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Crisis of governance

https://nation.com.pk/26-Jan-2020/crisis-of-governance?version=amp

There is a crisis of governance in Pakistan. And PTI should not


shy away from accepting their responsibility in creating, and then
perpetuating, this crisis.

Who is really responsible for the emergence of this crisis? Is it a


result of people who occupy positions of power within the
government? Or is it more a function of the ‘system’ that that we
live in? Has this crisis resulted from incompetence of individuals
within PTI’s political team? Or is there something more sinister at
play? Is the federal government to be blamed for lack of planning
and anticipation? Or does the blame rest with the respective
provincial governments?

These, and other such questions, must be honestly asked and


answered, if we are to harbor any hope of fixing the litany of
governance crisis we face today, and ensuring that such episodes
are avoided in the future.

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Let us start with a set of undeniable facts: PTI’s governance


model, as pitched by Imran Khan in the lead-up to the 2018
general elections, has failed (thus far) to deliver on its promise.
Usman Buzdar is not ‘Wasim Akram plus’. Looted money has not
returned home. The ‘corrupt’ (as claimed by Imran Khan) have all
managed to slip through the porous grasp of a meek prosecution.
The entrenchment of corruption (per the recent Transparency
International report) has only deepened. Unemployment remains
rampant. Inflation has spiraled out of control. And no long-term
economic revival plan seems to be in place.

In fact, many of the provincial governance issues – not directly


within the control of Imran Khan) are also being tagged to the
Federal Government. In Sindh, for example, the issue of rain
water, of lack of rabies medication, of HIV outspread, or garbage
collection, or even the malnutrition in Thar, fall squarely within
the provincial domain of governance. To this end, after
promulgation of the 18th Constitutional Amendment (in 2010),
the Provinces are responsible for issues such as health,
medication, sanitary works and food procurement. The Federal
Government has no role in these matters. However, the inept PPP
government continues to blame the Federation for being the
source of these problems, under the garb of insufficient funds
being provided to the province of Sindh. And the political buck,
consequently, stops at Imran Khan and his PTI.

Making matters worse, in Punjab, PTI’s Usman Buzdar has


repeatedly failed in anticipating (or countering) governance
challenges. In its first monsoon season, in 2019, the Buzdar
government failed in taking preventive measures against the
spread of Dengue virus. Unlike the Shehbaz Sharif years, Buzdar
government did not run the necessary awareness campaign, or
enforce any of the preventive measures. There was no
government drive to prevent water stagnation. No mechanism for
periodic fumigation. No real focus on vaccination or blood drive.
It was not until Dengue virus has started claiming lives, that
Buzdar government sprung to action.
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Fast forward a few months – the smog/fog season in Lahore. In


anticipation of the terrible conditions (and in compliance of the
honorable Lahore High Court orders), the brick-kilns across
Punjab are scheduled to be shut down in October. And requisite
administrative measures are taken to ensure that industrial
emissions are monitored in early fall. The Buzdar government,
however, snoozed on the job, resulting in smog conditions that
were significantly worse than in the preceding years.

We had barely come out of these crises, when suddenly, at the


turn of the New Year, we were greeted with a wheat shortage
crisis. This time, despite having more than adequate yield, the
administrative mismanagement in Buzdar government resulted
in a synthetic shortage, inflated prices, stock-hoarding, and a
resulting inability of people to afford the wheat stock.

For all of these, and other issues, when the Buzdar government
could not meet the requisite minimum standards of governance,
Imran Khan was naturally blamed for it. After all, his party was
in power in Punjab. He had picked the Chief Minister. He is
responsible for the policy of the party. However, under the 18th
Constitutional Amendment, he has no authority to directly
interfere in the functioning of Punjab. The Federal Government
has no meaningful role in the functioning of the health sector (for
Dengue) or the Agriculture sector (for Wheat) in Punjab.

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What could Imran Khan do, in the situation, to better address the
governance crisis in Punjab? Manage Punjab’s governance
through appointing bureaucracy of his choice – reporting directly
to him. This idea, however, has not been well received in the
Buzdar establishment. A handful of PTI parliamentarians, edged
on by the Chief Minister himself, have raised slogans about
empowering the Chief Minister. In other words, disempowering
the Imran Khan appointed bureaucracy. And this tussle has given
wind to forces that wish to see Imran Khan’s political enterprise
fail.

As a result, the precarious political alliance, in the center and in


Punjab, seems to be dwindling. Allies have repeatedly expressed
their reservations against government policy. Factions within PTI
(especially in Punjab) have voiced concern over Islamabad’s
interference in the running of provincial matters. And the
opposition political parties have started to voice hopes of political
change in Punjab and (perhaps) in the center.

Can this crisis of governance be resolved? Is it only a function of


an incompetent political team in Punjab and Sindh? Are
personalities to be blamed? Or is there a larger structural solution
available, regardless of the personalities involved.

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There can be no denying that Buzdar and his team are not
‘Wasim Akram plus’. And that part of the problem emanates from
the personalities involved. Imran Khan must reconsider a plotical
shuffle at the helm of Punjab. No individual, even Buzdar, should
be considered indispensable in the current crisis.
However, there is a larger structural solution that has been
ignored for too long. That of implementing Article 140A of the
Constitution, and devolving “political, administrative and
financial responsibility and authority to the elected
representatives of the local governments.” Unless this
constitutional command is implemented, in letter and spirit, the
crisis of governance will not dissipate at the grassroots level. Yes,
the provincial government must do their job diligently. Yes, the
Federal Government must introduce better economic and
governance policies. But the real relief to the hapless people of
this country, can only result from an empowerment of the local
government. Usman Buzdar, and his cabinet, are not the
constitutionally envisioned service delivery mechanism. Neither
is Murad Ali Shah and his coterie. These governments will be
exposed for their lack of legislation – which is their primary
function – if the service delivery is devolved to the local
governments, as required by the Constitution of Paksitan.

PM Khan must revisit his speeches and rhetoric from the pre-
2018 years. And be reminded that he had promised an effective
local governance system, which helps alleviate the plight of our
people. Wasim Akram plus, or Javed Miandad minus, can then
focus on the job they were elected to do: help reform our
legislative framework, and set course for policies that bring
Pakistan in step with the 21st century.

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