35

HOW HINDU NATIONALISM DIMINISHED INDIAN

DEMOCRACY AND SECULARISM?
Dr. Moonis Ahmar*

Abstract
Understanding the erosion of Indian democracy and secularism would require the study
of transformation of that country’s state and society in the last several years. How a
multi-cultural, multilingual and multi-religious state failed to ensure harmony,
tolerance and coexistence thus jeopardizing the survival of millions of people targeted by
the Hindu fanatics of Bharatiya Janata Party (BPJ) Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal, Sang
Parhiwar and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Singh (RSS)? Political parties and civil society
groups pursuing a moderate and tolerant approach should have prevented the surge of
Hindu nationalism and persecution of religious minorities, but like taming Indian
bureaucracy, judiciary and military, voices of sanity got diminished with each passing
day. Fascist behavior motivated by the Modi regime not only tried to suppress voices of
dissent but also let loose the goons of Hindu nationalist parties and groups on those who
resisted the surge of fanaticism and fascism. This paper will examine in detail with
critical thinking the transformation of Indian state and society and the diminishing
status of tolerance, moderation, democracy and secularism since the Modi regime took
over in 2014. Is there a light at the end of tunnel as far as promising future of Indian
democracy and secularism is concerned or the country will further drift into the web of
Hindu nationalism and fascism?

Keywords: Secularism, Democracy, Nationalism, Communalism, Fascism,

CAA.

Introduction

H ow India, which remained a cradle of rich cultures and civilizations for

centuries transformed as an intolerant, extremist and a communal country
during the reign of Prime Minister Narendra Modi needs to be examined and
analyzed with critical thinking. As the world’s largest democracy and

*The writer is Meritorious Professor of International Relations and former Dean Faculty of Social Sciences, University
of Karachi. The authors’ email address is amoonis@hotmail.com.

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36 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

constitutionally a democratic and a secular country with equal rights granted to

religious minorities, how India drifted into a vicious cycle of Hindu nationalism
with surge in communal violence is a phenomenon which tends to deepen
insecurity among millions of Muslims, Christians and other religious minorities in
India today.

According to a cover story published in The Economist (London) “India’s

saffron nation”, “India has long stood out proudly in Asia, precisely because of its
success in building a nation from an extra ordinary diversity of religions and
ethnicities. It has enjoyed both democracy and relative peace, even as its
neighbors succumbed to majoritarianism.” 1 But with the passage of time, the
image of India as a democratic and secular country eroded.

Understanding the erosion of Indian democracy and secularism would

require the study of transformation of that country’s state and society in the last
several years. How a multi-cultural, multilingual and multi-religious state failed to
ensure harmony, tolerance and coexistence thus jeopardizing the survival of
millions of people targeted by the Hindu fanatics of Bharatiya Janata Party (BPJ)
Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal, Sang Parhiwar and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Singh (RSS)?
Political parties and civil society groups pursuing a moderate and tolerant
approach should have prevented the surge of Hindu nationalism and persecution
of religious minorities, but like taming Indian bureaucracy, judiciary and military,
voices of sanity got diminished with each passing day. Fascist behavior motivated
by the Modi regime not only tried to suppress voices of dissent but also let loose
the goons of Hindu nationalist parties and groups on those who resisted the surge
of fanaticism and fascism.

The manner in which the Modi regime passed Jammu and Kashmir
Reorganization Act of August 5, 2019 by revoking article 370 and 35-A, meant an
end of J&K’s separate status guaranteed in the Indian constitution and giving a
legal shape to the demographic transformation of the Muslim majority Valley of
Kashmir.2 Taking its anti-Muslim stance further on December 12, 2019, the Indian
parliament passed Citizenship Amendment Act (Act) which pledged to grant
citizenship to Hindu, Sikh, Parsi, Jain, Christian and Buddhist nationals from
Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan arriving in India before 2015. According to
The Economic Times, “Protests have broken out across India, a few of them
violent, against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019. The Act seeks to amend
the definition of illegal immigrant for Hindu, Sikh, Parsi, Buddhist and Christian

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How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 37

immigrants from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh, who have lived in India
without documentation. They will be granted fast track Indian citizenship in six
years. So far 12 years of residence has been the standard eligibility requirement for
naturalization”3.

That Act, which was aimed to further marginalize the Muslim minority of
India, was widely resented in the Indian state of Assam and in Bangladesh.
According to The Hindustan Times, The Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
“acknowledged that the CAA and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) were
India’s internal matters. [Still], it is an internal affair.” Bangladesh has always
maintained that the CAA and NRC are internal matters of India. The government
of India, on their part, has also repeatedly maintained that the NRC is an internal
exercise of India and Prime Minister [Narendra] Modi has in person assured me of
the same during my visit to New Delhi in October 2019.” Furthermore, “the
implementation of the NRC in Assam and repeated comments by a section of the
BJP leadership that all illegal migrants would be deported had first hit bilateral
relations last year. Hasina raised the issue of NRC during her meetings with Modi
in New York in September and in New Delhi in October. The problems were
exacerbated after the passage of the CAA. Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh
Hasina however questioned the need for India’s new Citizenship Act that fast
tracks citizenship for persecuted non-Muslim minorities from three countries and
said people within India are “facing many problems because of the law”. 4.

Back to back measures taken by the Modi regime to promote and

patronize Hindu extremism and nationalism tend to gain acceptance in Indian
society. Neither the media, civil society groups nor judiciary failed to restrain the
rising tide of fanaticism and fascism in India.

This paper will examine in detail with critical thinking the transformation
of Indian state and society and the diminishing status of tolerance, moderation,
democracy and secularism since the Modi regime took over in 2014. Following
questions will be responded with analytical approach and critical thinking in this
paper.

 How and why the Modi regime followed a dangerous path of patronizing
Hindu nationalism?
 Will India be declared as a Hindu state as a result of steps taken by the
Modi regime?

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38 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

 Why the Indian civil society is unable to counter the rising tide of Hindu
nationalism?
 What is the future of Indian Muslims and other religious minorities in the
wake of steps taken by the Modi regime?

Furthermore, the paper will dwell at length fault lines of Indian state and
society which led to the surge of Hindu nationalism and is there any hope to
reverse the process of derailing democracy and secularism? The challenge of
resilience of Indian society to reverse the process of fanaticism and fascism will
also be discussed in this paper.

Three Waves of Hindu Nationalism

Religious nationalism is a reality which is propagated by the followers of
many religions with different intentions. Yet, the surge of Hindu nationalism in
the last few decades following the demolition of Babri mosque by a mob of Hindu
fanatics led by the BJP stalwarts like Lal Krishan Advanvi and Murli Manohar Joshi
gave an impetus to intolerance and extremism against religious minorities
particularly Muslims. Based on caste system in Hindu religion with majority
composed of scheduled caste and scheduled tribes, it was inconceivable in the
past to use a religious card and unite Hindus regardless of their divisions.

The project of uniting Hindus albeit the supremacy of Brahmins (the

upper caste but a minority) was undertaken by the BJP when it reached the
corridors of power in 1996 by forming its first government under Prime Minister
Atal Vihari Vajpayee for a brief time but tailed to prove his majority. He returned
to power in 1998 and it was under his premiership that India conducted 5 nuclear
tests on May 11, 1998 and embarked on a subtle program to unite all castes of
Hindu religion so as to undo the baggage of historical cleavages among Hindus
and provide some credence to the phenomenon of Hindu nationalism.

In November 1984 elections, BJP got only 2 seats but in a period of around
15 years it emerged a majority party in Lok Sabha (upper house of the Indian
parliament). The transition from Vajpayee to Modi witnessed transformation in
the approach and policy of BJP from moderation to hard line Hindu nationalism
and chauvinism. It was during post-Vajpayee era that the project to unite all
Hindus under one platform regardless of their caste contradictions was
undertaken. It was a difficult project in view of sharp contradictions in Hindu
religion because of perceived superiority of Brahmin caste over other caste that

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How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 39

were looked down and termed as inferior. The realization which was shared by
hardcore Hindu nationalists that without undoing the fault lines in Hindu religion
and unity all Hindus regardless of their caste was termed imperative in order to
transform India as a mighty Hindu state.

According to Prof Sitapati, who teaches political science and legal studies
at Ashoka University: “The BJP aims at uniting Hindus, who comprise more than
80% of Indians, and make them vote as one. That's why it downplays caste - which
has traditionally divided Hindus and their political allegiances - "ups the volume
on Islamophobia", and emphasizes the importance of ancient Hindu texts”. 5
Henceforth, without uniting Hindus under one fold the objective of
accomplishing the supremacy of Hindu religion and subjugating other religious
minorities particularly Muslims was unattainable. While Brahmins led the project
of uniting all Hindus from behind, lower caste Hindus were convinced and
motivated to revive the glory of Hindu religion by undoing with what they called
the ‘colonial’ history of 1,000 years of Muslim and British rule in the Indian sub-
continent. How the task of uniting all Hindus under one umbrella was undertaken
needs to be examined and analyzed in some detail.

The transformation of Hindu nationalism from a myth to a reality can be

understood by discussing the three waves of Hindu assertion in the last two
centuries. The first wave began when the Mughal rule in India came to an end
after the war of independence in 1857 and the assumption of direct control of the
Indian sub-continent by the British crown. By taking advantage of opportunities
which arose in the British rule particularly in the field of education and
employment Hindus were able to get modern education particularly by learning
English language so as to get better opportunities in employment and business.
Whereas, to a large extent Indian Muslims remained backward till the time Sir
Syed Ahmed Khan through his Aligarh movement6 motivated his community to
learn English and get modern education in order to compete for employment and
other skillful opportunities. The Indian National Congress (INC) 7 which was
formed on December 28, 1885 was the first organized political party to represent
the people of India but was largely dominated by Hindu leadership. Founded by
an Englishman Allan Octavian Hume in Bombay, INC claimed to represent all
Indians regardless of their caste, sect, religion and cultural background and
mobilized to launch a freedom movement from the British Raj.

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In the first wave of Hindu nationalism, Congress ministries from 1937-

19398 in some Indian states during the British Raj not only alienated Indian
Muslims because of preaching the symbols of Hindu religion but also triggered a
movement for a separate homeland for Indian Muslims as envisaged in Lahore
resolution of March 23, 1940. The contribution of Hindu nationalists in Congress
for the creation of Pakistan is a reality because Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah, who was called as an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, had to leave
Congress in 19209. In fact, Jinnah began his political career from Congress but later
on disillusioned from communal politics of some Congress leaders who wanted
that political party to be led for promoting the cause of Hindu religion. About the
role of Jinnah for the creation of Pakistan, Stephen P. Cohen in his book The Idea
of Pakistan rightly stated that,

After joining the secular Indian National Congress in 1905, he rose to a

leading position as “the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity.” Ironically, he
became the individual most response for the merger of the idea of Pakistan
with the state of Pakistan. He quit active politics in 1930 and went to
London to practice law, but returned to India in 1934 to revitalize the
Muslim League. Jinnah organized the campaign that compelled both the
British and the Indian National Congress to concede to the demand for the
state of Pakistan. He summarized his life’s struggle in a historic address at
a mass meeting in Lahore on March 23, 1940, that set forth the logic of
Pakistan.10

Ironically, Jinnah was ready to accept the demand of Hossain Shaheed

Soharwardy, the Prime Minister of Bengal for a united Bengal instead its partition
but it was Congress which opposed that proposal as united Bengal would have
meant a Muslim majority state. Henceforth, it was in the first wave of Hindu
nationalism which got space from 1857 till 1947 under the British patronage and
enabled Hindu elite having meaningful role in the Congress to deepen their drive
for uniting Hindus and end what they termed as 1000 years of slavery. Deep
rooted venom and bias held among some Hindu leaders against Muslims further
deepened Hindu-Muslim schism because Muslim League under the leadership of
Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had concerns that the ending of British rule
in the Indian sub-continent would mean the domination of Hindu majority under
the garb of secular Congress party which will be detrimental to the interests of
Muslim minority.

The second wave of Hindu nationalism began when India got

independence from the British and continued till 2014 when Narendra Modi
representing the hardline BJP came to power. During this phase, Congress which

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How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 41

ruled India for most of the times failed to protect religious minorities, particularly
the Muslim community, despite the perceived secular and democratic character of
the Indian state. From 1947-2014, communal riots including demolishing Babri
Mosque of 1992 and Gujarat riots of 2002 reflected how intolerant Indian society
had become as the voices of sanity and moderation gradually diminished. Claims
of secular face of India11 got exposed when neither judiciary nor bureaucracy
including police and law enforcement agencies failed to curb communal violence.
During this phase, transformation from Indian to Hindu nationalism took place in
which Congress failed to counter hard line BJP which enlarged its electoral
strength from securing only 2 seats in November 1984 general elections to 270
seats in 1999. The bogey of secularism12 carried by Congress (I) got exposed when
it failed to cub Hindu-Muslim riots during its long rule from 1947-1977, 1980-1989,
1991-1996, 2004-2014 particularly when Babri mosque was demolished by Hindu
fanatics of BJP on December 6, 1992 leading to the outbreak of violent communal
riots killing hundreds of people. Congress (I) government of Prime Minister
Narisimha Rao merely dismissed BJP government in Utter Pradesh but failed to
take punitive measures against those who were involved in the demolition of 15 th
century Babri mosque.

Nevertheless, “the demolition of Ayodhya’s Babri Masjid in 1992 was an

epochal moment in the post-independence history of India. As the frenzied mobs
of Hindu hardliners reduced the medieval mosque to rubble, based on the belief
that it had been built atop the birth place of Hindu deity Ram, their actions also
dealt a severe blow to Indian claims of secularism.”13 “In fact, the Babri incident
announced the raucous arrival of the Sang Parivar onto Indi’s national stage,
perhaps the beginning of a journey that one day culminate with an adherent of
Hindutva in India’s diving seat. However, what, is troubling is that the ghosts of
Ayodhya seem to revive, as a renewed movement against several historical
mosques and Muslim monument has begun to gain momemtum in India.” 14 BJP’s
drive to rewrite history, religion and politics in India is tarnishing the country’s
democratic and secular past. Countless happenings in the last few years in India
today reflect how polarized and communal that country has become. For instance,
“In Mathura, a court application has been filed calling for a ban on azan at the
Shahi Idgah claimed that sanctoruan of a temple dedicated to Krishna is located
inside the mosque. Hindu extremists are targeting the historical Qutub Minar,
calling for temples demolished by Qutubuddin Aibak in the 12 th century to be
rebuilt.”15

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42 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

Had Congress (I) wanted it would have eradicated communal politics

from India and prevented the surge of Hindu nationalism led by BJP, Shiv Sena
and other fanatic groups in its long rule spanning over five decades. Out of 75
years of the history of post-colonial India, Congress remained in power for 54
years and must share the burden of transforming India from secular and
democratic to an intolerant, extremist and fascist country where open lynching of
Muslims is a common phenomenon16. The third wave of Hindu nationalism began
since April 1980 when Bharatiya Janata Party was formed as a political party and
gradually deepened its influence in 1991, 1996, 1999, 2004, 2014 and 2019 general
elections. Particularly since 1980 onwards BJP advocated the philosophy of
Hindutva preaching oneness and values of Hindu religion and focused on uniting
all the castes of Hindu religion which played a leading role in augmenting the
third wave of Hindu nationalism.

Over a period of decades, “Hindu nationalist dogma has filtered into

mainstream discourse by a slow-drip process. This has been propagated by the
Rashtriya Swayamevak Sangh of RSS, a volunteer service corps founded in 1925
and once regarded by many Indians as cranks. And as the BJP has found,
promoting ‘Hindu consolidation’ by pointing to a common enemy, generally
Muslims, is electoral magic. It erases the divisions of caste and ethnicity that for
decades fragmented the Hindu electorate, and in doing so gave minorities some
weight in the game. Again and again the BJP has entered a contest, stirred up
hatred, and walked off with victory. That success has brought more power and
more money in a self-enforcing cycle, such that even Mr. Modi’s political rivals
now compete in burnishing their pukka Hindu credentials rather than in
defending secular ideals, let along defending actual Muslims.” 17

How the third wave of Hindu nationalism is different from the first two
waves needs to be analyzed in three ways. First, as long as Vajpayee was at the
helm of affairs in BJP he was against inducting violence and fascist behavior
against religious minorities particularly Muslims. During the demolition of Babri
mosque, Vajpayee tried to keep a distance from extremist BJP leaders like Lal
Krishna Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi who were in the forefront in instigating
mobs in Ajodhya. With the diminishing role of Vajpayee and other moderate BJP
leaders like foreign minister Jaswant Singh during the era of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh, the space was filled by Narendra Modi who as a Chief Minister
of Gujarat was held responsible for unleashing violence against Muslims during
the communal riots of February/March 2002. Second, Hindu nationalism was not

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How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 43

only raised as a slogan but also as an ideology to undo with what they called as
1,000 years of Muslim and British slavery rule. There is nothing wrong with
nationalism, but when it assumes a violent character and start targeting minorities
then it becomes dangerous. When the line between nationalism and fanaticism is
crossed, the result is violence and bloodshed. Nazi Germany is a vivid example to
prove how the National Socialist Party, called as Nazi party used German
nationalism to target minorities particularly Jews and political dissidents like
Communists and plunged the world in the second world war.

Third, the transformation of Hindu nationalism from a benign and

moderate phenomenon to violent and fascist not only deepened insecurity among
religious minorities particularly Muslims, Christians and Sikhs but also targeted
lower caste Hindus as a show of power by the RSS and Shiv Sena, the allies of BJP.
During Modi regime, Hindu nationalism also had a backlash in illegally occupied
Jammu & Kashmir as BJP since the promulgation of J&K reorganization Act of
August 5, 2019 embarked on ethnic and religious cleansing of Kashmiri Muslims
by introducing domicile act and demarcation of electoral constituencies. Indian
Muslims who became victims of Hindu nationalism faced threats from BJP and its
Hindu fanatic allies that they have two choices: either to convert as Hindus or to
migrate to Pakistan and Bangladesh, the two Muslim majority neighbors of India.
Systematic and organized attempts were carried out by Hindu nationalists to
target Indian Muslims, their religion and culture.

Communal politics, which was entrenched in the northern parts of India

also became noticeable in moderate and tolerant south India. For instance in the
Indian state of Karnataka, ban on wearing Hijab in January this year led to
widespread protests and demonstrations by Muslim girl students in Upudi who
also approached the high court to reverse the order. But the high court refused to
give any relief and retained the order imposed by college authorities. When
petition was filed in the Indian Supreme Court against banning Hijab in
educational institutions by the Karnataka court verdict 18, it refused early hearing
of the case but later on upheld hijab ban restricted on state colleges. As a result,
many Muslim girl students were not able to appear in pre-University exams or
study. It means, in the third wave of Hindu nationalism, not only Muslims are
lynched on allegations of cow slaughtering; they are also targeted because of their
dress code and way of life. It also means, the third wave of Hindu nationalism has
been transformed as Hindu fanaticism with zero tolerance for religious minorities,
particularly Muslims. Finally, not only ultra-right wing political parties led by BJP

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44 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

unleashed violence against religious minorities in India, but the Modi regime was
able to neutralize state institutions of bureaucracy, judiciary and military.
Neutrality of such state institutions which should have been ensured was
compromised. Police, which was supposed to maintain law and order and take
action against those taking law into their own hands looked to other way and
encouraged Hindu fanatics attack Muslims and loot their properties. As a result,
neutrality and confidence on the Indian law enforcement agencies to remain
impartial in their duties diminished the image and credibility of India at the
international level.

Religious and communal schism in India reached its peak when two BJP
leaders including Nurpur Sharma, the party’s national spokeswoman and Naveen
Jindal, head of BJP’s media in Delhi in a TV show passed derogatory remarks
against the last Prophet Mohammad (PBUP). Their remarks led to a hue and cry
which compelled BJP to clarify that the “comments of these officials did not
represent its official stance.”19 As a damage control measure the Modi regime
suspended the membership of Nurpur Sharma and Naveen Jindal, the head of
media in Delhi was expelled20. But, the backlash of such comments was enormous
particularly from Gulf and other Muslim countries who officially protested to the
Indian government against such comments. “Indian diplomats in the Gulf sought
to play the incident down by describing the two as fringe elements. The Foreign
Ministry explained that their views did not reflect government policy. Ms. Sharma
has been summoned by police in Mumbai, the commercial capital, to explain her
comments.”21

Barring symbolic measures taken by the BJP against Nurpur Sharma and
Naveen Jandal, the Indian government particularly its law enforcement agencies
used brutal measures to suppress widespread demonstrators particularly launched
by the Muslims against derogatory remarks against the last Prophet (PBUP).
“Clashes have broken out between Muslims and Hindus and in some cases
between protesters and police in several areas. Homes of several Muslim
demonstrators in Utter Pradesh were demolished which reflected fascist mindset
of BJP against 200 million Muslim minority. Some in India’s minority Muslim
community see the comments as the latest instance of pressure and humiliation
under the BJP rule on issues ranging from freedom of worship to the wearing of
hijab.”22 With the passage of time, India is fast drifting in the vicious cycle of
communal violence which raises the issue of that country’s survival as a
democratic and secular state.

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How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 45

While summing up three waves of Indian nationalism, two conclusions

could be drawn. Frist, there is steady erosion of Indian democracy and secularism
and second Hindu nationalism advocated by BJP and its communal allies are able
to have a huge vote bank. Unlike, 1984 general elections when BJP got only 2 seats,
in 2019 polls it got under the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) got two third’s
majority. With enormous political and electoral space the Modi regime embarked
on the agenda of declaring India as a Hindu state23. It seems, the fragility of Indian
democracy and secularism is a reality. If BJP gets two-third’s majority in 2024
elections then it will not hesitate in making constitutional changes in the Indian
constitution and declare India as a Hindu state.

Countering the Rising Tide of Hindu Nationalism

General elections of 2024 will be a last chance to prevent the rising tide of
Hindu nationalism. Ironically, neither Congress (I) nor Communist Party of India
(both factions) and other anti-communal parties are able to formulate a united
strategy to save their country from an impending religious fanaticism and fascism.
Unprecedented silence of Indian civil society and the tilt of judiciary and
bureaucracy along the partisan role of law enforcement agencies tend to further
deepen insecurity among religious minorities, particularly Indian Muslims.

There is no quick fix solution to the rising tide of Hindu nationalism and
growing intolerance against religious minorities in India today. Countering the
wave of Hindu nationalism is not an easy task because secular, democratic,
moderate and liberal forces in India have lost the initiative to curb those elements
that poison the minds of people with an ideology propagating hate and
chauvinism against those who possess a different religion and way of life. When
there are people who are indifferent or a part of lynching Muslims, targeting them
with aggressive behavior, abuses and looting their property, how can one think of
countering an ideology which tends to become a central figure of Modi regime? In
Nazi Germany and elsewhere with fascist groups having state patronage,
countering such a mindset looked difficult. It was only after the defeat of Nazi
Germany, fascist Italy and Japan in the Second World War that the hope to
protect ethnic and religious minorities from the onslaught of violent forces
emerged but with the passage of time ethnic and religious violence resurfaced
particularly in the post-colonial states.

Countering the rising tide of Hindu nationalism in India today will need
the assertion of moderate, democratic, secular and liberal forces who can

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46 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

challenge the use of force and violence against religious minorities. Unfortunately,
Congress (I) as India’s oldest political party with its perceived adherence to
secularism and democracy has lost its ability to emerge as a viable force against
BJP and its allies. Other political parties with regional affiliations which performed
well in state elections against BJP and its allies are not able to forge unity with
likeminded political groups in order to collectively deal with the rising tide of BJP.
Ironically, “overtime, however, the secular notions enshrined in India’s
constitution have decayed. In 1992 when Hindu extremists demolished a 16 th
century mosque, which they claimed was built on the site of the god of Ram’s
birth in the northern town of Ayodhya, they sparked a decade-long cycle of
bloodshed. India’s establishment was, by and large, appalled. Yet in 2019, when
the Supreme Court ruled that although the demolition was a crime, the property
should be given to a Hindu trust, the same establishment cleared ” 24 the decision
reflected bias of India’s superior judiciary against Hindu fanatics who demolished
the Babri mosque.

While there is no short cut to deal with the wave of Hindu nationalism
and fanaticism, one can contemplate three measures to deal with that menace so
as to save the future generations of India from the virus of religious intolerance
and bigotry. First, neutrality of judiciary, bureaucracy and law enforcement
agencies is central to counter any attempt to unleash communal violence by
targeting religious minorities. There is ample evidence since Modi regime came to
power in 2014 that it systematically tried to induct partiality in state institutions 25
which shattered the performance and credibility of India not within the country
but also outside. The manner in which the Indian Supreme Court failed to process
petitions challenging Jammu & Kashmir Reorganization Act of August 5, 2019 and
banning veil in educational institutions reflects its subjective mindset. Couple of
decades ago, it is inconceivable that Indian judiciary will be partial and insensitive
to communal violence. Furthermore, taming bureaucracy and law enforcement
agencies by the Modi regime means India is fast drifting into the web of religious
fanaticism and fascism. Unless, the neutrality of Indian state institutions is
restored, there is little likelihood of that country descending from the wave of
Hindu nationalism.

Second, at stake is the future of India because its youths must not carry
the burden and baggage of fanaticism and fascism in future. The Modi regime, in
order to broaden its support base for promoting Hindu nationalism, is targeting
the youths of India and is poisoning their minds with anti-Muslim venom by

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How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 47

referring to the so-called 800 years of Muslim slavery and erasing impact of
Islamic culture by changing Muslim names in architecture, cities and inundating
syllabi of educational institutions with biases against the Muslim rule in India.
Patronizing student wings of BJP and its communal allies to eradicate secular and
moderate mindset, the targets are students from religious minorities and those
students who are resisting the enforcement of ideas propagating hate and venom
against those who belong to a different religious school of thought. Unfortunately,
BJP has not only tried to poison students26 but also worked to indoctrinate staff
and faculty of various educational institutions particularly universities.

BJP’s success in promoting ultra-religious constituency amongst the

youths is amazing despite the fact that for more than seven decades
constitutionally India is a secular and a democratic state. Hindu nationalists
worked overtime to poison the minds of youths first by raising the slogan of
‘shining India’ and then Hindutva. Their investments to transform the minds of
youths worked as most of the Indian educational institutions are not under the
influence of ultra-right wing Hindu ideology. Had this not been the case, there
would have been widespread protests against imposing a ban on Muslim girl
students in Karnataka on wearing their dress code. Third, it is the Indian civil
society which needs to reassert its position and reclaim its adherence to
democracy, secularism, moderation and liberalism. The failure of Indian civil
society in challenging the surge of Hindu nationalism and fanaticism particularly
in the media, both print and electronics is a reality 27. Most of the Indian TV
channels are controlled by those media houses having clear affiliation with BJP
and other communal organizations and release there anti-Pakistan and anti-
Muslim venom in their talk shows and other TV programs.

Third, adherence to the rule of law by expressing zero tolerance who take
law into their own hands by targeting and killing religious minorities particularly
Muslims is the need of the hour. During widespread protest in Delhi against the
anti-Muslim Citizenship Law, in February-March 2020, Muslims in Khajuri Khas, a
neighborhood in north-east Delhi against the Citizenship Law faced the wrath of
Hindu nationalist goons who along with police beat up and killed Muslims
protesters while the police looked the other way. More than 50 people were killed
in communal riots in Delhi. A sit-in led by Muslim women in Shaheen Bagh,
Delhi28 in December 2019 against Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) continued
till the time police forcibly removed them in March 2020 under the pretext of
pandemic crisis.

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48 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

The mitigation of rule of law in India which had taken pride of its
democracy, secularism and governance played a major role in patronizing those
elements who preached anti-Muslim narrative. When sanity, reasoning and
enlightenment are compromised with hate, chauvinism, intolerance, extremism
and fanaticism, one can observe sharp erosion of rule of law. Such trends also
prevailed in Nazi Germany during the inter-war period when law only meant
adherence to the ideology of Nazi Socialist Party. Partiality of law enforcement
agencies in communal violence and riots is as old since the emergence of India as
a new state but it became obvious when the Modi regime came into power in 2014.
Indoctrination and brain washing of state institutions compelling them to
conform to the ideology of BJP also got an impetus with the passage of time. As a
result, trust and confidence of people, particularly Indian Muslims on law
enforcement agencies to protect their lives got shaky. Only a non-BJP regime
coming with commitment to moderation, democracy and secularism coming into
power in 2024 general elections can reverse the process of Hindu nationalism and
Hindutva. It will be an uphill task because a lot of damage has been done in
Indian politics and society promoting extremism, intolerance, violence and
fanaticism against religious minorities particularly the Muslim community.

The erosion of Indian secularism29 and democracy is now a reality because

as reported in The Economist (London), “petty rules are imposed to ban veils in
schools, ban public prayers, ban the Muslim call to prayer and, in the BJP-ruled
state of Karnataka this year, even to ban Muslim street traders playing their wares
near Hindu temples.”30

There are around 200 million Muslims in India today but they are
scattered in the whole country and are unable to protect themselves when they
face the wrath of Hindu nationalists patronized by BJP and law enforcement
agencies. Christians and Sikhs along with scheduled caste Hindus are a target of
hate drive by BJP, Shiv Sena and other communal Hindu groups. International
Human rights organizations like Asia Watch have also taken notice of rising tide
of communal violence against religious minorities, including the Muslim
community. The Modi regime got enormous latitude when majority of Muslim
countries remained indifferent to communal violence against India Muslims and
took little notice of CAA and Jammu & Kashmir Reorganization Act which were
primarily anti-Muslim acts of Modi regime. Had there been an economic boycott
of India by the members of OIC, the situation would have been different.
Ironically, Saudi Arabia and UAE agreed to invest in Illegally Indian Occupied

Strategic Thought-2022 [35-51]

How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 49

Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) which gave a boost to the Modi regime. In March
2022, several companies of U.A.E and Saudi Arabia participated in an investment
conference on Illegally Indian Occupied Jammu & Kashmir (IIOJK). 31 It means,
some Gulf countries are least mindful of Indian occupation over J&K and want
respond to what Modi regime is offering for investment in the disputed territory.

Future Possibilities
Is there a light at the end of tunnel as far as promising future of Indian
democracy and secularism is concerned or the country will further drift into the
web of Hindu nationalism and fascism? There are three alternate futures of India
in terms of communal, democratic and secular possibilities. First, the surge of
Hindu nationalism with state patronage will further mitigate tolerance and
peaceful coexistence in Indian society. India, a country with enormous religious,
cultural and lingual diversity in the last few decades is transforming as a
monolithic state where minorities face existential threat to their survival. If the
BJP wins 2024 elections with two-third majority32, the future of India will be like
any other fascist and ultra-nationalist religious state.

Second, the rising tide of Hindu nationalism will be stopped by the saner
elements of Indian society who see the erosion of democracy, tolerance, peaceful
coexistence and secularism as a major threat to survival of their country. But, for
that matter, the civil society organizations, including those belonging to
intelligentsia, political parties, trade unions, student organizations and media will
have to take a stand and prevent Hindu nationalists from further liquidating
religious minorities. Political process is the only way out to marginalize Hindu
fanatic groups having state patronage. Unless, anti-communal forces are united
with a clear strategy to defeat BJP-Shiv Sena duo in 2024 general elections, the
future of Indian democracy is doomed. Third, there will be no qualitative change
in Indian political discourse and one can expect things to remain as they are
instead of any reversal or augmentation of communal schism in India today.
Constitutionally, India would remain a secular and democratic state but in
practice the lives of religious minorities particularly Muslims would be intolerable.

All the three possibilities about the future of Hindu nationalism,

secularism and democracy needs to be analyzed in some detail. If BJP, which got
only 2 seats in November 1984 Lok Sabha elections 33, it means how limited was its
electoral base. From 2 seats in 1984 34 elections to 303 sets out of a house of 542 in
2019 reflects miracle for Hindu nationalism. BJP’s alliance with an ultra-right wing

Strategic Thought-2022 [35-51]

50 Dr. Moonis Ahmar

Hindu communal organization namely Shiv Sena means further widening of

electoral base of Hindu nationalism. If Congress (I) which claims to represent
democracy and secularism has performed badly since 2014 general elections which
means its prospects in 2024 polls are questionable unless it changes its strategy
and improving its leadership skills and program. An Indian Political strategist
Prashant Kishor, in an exclusive conversation with India Today, said that Congress
could challenge the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections only if they put their act
together and prepare a 15-year plan of action. Kishor said that Congress stands a
chance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections as the BJP, despite their dominance, was
still struggling to get more than 50 seats out of the approximately 200 seats
encompassing the East and South India, which include the states of Bihar, Bengal,
Odisha, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Prashant Kishor
further said that “We have to go back to the drawing board and reincarnate the
Congress. The soul, the ideas, and the ideologies remain but everything else has to
be new.”35

Ground realities in India today are such which negate any marginalization
of BJP-Shiv Sena duo unless the silent majority of Indian public opinion rise and
reverse the process of Hindu nationalism and fanaticism. Ten years of Modi
regime will cause enough damage to Indian democracy and secularism and
mitigate its image at the international level. From that perspective, 2024 elections
pose the last chance and hope to rid India from the web of religious intolerance
and fascism. It is yet to be seen how the Indian civil society counters the rising
tide of Hindu nationalism.

Strategic Thought-2022 [35-51]

How Hindu Nationalism Diminished Indian Democracy and Secularism? 51

References

1 “India’s saffron nation,” The Economist (London), May 14, 2022, p. 23.
2 “Explained: The Jammu & Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019 and why it has become a bone of contention in the
delimitation process” Financial Express, July 16, 2021.
3 “Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019: What is it and why it is seen as a problem,?” The Economic Times (New Delhi)
December 31, 2019.
4 The Hindustan Times (New Delhi), August 28, 2020.
5 Soutik Biswas, “The secret behind success of India’s ruling BJP,” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-
55049627 accessed on June 4, 2022
6 https://www.encyclopedia.com/international/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/sayyid-ahmed-khan-
and-aligarh-movement accessed on June 11 2022.
7 https://www.insightsonindia.com/modern-indian-history/foundation-of-the-indian-national-congress/ accessed
on June 11, 2022.
8 Deepak Pandey, “Congress-Muslim League Relations The Parting of Ways” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 12, No, 4
(1978), p. 629.
9 “Why the Quaid-e-Azam left Congress” http://www.jinnahofpakistan.com/2011/01/why-quaid-e-azam-left-
congress.html accessed on June 4, 2022.
10 Stephen Philip Cohen, The Idea of Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard Books, 2005), p.28. According to the same author,
“Jinnah turned the “two-nation” theory (the idea that India’s Muslims and Hindus constituted two “nations,” each
deserving their own state) into an effective political movement. See Ibid.,
11 “The erosion of secular India” The Economist (London), February 4, 2020.
12 Moonis Ahmar, Conflict Management & Vision for a Secular Pakistan A Comparative Study (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2014), pp. 110-125.
13 See editorial, “Ayodhya’s ghosts,” Daily Dawn (Karachi), May 30, 2022.
14 Ibid.,
15 Ibid.,
16 Anreas Malgi, “The Rise of Hindu nationalism and its regional and global ramifications” Asian Politics, Vol. 23, No.
1 (2018). pp. 39-43.
17 “India’s saffron nation,” The Economist (London), May 14, 2022, p. 24,
18 Johnson TA, “Karnataka High Court upholds hijab ban in class: not essential to Islam,” The Indian Express (New
Delhi) March 16, 2022.
19 “Hands off the Prophet” The Economist (London), June 11, 2022, p. 23.
20 Aarish U Khan, “Limits and new frontiers of Hindutva,” The News International (Rawalpindi) June 18, 2022.
21 Ibid.,
22 See news item, ‘Houses razed as India steps up crackdown to stop unrest,” Daily Dawn (Karachi), June 13, 2022.
23 Moonis Ahmar, “India as a Hindu State?” The Express Tribune (Karachi) March 15, 2029.
24 “India’s saffron nation,” The Economist (London), May 14, 2022, p. 24.
25 See “BJP has poisoned institutions- Gandhi” The Nation (Lahore), December 29, 2019.
26 Lalini Taneja, “BJP’s assault on education and educational institutions,” http://www.archive.cpiml.org/
liberation/year_2001/september/saffronimp.htm accessed on June 11, 2022.
27 https://theprint.in/opinion/indian-media-waging-holy-war-against-muslims-hyenas/400407/ accessed on June 11,
2022.
28 Shaheen Bagh: the women occupying Delhi street against citizenship law” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-
india-50902909 accessed on June 11, 2022.
29 “The erosion of secular India,” The Economist (London), February 4, 2020.
30 “India’s saffron nation,” The Economist (London), May 14, 2022, p. 24.
31 See news item, “Four nation investment summit goes underway in IIOJK” The Express Tribune (Karachi), March 23,
2022. Also see, “Gulf CEOs visit Kashmir to explore investment opportunities after FTA deal with UAE” The Indian
Express, March 22, 2022.
32 “With 2024 not far, BJP gets stronger weakens its opponents at the same time,” The Times of India, May 22, 2022.
33 https://www.news9live.com/knowledge/bjp-had-won-only-two-seats-in-1984-lok-sabha-polls-who-were-the-
winners-128764 accessed on June 9, 2022.
34 BJP’s journey from just two seats in Lok Sabha in 1984 to winning two back to back majority” in The Economic
Times (New Delhi), May 23. 2019.
35 “Congress can very well challenge BJP in 2024, Says Prashant Kishore,” India Today (New Delhi) March 15, 2022.

Strategic Thought-2022 [35-51]