SYMUN 2019

SECURITY COUNCIL
Crisis of the treaty of non-
proliferation of nuclear
weapons and future
tendencies

TOPIC: CRISIS OF THE TREATY OF NON-PROLIFERATION OF

NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FUTURE TENDENCIES
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This Study Guide on the topic:

CRISIS OF THE TREATY OF NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FUTURE

TENDENCIES

Has been drafted by:

Verónica Sáez, Chair.

Camilo Candales, Co-Chair

Chairs
of the Security Council
SYMUN 2019

© ASOCIACIÓN PARA LAS NACIONES UNIDAS Y EL DERECHO INTERNACIONAL

anudi.madrid@gmail.com
C/ Madrid 126, 28903 Getafe
Universidad Carlos III de Madrid

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Contents

I. WELCOME LETTER.

Dear delegates,

It is a pleasure for this presidency to welcome you to this new edition of SYMUN. In
just a few months we will meet in the beautiful capital of Spain deploying the most
refine diplomatic arts in order to evaluate and reinforce the Treaty of Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

In your hands, distinguished members of the International Community, will be the

future of the corner stone of the what is called the “Non Proliferation Regime”. As
you will observe, the importance of addressing this topic is crucial, since it affects
directly the control of our most destructive weapons. Although it is for sure true that
we are not in the verge of nuclear war nowadays, we were not very long time ago,
and so learning from our past mistakes must be a constant in the development of a
safer and prosperous world.

The fate of not only our race, but also of the planet lies in the capacity the countries
have to reach agreements in the wind of a national-sovereignty respectful forum,
and the implication that their governing authorities have to fulfil those deals.

We highly recommend you to get used to the terms and facts that will be explained
in this Study Guide, as they will provide the knowledge needed and expected from
you as delegates to be able to address such an important discussion.
Notwithstanding, this is just some of the basics to understand this problematic around
nuclear weapons, and for this reason you must expand your knowledge through
your own searching.

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Finally, if you have any doubts regarding any point of the guide or the model itself,
please do not hesitate to contact us at any moment, we are here to help you.

We cannot wait to meet you all in Madrid!

Yours sincerely,

Verónica Sáez and Camilo Candales.

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II. COMPETENCE, FUNCTIONS AND STRUCTURE OF THE COMMITTEE

The United Nations Security Council is one of the six main organs of the United
Nations. According to the Charter, its principal responsibility is to ensure the
maintenance of international peace and security.

General
Assembly

International
Security
Court of Council
Justice

MAIN
ORGANS

The Economic
Trusteeship and Social
Council Council

The
Secretariat

The UNSC is formed by fifteen states, each one has one vote. Of the members, five
of them – United States of America, People’s Republic of China, the Russian
Federation, Republic of France and United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland – are permanent and have veto power. This means that if any of them votes
against a substantive matter1 – i.e. a draft resolution – it will automatically not pass,

1
The power of veto just applies to substantive matters and not to procedural ones. (check the rules of procedure
to understand the difference between these two types of voting)

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even if qualified majority was met. However, an abstention or an absence of a

permanent member does not have the effect of preventing the adoption of a
resolution. The ten remaining countries are non-permanent and are elected on a
regional basis for a two-year term. The following image shows how the seats at the
Security Council are distributed.

Under article 25 of the UN Charter resolutions adopted by the Security Council are
binding. This means that all members of the United Nations are obligated to accept
and implement the decisions reached by the Council2. This is the only organ of the
UN that has this power, other bodies are just entitled to make recommendations to
member states.

Together with ensuring the maintenance of international peace and security, the
Security Council is also committed under the Charter to develop friendly relations

2
In the following link all UNSC resolutions can be found
https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/resolutions-0

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among nations; to cooperate in solving international problems and in promoting

respect of human rights; and to be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations.

When a complaint concerning a threat to peace is brought before the Council,

they shall recommend the parties to try to reach an agreement by peaceful means;
in this regard the UNSC may:

- set forth principles for the agreement;

- undertake investigations and mediation;

- send a mission;

- appoint special agents; or

- request the Secretary General to use his good offices to achieve a pacific
solution of the dispute.

When a dispute escalates to hostilities the Council must try to bring them to an end
as soon as possible, in this situation the UNSC may:

- issues ceasefire directives than can help to prevent a bigger escalation of

the conflict;

- send military observers or a peacekeeping force to help reduce tensions,

separate opposing forces and establish calm in which peaceful settlements
may be sought.

Beyond this, the Council can implement enforcement measures, including:

- economic sanctions, arms embargoes, financial penalties and restrictions

and travel bans;

- break of diplomatic relations;

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- blockade;

- or even collective military action.

It is very important that you, as delegates of the Security Council, understand the
functioning of this committee. Before the conference you must be familiar with the
following items:

- difference between permanent and non-permanent members;

- what implies to have veto power and who has this power;

- functions of the UNSC;

- measures the Council can implement.

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III. BACKGROUND OF THE TOPIC:

a. INTRODUCTION TO NUCLEAR WEAPONS

‘The Cold War is over, the Soviet Union is no more. But the post-Cold War world is
decidedly not post-nuclear’

Les Aspin, U.S. Secretary of Defense (1966-1968).

Since the end of the Cold War, the international community has been undertaken
efforts to reduce down to zero the number of nuclear stockpiles. To date, these
attempts have been unsuccessful and the reality is that humankind is still exposed
to the danger of a nuclear strike. According to a survey of nuclear experts
completed by the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 2005, the world faced
a 29% probability of nuclear war within the following decade.

Nuclear threats remain crucial to relations between many states and threaten to
become even more important. The spread of nuclear weapons will likely generate
two catastrophic effects. The first one is the danger that terrorist groups join the
nuclear arena, this particular threat began to be concerned about after the events
of 9/11. Despite the followers of Osama bin Laden have not yet endeavored to
initiate a nuclear attack, the truth is that taking into account the relative quick and
easy availability of military supplies and enriched uranium, a nuclear weapon could
be assembled in a matter of months. The immediate consequences that an attack
of this kind would have in a city like Delhi or New York is almost impossible to imagine.

The second effect of the spread of nuclear weapons is indeed the proliferation of
threats to use them. As more states acquire nuclear arsenal to overcome insecurity
or just as means to enhance their prestige, global security will become more
unstable and the possibilities to revert this situation will become even harder.

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In August 1945 the first atomic bomb was unleashed on the mainland of the island
of Japan. This moment marked a turning point in the history of war and in the history
of humanity, up to this date the man had not seen anything as destructive. The
nuclear age had begun and since then the race has not stopped yet. In the past
60 years, 128,000 nuclear weapons have been produced – 98% of the total by the
United States and by the former Soviet Union. Nowadays the ‘nuclear club’ is
composed by nine states: the United States, Russia, Great Britain, France, India,
Pakistan, China, Israel and North Korea. Also, we must bear in mind that currently
around 15 more countries have enough enriched uranium on hand which could
easily build a nuclear weapons, being one of the biggest Iran.

Image 1 Source: Davenport, K, & Reif. K. (2019). Nuclear Weapons: Who Has What
at a Glance

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In order to understand the problematic that the nuclear age possesses to the world
it is indispensable to understand the science behind nuclear weapons and how they
differ for conventional ones, its history and background. In the following sections we
will learn about these topics.

i. WHAT ARE NUCLEAR WEAPONS

Atomic energy is the source of power used for nuclear reactors and nuclear
weapons. This type of energy comes from the splitting – fission – or joining – fusion –
of atoms. One must bear in mind that this is a very complex source of energy
because of the characteristics of the atom itself.

But, what is the significant difference between a conventional weapon and a

nuclear one? In practice, the key dissimilarity is the magnitude of the explosion that
it causes, a nuclear weapon can be thousands or even millions of times more strong
than any conventional detonation. Both types of weapons rely on the destructive
force of the shockwave, but the temperatures reached in a nuclear explosion are
much higher than in any conventional explosion. Moreover, a large amount of the
energy in a nuclear detonation is discharged in the form of heat and light – what it
is referred to as thermal energy. This kind of energy can cause extreme damage on
the human body, indeed the firestorm expanding for several kilometers can result
even more devastating than the blast effects.

Besides the magnitude of the explosion and the thermal heat generated, a nuclear
explosion also delivers radioactivity. This lasts for just a few seconds, but its
dangerousness is extended over years. The emissions of radiation are exclusive to
nuclear weapons. Of the sum of all energy released in a nuclear explosion around
85% of the total is in the form of shock and hear and 15% is compound by the
different types of radiations emitted.

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As we know, the magnitude of a nuclear explosion extremely overpasses the effects

of a conventional explosion. Scientists have designated the yield to measure the
amount of explosive energy a nuclear weapon is capable of producing. The yield is
given in terms of TNT – quantity of conventional explosives – that would likely
generate the exact amount of energy after the detonation. For example, a 1 kiloton
nuclear weapon is one that produces the same energy as 1,000 tons of TNT and
thus, a 1 megaton nuclear weapon is equivalent to the energy of 1 million tons of
TNT. As a practical example the nuclear weapon that destroyed Hiroshima had an
explosive force of 20,000 tons of TNT and the hydrogen bomb tested by the US in the
Pacific in October 1952 delivered the energy of 7 million tons of TNT.

b. THE NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY: HISTORY AND PRESENT. AN

APPROACH TO THE 2020 REVIEW CONFERENCE

The Treaty on the Non – Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) represents a

multilateral commitment with the main goal of disarmament by the nuclear-
weapons States. Moreover, the treaty is also promoting the cooperation in the
peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Opened for signature in 1968, the Treaty entered
into force in 1970. Years later, in May 1995, it was extended indefinitely. Nowadays,
a total of 191 States have joined the Treaty, including five nuclear-weapons States,
making this the more ratified treaty on arms limitation and disarmament agreement
in human history. As so the International Community is organized, the Treaty sets itself
as the cornerstone of the global non – proliferation regime.

In order to succeed in such ambitious achievement, a safeguard system was

stablished by the Treaty under the responsibility of the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA), from whom a deeper analysis will be done later on this guide.

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One of the main proves of the superlative importance of the NPT is noticeable in the
article VIII, paragraph 3, that envisages a review of the operation of the Treaty every
five years, a provision which was reaffirmed by the States parties at the 1995 NPT
Review and Extension Conference:

Five years after the entry into force of this Treaty, a conference of Parties to the
Treaty shall be held in Geneva, Switzerland, in order to review the operation of this
Treaty with a view to assuring that the purposes of the Preamble and the provisions
of the Treaty are being realized. At intervals of five years thereafter, a majority of the
Parties to the Treaty may obtain, by submitting a proposal to this effect to the
Depositary Governments, the convening of further conferences with the same
objective of reviewing the operation of the Treaty.

On 11 May 1995, in accordance with article X, paragraph 2, the Review and

Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons decided that the Treaty should continue in force indefinitely.

Giving a chance for a historical in-depth look, the 1995 Review Conference is
considered as the most successful international meeting regarding nuclear
disarmament. For the first time, three specific measures were identified as crucial.
These were: (1) negotiations on a Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty no later than 1996;
(2) conclusion of negotiations on a convention banning production of fissile
materials, and (3) determined pursuit by nuclear weapon states of systematic and
progressive efforts to reduce and further eliminate these weapons. In addition, this
conference, regarding the area of peaceful use of nuclear energy, stablishes the
right of Non - Nuclear Weapons Countries (NNWC) to “develop research,
production and uses of nuclear energy” consistent in articles I, II and III of the NPT.
And for this reason, it should be noted that this Conference had called a preferential
treatment in nuclear cooperation for the NNWS parties to the treaty. It was against
these yardsticks that the NPT was indefinitely extended in 1995.

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The 2000 Review Conference further reiterated the 1995 commitments. Indeed, this
conference went a step further in identifying the ‘tangibles’ actions that countries
could achieve: the ‘13-practical’steps which were floated by the New Agenda
Coalition (NAC): states formed in 1998 comprising of Brazil, Egypt, Ireland, Mexico,
New Zealand, South Africa and Sweden. These ‘13-practical-steps’ or the ‘Action
Plan’ included the signing of the CTBT, FMCT, along with efforts to reduce and further
eliminate nuclear weapons. These were also identified as the areas on which future
progress towards meeting Article VI was possible.

Five years after the 2000 NPT Rev Con, new rationales for retaining nuclear weapons
have been discovered. The US Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) of 2002 clearly stated
that nuclear weapons would constitute an important component of the US military
doctrine. Moreover, the US has stated that it would view the Treaty on Strategic
Offensive Reductions (SORT) to be an important step towards disarmament. This
treaty was signed by the Russian and US presidents at the Moscow Summit on May
24, 2002 wherein both sides agreed to reduce the levels of their strategic nuclear
warheads to 1,700-2,200. However, it should be understood in the context of the
treaty that ‘reduction of strategic forces’ is actually decreasing the ‘status of
readiness’ of strategic weapons.

In 2010, a successful Review Conference at which States parties agreed to a final

document took place. The document included conclusions and recommendations
for follow-on actions, including the implementation of the 1995 Resolution on the
Middle East. However, this tendency was not followed in the 2015 Review
Conference, that unfortunately ended up being without the adoption of a
consensus substantive outcome.

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c. INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY

As it was already stated before, the IAEA is named in the NPT as the safeguards of
the compliance of its mandates. As so, it is an international organization that seeks
the promotion of peaceful use of nuclear energy. Although this organism has been
introduced and perfectly integrated in the non – proliferation regime, its creation
dates from 1957, under President Eisenhower’s “Atoms for Peace” plan.

However, this agency has been assigned with two other missions apart from
checking the compliment of the Treaty, which are:

Peaceful uses:

As it is stated in Article II of the IAEA Statute, its objective is “to accelerate and
enlarge the contribution of atomic energy to peace, health and prosperity
throughout the world”, having as primary functions research and development,
securing save materials, services and facilities for Member States, having half of its
departments focused on these tasks.

Safeguards:

In Article II of the EAEA Statute and in the NPT it is clearly stablished that the Agency
is authorized not only to promote safe use of nuclear technology, but also to ensure
that the research done is, as far as it is able, not used in such a way as to further any
military purpose; and to apply safeguards, at the request of the parties, to any
bilateral or multilateral arrangement, or at the request of a State, to any of that
State's activities in the field of atomic energy. There is a single Department assigned
with this mission.

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Nuclear safety:

As it could be expected from such an international organism, the main priority of the
Agency is safety, and so implementing improvements in nuclear plants in order to
make them more secure has been one of the key points in the interventions of the
IAEA. Just after the nuclear disaster in Chernobyl, Ukraine, the agency decided to
double the resources used to fulfill this task.

d. IRANIAN NUCLEAR DEAL FRAMEWORK

The deal, that was signed in Vienna, July 2015 by the P5, Germany and Iran and
entered into force in 2016 had, as a major priority, to extend the time needed by
Iran to create, if ever wanted, the nuclear weapon. The immediate consequence?
As, David Albright, Director of the Institute for Science and International Security in
Washington, D.C state, by 2017 Teheran needed at least one year to create a
nuclear warhead, while in 2014 it would have taken 2 to 3 months . 3

In order to produce a bomb, enriched uranium or plutonium are needed, and so

this deal implied that Teheran had to disconnect almost 75% of its centrifuges and
to put 95% of its Uranium in the hands and control of the IAEA. In exchange of this
concessions, the U.S.A and the E.U. lifted the sanctions imposed to Iran, allowing it
to have access to 100.000 million dollars retained and to sell oil again in the
international markets, as well as to participate in the global financial system.

The defenders of the deal, headed by former President Barak Obama and the E.U.
argued that this was the safer method to avoid the development of a new nuclear
State and a nuclear race in the most volatile region of the world.

3
"Iran | isis-reports | Institute for Science and International Security", 2018

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On the other side, its detractors, mainly President Donald Trump, Israel and Saudi
Arabia, said that these were insufficient measures, as long as they provided the
“regime” monetary oxygen and did not addressed the problematic of the support
given to terrorist groups and its ballistic program.

And so, in May 2018, Trump’s administration decided unilaterally to break the deal
with Iran, and to reactivate the sanctions to Teheran. As a response, the Iranian
government resumed the nuclear development, warning that if the United States
did not fulfil its own – imposed agreements they had no reason to respect the deal.
What came later, it is, unfortunately, a very well – known story: a fast rise in the
tension between the two administrations took place. Deployment of troops and
maneuvers near Iranian coast, the arrest of oil tankers from both sides are just a few
examples of the consequences.

e. COUNTRY PERSPECTIVES

- People’s Republic of China

China, which possesses approximately 260 nuclear weapons, did not participate in
the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. It abstained
from voting on the UN General Assembly resolution in 2016 that established the
mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty. Although it regularly declares its
support for the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons, its true commitment
to nuclear disarmament remains in serious doubt. It has failed to fulfil its legally
binding disarmament obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

- United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

The United Kingdom, which possesses approximately 215 nuclear weapons, did not
participate in the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear
Weapons. It has said that it intends never to join the treaty. It voted against the UN

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General Assembly resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations to
negotiate the treaty. It has failed to fulfil its legally binding disarmament obligations
under the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

- United States of America

The United States, which possesses approximately 6,800 nuclear weapons, did not
participate in the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear
Weapons. It has said that it intends never to join the treaty. It voted against the UN
General Assembly resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations to
negotiate the treaty. It has failed to fulfil its legally binding disarmament obligations
under the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

- Russian Federation

Russia, which possesses approximately 7,000 nuclear weapons, did not participate
in the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. It voted
against the UN General Assembly resolution in 2016 that established the mandate
for nations to negotiate the treaty. It has failed to fulfil its legally binding disarmament
obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

- French Republic

France, which possesses approximately 300 nuclear weapons, did not participate in
the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. It has said
that it intends never to join the treaty. It voted against the UN General Assembly
resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty.
It has failed to fulfil its legally binding disarmament obligations under the Non-
Proliferation Treaty.

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- Federal Republic of Germany

Germany, which hosts US nuclear weapons on its territory, did not participate in the
negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. It voted against
the UN General Assembly resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations
to negotiate the treaty. It claims that US nuclear weapons are essential for its
security.

- Kingdom of Belgium

Belgium, which hosts US nuclear weapons on its territory, did not participate in the
negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. It voted against
the UN General Assembly resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations
to negotiate the treaty. It claims that US nuclear weapons are essential for its
security.

- Còte d’Ivore

Côte d’Ivoire signed the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons on 20

September 2017.

- Dominican Republic

The Dominican Republic signed the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear

Weapons on 7 June 2018. It was among the co-sponsors of the UN General Assembly
resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty.

- Republic of Equatorial Guinea

Equatorial Guinea participated in the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition

of Nuclear Weapons and voted in favor of its adoption on 7 July 2017.

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- Republic of Indonesia

Indonesia signed the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons on 20

September 2017. It was among the co-sponsors of the UN General Assembly
resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty.

- State of Kuwait

Kuwait participated in the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear

Weapons and voted in favor of its adoption on 7 July 2017.

- Republic of Peru

Peru signed the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons on 20 September

2017. It was among the co-sponsors of the UN General Assembly resolution in 2016
that established the mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty.

- Republic of Poland

Poland did not participate in the negotiation of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons. It voted against the UN General Assembly resolution in 2016 that
established the mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty. It claims that US nuclear
weapons are essential for its security.

- Republic of South Africa

South Africa signed the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons on 20

September 2017. It was among the co-sponsors of the UN General Assembly
resolution in 2016 that established the mandate for nations to negotiate the treaty.

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f. POINTS TO BE ADRESSED BY A RESOLUTION.

a. Revision of the effectiveness and reinforcement of the NPT.

b. Reorganization and extension of the IAEA competencies.

c. Revision of accessory Treaties: Iranian Nuclear Deal.

d. Actions to strengthen the implementation of Article IV of the NPT.

e. Peaceful use of nuclear energy in the ecological transition.

f. Nuclear transparency: establishment of mechanisms that allows the

international community the use of nuclear energy.

g. Security mechanisms to prevent terroristic use of nuclear arsenal.

This list is not closed, delegates are encouraged to introduce as many topics as they
need during the committee sessions. This are just some guidelines that will help
organize the debate.

IV. ADITIONAL INFORMATION AND REMINDERS.

This study guide is the kick starter for your research, but you should be aiming to do
more research about your individual country’s stance on the topic itself. What bloc
are you in? What solutions has your country implemented individually? These
questions and the solutions you propose for the main issue should be outlined in your
Position Paper, that you will need to send to us before the conference begins.

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Please, additionally, ensure that you read the Rules of Procedure before the
conference. If you have any questions, please contact the SYMUN team through
symun@anudi.org.

Delegates attire must be at all moments appropriate to the relevance of the event
and the role represented. Therefore, compliance with the so-calles Wester Bussiness
Attire is mandatory.

• Female: full suit of blazer, with blouse or dress or formal shoe. No jeans or

sneakers are acceptable. Cocktail dresses will not be

accepted.

• Male: full suit or blazer and formal trousers (no jeans are accepted), shirt, tie o
bow-tie, and formal shoes. Again, neither sneakers nor formal wear will be
accepted.

Despite the above-mentioned provisions, delegates shall wear, at their discretion,

clothes, badges, accessories and typical dresses of the countries they represent, if
they are appropriate for the occasion according to the protocol of such countries.

Moreover, if you have any doubt or need any information about the Committee,
conferences or other issues, don ́t hesitate to contact us.

V. POSITION PAPER.

A Position Paper is a document which describes the official policy of the country that
a delegate is representing on the issue at hand. It is useful to facilitate prior

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preparation to all delegates and improve the understanding of a country’s path.

While a Position Paper does not have a specific structure, there is a highly
recommended one to follow:

- First paragraph: International and local situation on the issue. Country’s policy
in face of it and national efforts taken by your own country to eradicate the
problem.

- Second paragraph: Previous and current actions being carried out by the
international community (e.g. past UN resolutions, programmes, frameworks,
etc.). Country’s position regarding previous and current efforts (i.e. what can
be improved?).

- Third paragraph: Main ideas and proposals, according to your country’s

policy, to address the issue.

It is important that you elaborate your Position Paper with clear and concise
information about your country’s policy, so an extension of a single page will be more
than enough. Finally, it should be noted that plagiarism will not be accepted. Any
figure, statement or fact must be quoted and its source of origin must be clearly
indicated.

VI. BIOGRAPHY.

Davenport, K, & Reif. K. (2019). Nuclear Weapons: Who Has What at a Glance.
Armscontrol.prg. (Online). Retrieved on the 6th of September of 2019 from:
https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/Nuclearweaponswhohaswhat

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Dunn, L. A. (1991). Containing nuclear proliferation.

Firmage, E. B. (1969). The treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

American Journal of International Law, 63(4), 711-746.

Hanhimäki, J. (2008). The United Nations. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

International Campaing to abolish Nuclear Weapons. Why a Ban. Positions.

Retrieved on the 6th of September of 2019 from: https://www.icanw.org/why-a-
banpositions

Iran | isis-reports | Institute for Science and International Security. (2018). Retrieved
3 July 2019, from http://isis-online.org/isis-reports/category/iran/

Ruzicka, J., & Wheeler, N. J. (2010). The puzzle of trusting relationships in the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty. International Affairs, 86(1), 69-85

Siracusa, J. (2008). Nuclear weapons: a very short introduction. New York, Ny: Oxford
University Press.

United Nations (1945). Charter of the United Nations. Retrieved on the 6th of
September of 2019 from: https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf

United Nations Security Council (n.d.). What is the Security Council?. Retrieved on
the 6th of September of 2019 from:
https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/what-security-council

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