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Mangrini, Manhood and Music in W. Crete PDF
Mangrini, Manhood and Music in W. Crete PDF
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VOL. 44, NO. 3 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY FALL2000
Prologue
n the Nomos Hanion, the westernmost province of the island of Crete,
Greece, music-making is basically a male activity: men are the players
of instruments, singers of the rizitika (sing. rizitiko) and mandinadhes
(sing. mandinadha), and the best dancers.' However, music-making in the
Nomos Hanion is far from being simply one of the many activities performed
by men.2 Rather, it plays an important role in showing that one is kala
'ndras, "good at being a man" (Herzfeld 1985a:16, 47), since the ability to
sing and dance is considered a valuable component of manhood. But what
does manhood mean in western Crete? And which kinds of male values are
created and manifested through musical activity?
Let me introduce the present discussion by describing some pieces
sung to me during a dinner with friends Vassilis, Manolis, and Grigoris, to
celebrate my return to their village near Kastelli.3 After the performance
of some instrumental dances, Vassilis sang a rizitiko song, followed by
three mandinadhes (audio file available at the SEM web site: http://
www.ethnomusicology.org.4
M' omorfonios psikhomakhi sti pikrolias ti riza
theria ton triyirizane na fane to kormi tou
ke me ta kheria ta 'dhiokhne ke me to stoma emilie:
"Theriamou inda sas ekana?"
Khilia theria stin porta sou ke na 'ne ke limena
san mou minisis erkhome ke dhen dhilio kanena
429
430 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2000
ships generally has not decreased, placing the individual in a thick web of
kin relationships, spiritual kinship, and friendship. The parea or sindrofia,
i.e. "company,"including relatives, sindekni, koumbari, and friends, is the
protagonist of social life in the Nomos Hanion. Significantly,these social re-
lationshipsare created and represented ceremoniallythrough musicalactions.
Celebrating Parea
In the Nomos Hanion, throwing feasts is one of man's social duties as
it is the emblematic manifestation of his hospitality." Weddings, christen-
ings, and paneyiria (feasts honoring a saint; sing. paneyiri) are tradition-
ally the most important occasions for feasts in which alliances are estab-
lished or confirmed, and hospitality is proved. Only invited guests-kin,
spiritual kin, friends, and people renowned as good singers and dancers-
participate in weddings and christenings: these feasts require the perfor-
mance of particular songs and dances, through which new social roles are
enacted. The traditionalwedding was a long musical and ritualperformance,
prolonged for days, with a specific repertory of songs called rizitika tis stra-
tas (i.e. "of the road," performed by ghamiliotes and proukoloi-the
groom's friends-while the bride and the dowry were taken to the groom's
residence), proetimasies tou ghamou (sung at further junctions in the cer-
emony), and rizitikatis tavlas (i.e. "of the table," performed during the wed-
ding banquet) (see Vlastos 1893; Apostolakis 1993). Similarly,christenings
are accompanied by a small repertory of specific songs, for both the god-
father and the family (see Apostolakis 1993:347-48).
In contrast to previously mentioned feasts, the paneyiri is a religious
feast celebrated with dinners offered by one or more families of the vil-
lage-generally by families who live near the church dedicated to the saint
or by those whose head has the saint's name-and is open to all who want
to participate. Guests may arrive continuously throughout the night, join
in at the table, and are honored with an offer of food. The essence of the
feast is the collective rite of sharing the food, wine, and singing. The for-
malities and topics of the singing, described below, are highly indicative
of the social meaning of the feast.
The rizitika songs (predominantly from the tavla repertory) and man-
dinadhes, which alternate during the performance, share the same type of
verse-the political verse-but differ nonetheless in many regards,and their
performance has a complementary function. The rizitika tis tavlas have a
pre-defined poetic text and melody which tend to change little through
time, as disclosed by a comparison of musical transcriptions carried out in
different periods (see Papagrigorakis 1956-57; Vlazakis 1961; Baud-Bovy
Magrini: Manhood and Music in Crete 435
2) mandinadha
Tetia parea omorfi ki opios monomeriasi
varelia na 'khi to krasi bori na to ksodhiasi
3-4) lines sung in turn by the host a and his guests b'3
a) Kalos irthan ta sinnefa
b) ke emis kalos sas ivrame
a) kalos irthan ta sinnefa ki eferan ton aera
b) ke emis kalos sas ivrame khilia ke dhio khiliadhes
a) ki ferane tsi filous mas
b) ki o kambos me ta louloudha
5) rizitiko song
Tin sindrofia sas kherome tin aksiotimimeni
tin aksia ke tin fronimi ke tin beyendismeni
zilevghousi tz' i arkhontes zilevyi o kosmos oulos
ma san zilevyi mia ksanthi
6) mandinadha
Ke ta khartia to ghrafoune ke o kosmos to katekhi
mias oras omorfi zoi zaghorasmo dhen ekhi
7) mandinadha
San to vasiliko bakhtse poukhi omorfa vlastaria
m' aresi k' i parea sas apoukhi palikaria
8) mandinadha
San to kalo vasiliko pou i skoni tou mirizi
ki o meraklis o anthropos opou vrethi ghlendizi
9) mandinadha
T' Ayou Pnevmatou to nero tis Svourikhtis o aeras
tine monomeriasene etouti tin parea
10) rizitiko song
Threfet' o pefkos sta vouna ki o elatos sta khionia
threfete ki enas nios kalos se liyeris ankales
semi sfikhta ankaliazi tin ke ta mallia tzi piani
ta dhio tzi maghoula fili
11) mandinadha
Ya dhes parea omorfi ki apou tzi vri pseghadhi
tha vri ke sto krio nero poune st' Apopighadhi
12) mandinadha
Sigha sigha ta matia mou me tropo ta sikono
ke vlepo tin parea mas [ke tine kamarono]
Magrini: Manhood and Music in Crete 437
28) mandinadha
Ma ithela nam' anesthitos na miazo me to vrakho
ki oute me dhernoun vasana khares ke kefia nakho
29) mandinadha
Katamesis sti thalassa ki apano s' ena vrakho
ekia tin kano ti zoi tetia parea nakho
30) mandinadha
Kremete o vrakhos ston gremno na gremisti na pesi
ma protima na gremisti para na allaksi thesi
31) mandinadha
Trekhi to kima me ormi to vrakho na ktipisi
vriski andistasi poli ki opiso tha yirisi
32) mandinadha
Na 'sfalli theli o anthropos oso ke na prosekhi
[yati tis ores tis kakes kanis dhen tis katekhi]
33) rizitiko song14
Ya idhes pervoli omorfo, ya idhes katakriavrisi
sto perivoli mas st' orio pervoli mas to omorfo
ke osa dhendra estile o theos mesa ine fitemena
sto pervoli mas st' orio pervoli mas to omorfo
ke osa poulakia petoumena mesa 'ne folemena
sto pervoli mas st' orio pervoli mas to omorfo
34) mandinadha
Krasi se pino ya kalo ma esi kako mou kanis
ki apo ti strata vghanis me ke sta gremna me vanis
35) mandinadha
Kamia fora pou tin kardhia o ponos tin ktipai
me to krasi parighoria vrisko ke tzi pernai
36) two rizitika couplets tis stratas sung in turn by two groups of guests
a. Ekhete ya vasiliki ki i violes anthismenes
b. amete, fili, sto kalo ke stin kali sas ora
a. ke kopelies eleftheres
b. ke na yemisi o dhromo sas
a. ke kopelies eleftheres ki esis i pandremenes
b. ke na yemis' i strata sas triandafillake rodha
a. ke kopelies eleftheres ki esis i pandremenes
Magrini: Manhood and Music in Crete 439
When a consistent number of guests had arrived and dinner had be-
gun, one of the guests began to sing the rizitiko song "Apo tin akri ton
akrion" ("From One Side of the Hall") (1). This is a typical rizitiko tis tav-
las-sung also at weddings-that opens the performance, and celebrates
the richness of the table laid for the guests through the ample use of hy-
perboles (banquet tables of silver, plates of gold, the king enraptured by
the goblets with their love scenes). The song is a tribute to the hospitality
and prestige of the host. It is followed by a series of mandinadhes: the guest
who intoned the opening rizitiko song praises the company (2); the host
expresses poetically his pleasure in receiving his friends, who in turn an-
swer by expressing their pleasure in being in his house (3-4). Hence, the
host intones a rizitiko song (5) to proclaim how much he enjoys the com-
pany of valuable, honorable and wise people. The guests improvise man-
dinadhes on the theme of the good life (6), the pleasure of company (7,
8), and the exceptional phenomena which gathered them together (9),
showing a tendency to utilize hyperboles already noticed in the prologue:
"the water of the Holy Spirit and the fresh breezes from the top of Mt.
Svourikti / Gathered this company together." The theme of the mountain,
just mentioned in the mandinadha (9), is taken up in the following rizitiko
song (10), which introduces the theme of the relationship between man
and woman through a comparison (trees : mountain :: woman : man). This
theme is actually more appropriate for a wedding dinner-which may con-
stitute an occasion for the performance of this song-and is indeed aban-
442 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2000
Threfet' o pe
(e) threfet' o pe
threfet' o pefkos sta vouna
na (e) ki o e
(e) ki o elatos
ki o elatos
os sta khionia
threfete ki e
(e) threfe
(e) te ki e
threfete ki enas nios kalos (na)
(e ne) threfete ki e
threfete ki enas nios kalos
_ loI
kio e la tos kio e la tos o sta
While all the rizitika tis tavlas are elaborated through the technique of
fragmentation and repetition, each text is characterized by its own pecu-
liar elaboration which is strictly connected with the arrangement of the
melody of the song. Therefore, the previous example illustrates just one
case of apoghaermata. However, it adequately highlights the performative
complexity of rizitika songs, which require extreme precision in the pro-
cesses of memorization and rendition of the verbal and musical arrangement
specific of individual songs. Such a complexity emphasizes the ritual char-
acter of performing the rizitika, implying that their particular communica-
tive code is shared by the singers. They in turn find in this musical genre a
performative outlet for their own collective identity, which cannot easily
be accessed by others, as it requires an in-depth knowledge of the oral tra-
dition of the group. Thus, the practice of the rizitika evokes the concept
of "musica reservata," conceived of in terms of its accessibility for a limit-
ed group of persons, familiar with its rules consigned to the oral tradition.
The "hermetic"nature of the verbal communication ensuing from the
particular elaboration of the verbal text is not exclusively characteristic of
the rizitika. However, comparison of the rizitikawith other Mediterranean
singing traditions characterized by similartechniques in communicating the
verbal text would highlight how the distinctive "obscurity"that they share
does not necessarily stem from analogous needs. I may cite, for example,
the repertory of the ghinnawas of the Awlad 'Ali Bedouins of Egypt stud-
ied by LilaAbu-Lughod,which shares the rizitika's performative complex-
ity and enigmatic character of verbal communication.19Nevertheless, it is
otherwise divergent in its intrinsic character as "poetry of personal senti-
ment" (Abu-Lughod1986:181), which gives meaning to the obscurity veil-
ing its intimate and private poetic message through performative practice.
By contrast, there are greater similarities between the rizitika and a
southern Italiantraditionof lyrical singing, alla mageraiota singing. Besides
sharing the rizitika's elaboration of poetic text through fragmentation and
repetition, this practice is similarlycharacterized by performance based on
alternated singing, and thus on the cooperation of a number of interpret-
ers during the performance. As stated previously (Magrini1989:63), "Inthe
Maier~tstyle, the performance is based on the enunciation of single lines-
one line is sung by the leader and then repeated by the partners.... They
split them up into fragments, sometimes even breaking up words, and pro-
ceed to repeat incomplete parts of lines in a kind of stammering that clear-
ly hinders understanding." In interpreting this singing practice, I have
emphasized how the employed technique manifests anxieties related to
communication and interpersonal relationship, and that the meaning of
performance lies in acting out these anxieties through "stammering."Frag-
mentation operates in this case as a form of attack against verbal commu-
Magrini: Manhood and Music in Crete 447
ko smo to na pa no a am a
na man sn ti pa re a ti nka Ri
Epilogue
The practices observed in this article demonstrate that music-making
in the Nomos Hanion is more than simply an activity mostly performed by
males: rather, being "good at making music" is a fundamental aspect of
being "good at being a man." A man's ability to sing a rizitiko song, to im-
provise mandinadhes, and to perform traditional dances has an importance
which may be evaluated according to different perspectives.
The musical repertory contains the "historic" memory of the events
upon which the identity of Nomos Hanion men is based, particularly as
regards ancient and recent resistance to invaders. Songs and dances are tied
to these events in the oral tradition by means of mythic-historic narratives
which connect, for example, to the circumstances in which the sirtos and
the pendozali were born, or to the reference made in several songs to par-
ticular events of the past. For instance, tradition holds that the rizitiko song
"Kastroke pou ine i piryi sou," quoted above, refers to the events associat-
ed with the fall of Iraklion into Turkish hands in 1669. It is worth observ-
454 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2000
ing that most episodes of resistance are concerned chiefly with conflicts
with the Islamic world of the Turks and the Saracens, while songs relating
to the period of the Venetian domination of Crete (1210-1669) are rare.
The difference in attitude toward the populations which ruled the island
in the past, found also outside the Nomos Hanion, is significant, and has
been justified locally, for example, with these words: "They believe that
they got from the Venetians, the Venetians left something. They never re-
garded them as conquerors. That is, the inhabitants of today don't regard
them as conquerors, they've put them on [a] high [pedestal], whereas they
regard the Turks as tramplers who demolished the [local] manners and
customs" (Herzfeld 1991:57). Indeed, this attitude is also revealed in the
world of the musicians of the Nomos Hanion, who acknowledge the Ve-
netians' merit in introducing the violin, a fundamental instrument in the
musical tradition of this province.27
While the songs transmit an interpretation of the past, they are also a
tool for learning the central values of manhood: the courage and worth of
the anidriomenos, the ability to face risk, strength of character, wisdom,
shrewdness of reasoning, resistance against the trials of life, the importance
of friendship and hospitality, and, above all, the sensitivity to the wide range
of human emotions vis-A-visnature, life, and death. The emblematic situa-
tions described in the rizitika evoke a multiplicity of feelings, whose im-
plications are frequently analyzed and glossed through the improvisation
of mandinadhes. Thus, they emphasize the breadth of meanings which are
associated with hereditary songs by the tradition, in such a way that the
sequence of the texts may appear "as an interpretation of the multiplicity
of the real" (Magrini 1996:219). Through musical activity, men foster a
sensitivity which is disclosed only in the context of singing, showing that
the kala 'ndras is also a sophisticated poet.
Finally, as emphasized in this article, music offers the means to articu-
late the discourse of the group during fundamental moments of social life,
reserving specific songs for weddings, christenings, paneyiria, and conviv-
ial occasions, which are performed collectively and combined with indi-
vidual improvisations. Indeed, it is through singing and dancing that the
new social roles created in the group-family, spiritual kin, parea-are
enacted: for example, a bride manifests her position in, and tie to, her new
family through dancing an interminable sirtos in which the new relatives
alternate at her side, representing their new relationship with the woman.
It is through singing and dancing that the group reconstitutes itself, mani-
festing its values and its double dimension as organized whole and union
of individuals who cooperate through their creativity and ability to consti-
tute a unifying discourse defining their collective identity. In these terms,
Magrini. Manhood and Music in Crete 455
musical practices are also an occasion for the display of egboismos-a term
that joins the meanings of self-regard, personal excellence, and success in
being different (Herzfeld 1985a:11). The practice of improvisation, both in
singing mandinadhes and dancing the sirtos, provides an ample springboard
for this search for excellence through musical performance. However, one
cannot forget that individual improvisation normally occurs in the context
of a collective performance, and becomes meaningful through social inter-
action in which the ritual celebration of the group legitimizes and favors
the display of excellence of its members.
In conclusion, it may be argued that in the Nomos Hanion being "good
at being a man" implies knowing how to use music as an essential instru-
ment of individual and social existence. From such a stance, it is clear that
what is enacted and expressed through musical practice is of primary im-
portance in society. In this context, music-making requires the possession
of a profound perception of a great range of existential issues, as well as
of the dynamics between individual and group and between tradition and
creativity. The great ability of the men of the Nomos Hanion consists in
handling these issues through a sophisticated and conscious use of the word
and the body, generating forms of musical expression laden with a multi-
plicity of individual and social meanings. In addition to the interpretations
of the observer, it is ultimately the singers themselves who, describing their
music in the song "Arkhondestou Salonikiou" (Greek text available at the
SEMweb site) as what makes "the sky resonate," "the earth move," and "the
world tremble," depict it as a powerful symbol of their identity and worth:
Archonsof Salonika,all, smalland great,
My son mountedon a horse to go to war
He carrieslutes and instruments,instrumentsof all types
Andwhere he stops, my son playsthe instruments
The sky resonates,the earthmoves and all the world trembles
Note on Transliteration
Modern Greek presents widely-known transliterational problems. In this article I have
opted for a phonetic transliteration, which maintains the distinctions between d and dbh,g
and gb, but I don't use them in proper names, as this would have resulted in unfamiliarpre-
sentation of the names of Greek people and places.
Editor's Note
Complementary materials for this article, including Greek song texts, audio and visual
files, may be found on the SEMwebsite, http://www.ethnomusicology.org, as noted in the
text.
456 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2000
Notes
1. I wish to thank deeply Kostas Papadakis,Stelios Lainakis,Manolis Lionakis, Georgios
Bombolakis, and Frangios Panagiotakis, who helped me substantially during my fieldwork in
Crete. I am particularly indebted to Manolis Lionakisfor his help in the transcription of song-
texts performed during the paneyiri discussed in this article, and to PieraSarasini,Peter Dennis
Viechnicki, and Lycia Boki, who cooperated with me in the many phases of transcription and
translation for the final version of this article in English. I am also very grateful to Wolf Di-
etrich who kindly offered me a copy of his valuable recordings of rizitika.
2. Aspasia Papadakis, a woman who is a well-known professional lira player, is the only
exception to date; however, I met some girls currentlystudying the violin in folk music schools
in the Nomos Hanion, performing with boys in students' concerts. I have not met women
who sing rizitika, although some claim that this occurred in the past. Conversely, dancing is
more noticeably shared by both men and women, even if in the sirtos-the most widespread
dance of the area-women generally perform only its basic step, without performing the in-
dividual variations which characterize the men's style (see below).
3. My fieldwork in Crete, begun in the late 1970s and resumed in the 1990s, focused on
different kinds of musical performances carried out on private occasions, ceremonies, and
festivals. This work gave me the opportunity to establish relationships with a large number
of musicians and their families, friends, and audiences, and to experience the different facets
of musical life in the island. My Cretan friends were always very helpful in discussing and
clarifying the meaning of songs, dances, and related values in Cretan culture, and I am deep-
ly indebted to them for providing me with an insider's view of music in Crete.
4. This performance is included in the CD Vocal Music of Crete (Magrini 2000).
5. The sirtos, one of the musical emblems of Crete and Greece (see Torp 1992), and riz-
itika songs are today known throughout the island; the practice of singing the rizitika in the
ways described in this article remains nevertheless typical of the Nomos Hanion.
6. Some of the themes discussed briefly in this chapter, animal theft in particular, are
analyzed in depth in Herzfeld 1985a.
7. At present, the practice of stealing goats and sheep, although changing, has by no
means disappeared. In essence, it has lost its traditionalcharacter of antagonistic display and
has become a commercial business in its own right, as in the adjacent Rethymnon province
(Herzfeld 1985a:267).
8. I had the opportunity to witness this ritual event during a wedding celebrated in
Polyrinia in 1979.
9. Manolis Lionakis, personal communication.
10. For example, the impact that tourism-developed until recently especially in the
central and eastern parts of the island-has been having on the economy of the western part
of Crete in recent years.
11. On the importance and interpretation of hospitality in Crete and Greece, see Herzfeld
1987.
12. This rizitiko song is performed by elaborating two-verse strophes, unlike the prac-
tice that usually characterizes table songs.
13. The particular type of performance found in songs 3 and 4 is the same as that of the
rizitika tis stratas which end the performance (36). These songs function as a ritual greeting
between the host and the guests, performed at the beginning and end of the dinner. The
complete texts of the songs follow:
(3) We welcome the clouds that brought us fresh breezes / And also brought us our
good friends [into our arms]
(4) We're glad to see you, a thousand and two thousand times glad / Like the field
filled with flowers [and lush greenery]
14. This rizitiko song is performed by elaborating two-verse strophes.
Magrini. Manhood and Music in Crete 457
15. "The tabakhaniotika (sing. tabakhaniotiko) songs are a Cretan urban musical rep-
ertory which, like rebetika and music of the Cafe-aman,belongs to the wide family of musics
that merge Greek and Turkish elements.... According to Hania musicians, the tabakhani-
otika probably arose in Crete in the towns of Hania and Rethymnon around the middle of
the nineteenth century .... It developed mainly after the immigration of Smyrna's refugees
in 1922" (Magrini 1997; see also Liavas 1988).
16. In the past, this song was performed as a ritualgreeting between the ghamiliotes who
had come to take the bride and the bride's family.
17. In the local tradition, that exploits the double meaning of the term vasilikos (literal-
ly, both "basil"and "royal,""worth of a king"), basil is considered to be the plant of the king
(vasilias).
18. This technique is also used sometimes in Byzantine chant, akritika songs, and oth-
er Greek repertoires. See Baud-Bovy 1983:22-23; Konstantinos 1995; Caraveli 1982.
19. The Awlad 'Ali not only fragment the verse (in this case a verse consists of fifteen
syllables) and repeat the fragments a number of times, but the order of words is also reversed,
hence accentuating the cryptic character of poetic communication. "The number of repeti-
tions is variable, based on the whim and mood of the singer, and there is much room for in-
dividual play in highlighting the language, creating suspense, and manipulatingemotional tone
and intensity. The only general rule about word order is that all but the first word of the sec-
ond hemistich are always sung first, followed by the words of the first hemistich, and, near
the end, the whole song from beginning to end including the missing first word of the sec-
ond hemistich is sung more or less in the correct order" (Abu-Lughod 1986:179-80).
20. Stelios Lainakis,personal communication. In Crete, shooting during feasts is a wide-
spread practice.
21. The current sousta in Nomos Hanion (different from the roumatiani sousta, typical
exclusively of the area of Roumata) is a dance performed by couples. The contemporary sir-
tos is normally a very aggregative dance in which women and children also participate. Inci-
dentally, in the Nomos Hanion dances have not been influenced so far by staged presentations
of folk dances performed by "folk dance ballet" ensembles, as in other Greek places (see
Petrides 1989:156).
22. Crete paid a heavy price for its strategic position, and was repeatedly invaded and
periodically conquered. The Romansoccupied Crete from 67 BC until 300 AD. From330, Crete
was a Byzantine province and enjoyed a period of prosperity until 824, when the Saracens
occupied the island and set it up as an independent Arab state with contemporary Iraklion as
its capital. For four centuries (from 1210), the Venetians consolidated their dominion over
the island. In 1669, the Turks managed to occupy Crete after the twenty-one-year siege of
Iraklion. A period of bloody uprisings and Cretan revolts followed, culminating in the revolu-
tion of 1895. Following the intervention of the European Powers, Crete was declared an au-
tonomous state in 1898. In 1913, thanks to Eleftherios Venizelos, who played a leading role
in the political life of Greece, the annexation of the island by Greece was completed.
23. The violinist Kostas Papadakisfrom Kastelli is one of the most authoritative sources
on oral tradition, and has reconstructed the history of baniotika dances according to local
tradition (Papadakis 1989). For an account of his life-story see Magrini 1997.
24. Designation for the Greeks under Ottoman rule.
25. For a discussion of the akritika songs see Herzfeld 1982:118-22.
26. Pallikarimeans literally "valiant."According to Campbell, "This term expressed the
ideal of the hero warrior with physical strength and assertive courage in the very flower of
his youth whose life at every moment was at risk in the defense of his honor" (Campbell
1992:136; see also Campbell 1964:278-82). In the rizitika, the term andriomenos is also of-
ten used to mean a valiant, brave man.
27. Once more, the Nomos Hanion contrasts with the rest of the island, where the lira
(a small pear-shaped three-string fiddle, held upright and played by stopping the strings from
458 Ethnomusicology, Fall 2000
the side with fingernails) is predominant. From the 1950s, the nationalistic politics adopted
in Greece-which also concerned music-hindered the practice of playing violin in the No-
mos Hanion, since the instrument was interpreted solely as a legacy of Venetian domination
and as evidence of cultural contamination, ignoring how its use was central to the develop-
ment of the rich local repertory of sirta (see Magrini 1981, 1997).
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