any case expect the goddess to be draped and adorned (6–11) in private
rather than in the open air. But the Seasons simultaneously play the part of
Aphrodite’s slave-attendants, like the Graces in h. 5 (see 5 n., below).
While she ought not yet, in one sense, to have a home on Cyprus, where
she has just appeared, therefore, the implicit imaginary setting is most
easily taken to be the temple in Paphos referred to at h. 5.58–9 (where see
n.), where her handmaids are already in place to attend to her needs the
moment she arrives.
5 ȤȡȣıȐȝʌȣțİȢ ૡȍȡĮȚ: cf. 12 ૡȍȡĮȚ … ȤȡȣıȐȝʌȣțİȢ; Pi. fr. 30.6–7
ȤȡȣıȐȝʌȣțĮȢ … / … ૠȍȡĮȢ. At Cypr. fr. 4.1–6, pp. 46–7 Bernabé, the
Seasons make Aphrodite’s robes and dye them the colors of the springtime
flowers, while at Hes. Op. 74–5 they garland Pandora’s head with similar
blossoms. Here they function as Aphrodite’s attendant women, precisely
like the Graces (with whom they are associated at Hes. Th. 901–3; hAp.
194–6; Cypr. fr. 4.1, p. 46 Bernabé) at h. 5.61–3. For the dancing of the
Seasons and their ancestry, see 12–13 with nn. Homer puts them in charge
of the cloud-gates in heaven (Il. 5.749–51 = 8.393–5) and has them care for
gods’ horses when they return home by that route (Il. 8.433–5). See in
general West on Hes. Th. 901; Gantz (1993) 53–4. An ਙȝʌȣȟ (worn by
Andromache at Il. 22.469, along with a țİțȡȪijĮȜȠȢ, a ʌȜİțIJ ਕȞĮįȑıȝȘ,
and a țȡȒįİȝȞȠȞ) is a hair-band of some sort (ȈD Il. 5.358 and 22.469).
That the ਙȝʌȣțİȢ that belong to the Seasons are made of gold reflects their
divine status (cf. 1 n.); they are thus beautifully adorned, but nowhere near
as beautifully adorned as Aphrodite will be when they are done with her
(7–11). Hesiod uses the adjective of the Muses at Th. 916; elsewhere in
early epic, it is applied only to horses (Il. 5.358, 363, 720; 8.382).
6 įȑȟĮȞIJૅ ਕıʌĮıȓȦȢ: The warm welcome Aphrodite receives from the
Seasons anticipates the even more enthusiastic response of the Olympians
generally, when she appears among them in 15–18 (esp. 15 ıʌȐȗȠȞIJȠ);
cf. 7 n. For the expression, cf. Hes. fr. 30.30 [ਕı]ʌĮıȓȦȢ ਫ਼ʌİį[ȑ]ȟĮIJȠ;
hAp. 63–4 ਕıʌĮıȓȘ … / įİȟĮȓȝȘȞ. For the verb in the sense ‘take in’,
also e.g. Il. 5.158; 14.203; Hes. Th. 479; hDem. 159; hAp. 305, 320; cf.
LfgrE s.v. B I 4.
ʌİȡ įૅ ਙȝȕȡȠIJĮ İȝĮIJĮ ਪııĮȞ: The implication is that Aphrodite was
nude when she emerged from the sea, and was dressed immediately in
Hymn 6: To Aphrodite 283
That Aphrodite is taken to meet the gods generally and not some subset
of them is implied in 15. But ਪțĮıIJȠȢ (used routinely in early epic with
plural verbs, as at e.g. Il. 1.606; 7.175, 185; Od. 1.424; 2.252; 10.397; hAp.
477; hHerm. 431) makes it clear that her audience is conceived as funda-
mentally male.
İੇȞĮȚ țȠȣȡȚįȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ țĮ ȠțĮįૅ ਙȖİıșĮȚ is hysteron-proteron: to
take Aphrodite home is the concrete action that will establish her in the
position of an individual god’s ‘wedded wife’. For the expression
țȠȣȡȚįȓȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȠȞ, cf. h. 5.127 (quoting Il. 19.298).
For 18, cf. h. 5.84–5 n.
ੁȠıIJİijȐȞȠȣ ȀȣșİȡİȓȘȢ: cf. h. 5.175* with n. The reference to Cythera
(for which, see h. 5.6 with n.) is in contrast to the story of the goddess’
arrival on and consequent authority over Cyprus in 2–13, about which
much of the Hymn is built, while the fact that her garland is here made of
violets rather than of gold (contrast 7–8 with n.) makes it clear that she is
no longer being described as she appeared to the other gods in her first
meeting with them (15–17). Instead, her crown is now perishable, like
those that might be offered to her on a daily basis in any of her sanctuaries.
19–20 ȤĮȡ(İ): cf. h. 5.292*–3 n.
For ਦȜȚțȠȕȜȑijĮȡİ, cf. Hes. Th. 16 ਦȜȚțȠȕȜȑijĮȡȩȞ IJૅ ਝijȡȠįȓIJȘȞ / with
West ad loc. (noting that the first element is from ਪȜȚȟ, not ਦȜȓııȦ); fr.
11.1 ]ȚҕIJȘȞ șૅ ਦȜȚțȠȕ[ȜȑijĮȡȠȞ]. For ȖȜȣțȣȝİȓȜȚȤİ (a hapax), cf. Hes. Th.
206 IJȑȡȥȚȞ IJİ ȖȜȣțİȡȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȐ IJİ ȝİȚȜȚȤȓȘȞ IJİ (‘sweet pleasure, affec-
tion, and gentleness’; the final items in the list of human activities Aphro-
dite controls ‘from the very first’); h. 10.2 (of Aphrodite) ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ įȡĮ
įȓįȦıȚȞ.
įઁȢ įૅ ਥȞ ਕȖȞȚ / ȞȓțȘȞ IJȚįİ ijȑȡİıșĮȚ: This is the only explicit ref-
erence in the Hymns to a contest in which the singer is competing, although
cf. hDem. 494 ~ h. 30.18 ~ 31.17 ʌȡȩijȡȠȞİȢ ਕȞIJૅ ੩ȚįોȢ ȕȓȠIJȠȞ șȣȝȒȡİૅ
ੑʌȐȗİȚȞ (‘be eager to grant a comfortable livelihood in return for my sing-
ing’); and the even more oblique h. 10.5 (where see n.); 24.5; 25.1; Race
(1982) 10–14, esp. 11. For the expression ȞȓțȘȞ ijȑȡȠȝĮȚ (first attested
here), cf. Pi. I. 7.21–2; S. El. 84–5.
ȞIJȣȞȠȞ ਕȠȚįȒȞ is borrowed from Od. 12.183, where the verb is a
third-plural imperfect indicative rather than a second-singular aorist imper-
ative, and describes the Sirens, the captivating epic singers par excellence.
21 A standard closing verse; cf. h. 10.6 and the other references in the first
apparatus; Richardson on hDem. 495. For the zeugma (‘you’ balanced by
‘another song’), cf. h. 5.293 with n.
Hymn 9: To Artemis
According to Str. 14.646, the Meles River flowed near the walls of New
(i.e. Hellenistic) Smyrna; cf. Paus. vii.5.12, who calls the river’s water
țȐȜȜȚıIJȠȞ and says that Homer was supposed to have composed his poems
in a grotto near its springs (cf. 8–9 n.). Claros, on the other hand, was near
Colophon, and featured an oracular shrine of Apollo (an important figure
in the Hymn; cf. 1–2 n., 5–6 n.) and an unfinished temple (Paus. vii.3.1–2,
5.3–4). But Old Smyrna—which had a long, tangled history of conflict
with Colophon (Mimn. fr. 9 West2 ap. Str. 14.646; Hdt. i.149–50; Paus.
vii.5.1), and was captured and destroyed by Alyattes sometime around 600
BCE (Hdt. i.16.2; Str. xiv.646)—was located about five miles northwest of
New Smyrna, while Colophon lay to the south of it, so that Artemis’ itiner-
ary in 3–6 (which begins at the Meles and passes through Smyrna on the
way to Colophon) only makes sense if the Smyrna in question is New
Smyrna, dating the poem to the time of Alexander the Great or later.
A ‘descriptive’ or ‘attributive’ hymn, presumably connected with one
or more of the places mentioned in it, where the performance referred to in
7–8 must have taken place. Allen, Halliday, and Sikes (1963) very tenta-
tively suggest the possibility of ‘a procession in which the Goddess’—i.e. a
cult-statue of her—‘was carried’ from the Meles to Claros, sc. in a chariot
pulled by a team of horses. The fact that the procession—or at least the
portion of it referred to here—begins at a river may suggest a cleansing
(ȖȐȞȦıȚȢ) ceremony, in which a cult statue was washed, anointed, dressed,
and returned to its temple, as in Callimachus’ Bath of Pallas; see in general
Bulloch (1985) 8–12, with further references; Fischer-Hansen and Poulsen
(2009).
1–2 combine and rework two important early epic descriptions of Artemis,
at Il. 20.71 and hAp. 199 (both quoted in the first apparatus). At h. 27.1–3
(where see nn., and cf. the embedded Artemis hymn at h. 5.16–20), the
goddess is also called ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȞ … ੁȠȤȑĮȚȡĮȞ (note also Pi. P. 2.9 ੁȠȤȑĮȚȡĮ
ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȢ) with amplifying adjectives modifying each word, before any
mention is made of her divine sibling, who there wields a sword
(ȤȡȣıĮȩȡȠȣ) rather than a bow. Here, by contrast, more initial emphasis is
placed on Apollo, who is also characterized as an archer (ਦțȐIJȠȚȠ) and
described not just as Artemis’ brother (1) but as having been raised along
with her (2), setting up 5–6 (where see n., and cf. h. 27 introductory n.).
For the opening address to the Muse, cf. h. 5.1 n.
288 Commentary
3–6 For the topography and its implications for the poem’s date and origi-
nal performance context, see the introductory n.
3–4 For the relative clause as a standard feature of early epic proems, see
h. 5.2 n. For the language, cf. Il. 8.438–9 ǽİઃȢ į ʌĮIJȡ ǿįȘșİȞ ਥȪIJȡȠȤȠȞ
ਚȡȝĮ țĮ ʌʌȠȣȢ / ȅȜȣȝʌȩȞįૅ ਥįȓȦțİ (‘Father Zeus drove his well-
wheeled chariot and horses to Olympus’).
ʌʌȠȣȢ ਙȡıĮıĮ ȕĮșȣıȤȠȓȞȠȚȠ ȂȑȜȘIJȠȢ: For the verb (not in Homer
or Hesiod), cf. hAp. 262–3 (the River Telphousa addresses Apollo)
ʌȘȝĮȞȑİȚ ıૅ Įੁİ țIJȪʌȠȢ ʌʌȦȞ ੩țİȚȐȦȞ / ਕȡįȩȝİȞȠȓ IJૅ ȠȡોİȢ ਥȝȞ ੂİȡȞ
ਕʌઁ ʌȘȖȑȦȞ (‘the hoofbeats of swift horses, and of mules being watered
from my sacred springs, will bother you’); Euph. fr. 66, p. 42 Powell Ƞ įૅ
ȠʌȦ ȈȚȝȩİȞIJȠȢ ਝȤĮȚȓįĮȢ ਙȡıĮȝİȞ ʌʌȠȣȢ (‘they by no means watered
their horses in the Achaean Simoeis’). For the idea, cf. Il. 24.350–1 ıIJોıĮȞ
ਙȡૅ ਲȝȚȩȞȠȣȢ IJİ țĮ ʌʌȠȣȢ, ijȡĮ ʌȓȠȚİȞ, / ਥȞ ʌȠIJĮȝȚ (‘they stood their
mules and horses in the river, so that they could drink’). The adjective (a
Homeric hapax, marking the appearance of it here as a learned allusion to
the epic exemplar) is used at Il. 4.383 of the Asopus River.
૧ȓȝijĮ: Artemis’ haste reflects the fact that her brother is waiting for
her at the end of her journey (5–6).
ʌĮȖȤȡȪıİȠȞ ਚȡȝĮ: For gold as the standard material for objects asso-
ciated with the gods, see h. 5.16–17 n.
įȚȫțİȚ is a ‘timeless’ hymnic present, just as ਸıIJĮȚ in 6 is a ‘timeless’
hymnic perfect.
5–6 For Apollo’s cult at Claros in the Hellenistic period, see Picard (1922),
esp. 345–9 (on the festivals celebrated there, which included (pp. 346–7) a
ȝȠȣıȚțઁȢ ਕȖȫȞ (‘contest in music’)).
ਕȝʌİȜȩİııĮȞ: a common epithet of places in early epic (Il. 2.561;
3.184; 9.152, 294; hAp. 438), generally line-final and never in this sedes.
ਕȡȖȣȡȩIJȠȟȠȢ (a common early epic epithet of Apollo; see the second
apparatus) links the god closely with Artemis, who is herself twice de-
scribed in 7 (cf. 2) as an archer, including with the adjective ਦțĮIJȘȕȩȜȠȞ,
elsewhere routinely used of her brother instead (a single exception at Il.
15.231, of Hector). Like thus waits for and meets like; but the Hymn is
explicitly addressed to and in honor of Artemis alone (1, 7–9). For
ੁȠȤȑĮȚȡĮȞ, cf. 2; h. 27.2*. For Artemis visiting Apollo in one of his tem-
ples, cf. h. 27.13–14 (at Delphi).
7 A formulaic line, = h. 14.6 (in honor of the Mother of the Gods, and thus
also late). For ȤĮȡİ, see h. 5.292–3 n.; Race (1982) 9 (noting that ȤĮȡİ …
ਕȠȚįોȚ can be understood not just ‘rejoice in this song!’ vel sim. but ‘take
pleasure in this song!’).
Hymn 9: To Artemis 289
8–9 Just as Artemis has moved rapidly from a famous source of poetic
inspiration (see 3 with introductory n.) to a new place in the course of the
Hymn, so too will the poet.
8 is awkwardly expressed and unnecessary to the sense. But those are
weak grounds for expelling the verse from the text, particularly since
ਙȡȤȠȝૅ ਕİȓįİȚȞ (‘I begin to sing’; common in this sedes at the beginning of
Hymns (see the second apparatus)) is patently intended to balance
ਕȡȟȐȝİȞȠȢ (‘after I begin’) in 9. For singing of someone first and last as a
mark of honor, cf. Hes. Th. 34 with West ad loc., 48; h. 1.D9 West; 21.4.
9 is another formulaic line (= h. 5.293 (where see n.) = 18.11 (in honor
of Hermes)).
Hymn 10: To Aphrodite
M and Ȍ diverge so far from one another here, that attempting to determine
which set of readings ought to be preferred is pointless. Instead, these are
better presented as two separate versions of the Hymn, each with its own
interests. Cf. Shackle, CR 29 (1915) 164: ‘The variants strongly suggest
that we have here two versions of the hymn—and older one native to the
Cypriote Salamis … and another when the hymn was adapted by later
rhapsodes to suit any part of Greece—the manipulation leaving its mark in
the barbarous rhythm of the recast line 4.’ Both versions must have been
preserved in ȍ, one as a set of superlinear variants; see 4–5 n., and cf. In-
troduction 6.
The reference in 1 to Aphrodite (whose proper name is never used in
the Hymn) as the ‘Cyprian-born goddess of Cythera’ is balanced by the
description of her in 4–5 as the mistress of Salamis (Ȍ) or Cythera (M),
and of Cyprus as a whole. The terms in which Aphrodite is described in the
relative clause in 2–3 (she offers gifts to mortals generally and is always
smiling, and her appearance awakens ȝİȡȠȢ (‘desire’)), meanwhile, antici-
pate the request in 5 that she demonstrate her allegedly consistently good
mood by providing the poet with ੂȝİȡȩİııĮȞ song.
A ‘descriptive’ or ‘attributive’ hymn, composed (like h. 6) in the shad-
ow of the description of Aphrodite’s birth in Hesiod’s Theogony (see 1–3
n.), but also responding to h. 5 (see 4–5 n.). 4–5 in the Ȍ-version imply an
interest in Cyprian Salamis in particular, and thus perhaps that that version
of the piece was sung for the first time there. There is no other evidence for
the original performance context beyond the standard reference to the sing-
er’s desire for success and another song to come in 5–6.
1–3 1 echoes Hes. Th. 198–9, where Aphrodite is referred to in successive
verses as ȀȣșȑȡİȚĮȞ* and ȀȣʌȡȠȖİȞȑĮ* (with explanations of how she got
the titles as a result of her early wandering in the sea); cf. below on 2
ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚȞ, 3 Įੁİ ȝİȚįȚȐİȚ; h. 6 introductory n. (on the more
extended and systematic response there to Th. 188–206).
ਸ਼ IJİ țIJȜ: For the relative clause as a standard feature of early epic pro-
ems, see h. 5.2 n. The reference here is to timeless, general characteristics
of the goddess, who offers her gifts to (all) mortals (ȕȡȠIJȠıȚȞ / …
įȓįȦıȚȞ); contrast the singer’s specific immediate request (aorist įȩȢ) in 5,
which aims unexpectedly at a different kind of gift and a different sort of
pleasure.
292 Commentary
ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ įȡĮ įȓįȦıȚȞ: cf. h. 6.19 ȖȜȣțȣȝİȓȜȚȤİ with n.; Hes. Th. 206
IJȑȡȥȚȞ IJİ ȖȜȣțİȡȞ ijȚȜȩIJȘIJȐ IJİ ȝİȚȜȚȤȓȘȞ IJİ (‘sweet pleasure, affection,
and gentleness’; probably the model for both verses). For the ‘gifts of Aph-
rodite’ (sex and all the pleasures associated with it), cf. Il. 3.54; hDem.
102; [Hes.] Sc. 47; Mimn. fr. 1.3 West2 țȡȣʌIJĮįȓȘ ijȚȜȩIJȘȢ țĮ ȝİȓȜȚȤĮ
įȡĮ țĮ İȞȒ (‘secret affection, gentle gifts, and bed’).
ਥijૅ ੂȝİȡIJȚ țIJȜ: Aphrodite’s beauty has two aspects: her face is per-
manently lovely, but smiles (offering and soliciting attention) and blushes
(when that interest and attention are reciprocated) run over it as well, ren-
dering it even lovelier. The adjectives (which set up ੂȝİȡȩİııĮȞ ਕȠȚįȒȞ in
5; see introductory n.; 5 n.) are focalized by the onlooker, in whom the
goddess stirs up desire not just for herself but for others, leading to the
sensual pleasures referred to obliquely in the first half of 2. Allen, Halli-
day, and Sikes (1963) take ਥijૅ to be in ‘tmesis’ in both 2 and 3 (‘she is
always smiling upon (someone) with her lovely face, and a lovely blush
runs over it’), which is far more difficult in the first instance than in the
second. Cf. Sapph. fr. 1.14 (of Aphrodite) ȝİȚįȚĮȓıĮȚıૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȚ
ʌȡȠıȫʌȦȚ (‘smiling with her immortal face’); 112.4 (of a bridegrooom)
ȡȠȢ įૅ ਥʌૅ ੁȝȑȡIJȦȚ țȑȤȣIJĮȚ ʌȡȠıȫʌȦȚ (‘desire has been poured over his
attraactive face’).
Įੁİ ȝİȚįȚȐİȚ glosses Aphrodite’s traditional epithet ijȚȜȠȝȝİȚįȒȢ
(‘smile-loving’; cf. h. 5.16–17 n.) and is thus a tacit response to Hes. Th.
200, where the poet traces the title—much less convincingly—to the fact
‘that she appeared out of ȝȒįİĮ (genitals)’. The standard Homeric form of
the verb is ȝİȚįȐȦ (always in the aorist), occasionally expanded in the
present participle to ȝİȚįȚȩȦ (Il. 7.212; 21.491). For ȝİȚįȚȐȦ, cf. h. 7.14.
Ȍ’s ijȑȡİȚ requires taking ੂȝİȡIJઁȞ … ਙȞșȠȢ as the object rather than the
subject of the verb (‘and she adds a lovely blush as well’), and M’s șȑİȚ
has generally been preferred by editors attempting to establish a single
authoritative version of the text. For the use of the latter verb, cf. Od. 6.45
Ȝİȣț įૅ ਥʌȚįȑįȡȠȝİȞ ĮȖȜȘ (‘a bright radiance runs over [the sky]’);
20.357 țĮț įૅ ਥʌȚįȑįȡȠȝİȞ ਕȤȜȪȢ (‘and an ugly mist runs over [the
earth]’); Sapph. fr. 112.4 (quoted and translated above); Arat. 834 ȡİȣșȠȢ
ਥʌȚIJȡȑȤİȚ (‘a blush runs across [the sun]’).
4–5 again (cf. 1–3 n.) have a significant Hesiodic intertext, in the poet’s
final salutation of the Heliconian Muses at Th. 104 (quoted in the first ap-
paratus). But 4 is more specifically a pointed reworking of h. 5.292 (where
see n.) which, in contrast to that verse, in Ȍ’s version of the text emphasiz-
es the goddess’ control of Salamis (on the east coast of the island), with the
rest of Cyprus now mentioned almost as an afterthought. The request in the
second half of 5 (for which, cf. 1–3 n.) is thus presumably to be granted in
that city, where the performance is taking place. M, on the other hand,
Hymn 10: To Aphrodite 293
offers a more conventional contrast between the goddess’ two most famous
cult-centers (cf. 1 with nn.). That Ȍ’s version of the is older, with M’s
adapted from it, is perhaps suggested by (1) the fact that the name Cythera
is elsewhere in early epic consistently a neuter plural (Il. 15.432; Od. 9.81;
Hes. Th. 192, 198) rather than a feminine singular, and (2) the normally
unacceptable combination of masculine caesura with word-break at the end
of the third foot.
6 = h. 6.21, where see n. Here the conflation in the course of the poem of
the sensual pleasure Aphrodite typically bestows (1–3) with the gift of
song (5) renders the zeugma even less striking than usual.
Hymn 11: To Athena
This and the late h. 8 are the only Hymns that lack a closing invocation
of the deity. In this case, that might be a matter of scribal error, in which
case one would dearly like to know whether only Hera or both Hera and
Zeus were addressed in the missing lines.
1 The alpha in ਕİȓįȦ, long also at Od. 17.519; h. 18.1; 27.1; 32.1; Il.parv.
fr. 28.1, p. 84 Bernabé, is consistently short elsewhere in early epic.
For Hera referred to as ȤȡȣıȩșȡȠȞȠȢ, cf. Il. 1.611; 14.153; 15.5; hAp.
305; and see h. 5.218 n. on the adjective generally.
Ȟ IJȑțİ ૽ȇİȓȘ: cf. h. 5.43 ȝȒIJȘȡ IJİ ૽ȇİȓȘ with n. For the relative clause
(which serves here to set up ǽȘȞઁȢ … țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ in 3) as a standard fea-
ture of early epic proems, see h. 5.2 n.
2 ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ: The MSS’s impossibly flat ਕșĮȞȐIJȘȞ is a result of assimila-
tion to the case of ȕĮıȓȜİȚĮȞ.
For Hera’s beauty, cf. h. 5.41 with n.
ਫ਼ʌİȓȡȠȤȠȞ is attested elsewhere in early epic only at Il. 6.208 = 11.784
(quoted in the first apparatus), in the same sedes, and must be a specific
echo of that—doubtless very famous—line, which captures precisely what
the poet claims throughout is true of Hera, that she ‘always seeks to be the
best and to excel others’.
3 ǽȘȞઁȢ ਥȡȚȖįȠȪʌȠȚȠ is attested elsewhere in early epic only at Hes. Th.
41* (although cf. Il. 15.293 / ǽȘȞઁȢ ਥȡȚȖįȠȪʌȠȣ). But the line as a whole is
a witty reworking of the common Homeric description of Zeus as
ਥȡȓȖįȠȣʌȠȢ ʌȩıȚȢ ૠǾȡȘȢ / (Il. 7.411; 10.329; 13.154; 16.88; Od. 8.465;
15.112, 180). țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ ਙȜȠȤȩȞ IJİ is likewise a standard Homeric phrase
(always of Hera); cf. h. 5.40 with the second apparatus there.
4 țȣįȡȒȞ: cf. Il. 18.184 ૠǾȡȘ … ǻȚઁȢ țȣįȡ ʌĮȡȐțȠȚIJȚȢ ~ Hes. Th. 328.
ʌȐȞIJİȢ (never used to modify ȝȐțĮȡİȢ in this sedes elsewhere in early
epic) is a bit of hyperbole that matches the use of the adjective ȝĮțȡȩȞ
with ȅȜȣȝʌȠȞ (by contrast, a standard epic phrase; see the second appa-
ratus), adding additional emphasis to the assertion of Hera’s majesty: it is
not just ‘the blessed ones on Olympus’ but ‘all the blessed ones on great
Olympus’ who honor her as much as they do Zeus.
5 ǻȚ IJİȡʌȚțİȡĮȪȞȦȚ is part of a line-end formular system that includes
not only the dative, as here (see the second apparatus), but the nominative
ǽİઃȢ IJİȡʌȚțȑȡĮȣȞȠȢ / (Il. 12.252; 24.529; Od. 14.268; 17.437) and the
accusative ǻȓĮ IJİȡʌȚțȑȡĮȣȞȠȞ / (Hes. Op. 52; fr. 280.13).
Hymn 24: To Hestia
In the opening lines of the Hymn, Hestia (for whom, see h. 5.22–32 with
nn.) is described as caring for Apollo’s temple at Delphi (1–2), and as so
richly adorned (sc. via the offerings she shares there; cf. h. 5.30–2 with
nn.) that oil literally drips from her hair (3 with n.). In the final two verses,
the goddess is asked to leave Apollo’s home and come to the place where
the Hymn is being performed (4), presumably to bestow similar care on it
and the individuals gathered there, and in particular on the singer and his
song (5). Apollo, it seems, will remain in Delphi; Hestia is instead to be
accompanied on her journey by Zeus in his guise of master of skills of
every sort (5 ȝȘIJȚȩİȞIJȚ). The corruption in 4 (where see n.) makes it impos-
sible to tell how different Zeus’ contribution to the general situation and in
particular to the singer’s performance is to be from Hestia’s. But the fact
that she alone is addressed in the final phrase suggests that the ȤȐȡȚȢ she is
to bestow on the song will involve not just her own characteristic loveli-
ness (cf. 3), but intellectual charm as well; cf. the alleged fondness of
Hestia and Hermes for intelligence and youthful beauty at h. 29.12. That
Apollo is the lyre-player par excellence is ignored in 1–2 (where he is
instead referred to as king, archer, and implicitly prophet), but may none-
theless explain why Hestia is summoned specifically from his house; or
perhaps this is simply her most famous residence (see 1–2 n.), or there is a
more parochial explanation—concealed from us today, at a long temporal
remove from the original performance context—that involves geography,
the cultic preferences of the host of the party (if the Hymn is intended for a
private rather than a public setting; see below), or the like.
A ‘descriptive’ or ‘attributive’ hymn. The ‘Du-Stil’ (and thus the lack
of initial reference to the activity of the Muse or the poet) is reminiscent of
h. 29 (see h. 29.1 n.). But whether the original performance context for this
Hymn as well is a banquet or symposium in a private home (thus Paz de
Hoz (1998) 63; see h. 29 introductory n.), or a public event in a temple
somewhere, is impossible to tell.
1–2 For Hestia at Delphi, cf. Aristonous’ Hymn to Hestia 2–6, pp. 164–5
Powell ਘ țĮ ȅȜȣȝʌȠȞ / țĮ ȝȣȤઁȞ ȖĮȓĮȢ ȝİıȩȝijĮȜȠȞ ਕİ / ȆȣșȓĮȞ IJİ
įȐijȞĮȞ țĮIJȑȤȠȣıĮ / ȞĮઁȞ ਕȞૅ ਫ਼ȥȓʌȣȜȠȞ ĭȠȓȕȠȣ ȤȠȡİȪİȚȢ / IJİȡʌȠȝȑȞĮ
IJȡȚʌȩįȦȞ șİıʌȓıȝĮıȚ (‘you who always occupy Olympus, the central re-
cess of the earth, and the Pythian laurel, and who dance about the high-
doored temple of Phoebus, delighting in the tripods’ prophecies’). For the
sacred hearth at Delphi itself, cf. Plu. Arist. 20.4.
300 Commentary
1 For the initial vocative, see h. 29.1 n. For the goddess’ name (Ionic ૽ǿıIJȓȘ
vs. Attic ૽ǼıIJȓĮ, with the paradosis ૽ǼıIJȓȘ a hybrid non-form), see h. 5.22
n. For the relative clause as a standard feature of early epic proems, see h.
5.2 n.
Although ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ ਦțȐIJȠȚȠ / is an early epic formula (see the first
apparatus, and cf. h. 9.1–2), ਙȞĮțIJȠȢ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ ਦțȐIJȠȚȠ / is not; but cf. /
ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȚ ਙȞĮțIJȚ at Il. 1.36; / ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞĮ IJૅ ਙȞĮțIJĮ at hAp. 15. For Apollo
as ਙȞĮȟ, cf. also Il. 1.75; Hes. Th. 347; [Hes.] Sc. 100.
2 ȆȣșȠ ਥȞ ȖĮșȑȘȚ: For ȆȣșȫȞ or Ȇȣșȫ (rather than Delphi) as the
standard early epic name for the location of Apollo’s sanctuary, cf. h.
27.13–14 n. For the description of the place as ‘sacred’, cf. (in addition to
the passages from early epic cited in the apparatus) Pi. P. 9.71 ਥȞ ȆȣșȞȚ
… ਕȖĮșȑĮȚ; Bacch. 3.62 ਥȢ ਕȖĮșȑĮȞ … Ȇ[ȣș]ȫ; 5.41 ȆȣșȞȓ IJૅ ਥȞ
ਕȖĮșȑĮȚ.
3 For pouring perfumed oil on one’s hair (a mark of ostentatious wealth
and luxury), cf. Ar. Ec. 1117 (a slave-girl who has just left an extraordinary
party); Archestr. fr. 60.3 țĮ ıIJĮțIJȠıȚ ȝȪȡȠȚȢ ਕȖĮșȠȢ ȤĮȓIJȘȞ șİȡȐʌİȣİ
(‘and treat your hair with fine perfume dispensed in drops’; advice for
someone planning a fancy banquet) with Olson–Sens ad loc.; Call. Aet. fr.
7.12 ਕʌૅ ੑıIJȜȓȖȖȦȞ įૅ ĮੁȞ ਙȜİȚijĮ ૧ȑİȚ (‘and oil always flows from your
locks’; of the Graces); h. 2.38 Įੂ į țȩȝĮȚ șȣȩİȞIJĮ ʌȑįȦȚ ȜİȓȕȠȣıȚȞ ȜĮȚĮ
(‘his hair drips fragrant olive oil onto the ground’; of Apollo) with Wil-
liams ad loc. But here the reference must be in the first instance to the
practice of pouring oil on cult-statues of the gods or their altars; cf. h.
5.61–3 n.; 9 introductory n.; Tibull. ii.2.7 illius puro destillent tempora
nardo (‘Let his temples drip with pure nard-oil!’; of Cornutus’ birth-spirit,
come to visit his altar); Artemid. ii.33 ਕȖȐȜȝĮIJĮ șİȞ … ਕȜİȓijİȚȞ (‘to
anoint statues of the gods with oil’).
ਫ਼ȖȡઁȞ ȜĮȚȠȞ: The adjective is traditional (see the first and second ap-
paratus), but is nonetheless highly appropriate with ਕʌȠȜİȓȕİIJĮȚ.
4 † ਥʌȑȡȤİȠ † is patently a repetition of ȡȤİȠ at the head of the line, which
has somehow driven out an adjective that began with a vowel and agreed
with șȣȝȩȞ. Barnes suggested ਥȪijȡȠȞĮ (cf. h. 5.102 İijȡȠȞĮ șȣȝઁȞ
ȤȠȣıĮ /, although İ- is a single long syllable there, whereas here ਥȪ-
would be two shorts; but cf. h. 6.7–8 n.). ਥʌȓijȡȠȞĮ would anticipate the
reference to Hestia’s companion Zeus as ȝȘIJȚȩİȞIJȚ in 5, and would help
explain the presence of the prefix on ਥʌ-ȑȡȤİȠ.
5 ǻȚ ȝȘIJȚȩİȞIJȚ: For the adjective used of Zeus, cf. Hes. Th. 286, 457 /
ǽોȞȐ IJİ ȝȘIJȚȩİȞIJĮ; Op. 51, 273, 769; hAp. 344. Homer has only
ȝȘIJȚȑIJĮ ǽİȪȢ / (e.g. Il. 1.175; 2.197; cf. h. 5.202 with apparatus; 28.4,
Hymn 24: To Hestia 301
16). For Zeus and the hearth (ੂıIJȓȘ) invoked together in early epic, Od.
14.158–9 = 17.155–6 (etc.).
ȤȐȡȚȞ … ʌĮııȠȞ ਕȠȚįોȚ: A witty reversal of the typical hymnic clos-
ing, in which the singer asks the god to take pleasure (ȤĮȡİ; cf. h. 5.292
with n.) in his song.
Hymn 27: To Artemis
A ‘descriptive’ or ‘attributive’ hymn, which falls into two main parts: Ar-
temis the huntress (4–10) and Artemis the dancer and leader of dancers
(11–20, with 11–12 functioning primarily as transition verses). These bal-
anced vignettes are framed by the opening invocation (1–3) of Artemis
alone, and the closing salutation (21–2) to both Artemis and Apollo, with
reference to their parents Zeus and Leto as well. The terms in which the
goddess is described are reminiscent of h. 5.16–20, esp. 18–19, where see
nn. But human beings are absent from the Hymn (contrast h. 5.19–20 with
nn.), and the action is set instead in the mountains among wild beasts (esp.
4–5), on the one hand, and in Apollo’s temple in Delphi, conceived as a
divine residence full of divine visitors (13–14), on the other.
The Hymn responds directly to the major Hymn to Apollo, including
both its ‘Delian’ and its ‘Delphian’ portions (see 11–12 n.), and systemati-
cally reduces that god to a minor figure distinguished primarily by his sta-
tus as Artemis’ brother (3, 19–21); contrast h. 9 with 9.1–2 n. That it was
originally intended for performance at Delphi nonetheless seems a reason-
able guess, given the extravagant description of the place in 13–14 and the
absence of any other clues.
15 of the 22 lines (68.2%) feature masculine caesura, suggesting a 5th-
century date, and there are striking similarities to the structure and lan-
guage of h. 28 (where see introductory n.).
1–3 1–2 (like h. 5.16; 9.1–2, where see nn.) are modeled on the description
of Artemis at Il. 20.70–1 (quoted in the first apparatus). The lines consist
almost entirely of adjectives that describe the two strikingly different as-
pects of the goddess that emerge in the vignettes that follow: she is both a
fearsome huntress who spends her time in the mountains slaughtering wild
beasts (cf. 4–10), and a highly cultured and ‘respectable’ young woman
who sings, dances, and dresses beautifully, all in a firmly domestic context
(cf. 13–20). That the terms in which Artemis’ contrasting aspects are de-
scribed sit awkwardly side by side in the two halves of 2 in particular icon-
ically captures something of her odd and complex character, and of that of
the Hymn that honors her. The mention in 3 of the goddess’ sibling rela-
tionship to Apollo anticipates the reference to his house in 13–14, the song
she sings about their mother Leto in 19–20, and poet’s final salutation in
21–2.
For the long alpha in ਕİȓįȦ, see h. 12.1 n.
304 Commentary
wall-pegs used to store bows, cf. Il. 5.209; Od. 21.53; Simon. PMG
519.41(a).3.
ʌĮȜȓȞIJȠȞĮ: a standard Homeric epithet of bows (Il. 8.266*; 10.459;
15.443; Od. 21.11; cf. 11–12 n. on İțĮȝʌȑĮ), appropriately used here of
one that is unstrung (cf. 12), as also at Od. 21.11 and probably Il. 10.459.
ੁȠȪȢ: i.e., via synecdoche, the quiver (ijĮȡȑIJȡȘ) that contains them
(e.g. Il. 1.45–6; 4.116; 8.323; 15.443–4 IJȩȟȠȞ … ʌĮȜȓȞIJȠȞȠȞ į ijĮȡȑIJȡȘȞ
/ ੁȠįȩțȠȞ (‘a back-bent bow and a quiver that held his arrows’; of Apollo);
Od. 21.11–12, 59–60; 22.2; hAp. 6; Hes. [Sc.] 129–30).
17 ȤĮȡȓİȞIJĮ ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ țȩıȝȠȞ ȤȠȣıĮ: cf. h. 6.14 with nn. But here the
detail is left undeveloped (who dressed Artemis? when? in what garments
or jewelry?), its place in the background narrative having been taken by the
careful treatment of the goddess’ handling of her bow (12, 16).
18 ਥȟȐȡȤȠȣıĮ ȤȠȡȠȪȢ: For the verb with an accusative object (rather than
a genitive, as generally), cf. Il. 2.273 ȕȠȪȜĮȢ IJૅ ਥȟȐȡȤȦȞ ਕȖĮșȐȢ.
ਕȝȕȡȠıȓȘȞ ʌૅ ੂİıĮȚ is modeled on passages such as Od. 12.192
ੂİıĮȚ ʌĮ țȐȜȜȚȝȠȞ (the Sirens); Hes. Th. 10 ʌİȡȚțĮȜȜȑĮ ııĮȞ ੂİıĮ /, 43
ਙȝȕȡȠIJȠȞ ııĮȞ ੂİıĮȚ /, 65 ਥȡĮIJȞ … ııĮȞ ੂİıĮȚ /; cf. Hes. Th. 69
ਕȝȕȡȠıȓȘȚ ȝȠȜʌોȚ (all of the Muses). The adjective (literally ‘immortal’) is
flat and tautologous, if it means only that goddesses produced the voice in
question, and the sense must be instead that the voice is extraordinarily
beautiful (cf. Od. 12.192; Hes. Th. 10, 65 (all quoted above)), sc. as only
the voice of immortal singers can be (as presumably also at Hes. Th. 43, cf.
69 (both also quoted above)).
19–20 At hAp. 204–6, Zeus and Leto watch Apollo (and, secondarily, other
gods and goddesses, including Artemis) sing, dance, and play the lyre,
while at Hes. Th. 36–79 (where the Muses’ song is jumbled up with Hesi-
od’s own) Zeus delights in hearing his own accomplishments praised
above all others. But even if Leto is not specifically imagined as present in
Apollo’s temple in Delphi and watching the performance, everything that
goes on there is done in her honor and is thus directed to her in that sense
at least.
țĮȜȜȓıijȣȡȠȞ is erotic, in that a reference to the beauty of one of the
few bits of flesh not covered by a woman’s robes hints at the greater
charms of what is concealed within them; cf. 21 ȣțȩȝȠȚȠ with n.; h. 5.64–
5 n. on ʌİȡ ȤȡȠ, 87–90 n. on ȡȝȠȚ įૅ țIJȜ. Given the summary of the
content of the song that follows in the second half of the verse, the adjec-
tive can accordingly be understood not just as generic praise of Leto, but as
a description of the quality that attracted Zeus to her in the first place and
led to the birth of their children. For an erotic song in honor of one’s moth-
er, cf. hHerm. 57–61, where Hermes sings of how Zeus and Maia made
Hymn 27: To Artemis 309
love, i.e. of his own conception, and then goes on to praise everything
connected with Maia in particular; and note h. 19.30–9 (Pan sings of how
Hermes got his mother pregnant, and of how she ran away in fear at her
first sight of him). țĮȜȜȓıijȣȡȠȢ is applied in early epic to a wide variety of
mortal women and goddesses, including Danae, Ino, Hebe, Demeter, Leda,
Alcmene, and Hermione.
ȕȠȣȜોȚ IJİ țĮ ȡȖȝĮıȚȞ ȟȠȤૅ ਕȡȓıIJȠȣȢ: Artemis’ ‘deeds’ are on dis-
play in the first half of the Hymn (esp. 4–6, 9–10), while her repeatedly
remarked-upon direction of (rather than mere participation in) the dances
of the Muses and the Graces (15, 17–18) demonstrates her skill at offering
counsel. Apollo, meanwhile, has his gold sword (3; ~ ȡȖȝĮIJĮ) and his role
at Delphi, sc. as a prophet (13–14; ~ ȕȠȣȜȒ). But he remains a shadowy
and secondary character here, and both mentions of him and his powers
also refer to what is more important for the purposes of the Hymn, viz. his
status as Artemis’ brother (3 ĮIJȠțĮıȚȖȞȒIJȘȞ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ, 13–14
țĮıȚȖȞȒIJȠȚȠ ijȓȜȠȚȠ / ĭȠȓȕȠȣ ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ). ȡȖȝĮ is not Homeric vocabu-
lary, but is attested already in Hesiod (Th. 801, 823; cf. h. 29.9–12 n.;
32.19; Bacch. 14.17).
21–22 closely resemble h. 25.6–7 (in honor of the Muses and Apollo).
ȤĮȓȡİIJİ: cf. h. 5.292–3 n.
IJȑțȞĮ ǻȚઁȢ țĮ ȁȘIJȠ૨Ȣ ȣțȩȝȠȚȠ: For Leto as ‘fair-haired’, cf. the
common early epic line-end formula (of Apollo) IJઁȞ/Ȟ ȣțȩȝȠȢ IJȑțİ
ȁȘIJȫ / (Il. 1.36; 19.413; Od. 11.318; hAp. 178), and see Olson–Sens on
Archestr. fr. 5.1 = SH 135.1 (on ancient grooming practices). The adjective
(also used of e.g. Briseis, Helen, Thetis, Athena, Hera, Calypso, Doris,
Astreis, and Demeter) is again erotic; cf. on 19 țĮȜȜȓıijȣȡȠȞ. The saluta-
tion thus recapitulates the content of the song of the Muses and the Graces
as summarized in 19–20, this time with more emphasis on Artemis and
Apollo. For Leto, Artemis, and Apollo all praised together, cf. hAp. 158–9
(the Delian maidens’ prelude to a song about ‘ancient men and women’
(160–1)).
22 is a standard final line for Hymns honoring two or more deities (see
the first apparatus); cf. h. 6.21 (a closely related formula for a Hymn to a
single god) with n.
Hymn 28: To Athena
The central portion of the Hymn (4–16) is concerned with the story of the
birth of Athena from Zeus’ head, for which cf. Hes. Th. 924–6 ĮIJઁȢ įૅ ਥț
țİijĮȜોȢ ȖȜĮȣțȫʌȚįĮ ȖİȓȞĮIJૅ ਝșȒȞȘȞ, / įİȚȞȞ ਥȖȡİțȪįȠȚȝȠȞ ਕȖȑıIJȡĮIJȠȞ
ਕIJȡȣIJȫȞȘȞ, / ʌȩIJȞȚĮȞ, ਸȚ țȑȜĮįȠȚ IJİ ਚįȠȞ ʌȩȜİȝȠȓ IJİ ȝȐȤĮȚ IJİ (‘But [Zeus]
himself produced from his head gleaming-eyed Athena, a fear-inspiring
rouser of clamor and an unwearied leader of the army, a lady to whom
cries, wars, and fights are pleasing’) with West on 886–900; fr. 343.10–12
įૅ ĮIJȓțĮ ȆĮȜȜȐįૅ ਝșȒȞȘȞ / țȪıĮIJȠā IJȞ ȝȞ IJȚțIJİ ʌĮIJȡ ਕȞįȡȞ IJİ
șİȞ IJİ / ʌȡ țȠȡȣijȒȞ, ȉȡȓIJȦȞȠȢ ਥʌૅ ȤșȘȚıȚȞ ʌȠIJĮȝȠȠ (‘[Metis] imme-
diately became pregnant with Pallas Athena; but the father of men and
gods gave birth to her from his head, on the banks of the River Triton’),
18–19 ĮੁȖȓįĮ ʌȠȚȒıĮıĮ ijȠȕȑıIJȡĮIJȠȞ ȞIJȠȢ ਝșȒȞȘȢā / ıઃȞ IJોȚ ਥȖİȓȞĮIJȩ ȝȚȞ,
ʌȠȜİȝȒȚĮ IJİȪȤİૅ ȤȠȣıĮȞ (‘producing Athena’s equipment, the army-
frightening aegis; equipped with which he gave birth to her dressed in war-
gear’; of Metis in 18, of Zeus in 19); hAp. 308–9 ȀȡȠȞȓįȘȢ ਥȡȚțȣįȑĮ
ȖİȓȞĮIJૅ ਝșȒȞȘȞ / ਥȞ țȠȡȣijોȚ (‘the son of Cronus gave birth to glorious
Athena upon his head’); Stesich. PMG 233 [IJİ]ȪҕȤİıȚ ȜĮȝʌȠȝȑȞ[ … ] ҕ
ȩȡȠȣıİȞ ਥʌ ૅ İȡİĮȞ Ȥș[ȩ]ȞĮ (‘brilliant with armor … arose upon the wide
earth’) with Page ad loc.; Ibyc. PMG 298.3–4 [IJ]Ȟ Ȗȡ IJȚțIJİۃȞ ۄĮIJȩȢ, /
țȠȡȣij઼Ȣ įȑ Ƞੂ ਥȟĮȞȑʌĮȜIJȠ (‘for he himself gave birth to her, and she leapt
forth on top of his head’; of Zeus in 3, of Athena in 4); Epich. fr. 135; Pi.
O. 7.35–8 ਖȞȓȤૅ ૽ǹijĮȓıIJȠȣ IJȑȤȞĮȚıȚȞ / ȤĮȜțİȜȐIJȦȚ ʌİȜȑțİȚ ʌĮIJȑȡȠȢ
ਝșĮȞĮȓĮ țȠȡȣijȞ țĮIJૅ ਙțȡĮȞ / ਕȞȠȡȠȪıĮȚıૅ ਕȜȐȜĮȟİȞ ਫ਼ʌİȡȝȐțİȚ ȕȠ઼Țā /
ȅȡĮȞઁȢ įૅ ijȡȚȟȑ ȞȚȞ țĮ īĮĮ ȝȐIJȘȡ (‘when by Hephaestus’ skills,
through the stroke of a bronze-forged ax, Athena arose on the very top of
her father’s head and shouted with an enormous cry; and Heaven shud-
dered at her, as did Mother Earth’; the first reference in literature to He-
phaestus splitting Zeus’ head to allow Athena to emerge, although the de-
tail is common in art well before this); Kauer (1959) (without reference to
this Hymn); Gantz (1993) 51–2, 83–4. For other Hymns in honor of Athe-
na, see h. 5.8–15; 11. For the general theme of the introduction of a new
god to the company of the others, who are awed by his or her appearance,
cf. h. 6.15–18; and see 7–9 n. on ੑȟઃȞ ਙțȠȞIJĮ.
The Hymn begins with an enormous heap of epithets, adjectives, and
descriptive phrases reminiscent of h. 27.1–3. Some of these (mostly clus-
tered at the beginnings of the lines) are conventionally applied to Athena in
early epic, and stress her status as an attractive young woman, while others
(mostly in the second halves of the lines) are less traditional, and serve to
312 Commentary
bring out the goddess’ interest in martial affairs. Cf. the similar dichotomy
at h. 5.10–15. The story in 4–16 combines both aspects of Athena’s charac-
ter, by describing how she was born to Zeus wearing a full set of armor (5,
15) and brandishing a spear (9). Human beings are absent from the Hymn,
as also from h. 27. For additional similarities to h. 27, cf. 3 ʌȐȡșİȞȠȞ
ĮੁįȠȓȘȞ (in the same sedes at h. 27.2), 9–14 (cf. h. 27.6–9) with n., 9–10 n.
on 10 ਫ਼ʌઁ ȕȡȓȝȘȢ ȖȜĮȣțȫʌȚįȠȢ.
9 of the 18 lines (50%) feature masculine caesura, and while this is far
from conclusive evidence, it is most naturally taken as suggesting a 5th-
century date for both h. 27 (68.2% masculine caesura) and h. 28; cf. h. 6
introductory n. It is accordingly tempting to see a connection with the east
pediment of the Parthenon, which likewise featured not just Athena, Zeus,
and Hephaestus at the moment of the goddess’ birth, but also the presence
of Helios and his horses (13–14) at the scene.
A ‘narrative’ or ‘mythic’ hymn. There is no indication of the original
performance setting, beyond the conventional reference to another song to
follow in, although see h. 11 introductory n.
1 is reworked at h. 11.1 (where see n.).
ȆĮȜȜȐįૅ ਝșȘȞĮȓȘȞ: a standard early epic phrase in this sedes; cf. the
second apparatus. The etymology of ȆĮȜȜȐȢ is uncertain, nor do we know
how the early poets understood it (which is a separate matter); it may orig-
inally have meant ‘young woman’ vel sim. Cf. LfgrE s.v. Ȃ ǿ; Olson
(2007) 54. But some ancient scholarship seems to have connected the title
with ʌȐȜȜȦ, ‘brandish (sc. a spear)’, in which case the first word of the
Hymn anticipates the description of Athena leaping, fully armed, from
Zeus’ head at 8–9 (cf. 5–6).
țȣįȡȞ șİȩȞ amounts to little more than an assertion that Athena does,
in fact, deserve to be hymned (hence ਙȡȤȠȝૅ ਕİȓįİȚȞ), with the reasons
gradually supplied in the verses that follow. For the combination of adjec-
tive and noun (not Homeric), see Richardson on hDem. 66.
ਙȡȤȠȝૅ ਕİȓįİȚȞ: For hymnic openings of this sort, see Race (1982) 5–
6.
2 ȖȜĮȣțʌȚȞ: cf. 10; h. 5.8 n. The word is attested in this sedes nowhere
else in early epic.
ʌȠȜȪȝȘIJȚȞ: Elsewhere in early epic, the adjective is conventionally
applied not to Athena herself, but to her favorite Odysseus (e.g. Il. 1.311,
440; 3.200; Od. 5.214; 7.207; but cf. Il. 21.355 (of Hephaestus); hHerm.
319 (of Hermes)). Here the word anticipates the reference to the goddess’
father Zeus as ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ in 4, and recalls the name of her mother Metis (see
introductory n.). Cleverness is a traditional part of Athena’s character (esp.
Od. 13.298–9 ਥȖઅ įૅ ਥȞ ʌ઼ıȚ șİȠıȚ / ȝȒIJȚ IJİ țȜȑȠȝĮȚ țĮ țȑȡįİıȚȞ (‘I am
Hymn 28: To Athena 313
famous among all the gods for cleverness and for pursuing my own inter-
ests’; cf. h. 5.12–15; 20.2–3), but is otherwise ignored in the Hymn, which
concentrates on her fearsome martial aspect.
ਕȝİȓȜȚȤȠȞ IJȠȡ ȤȠȣıĮȞ is borrowed from Il. 9.572, where it describes
the Erinys (‘Fury’) called up from the Underworld by Althaea to punish
her son Meleager.
3 ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȞ ĮੁįȠȓȘȞ: cf. h. 5.21 n.; 27.2* (of Artemis).
ਥȡȣıȓʌIJȠȜȚȞ (a Homeric hapax at Il. 6.305 (also of Athena; see the
first apparatus); subsequently at A. Th. 129–30 ૧ȣıȓʌȠȜȚȢ ȖİȞȠ૨ / ȆĮȜȜȐȢ
(‘Prove yourself Athena the city-defender!’) is the only reference in the
Hymn to the human world and thus to the potential utility of gaining the
goddess’ favor (although cf. 17–18 with n.). Contrast h. 11, where the
word has been incorporated into the reworking of h. 28.1 in the opening
verse in the same sedes.
ਕȜțȘȑııĮȞ is a hapax legomenon, but is cognate with ਕȜțȒ and must
mean ‘valiant’ or the like. The word thus amounts to a gloss on the one that
precedes it, in that it explains how it is that Athena ‘defends the city’.
4 ȉȡȚIJȠȖİȞો: a traditional epithet of Athena, but always in the form
ȉȡȚIJȠȖȑȞİȚĮ and never at the head of the line (Il. 4.515; 8.39 = 22.183; Od.
3.378; Hes. Th. 895; [Hes.] Sc. 197). The original meaning of the word is
obscure (bibliography in LfgrE s.v. L). But Hes. fr. 343.11–12 (quoted in
the introductory n.; and cf. 5 with n.) connects it with the goddess’ birth
from Zeus’ head ‘on the banks of the River Triton’, and -ȖİȞો is in any
case picked up in ਥȖİȓȞĮIJȠ in the relative clause that follows, which an-
nounces the subject of the narrative portion of the Hymn.
ĮIJઁȢ ਥȖİȓȞĮIJȠ is borrowed from Il. 5.880, where Ares complains to
Zeus about the ‘ruinous’ daughter that ‘you yourself produced’ (ĮIJઁȢ
ਥȖİȓȞĮȠ*; cf. also Hes. Th. 924 ĮIJઁȢ įૅ ਥț țİijĮȜોȢ ȖȜĮȣțȫʌȚįĮ ȖİȓȞĮIJૅ
ਝșȒȞȘȞ, quoted at greater length and translated in the introductory n.). But
the reference to the king of the gods at the close of the line as ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ
(cf. 2 n. on ʌȠȜȪȝȘIJȚȞ) makes it clear that this was not a miscalculation; cf.
16* with n. For the setting of the action, see 9–10 n.
5–7 ʌȠȜİȝȒȚĮ IJİȪȤİૅ ȤȠȣıĮȞ is borrowed direct from the description of
the birth of Athena at Hes. fr. 343.19 (quoted and translated in the intro-
ductory n.). The adjective fits the impression of hostility that the goddess’
weapons make on the assembled audience of Olympians (first mentioned
explicitly in ʌȐȞIJĮȢ ȡȞIJĮȢ / ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȣȢ); cf. 9 ੑȟઃȞ ਙțȠȞIJĮ, and
contrast 15 șİȠİȓțİȜĮ IJİȪȤȘ with n. For the theme of the terror felt by the
gods at the appearance in their midst of another deity who seems initially
to be threatening them, cf. hAp. 2–13 with h. 27.11–12; and see introducto-
ry n.
314 Commentary
ȤȡȪıİĮ: For gold as the typical material for objects belonging to the
gods in early epic, see h. 5.16–17 n.
ʌĮȝijĮȞȩȦȞIJĮ again implies an audience to be dazzled. As in 9–16,
the order in which the narrative is presented makes it clear that it is not so
much the sight of Athena herself emerging from Zeus’ head that inspires
wonder in the onlookers, but the arms she wields and what they suggest
about her tendencies and intentions.
ıȑȕĮȢ įૅ Ȥİ ʌȐȞIJĮȢ ȡȞIJĮȢ: a modified version of several tradition-
al phrases; see the second apparatus.
7–9 į ʌȡȩıșİȞ țIJȜ: In 4–6, Zeus gives birth to Athena, who is a static
if stunning character. Here the same set of events is described, but Athena
now is emphatically in motion, while Zeus is merely a point of reference
that serves to locate her.
ǻȚઁȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ: The epithet emphasizes Zeus’ authority (cf. h. 5.22–3
n.) and thus implicitly that of his daughter; cf. 17.
੭ȡȠȣıİȞ: always ȡȠȣıİȞ elsewhere in early epic (e.g. Il. 2.310;
3.325; 13.505; hDem. 17; hAp. 440), in which form it is used to describe
the birth of Athena at Stesich. PMG 233.2 (quoted in the introductory n.).
ਕʌૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚȠ țĮȡȒȞȠȣ is a reworking of țȡĮIJઁȢ ਕʌૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚȠ at Il.
1.530 (quoted more directly in 9, where see n.).
9–14 The description of the second set of reactions (for the first set, see 5–
7) to the appearance of Athena from Zeus’ head combines two standard
themes: (1) the trembling and shrieking of the natural world in response to
an overwhelming display of divine power (9 ȝȑȖĮȢ–12 țȣțȫȝİȞȠȢ; cf. Hes.
Th. 839–41; fr. 54a.7–8; h. 27.6–9 with n.; Pi. O. 7.38 (quoted and translat-
ed in the introductory n.); note also Il. 1.530 (on which the second half of 9
is modeled); hAp. 45–8); and (2) the still, silent awe the natural world dis-
plays in anticipation of a divine epiphany vel sim. (12 ıȤİIJȠ–14 ȤȡȩȞȠȞ,
with 14–16 n.; cf. Dodds on E. Ba. 1084–5; Austin–Olson on Ar. Th. 43–
8). The awkwardness of the join is particularly apparent in 11–12, where
the ʌȩȞIJȠȢ heaves in billows, but the ਚȜȝȘ (another word for the sea) is
abruptly frozen in place.
9–10 ȝȑȖĮȢ įૅ ਥȜİȜȓȗİIJૅ ȅȜȣȝʌȠȢ is adapted from Il. 1.530 (the final
detail in the story of Zeus’ decision to grant Thetis’ request to honor her
son; cf. 7–9 n. on ਕʌૅ ਕșĮȞȐIJȠȚȠ țĮȡȒȞȠȣ) = h. 1.D6 West (Zeus affirms
his decision to ensure mortal honors for his son Dionysus) ȝȑȖĮȞ įૅ
ਥȜȑȜȚȗİȞ ȅȜȣȝʌȠȞ (‘and he made great Olympus shake’); cf. Il. 8.200
ਥȜȑȜȚȟİ į ȝĮțȡઁȞ ȅȜȣȝʌȠȞ / (‘and he made massive Olympus shake’).
For ȝȑȖĮȢ … ȅȜȣȝʌȠȢ, cf. also Il. 8.443; Hes. Th. 842. The reference to
the place implicitly supplies a setting for the action described in 4 IJȞ–9
ਙțȠȞIJĮ.
Hymn 28: To Athena 315
ਫ਼ʌઁ ȕȡȓȝȘȢ ȖȜĮȣțȫʌȚįȠȢ: The MSS have ਫ਼ʌૅ ੑȕȡȓȝȘȢ vel sim. But
(1) Athena herself does nothing to Olympus, which—like the other entities
referred to in the lines that follow—reacts independently to the threatening
sight of her spear (7–9), and (2) the iota in ȕȡȚȝȠȢ is elsewhere always
short; and Ilgen (comparing h. 27.8 įİȚȞઁȞ ਫ਼ʌઁ țȜĮȖȖોȢ*) redivided the
words. Cf. A.R. 4.1677 / ȂȘįİȓȘȢ ȕȡȓȝȘȚ ʌȠȜȣijĮȡȝȐțȠȣ (‘the power of
drug-rich Medea’), where ȕȡȓȝȘ (attested elsewhere only in Hesychius and
(in the plural) in an Orphic fragment) appears in the same sedes and may
represent a learned allusion to this verse. There is in any case an echo of
the early epic line-end formula ȖȜĮȣțȫʌȚįȠȢ ੑȕȡȚȝȠʌȐIJȡȘȢ (‘of the gleam-
ing-eyed daughter of a powerful father’; Od. 3.135; 24.540; Hes. Th. 587).
10–11 ਕȝij į ȖĮĮ / ıȝİȡįĮȜȑȠȞ ੁȐȤȘıİȞ is adapted from Hes. Th. 839–
40 ਕȝij į ȖĮĮ / ıȝİȡįĮȜȑȠȞ țȠȞȐȕȘıİ (‘the earth rang all about’; the
reaction when Zeus finally unleashes his full power against the Titans; cf.
fr. 54a.7–8 [ਕȝij į Ȗ]ĮҕĮ / țҕ[Ț]ȞȘșҕ[Ș] (‘the earth moved all about’; the
reaction when Zeus produces angry thunder and lightning); Thgn. 9
ਥȖȑȜĮııİ į ȖĮĮ ʌİȜȫȡȘ (‘the enormous earth laughed’; a reaction to
Apollo’s birth, with a reference to the joy experienced by the sea in the
next verse)), with an emotionally colored verb substituted for Hesiod’s
more neutral term. The line-initial phrase ıȝİȡįĮȜȑĮ ੁȐȤȦȞ is common in
Homer (Il. 5.302; 16.785; 19.41; 20.285, 382, 443; Od. 22.81), with the
hiatus mitigated by the verb’s original digamma. ıȝİȡįĮȜȑĮ ੁȐȤȘıİȞ was
thus possible, but the poet opted to retain the Hesiodic neuter singular.
12–14 țȪȝĮıȚ ʌȠȡijȣȡȑȠȚıȚ: For ‘purple waves’ (a sign of violently dis-
turbed water), cf. Il. 1.481–2; 21.326; Od. 2.427–8; 11.243; 13.84–5.
ਥȟĮʌȓȞȘȢ … / … įȘȡઁȞ ȤȡȩȞȠȞ: The first action is described in
terms of the pace at which it was accomplished (‘rapidly’), the second by
reference to the duration of the state thus achieved (‘for a long time’). But
the qualifiers apply equally to both verbs (Helios brought his horses to an
abrupt halt, and the sea remained motionless for as long as the sun-god’s
chariot did); and the difference in presentation merely reflects the order in
which the two events are narrated, with attention in the first case to the
beginning of the action, in the second case to its end (note İੁıȩIJİ). So too
in Pi. O. 7.39–43, the description of Athena’s birth and the terror in the
natural world that it occasions (7.35–8, quoted and translated in the intro-
ductory n.; the detail is first attested here) is followed by an account of how
Helios (similarly referred to as ૽ȊʌİȡȚȠȞȓįĮȢ, ‘son of Hyperion’) responds
by ordering his children to erect an altar for the goddess ‘of the thundering
spear’ (ਥȖȤİȚȕȡȩȝȦȚ; cf. 9 ıİȓıĮıૅ ੑȟઃȞ ਙțȠȞIJĮ).
૽ȊʌİȡȓȠȞȠȢ ਕȖȜĮઁȢ ȣੂȩȢ: i.e. Helios, the sun-god; cf. h. 31.4–7, and
see Richardson on hDem. 26; Gantz (1993) 30–1. The patronymic nicely
316 Commentary
captures Helios’ position at this point in the narrative, as he and his horses
‘pass over’ the incredible scene going on below.
ʌʌȠȣȢ ੩țȪʌȠįĮȢ: For the Sun’s horses (sc. and chariot; never men-
tioned by Homer), cf. hDem. 63 with Richardson ad loc.; hHerm. 68–9; h.
31.8–9, 14–15; Titan. fr. 7, p. 14 Bernabé. The adjective (also used of a
divine team at Il. 5.732, from which the phrase is borrowed) brings out the
significance of ıIJોıİȞ … / … įȘȡઁȞ ȤȡȩȞȠȞ: although the horses can (and
will again later) run rapidly through the sky, for the moment their master
will not let them do so.
14–16 Within the birth-narrative—although not within the Hymn as a
whole (note esp. 3 ʌĮȡșȑȞȠȞ ĮੁįȠȓȘȞ)—țȠȪȡȘ is proleptic: only after
Athena removes her armor in 15 is it apparent to the various internal audi-
ences (5–7 and 9–14 with nn.) that she is not a fearsome male warrior, but
a young woman. Cf. below on 16 ȆĮȜȜȢ ਝșȘȞĮȓȘ.
șİȠİȓțİȜĮ IJİȪȤȘ: cf. 5 ʌȠȜİȝȒȚĮ IJİȪȤİૅ ȤȠȣıĮȞ with n. Here the ad-
jective is appropriate to the moment of epiphany: as the goddess finally
(note 14 įȘȡઁȞ ȤȡȩȞȠȞ) reveals herself, by removing her armor from her
‘immortal shoulders’, it is described as ‘appropriate for a god’. Only at this
point is her full personal identity disclosed: she is ȆĮȜȜȢ ਝșȘȞĮȓȘ, to
whom the Hymn as a whole is dedicated (1 ȆĮȜȜȐįૅ ਝșȘȞĮȓȘȞ*).
șİȠİȓțİȜȠȢ is elsewhere consistently ‘god-like’ (e.g. Il. 1.131; Od. 4.276;
hDem. 159; h. 5.279).
ȖȒșȘıİ į ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ: For divine parents rejoicing in their chil-
dren, cf. hAp. 12–13, 125–6, 204–6; h. 27.19–20 n. The reference to
ȝȘIJȓİIJĮ ǽİȪȢ echoes 4*, bringing the narrative portion of the Hymn full-
circle before the closing invocation in 17–18.
17–18 A standard closing; cf. hAp. 545–6; hHerm. 579–80 (with ǻȚઁȢ țĮ
ȁȘIJȠ૨Ȣ ȣੂȑ and ǻȚઁȢ țĮ ȂĮȚȐįȠȢ ȣੂȑ, respectively, in place of ǻȚઁȢ IJȑțȠȢ
ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ here); and the other examples of lines identical to 18 in the first
apparatus, with h. 5.292–3 n. (on ȤĮȡİ and the zeugma ‘you’ balanced by
‘another song’).
ǻȚઁȢ IJȑțȠȢ ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ: a reworking of the common Homeric phrase
ĮੁȖȚȩȤȠȚȠ ǻȚઁȢ IJȑțȠȢ (e.g. Il. 1.202; 2.157; 5.115, 714; 8.352, 427; Od.
4.762 = 6.324).
Hymn 29: To Hestia
Despite the relative clause in 1–4, esp. 2, which suggests that the subject
will be the honor shown Hestia in both divine and mortal houses (cf. h.
5.31–2), the Hymn as a whole focuses relentlessly on the human world;
contrast h. 24.1–2 (also in honor of Hestia, but with attention to her role in
Apollo’s temple at Delphi). Nor does the Hymn take up the opportunity
presented by 3 to discuss the divine history of the award of this honor,
which is instead configured as a direct and simple consequence of birth-
order (see 3–4 nn.) and is, for all practical purposes, bestowed by human
beings rather than via some arrangement among the gods themselves (4–6).
The Hymn repeatedly evokes visions of grand private houses (1, 9) in
which rich banquets and drinking parties are held (5–6, 9–12 with nn.), and
the obvious conclusion is that it was composed for performance in such a
setting, like h. 24 and the songs of Phemius in Odyssey 1 and Demodocus
in Odyssey 8 (thus Paz de Hoz (1998) 63).
4 (where see n.) suggests that the poet was familiar with the embedded
Hestia-hymn at h. 5.21–32.
A ‘descriptive’ or ‘attributive’ hymn.
1 Like h. 8 (to Ares; a late intruder in the collection); 21 (to Apollo); and
24 (also in honor of Hestia), h. 29 makes no initial reference to the activity
of the Muse or the singer (cf. h. 5.1 n.), but begins with a ‘Du-Stil’ voca-
tive (cf. Race (1992) 28, who identifies this as a typical feature of ‘cultic’
as opposed to ‘rhapsodic’ hymns), in this case followed immediately by a
typical hymnic relative clause (cf. h. 5.2 n.).
ਥȞ įȫȝĮıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȘȜȠıȚȞ: The epithet, like țĮȜȐ in 9, adds a touch of
majesty that redounds above all to the glory of the mortal owner of the
house in which the song is being performed. Cf. 5–6 n. on İੁȜĮʌȓȞĮȚ.
2 At Il. 5.442 (the source of the line), the point is that gods are profoundly
different from human beings, whereas here the idea is that Hestia has iden-
tical honors in the mortal and immortal spheres.
3 ਪįȡȘȞ ਕȓįȚȠȞ is in implicit contrast to ȤĮȝĮ ਥȡȤȠȝȑȞȦȞ IJૅ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ in
2: human beings are—literally—transitory creatures, whereas Hestia’s
position is forever. Cf. 10–11 n. on ਥʌȚȤșȠȞȓȦȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ.
ʌȡİıȕȘȓįĮ IJȚȝȒȞ: in apposition to ਪįȡȘȞ ਕȓįȚȠȞ. The adjective (cog-
nate with ʌȡȑıȕȣȢ) is a hapax, and is most easily understood as a reference
to Hestia’s position as the eldest child of Cronus and Rhea, as at h. 5.22
(where see n.); cf. 4 n. on țĮȜઁȞ … ȖȑȡĮȢ (for the Hymn-poet’s familiarity
318 Commentary
with h. 5), 5 ʌȡȫIJȘȚ ʌȣȝȐIJȘȚ IJİ with n.; and the otherwise gratuitous 13
ȀȡȩȞȠȣ șȪȖĮIJİȡ. ȜĮȤİȢ makes it clear that Hestia’s position of honor has
a history; for the use of the verb, cf. Il. 4.49 = 24.70; 15.190–2; Hes. Th.
422, 424; hHerm. 428. But nothing more is said of it, unlike at h. 5.24–32,
where Zeus and his actions are at the center of the narrative; cf. 4 n.
4 țĮȜઁȞ ȤȠȣıĮ ȖȑȡĮȢ țĮ IJȚȝȒȞ: Rather than taking up the history of
Hestia’s right to a seat in every divine and human household, as described
in the relative clause in 1 ʌȐȞIJȦȞ–3 (cf. 3 n.), the Hymn offers an evalua-
tion of that right (further unpacked in the ȖȐȡ-clause that follows, where
the focus is on cult, and thus on the human rather than the divine world).
țĮȜઁȞ … ȖȑȡĮȢ is an unusual expression, and suggests a direct reference to
h. 5.29 (where see n.). The adjective (to be taken with both nouns) has a
persuasive function, describing how Hestia ought to evaluate the honor she
is shown, sc. if she is to respond with the aid indirectly requested in 10–11.
Cf. 5–6 n. on ȝİȜȚȘįȑĮ ȠੇȞȠȞ.
5–6 İੁȜĮʌȓȞĮȚ is common in Homer (e.g. Il. 10.217; Od. 1.226), but is
subsequently treated as high-style vocabulary (hence its absence from 5th-
century prose and comedy, and its presence in tragedy only in lyric). The
word thus inflates the grandeur of the meals in question, as well as the
significance of the libations Hestia is poured at them (6).
Ȟૅ Ƞ țIJȜ: an exceedingly awkward way of expressing something that
might have been said less clumsily via a passive construction (‘where hon-
ey-sweet wine is not poured …’).
ʌȡȫIJȘȚ ʌȣȝȐIJȘȚ IJİ: i.e. both as a general mark of honor and in recog-
nition of the fact that she was not just Cronus’ eldest child but his youngest
as well; cf. 3 n.; h. 5.22–3 with n. (on ‘first and last’ as a position of hon-
or); Cornutus c. 28, p. 53.12–16 Lang ȝȣșİȪİIJĮȚ į ʌȡȫIJȘ țĮ ਥıȤȐIJȘ
ȖİȞȑıșĮȚ IJȚ İੁȢ IJĮȪIJȘȞ ਕȞĮȜȪİıșĮȚ IJ ਕʌૅ ĮIJોȢ ȖȚȞȩȝİȞĮ țĮ ਥȟ
ĮIJોȢ ıȣȞȓıIJĮıșĮȚ, țĮșઁ țਕȞ IJĮȢ șȣıȓĮȚȢ Ƞੂ ૠǼȜȜȘȞİȢ ਕʌઁ ʌȡȫIJȘȢ
IJİ ĮIJોȢ ਵȡȤȠȞIJȠ țĮ İੁȢ ਥıȤȐIJȘȞ ĮIJȞ țĮIJȑʌĮȣȠȞ (‘She is referred
to as first and last because of the fact that what originated from her is dis-
solved into her and composed from her, which is why the Greeks in their
sacrifices began with her first, and concluded with her last’). For Hestia
honored first in sacrifices and the like, see Pi. N. 11.6–7 ʌȠȜȜ ȝȞ
ȜȠȚȕĮıȚȞ ਕȖĮȗȩȝİȞȠȚ ʌȡȫIJĮȞ șİȞ, / ʌȠȜȜ į țȞȓıĮȚ (‘often wor-
shipping you first of the gods with libations, and often with the smell of
burnt fat’); S. fr. 726 ੯ ʌȡȚȡĮ ȜȠȚȕોȢ ૽ǼıIJȓĮ, țȜȪİȚȢ IJȐįİ; (‘Hestia,
foremost in libations—do you hear this?’); E. Phaethon 249–50 with Dig-
gle ad loc.; Pl. Crat. 401d IJઁ Ȗȡ ʌȡઁ ʌȐȞIJȦȞ șİȞ IJોȚ ૽ǼıIJȓĮȚ
ʌȡȫIJȘȚ ʌȡȠșȪİȚȞ İੁțȩȢ (‘for the custom is to make an initial sacrifice to
Hestia before any other gods’); Paus. v.14.4 (Hestia awarded the first sacri-
Hymn 29: To Hestia 319
fice at Olympia, with Zeus second); and cf. Ar. Av. 864 (Hestia named first
in a prayer). There appears to be no other specific early evidence for Hestia
honored last as well; but at Od. 7.137–8 Odysseus catches the Phaeacians
pouring a libation to Hermes (referred to as ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ, as in 7), ‘to
whom they used to pour libation last, when they were thinking of going to
bed’, hence perhaps Hestia’s close association with him in 7–11.
ȝİȜȚȘįȑĮ ȠੇȞȠȞ: The adjective (conventional in early epic) is again
persuasive: if Hestia thinks of the wine poured out in her honor as particu-
larly sweet, she will be more likely to show generosity to mortals in return.
Cf. 4 n. on țĮȜઁȞ … ȖȑȡĮȢ țĮ IJȚȝȒȞ.
7–8 Hermes is addressed with five traditional epithets borrowed and
adapted from elsewhere. Cf. h. 18.1–4, and contrast the treatment of Hestia
exclusively with relative clauses and the like at 1–6 and in h. 25. For Her-
mes as the god to whom the evening’s final libation is poured in Od. 7, see
5–6 n. on 5 ʌȡȫIJȘȚ ʌȣȝȐIJȘȚ IJİ.
ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJĮ: Elsewhere in early epic, the title is consistently line-
final, as at h. 5.117 ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJȘȢ / (where see n. and the se-
cond apparatus). Cf. below on įIJȠȡ ਥȐȦȞ.
ਙȖȖİȜİ IJȞ ȝĮțȐȡȦȞ represents a clumsy attempt to adapt the phrase
ਙȖȖİȜȠȢ ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ (* at hHerm. 3 = h. 18.3) to the vocative case, the hiatus
in ਙȖȖİȜİ ਕșĮȞȐIJȦȞ having seemingly been judged impossible; but the
definitive article is out of place in traditional epic diction.
ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚ, įIJȠȡ ਥȐȦȞ: ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚ, ਝȡȖİȚijȩȞIJĮ (cf. above) is ex-
pected, and whatever other metrical and compositional considerations led
to the change, the effect is to put Hermes’ most immediately relevant char-
acteristic—his willingness and ability to offer mortals gifts—directly be-
fore the request for his favor in 10. Cf. h. 5.117 n. on the narrative logic of
the string of epithets (sent by the gods, and given the staff that guarantees
the effectiveness of his actions, Hermes brings good things to human be-
ings).
10–11 For the re-ordering of the text, see 9–12 n. below.
ȜĮȠȢ ੭Ȟ: sc. in reaction to the praise implicit in the string of epithets
in 7–8. For a hymn rendering a god ȜĮȠȢ toward the singer, cf. h. 19.48 =
21.5 ȜĮȝĮȚ įȑ ıૅ ਕȠȚįોȚ (‘I conciliate you with my song’).
ਥʌȐȡȘȖİ: The compound is always used in early epic of a god assisting
a mortal (Il. 23.783; 24.39; Od. 13.391), as the simplex generally is as well
(see LfgrE s. ਕȡȒȖȦ B I).
ĮੁįȠȓȘȚ IJİ ijȓȜȘȚ IJİ / ૽ǿıIJȓȘȚ: The adjectives (together also at Il.
10.114; 14.210; 18.386 = 425; Od. 5.88; 11.360; 19.191, 254; cf. Od. 8.21–
2; 14.505) represent an extremely positive evaluation of another person,
and in particular of the nature of one’s obligations to him or her, which
320 Commentary
spring from awe or respect (cf. h. 5.21 n.), on the one hand, and personal
warmth and sympathy, on the other. The combination is often applied to
especially honored or welcome guests (Il. 18.386 = 425; Od. 5.88; 8.21–2;
11.360; 14.505; 19.191, 254). Although only Hestia is explicitly called
ĮੁįȠȓȘ IJİ ijȓȜȘ IJİ, therefore, the adjectives effectively apply to her close
divine associate as well.
ਥʌȚȤșȠȞȓȦȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ: The adjective emphasizes the fact that earth is
not where one normally expects gods to dwell (9). Cf. 3 n. on ਪįȡȘȞ ਕȓįȚȠȞ.
9–12 9 dropped out of the text at some point, and was reinserted in the
wrong location, presumably by a copyist who found it at the top of the
page or in a margin, where a corrector had added it. The original error must
be connected with the occurrence of -ȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ in identical positions in 9
and 12, which caused the scribe’s eye to jump from one line to the next.
įȫȝĮIJĮ țĮȜȐ: cf. 1 n. on ਥȞ įȫȝĮıȚȞ ਫ਼ȥȘȜȠıȚȞ.
ijȓȜĮ ijȡİıȞ ਕȜȜȒȜȠȚıȚȞ / İੁįȩIJİȢ: making it more likely that they
will in fact join forces, as requested in 10–11, to become ‘fine supports’
(sc. of the house and perhaps even the city in which it is located). But the
image of easy congeniality also models how human beings ought to behave
at aristocratic parties like those imagined in 5–6 (and cf. below). The
phrase is modeled on Od. 3.277 ijȓȜĮ İੁįȩIJİȢ ਕȜȜȒȜȠȚıȚȞ / (‘well-disposed
to one another’; Nestor describes his relationship to his old friend and war-
companion Agamemnon).
ਪȡȝĮIJĮ: For the word used metaphorically, cf. ਪȡȝĮ ʌȩȜȘȠȢ (‘bulwark
of the city’) at Il. 16.549 (of Sarpedon); Od. 23.121 (of the dead suitors).
Thus West (1996) 150; Ȍ’s ȡȖȝĮIJĮ/ਪȡȖȝĮIJĮ (for which, see h. 27.20 n.)
must represent a deliberate correction designed to provide an object for
ਥʌȚȤșȠȞȓȦȞ ਕȞșȡȫʌȦȞ / İੁįȩIJİȢ after 9 fell out of the text.
ȞȩȦȚ șૅ … țĮ ਸ਼ȕȘȚ: i.e. intelligence and physical beauty, two of the
qualities most prized in fellow symposiasts (cf. above and 5–6 n.), perhaps
implicitly divided here into two groups, the old (and nominally wise) and
the young (and properly attractive).
13 ȤĮȡİ: cf. h. 5.292* with n.
ȀȡȩȞȠȣ șȪȖĮIJİȡ: cf. 3 n. on ʌȡİıȕȘȓįĮ IJȚȝȒȞ.
ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚȢ ૽ǼȡȝોȢ: cf. 8 ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚ with n., as well as the Homer-
ic ૽ǼȡȝİȓĮ(Ȣ) ȤȡȣıȩȡȡĮʌȚ(Ȣ) (Od. 5.87; 10.277).
14 A standard final line for Hymns honoring two or more deities (see the
first apparatus); cf. h. 6.21 (a closely related formula for a Hymn to a single
god) with n.
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Subjects of individual Hymns are by and large not indexed under those Hymns.
Anchises is similarly excluded for the hAphr.
Achilleus 195, 196, 276 cows, cowherds and pas- gods, smell of 170
Aeneas 1–9, 29, 165, 194, turage 166–7, 175 gold, associated with gods
233, 260–1, 269–71, crasis 167 130, 141, 173, 189,
272, 274, 276 Cronus 147, 148, 150–1, 200, 244, 280, 282;
Aeneidae 5, 7–9 159, 297, 317, 318 jewelry 173–4, 280,
Anchises 1–3, 5, 7, 164–5 cult statues, anointed with 282
aorist, hymnic 131, 146 perfumed oil 300; ritu- Graces 169, 170, 172,
Aphrodite, beauty of 224– al washing of 287 173, 190, 263, 277,
5; birth of 131, 181–2, Cyclops 272, 275 282, 306–7
279; ‘gifts of’ 292; Cyprus 130–1, 170, 174,
smiles of 141; univer- 277, 279, 280, 281, hair, worn long 249–50
sal power of 131–2 286, 291, 292 hearth as site of sacrifice
Apollo 148–9, 215–6, Cythera 134, 286, 291, 153
288, 292, 299, 303, 292 Hector 2, 3, 8, 196, 276
304, 304, 306, 307, Helios/Sun 315–6
307–8, 309 Dardania and Dardanus 2 Hephaestus 311, 312
Apollonius Rhodius 24 Dawn 235, 243–53, 271 Hera 157, 158, 159–60,
Artemis, 189, 200; as deer 178 169–70, 259
huntress 141–3, 303; Delos 303, 308–9 Hermes 200, 213–4, 241–
bow as attribute of Delphi 299, 300, 303, 2, 264, 276, 299, 306–
141–2, 304 307, 309 7, 308–9, 319
Ascanius 7 distaff 141 Hero and Leander 27
Athena 137–8, 139; Athe- dowry 210–1 Hesiod 1, 21, 147, 182,
na Areia 295 279–80, 281, 313, 315
ecology 203 Hestia 33, 145–7, 147–9,
bears 177 149–50, 150–1, 151–2,
Eros 279
beds and bedding 218, 152, 153–4
219–20 Eumaeus 179, 181, 196–7
Himeros/Desire 131, 279
eyes, averted in terror
227; turned downward horses, heroic 240–1; of
Callimachus 24–5 as gesture of modesty Helios 316; watering
carts 138–9 217 of 288
choruses of young women hunting 142–3
200–1, 307 Ganymede 2, 226, 235–
Claros 287, 288 43, 263 Ilus and Ilium 2
clothing and treatment of gesture 213, 216–7, 225– indications of time via
220–1, 223–4 6, 226–7, 246 reference to events in
Colophon 287 ‘glottochronometrics’ 10– larger world 221–2
15
328 Index
jewelry 173–4, 219–20, Paphos 169, 172, 281 springs 166, 175
280, 282–4, Paris 181 Styx, oaths by 150
languages, diversity of in perfumed oil at banquets
ancient Mediterranean 300 Themis 189–90
196–7 Philodemus 27 Tithonus 32, 226, 235,
Laomedon 2 Poseidon 148 243–53, 260, 271
laughter 163 prayer, language of 188, trees 144
‘leaving light’ as image of 191–2, 193–4 Tros 2, 238–43
birth 269 pregnancy, how described
Leto 303, 307, 308, 309 260–1 Vergil 50
lions 177 Priam 2, 196–7, 215, 276
lyre 143, 181 Proclus 26 wall-pegs used to hang
proems, epic 129–30, 131 objects 308
Meles River 287 wedding, feast at 211;
Metis 311, 312 Quintus Smyrnaeus 27 proper cultural script
Moschus 25–6 for 207, 215
mothers and fathers, rape-stories, divine 199– wildcats 178
differing image of 200, 205–6, 236, 239 ‘wilderness’, ideology of
195–6 Rhea 159, 297, 317 202
‘mountain-copper’ 283 wine-mixing 236–7
mountains 142, 268, 304, sacred groves 144, 265–9 wolves 177
305 Salamis 281, 291, 292 women’s work 139–40
Musaeus 26–7 Seasons 263, 282, 284, woodcutting, 267–8
Muse and Muses 129, 285, 306–7
263–4, 265, 306–7, ‘seeing light’ as image of Zeus 146–7, 148, 150,
307–8 birth 261 151, 154–6, 157–8,
sex with goddesses, dan- 159, 160, 161, 162,
Nausicaa 187, 195, 254, gerous for mortals 230 163, 167, 182, 206,
259 sexuality, discretion of 229, 235–6, 239, 240,
nektar and ambrosia 237– narrator regarding 244–6, 265, 284–5,
8, 250, 263 221–2 297, 298, 300, 304,
nymphs 190, 191, 261–71, sheep and goats 166, 222 306–7, 308, 312, 311,
276–7, 311 silens 264 312, 313, 314; will of
148
singing contests for bards
old age, image of 251 286
Orion 218 Smyrna 287
Otreus king of Phrygia spinning and weaving
196, 210–11 140, 141