Sachin Varma Week 2 Keble College

Can we speak of West Syrian identity in the sixth century?

‘West Syrian’ as a designation is ambiguous. On first glance it appears to be an indication of

a geographical community. Romeny notes how ‘the link to a certain territory’ 1 points
towards a meaningful identity. However, this is still problematic. There were no clear West
Syrian borders and throughout Eastern region there was a diversity of ethnicities, nations
and indeed religious beliefs. Additionally, the question is unclear about what ‘identity’
actually means. In pursuing an identity, there is an attempt to find characteristics which
differentiate a section of people from another group as well as unite all members. Identity
simultaneously unifies a group and differentiates this group from all other groups. The
difficulty with the ‘West Syrian’ identification is the process of development and the internal
diversity within these groups. For example, the ‘West Syrians’ developed a collective history
which served as a identifier. This history was centred around how they belonged to a
community of Miaphysites who had a ‘separate Miaphysite ecclesiastical hierarchy, which
was not officially linked to the Coptic or Armenian Miaphysite Churches.’2 This religious
hierarchy serves as an indication of how religious convictions could function as marker of
identity. This developed, in part, due to the translation of traditionally Greek documents
containing liturgical, doctrinal and religious narrative into Syriac. This indicates the role the
language played in constructing this identity. Religion and the use of the specific language
function together. Ultimately these factors combine to produce a historical narrative which
can be used as a way to unify the West Syrians. However, as this essay will explore these
three themes of: religion, language and collective history does not necessarily differentiate
these groups from others. The lack of the differentiating power these three characteristics
undermine the accuracy of ‘West Syria’ as an identification of a group. Nonetheless, this
does not negate the possibility of there being, at the very least, ‘West Syrian’ characteristics
which means that the term still has some utility.

Before exploring these issues, it is crucial to consider the historical context leading up to the
sixth century. Following the Council of Chalcedon’s publication of the Definition (451) there
was a broad split, in terms of Christology, in regards to the natures of Christ. The pro-
Chalcedons advocated for there being a duality of natures within the Christ: human and
divine. Alternatively, the anti-Chalcedon groups advocated there being one new natures.
Wood describes how it was fundamentally a ‘dogmatic issue, of whether one could speak of
two natures in Christ...or of a unified nature.’3 Following this there were fragmented groups
which the Emperor Justinian attempted bring together. This was attempted through a
mixture of councils, edicts and purges of bishops who did not fully subscribe to the
Chalcedonian Definition. This was carried out all in the name of pursuing uniformity but by
no means achieved this. For example, in 512, Philoxenus was arrested and in July 1520 was
1
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.197.
2
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.199.
3
P. Wood, “We have no king but Christ”: Political Thought in Greater Syria on the Eve of the Arab Conquest
(Oxford, 2010). P.164.
Sachin Varma Week 2 Keble College

assassinated. This was then followed by no uniform persecution between 518 and 520. In
527 there was an edict issued on heretics as well as there being direct negotiations with the
Miaphysite bishops. What creates the foundation for an ‘West Syrian’ identity is the dual
episcopal structure in place. Within the Miaphysite church leaders, there was a ‘dual
episcopal hierarchy.’4 Importantly, within Miaphysitism, there was a theological and
doctrinal diversity. They were never a unified group which could be classed under a single
Christological conviction. For example, there were the Julianists who argued for the natural
incorruption of Christ’s flesh and the Tritheist ‘heresy within Miaphysitism’ 5 which
advocated that there were three different and distinct substances within the Godhead. This
illustrates the multiplicity of ideas which existed under the Miaphysite umbrella which
makes it more difficult to pinpoint what precisely the West Syrian Miaphysite population
believed which limits the extent to which religious conviction can be used as a signal of
identity. Religious convictions were transmitted throughout these regions primarily through
Syriac translations of Greek documents.

Language is crucial to identity and this is one way in which we can explore the possibility of
there being a ‘West Syrian’ linguistic marker: Syriac. For example, 6 th century Syrian texts
illustrate a level of regionalism as well as a level of cultural independence. This cultural
independence for Millar, meant that the use of Syrian could actually be seen as an
indication of resistance to Chalcedon. Millar believes that the use of Syrian informs us about
a ‘distinct historical tradition of the experiences of the ‘orthodox’ and their sufferings at the
hands of their opponents.’6 There were multiple doctrinal texts which were copied or
translated from Greek. For example, the Codex of 551 and John of Ephesus’ ‘Lives of the
Eastern Saints’ which is a ‘major example of Syriac historiography or biography.’ 7 Pseudo-
Zachariah had translated and quoted various documents which had been written in Greek.
The translation of work from Greek into Syrian marked a concerted attempt to develop a
cultural independence from the Hellenistic and Chalcedonian tradition and works like these
serve as evidence of an increase in translations from Greece. From observing the social
realities, those who were Pseudo-Zachariah’s and John of Ephesus’ audience would have
understood the original language. The incentive to translate them into Syrian is to build the
foundational blocks of a tradition which was separate from the Greeks but did not
necessarily call for the rejection of Greek. Millar notes how ‘there was…something very
deliberate and significant in the process of building up, both by the continued copying of
canonical ‘orthodox’ works originally written in Syriac.’ 8 Consequently, there does appear to
interpret the ‘West Syrian’ identity as being a particularly Miaphysite and a Syriac speaking
community. In order for this to serve as an identifier, one necessary condition is that Syriac
must not be used by those who are not Miaphysites. However, this is not the case. Romeny
notes how ‘they shared the Syriac language with some Chalcedonians and with the East

4
P. Wood, “We have no king but Christ”: Political Thought in Greater Syria on the Eve of the Arab Conquest
(Oxford, 2010). P.169.
5
P. Wood, “We have no king but Christ”: Political Thought in Greater Syria on the Eve of the Arab Conquest
(Oxford, 2010). P.170.
6
F. Millar, ‘The Evolution of the Syrian Orthodox Church in the Pre-Islamic Period: From Greek to Syriac?’
Journal of Early Christian Studies 21 (2013) 43–92.p.90.
7
F. Millar, ‘The Evolution of the Syrian Orthodox Church in the Pre-Islamic Period: From Greek to Syriac?’
Journal of Early Christian Studies 21 (2013) 43–92.p.76.
8
F. Millar, ‘The Evolution of the Syrian Orthodox Church in the Pre-Islamic Period: From Greek to Syriac?’
Journal of Early Christian Studies 21 (2013) 43–92.p.88.
Sachin Varma Week 2 Keble College

Syrian Dyophysites, and their Miaphysite beliefs with Copts, Ethiopians.’ 9 Therefore, we
cannot actually speak of this ‘West Syrian’ identity in terms of language because there was
no language which was unique to these Miaphysite West Syrians. Whilst Syriac certainly
united a group it cannot function as a descriptor unique to a group.

As Romeny’s hypothesis alluded to, religious convictions could be used to speak of a West
Syrian identity in the 6th Century. He continues and claims that the ‘choice made in religious
matters was the starting point for the new group.’10 The scholastic correspondence which
circulated throughout this period was greatly focussed on religion. Writers such as John
Rufus and Ephrem began to glorify their past in order to create a collective historical
identity. For example, ‘Ephrem [the Syrian] seems to stress the role of his own region in his
Genesis commentary, identifying the cities were Nimrod was king with Edessa, Nisibis,
Ctesiphon, Adiabene, Hatra and Resh’aina.’11 This identification served as a method through
which social groups could identify themselves with their own Christian past. This emphasis
on religion points towards a prospective unique characteristic of the ‘West Syrians.’ For
example, Jacob Baradaeus was responsible for creating competing ecclesiastical systems
which were very much separate from the Coptic or Armenian churches.12 This development
did not just involve bringing together those who had the same religious conviction but
rather use religion as a way to construct a historical and ethnic narrative which can serve as
a way to identify the ‘West Syrian’ Church. Here we can see the potential for determining
how the Church develops 1 of the 6 features of ethnic communities; namely, a ‘shared
historical memories.’13 In principle, this argument certainly has potential. However, there is
no way in which we can accurately measure how widespread (or genuine) support was for
this sense of unification according to shared history. Consequently, whilst there are
examples of documents describing this shared history and how people of the region are
related to it, there is little evidence available to analyse the public’s reaction to this. In light
of this, it is impossible to then use this collective history notion as an indication of the ‘West
Syrian’ identity.

Interestingly, the notion that there is a regional aspect to these biblical stories could
illustrate a relationship with nationalism against the Arab conquests. Nationalism, in this
case, would refer to using people’s allegiance to regions as a way to cultivate anti-Arab
sentiment. The emphasis on religion, as shown earlier, could be said to be linked to an idea
of nationalism which would see itself in opposition to the Arab conquests. Consequently,
this understanding could be used to speak meaningfully of the ‘West Syrian’ Church.
However, Jones believes that there truly was no link between the religious conviction and
sentiments against the Empire. Using the Monophysites, he notes how ‘there is no evidence

9
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.197.
10
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.195.
11
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.197.
12
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.199.
13
B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W. Pohl et al.
(eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012).p.200.
Sachin Varma Week 2 Keble College

that the Monophystites of Syria were politically disaffected to the empire.’ 14 In other words,
religious conviction is not a reliable indication of their individual political tendencies. As a
result of this, it is more difficult to identify the ‘West Syrian’ Church as a nationalist or,
indeed, a political body.

To conclude, we can speak of the West Syrian identity to a limited extent. Due to internal
fragmentation within the Miaphysite communities, the shared Syriac language and religious
convictions throughout the region. As outlined in the introduction, in order to speak of an
‘identity’ it must simultaneously unite a group and differentiate this united group from
others. The characteristics of the ‘West Syrian’ Church were clearly shared with other similar
groups. Additionally, the internal diversity within the Miaphysite traditions mean that it is
also unlikely to find a characteristic which unites the majority of a group. Finally, despite the
emphasis on regional and individual cultural evidence there is no strong evidence to identify
this with nationalism. The consequence of this is that the ‘West Syrian’ Church cannot
represent a distinct identity.

Word Count: 2,006

14
A. H. M. Jones, ‘Were Ancient Heresies National or Social Movements in Disguise?’ Journal of Theological
Studies 10 (1959) 280-98.p.292.
Sachin Varma Week 2 Keble College

Bibliography

A. H. M. Jones, ‘Were Ancient Heresies National or Social Movements in Disguise?’ Journal of

Theological Studies 10 (1959) 280-98.

B. ter Haar Romeny, ‘Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis and the Identity of Syriac Orthodox Christians,’ in W.
Pohl et al. (eds), Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World (Farnham, 2012) 183-204.

F. Millar, ‘The Evolution of the Syrian Orthodox Church in the Pre-Islamic Period: From Greek to
Syriac?’ Journal of Early Christian Studies 21 (2013) 43–92.

P. Wood, “We have no king but Christ”: Political Thought in Greater Syria on the Eve of the Arab
Conquest (Oxford, 2010).