Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research - The Asian Perspectives and Practices.-2019

Krittinee Nuttavuthisit
Qualitative
Consumer and
Marketing
Research
The Asian Perspectives and Practices
Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research
Qualitative Consumer
and Marketing Research
The Asian Perspectives and Practices
123
Sasin Graduate Institute of Business
Administration
Chulalongkorn University
Bangkok, Thailand
ISBN 978-981-13-6141-8 ISBN 978-981-13-6142-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5
Library of Congress Control Number: 2019930576
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019

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Contents
1 Introduction to Qualitative Consumer and Marketing

Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 1
The Development of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing
Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 2
Qualitative Versus Quantitative Consumer and Marketing
Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 3
A Brief History and Evolution of Qualitative Consumer
and Marketing Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 5
Rooted Perspective and Research Traditions Underpinning
Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Interpretive Research Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Research Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2 Asian Consumption and Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
The Asian Market Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
The Asian Cultural Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Age Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Ethnicity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Social Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Consumption and Marketing in the Asian Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Needs Recognition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Information Seeking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Option Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Decision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
Experience Evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
v
vi Contents
3 The Asian Market as Research Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

Areas of Research in Consumption and Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Consumer Sociocultural Influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Consumer Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Consumer Decision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
Characteristics of Asian Informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
The Sense of Place and Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
4 Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Setting the Research Purpose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Formulating Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Sources of Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Review of Existing Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
Indicating Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Preparing Research Triangulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Managing Research Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
5 Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Description of the Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Structured Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Unstructured Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Semi-structured Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Interview Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Interview Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Developing Interview Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
Preparing Interviewers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Recruiting Informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Conducting the Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Recording Interview Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
6 Focus Group Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
Description of Focus Group Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Focus Group Interview Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Channel of Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Group Composition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
Time and Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Focus Group Interview Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Developing Question Guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Preparing a Moderator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
Contents vii
Recruiting Informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Conducting Focus Group Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Recording the Focus Group Interview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
7 Ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
Description of Ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
Ethnography Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Ethnography Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
Getting into the Field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
Becoming Invisible . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
Observing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Recording Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Getting Out . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
8 Netnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Description of Netnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Netnography Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Netnography Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
Planning and Preparing for Conducting Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
Collecting Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
Recording Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Getting Out . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
9 Alternative Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
Archival Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
Archival Strategy Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
Archival Strategy Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Participant Produced Materials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
Autobiography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
Diary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Pictures and/or Videos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Projective Technique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Association . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
Construction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
Completion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
Expression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
viii Contents
10 Data Analysis and Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239

Preparing the Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240
Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242
Open Coding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
Axial Coding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
Selective Coding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
Data Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
Evaluating Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research . . . . . . . . . 255
Trustworthiness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256
Usefulness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259
11 Dissemination of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Academic Dissemination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Theoretical Contribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Academic Reporting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268
Publishing the Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272
Practical Dissemination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274
Practical Contribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275
Practical Reporting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
12 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
Key Learning Points of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing
Research in Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
Interpretive Research and the Underpinning Research Traditions . . . . 288
Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
Data Collection Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292
Data Analysis, Interpretation and Dissemination of Research . . . . . . 293
Linking Qualitative with Quantitative Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research Development
in the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
Further Areas of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
Adjustment of Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302
Connecting Research Across Disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
Emergence of New Research Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
Chapter 1
Introduction to Qualitative Consumer
Consumer and marketing research has long been a central focus in academic devel-
opment and market practices due to the need to understand changing consumption
behavior and marketing strategies. Both qualitative research and quantitative research
have been emphasized with their different purposes, methods, and analyses suitable
for different study conditions and market situations. Qualitative consumer and mar-
keting research is employed with the broad goal of exploring and understanding
the phenomenon rather than to verify or conclude, which characterizes the quan-
titative research objective. The qualitative approach is needed in various types of
market economies from the developed to the developing markets and in both West-
ern and Asian contexts. However, the methodology proposed appears to be univer-
sal. Challenging the globalization of qualitative research, differences were encoun-
tered between prevailing Western research standards (from disciplinary values, to
assumptions, principles, and techniques) and non-Western research contexts (Park
and Lunt 2015; Hsiung 2012). In addition, the Asian epistemologies can provide
alternative views to the systems of knowledge creation which have largely stemmed
from western-originating research (Polsa 2013; Liu 2011). While the fundamental
concepts can be generally applied, there are some cultural-specific perspectives and
practices that require further attention. This is particularly important for qualitative
consumer and marketing research which mainly involves interacting with people
who may have different ways to connect and communicate influenced by their socio-
cultural and psychological contexts. Moreover, employing research methods derived
from a western context in non-western cultures could result in unwanted reactions
to cultural incompatibility (Zhou and Nunes 2013).
Realizing the lack of literature about cultural competency in conducting qualita-
tive research methods, particularly within the Asian context (Nguyen 2015a, b), this
book intends to fill the gap and contribute to new knowledge development. More-
over, it can help address the problem of inadequate qualitative research about Asia’s
markets and consumers which represent a significantly culturally rich and econom-
ically rising domain (Eckhardt and Dholakia 2013). It is noted that the book does
not aim to treat East and West as an opposite bi-polar or generalize characteristics
of each but rather highlights different approaches in developing and disseminating
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1
K. Nuttavuthisit, Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_1
2 1 Introduction to Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research
knowledge, recognizing there can be some key common cultures and conditions of
the Asian contexts. Moreover, the book considers, as Seo and Fam (2015) indicated, a
confluence of multiple cultural traditions, inner differentiation, cultural complexity,
and ongoing transformations that occur within the contemporary Asian region and
beyond.
This first chapter elaborates on the development of qualitative consumer and mar-
keting research with regard to the main rationales and characteristics, the difference
between qualitative and quantitative research, and a brief history and evolution. The
chapter then discusses the rooted perspectives of interpretive versus positivist and key
qualitative research traditions underpinning the qualitative research method (i.e. post-
modernism, semiotics, existential phenomenology, hermeneutics, critical research)
that provide fertile ground for the further development of qualitative consumer and
marketing research in the Asian market which will be explained in the next chapter.
The Development of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing

Research
Qualitative consumer and marketing research involves a range of methods and

approaches to explore and provide richly detailed data such as meanings, experiences,
characteristics, metaphors, symbols, descriptions, feelings, interactions, impressions,
motivations, and perspectives of consumer behaviors and marketing phenomena
(Belk et al. 2013). Realizing there are many unquantifiable facts in people’s lives,
qualitative consumer and marketing research provides a means of accessing and
generating insights into how people give meaning to their everyday consumption.
The approach takes into account underlying contexts in which data is collected (e.g.
culture, social relations, descriptions of situations) and various conditions affecting
behaviors and experiences, including consumer psychology. The analysis facilitates
discussion of various social settings and processes that consumers and other agents
use to create and maintain their consumption and market practices.
Qualitative consumer and marketing research has gained increasing attention
recently as rapid changes have promoted new emerging contexts to be explored,
and it is important to find new insights into consumption and marketing discourses.
The more fragmented demands today require understanding of specific contexts,
while making it difficult to assume generalizability of both theoretical creations and
implications. Multiple issues are intertwined and cannot be divided into different
constructs, while different agents in the market become more co-creative and can
influence each other. With this intricate dynamic, qualitative consumer and market-
ing research has become more prevalent as, by nature, it can help illustrate socially
constructed meanings and experiences from individuals’ perspectives and provide a
holistic view of the situation. Additionally, this research approach is well suited to the
uncertainty and unpredictability of the contemporary market environment as qualita-
tive consumer and marketing research focuses on a totality whereby all relevant influ-
The Development of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research 3
ences are considered in a particular setting. The more complex situations make it more
difficult to capture insights specific to those embedded feelings and experiences that
may not be easily communicated. Qualitative consumer and marketing research can
facilitate learning about subjects that people may take for granted or issues they may
not be able to articulate themselves. The ability to find some unmet needs or unknown
demands and to initiate new creative ideas beyond confirmation or verification of con-
cepts to support strategic decisions, is quite crucial in current competitive markets.
Qualitative Versus Quantitative Consumer and Marketing

Research
The major difference between qualitative and quantitative consumer and market-
ing research lies in their essential data characteristics. While qualitative research
provides detailed observation and interpretation of phenomena with illustrations of
words and/or images, quantitative research gathers and measures data from vari-
ables, scales, or dimensions to derive quantified numbers that can be aggregated,
compared, and contrasted in mathematical and statistical analyses. The emerging
concepts and theories of qualitative consumer and marketing research tend to be spe-
cific to contexts (e.g. time, place, people, culture) as well as individuals’ perception
of the situations. This is different from results of quantitative research which intend
to be generalizable across contexts.
Data gathering for qualitative consumer and marketing research is open to multiple
aspects of the setting under study so the analysis can present a holistic view of the
dynamic situation. The main aim is to generate information without, or with fewer,
predetermined assumptions in order to develop understanding of the situation as it
emerges naturally from the data. Quantitative consumer research, on the other hand,
aims to describe certain circumstances or find ways to confirm some hypotheses
with statistical data. It is structured on some predetermined series of questions set in
questionnaires or hypotheses to be tested, and respondents are asked to provide their
reactions regarding the set frameworks. Though some variations of conditions and
contexts may be studied, the structure or research construct is normally controlled
in order to attain some predictions. The focus is on achieving validity and reliability
of the information with solid support of quantitative data.
For data collection, due to interest in underlying contexts, qualitative research is
often conducted in natural settings with researchers trying to observe and interact
with people in the specified environment in order to capture in situ experiences. Major
research techniques include, for example, individual and group interview, ethnogra-
phy, netnography, and other supporting tools such as projective technique, archival
strategy, and participant-produced materials (e.g. diaries, autobiographies, pictures
and video recordings). Quantitative research is mostly situated in a controlled envi-
ronment (e.g. laboratory experiment) or separated study domain (e.g. questionnaire
survey) while the focus is on the determined hypotheses, data gathered and measured,
and quantitative analysis tools. Data collection could be by conducting experiments

or questionnaire survey via mail, telephone, personal interview, or via internet. As
for the questionnaire content, it typically includes research background, objectives,
and set questions which can be categorized into demographic questions to determine
profiles of the respondents and targeted questions based on the topics. Questions can
be close-ended with selection of alternative answers or open-ended to accommodate
additional comments.
For data analysis in qualitative research, upon observing the phenomenon, the
observer would record the observed phenomenon in a field note while researcher’s
opinions or thoughts could be taken into account but included in a separate note.
Interview sessions may be recorded by taking notes or, if possible and agreed by
informants, voice and/or video recordings. It is best to transcribe the interview ver-
batim to get accurate statements and add some reading between the lines based on
observation and other cues (e.g. tone of voice, facial expression). Similar to observa-
tion analysis, ideas, topics, and issues should be identified and the pattern of response
will lead to a further interpretation from both ideographic and conceptual understand-
ings. After collecting field notes and interview transcripts, researchers then analyze
the data by coding technique to sum up ideas, topics, or issues and identify a pattern
of behavior depicted in the notes and transcripts. Observed data should be analyzed
from both the individual perspectives of the observed and conceptual or theoretical
stances before concluding major themes of the research information.
With regard to the researcher’s relationship to the data, quantitative research
tries to reduce the impact (aka bias) of the researcher on the data while qualitative
researchers are incorporated as part of the phenomena given their role as an instru-
ment to facilitate data emergence. Thus, in order to gather deep insights, researchers
must find ways to develop connection with, rather than distance from, the context
and informants so they can build trust and observe what is really happening in a set-
ting. Table 1.1 summarizes the key differences between qualitative and quantitative
research.
In spite of the differences, both qualitative and quantitative approaches represent
a systematic process of discovering and explaining how social realities in the market
arise, operate, and affect consumers and the relevant stakeholders. The two research
methods can provide rigorous and reliable data to support development of consump-
tion and marketing concepts, and in some cases they can overlap. For instance,
qualitative research may provide numbers to support analyses (e.g. frequency dis-
tributions, proportions, ratios) and, similar to the quantitative approach, it may be
conducted with some previously formulated viewpoints or assumptions. Likewise,
quantitative research may be contextualized in a given research setting and some
measurable figures can be interpreted from the case histories and individuals’ reflec-
tions and experiences. The essential purpose of understanding the different methods
is not to prove the superiority or higher significance of either, but to understand their
characteristics and how the approaches are suitable for different research objectives
and market situations.
A Brief History and Evolution of Qualitative Consumer … 5
Table 1.1 Qualitative versus quantitative research

Qualitative research Quantitative research
Objective To explore ideas or understand To test hypotheses or specific
perspectives concepts
Approach To generate information To describe certain
without, or with fewer, circumstances or find ways to
predetermined assumptions confirm hypotheses
Research techniques Individual and group interview, Experiment, questionnaire
observation, ethnography, other survey
supporting tools e.g. projective
technique, case study
Data characteristics Detailed accounts of Quantified numbers that can be
phenomena with illustrations of aggregated, compared, and
words and/or images contrasted
Research setting Often conducted in natural Mostly situated in a controlled
settings with researchers trying environment (e.g. laboratory
to observe and interact with experiment) or separated study
people in the specified domain (e.g. questionnaire
environment survey)
Researcher interaction Incorporated as part of the Reserved and separated from
phenomena given their role as the informants to reduce impact
an instrument to facilitate data of the researcher on the data
emergence
Data analysis To identify themes or patterns To perform numerical
of responses comparisons and statistical
inferences
Data report Data are reported through Data are reported through
informants’ language or statistical analysis
expressions
Implication Specific to context domain Generalizable across contexts
A Brief History and Evolution of Qualitative Consumer

Qualitative consumer and marketing research is thought to have begun in the 1930s
as a qualitative approach entered the realm of applied marketing research (Levy
2006; Kassarjian 1995). Through his established institute for Economic Psychology,
Paul Lazarsfeld conducted interviews with consumers to study shoe buying behavior
in Zurich in 1933. With supporting techniques of probing and detailed questioning
derived mainly from psychological insight analyses (e.g. Freudian psychoanalysis),
the approach then gained wider recognition. One of Lazarsfeld’s students who suc-
ceeded in building connections with the business sector was Ernest Dichter. He devel-
oped the motivation research which was then implemented by several leading brands
and companies. Despite criticism of his loosely structured technique, Dichter’s qual-
itative approach was recognized as a way to explore discrepancies between what
people say they do (or think) and what they actually do (or think) (Levy 2006). This
discrepancy does not mean that people lie, but it can be because they may not know
or are unable to explain their own behaviors. Realizing this can create possibilities to
uncover some unmet needs and result in development of innovation. In such cases,
the quantitative approach will not facilitate explanation but some qualitative con-
versational interviews were claimed to deliver the findings. With influences from
the field of psychology, qualitative consumer and marketing research then incorpo-
rated additional tools to probe for deeper insights such as personality analyses. The
other developed technique i.e. non-directive, depth interview by Rogers (1956) also
emphasized encouraging people to talk freely so their thoughts and feelings could
be revealed and interpreted.
Later, with the creation and implications of more qualitative techniques by the
renowned Social Research Institute (SRI) established in 1946 by three University of
Chicago professors: anthropologist W. Lloyd Warner, psychologist William E. Henry
and anthropologist Burleigh B. Gardner (Levy 2017), qualitative consumer and mar-
keting research became more prevalent. During this time, the focus remained on
understanding consumers’ motivations beyond basic functional or emotional values.
The aim was to learn how people develop relationships with their selected products
or brands, i.e. how motivation interacting with perception can lead people to per-
ceive meaning in the objects they encounter and at the same time how meanings can
affect their motives. Sidney Levy, working at the SRI from 1950 until 1960, con-
ducted many research and consulting projects that have influenced development of
the field until today. Some examples include discussion of brand imagery (Gardner
and Levy 1955), symbolic nature of brands (Levy 1959), and the use of projective
methods to analyze workers’ personalities (Levy 1963). He also proposed combined
research methods such as the integration of projective techniques into the depth inter-
view (Levy 1985), and developed the Thematic Apperception Technique with Henry
(1956) to learn how people symbolize their lives in the products and tell stories to
other people. With influences of other prominent fields such as anthropology and
sociology, qualitative consumer and marketing research has expanded emphases on
human cultures and interactions explained in individuals’ own understanding and
language. The work at SRI incorporated several techniques (e.g. case study, personal
history, ethnography, and group interview). The wide-ranging implications in mar-
keting include, for example, the importance of brand image and communications
with reference to the principle of symbolic interactionism (Gardner and Levy 1955).
Despite the growing importance and more publications and reports available,
qualitative consumer and marketing research has continued to be challenged both in
industry and academia, which were heavily influenced by the quantitative, positivist
approach (Belk 2009). The perspectives range from opposing its acceptance as real
research (Morgan and Krueger 1993) to viewing it as an exploratory complement to
quantitative research which was claimed to be more rigorous and reliable (Catterall
1998). In the mid-1980s, a prominent qualitative project, namely the Consumer
Behavior Odyssey, was initiated with the support of multiple academic researchers
who in the summer of 1986 began the trip from Los Angeles or other points along a
route through the Midwest to Boston. Along the way, they conducted research with
various qualitative methods such as ethnography, depth interviews, and videography,

to study American consumption practices. This initiative led to series of publications
and the legitimization of interpretive consumer research in the field.
With continued effort, recent evidence has demonstrated the strong penetration of
qualitative research in the field of consumption and marketing. In practice, leading
firms have now utilized the qualitative research approach to better understand target
consumers and their contexts. Box 1.1 illustrates examples of practices by prominent
companies such as Nestlé, P&G, and Ogilvy and Mather.
Box 1.1 Example Practices of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing

Research
With the need to understand deep insights into consumers and find new per-
spectives to foster changing businesses, many leading fast-moving consumer
goods (FMCG) companies have implemented qualitative consumer and mar-
keting research, sometimes solely to serve a specific purpose but many times
in combination with practices of quantitative research. Below are example
practices of selected companies and their initiatives.
Nestlé, the global food and beverage company, has carried out several
detailed qualitative research projects to develop new product ideas while at
the same time promoting a good balance of nutrition and wellness. One exam-
ple is “Project Tyson” to support the revitalization of KitKat, the best-selling
chocolate bar in the UK, which in the late 1990s began to see sales drop due
to the lack of excitement. While the four-finger KitKat continued to be pop-
ular among the group of 25–40 years old, it was losing appeal to the young
consumers who found the product not relevant to their lifestyles. In order to
learn new insights, the program invited many pairs of young people (focus-
ing on 12–20 year-olds) to provide their views on new KitKat products and
conducted focus group discussions with those who were regular consumers
of chocolate bars. Questions involved their preference for different flavors,
formats, and appearances of the product. Insights derived from Project Tyson
resulted in the launch of KitKat Chunky, a supersized KitKat finger with a
mouthful of chunky milk chocolate, that could provide novelty of experience
for target consumers. The project also considered repackaging to bring excite-
ment to the new product. The results suggested wider interest among the young
consumers and also the older adults who appreciate innovation.
The other leading FMCG company that has a continuous need to look for
new ideas is P&G. The company has implemented a wide array of qualitative
consumer and marketing research studies ranging from focus group discus-
sions, to in-home visits (to ask questions and observe consumers’ living space),
in-context visits (to ask questions and observe how people use products), and
in-store interviews (to ask questions while consumers are shopping for prod-
ucts). Particularly, P&G has developed a ‘consumer closeness program’ with
the goal of getting their employees closer to the consumers’ lives. “Living It” is
a program in which P&G employees live for several days with the consumers’
families, specifically lead customers. The aims are to observe their everyday
lives in a natural context of consumption and to identify consumer needs which
may be unknown or unrealized among them. The other program is “Working
It” in which P&G employees spend time working in stores so they can learn
about consumers’ shopping experiences and their decisions to buy different
products. Such insights could facilitate development of innovative ideas for
the company. Example research output is the launch of Downy fabric softener
in the Latin American market. The Living It program made the teams real-
ize that their target segment, the lower-income Mexican women, take serious
care of their clothes in order to prolong their usage. Additionally, these clothes
represent the women’s role to care for their families. Thus, they spent a lot
of time doing laundry. The previous product demanded significant energy and
effort, especially within some areas that had a water shortage. Learning from
the program led the P&G team to innovate the new Downy product that could
reduce the time and water used in the laundry process.
Another example is from the marketing communications industry. Ogilvy
& Mather, the global communication agency, introduced Ogilvy Discovery as
the company’s research arm to conduct ethnography in the various markets of
interest. A team of researchers followed their target consumers, with consent,
to different venues filming them in their everyday consumption practices and
contexts. This research approach represents one of their efforts to operate in
a highly competitive industry where agencies are looking to find an edge in
reaching consumers and attracting their customers. The real-life footage helped
the team to discern some subtle details of experiences and enabled them to craft
a sharp and clear message that can engage consumers. An example case that has
been conducted is the ethnography research for Miller Lite beer, which involved
about 90 h of filming men’s nights out in Philadelphia and San Diego. The
analysis uncovered men’s rituals of sharing many bizarre stories. The insights
also suggested that Miller Lite was mostly favored by groups of drinkers while
its main competitor, Bud Lite, was largely for individuals. This, combined with
the other research findings from focus groups, led to the positioning of Miller
Lite to be about expressing affection among friends. These led to the creation
of a TV commercial that could attract interest and generate dialogue among
the target consumer group.
The abovementioned examples demonstrate practices of qualitative con-
sumer and marketing research among several leading companies in different
types of markets. Their relevant uses cover multiple areas of strategies ranging
from brand extension to new product development and communications. They
highlight the increasing importance of the qualitative research methods in the
current market.
Sources: Times 100 (2014), Lafley and Charan (2008), Tischler (2004).
In academia, despite some resistance in order to preserve quantitative research

contributions to scientific knowledge and progress, more theoretical works in qualita-
tive consumer and marketing research have emerged and gained a wider acceptance as
demonstrated by increasing research published in the leading consumer and market-
ing journals. Furthermore, a dedicated field such as Consumer Culture Theory (CCT)
has been established together with the arrangement of annual conferences and specific
training for doctoral students in different marketing departments across the world.
Prominent researchers and professors have integrated various research philosophies
and traditions to advance the development of qualitative consumer and marketing
research. Examples of their practices are described in the following section. More-
over, there are more outlets to publish the research as demonstrated in the emergence
of several specialized CCT journals (Belk 2009). In sum, these efforts in both theory
and practice highlight the significant roles and contributions of qualitative consumer
and marketing research.
Rooted Perspective and Research Traditions Underpinning

The development of qualitative consumer and marketing research is largely influ-

enced by the rooted perspective of interpretivism with recognition of people’s diverse
experiences and the aim to attain comprehensive characteristics of various perspec-
tives. This section explains the interpretive concepts and key philosophical assump-
tions (i.e. ontological, axiological, epistemological assumptions) that can lay a foun-
dation for further development of research programs. Following the approach of
Belk et al. (2013), the section also illustrates the five key research traditions under-
pinning the continued stream of qualitative consumer and marketing research. These
include postmodernism, semiotics, existential phenomenology, hermeneutics, and
critical research, which will be explained respectively. Figure 1.1 summarizes the
key concepts.
Interpretive Research Perspective
With the goal of gathering deeper understanding of the phenomena of interest and
contexts, qualitative consumer and marketing research is mainly rooted in the inter-
pretive perspective. This begins with ontological assumptions regarding the nature
of reality that largely depend on individuals’ perceptions (Berger and Luckmann
1967). Because reality is constructed by individuals and may change according to
different contexts, multiple realities exist which can be viewed holistically (Hudson
and Ozanne 1988). This is because reality represents systems that are dependent on
other systems for their meanings (Lincoln and Guba 1985). Such nature of reality
Fig. 1.1 Rooted perspective and research traditions underpinning qualitative consumer and mar-
keting research
has encouraged the conduct of research in a natural setting whereby all things are
taken into account rather than being reduced to distinct variables. The interpretivist
suggests that people actively create their environment instead of responding to it
(Hudson and Ozanne 1988). Hence, the emphasis of interpretive research is on
individuals’ viewpoints rather than the researchers’ analyzing perspectives.
This approach has led to the axiological assumption that the overriding goal of
interpretive research is to understand behavior, not to predict it (Rubinstein 1981).
To attain understanding, one needs to know the shared meanings within a culture.
A researcher must actively participate in the cultural setting in order to gain an
insider’s view of the shared meanings (Hirschman 1986). A more comprehensive
understanding requires learning about the development of shared meanings from
the motives to the uses and interactions between the different notions. Nevertheless,
throughout this process a researcher must be aware of his own possible assumptions
regarding the shared meanings and try to eliminate them in order to truly realize the
insider’s views.
Next, when formulating knowledge, epistemological assumptions of interpretive
research include the type of knowledge generated that is more specific to place and
time. Rather than seeking to determine generalized knowledge, an interpretivist seeks
to learn about subjective experiences that are time and context bound while the expla-
nation would become context-dependent (aka “a thick description”, Geertz 1973a, b).
Interpretive research tries to generate knowledge that is legitimate with sensible nar-
rative qualities. In terms of the view of causality, an interpretivist does not look for
a separation between cause and effect because the world is too complex and chang-
ing. Instead, it is suggested that entities in the world are simultaneously influencing
each other (Lincoln and Guba 1985; Rubinstein 1981). Finally, for the research to
gather and develop knowledge, an interpretivist recognizes the possible relationships
between a researcher and the people under examination. Here, informants may be
involved in guiding the research process, providing information and suggesting anal-
yses while the researcher becomes part of the social reality. Therefore, a researcher
must be able to continuously adapt in order to attain emerging knowledge.
Rooted Perspective and Research Traditions Underpinning … 11
From the ontological, axiological, and epistemological assumptions identified

above, the interpretive research approach is evolving as it seeks to describe various
perceived realities which are context-dependent. The research is often conducted
in a natural, changing setting which means that in spite of some pre-understanding
of the context, it is never enough to conclude the research design process, and a
researcher must be able to adjust it at any given time, keeping in mind that informants
will become part of the process to uncover any new information, ideas, meanings,
questions, and even data-collection procedures (Belk et al. 1988). In this regard,
qualitative techniques seem better suited to the interpretive approach though it is
also possible to apply quantitative research techniques.
Research Traditions
Research traditions refer to a set of philosophical discourses and associated research

practices. Following the approach of Belk et al. (2013), the five core research tra-
ditions (i.e. postmodernism, semiotics, existential phenomenology, hermeneutics,
and critical research) underpinning the development of qualitative consumer and
marketing research are discussed in this section. Understanding the rationales, defi-
nitions, and developments of the principles can suggest implications for qualitative
consumer and marketing research and illustrate some contributions and challenges of
the practices. Learning about the different traditions can support selection of the pre-
ferred approaches suitable for different research contexts and can help a researcher
to formulate well-defined research questions.
Postmodernism
Postmodernism has emerged as a philosophical and cultural movement (Vattimo

1992) with the aim of addressing some limitations of the modernism principle. Mod-
ernism is associated with science, rationalism, and technology while many factors
adding to the richness of human experience involve cultural and symbolic aspects
such as aesthetics, language, and narratives. Since modernism placed emphasis
on functionalism, social order, unifying efforts, conformity, and progression (Ross
1988), it can be perceived as restrictive and repressive. While modernism tended
to classify the world into a simple dichotomy (e.g. subject vs. object, producer vs.
consumer, signified vs. signifier) in which one has superior power over the other, post-
modernism emphasizes pluralism and mixing of genres where cultural and symbolic
representations serve as the grounding of knowledge development. While modernism
views the human subject as guided by rational thought, postmodernism suggests that
people have contradictory viewpoints and it is better to be open and encourage
expressive ideas. Realizing the diversity, postmodernism emphasizes localism and
particularism instead of universalism.
In terms of development, modernism was highly regarded when the economy and
science seemed to be the main driving forces of society. The central practices were to
manage resources efficiently and provide more and better ways to improve people’s
lives through scientific knowledge. However, there were some critiques of the result-
ing effects of capitalism and exclusion of other important concepts such as culture
that also represent the human condition. Instead of considering humans as cognitive
subjects, postmodernism considers the human as a communicative, symbolic subject
and it has adopted a cultural position in which cultures are not objectively represented
but interpreted (Geertz 1973a, b). Here, cultures and economies are closely linked to
form characteristics of the consumer society. From the early critique of modernism,
postmodernism has spanned different realms from culture to architecture, feminism,
and so on.
With regard to consumption and marketing, modernism considered consumption
as secondary to production because production was perceived as the creation of value
to people’s lives with consumption representing the use and destruction of value.
Postmodernism expanded the notion of consumption beyond the conventional eco-
nomic concept to consider it as a sociocultural process whereby consumption cannot
be separated from production and the consumer is not in opposition to the producer
(Featherstone 1991). In fact consuming is viewed as another form of value-producing
activity but with a symbolic value rather than the conventional economic exchange
value. Consumption has shifted towards the consumption of images, and society has
become a society of spectacle whereby a fantasy may become part of everyday life
(Bourdieu 1984). Marketers produce the spectacles (such as in a marketplace) while
consumers seek meanings and experiences.
As for consumers, they are considered fragmented and decentered. Postmodern
consumers engage in nonlinear thinking and practice. Therefore, consumption prac-
tices must be studied on an ongoing basis with a never-ending process of consump-
tion, while products are regarded in terms of their representations and significations.
In postmodernism, consumers are not viewed as people seeking to satisfy their needs
but to produce values such as self-images, lifestyles, and create environments for
self and others. The market has become more fragmented with an increase of spe-
cialized products that have particular purposes independent of practical uses. With
the emphasis on localism and particularism, consumption processes may be var-
ied across cultures and subcultures (Venkatesh 1995). The focus of consumer study
should be on everyday practices of consumers and how they continuously negotiate
their sociocultural spaces beyond the common market system (Bourdieu 1984).
The implications of postmodernism in consumption and marketing can contribute
to a more comprehensive representation of the human condition. The world today
contains pluralities, chaos, instabilities, changes, and paradoxes. This approach can
incorporate the role of symbolism in consumption and expand the market in which
consumers are free to engage in multiple experiences (Belk et al. 1982). Thus, it
is a way to recognize and empower consumers and their consumption practices.
Nevertheless, this approach also faces some challenges due to the concept being
criticized as illusory with no concrete essence to make clear, linear progress. The
perspective can also raise concerns about negative consequences such as an endless
process of production and consumption, a loss of commitment, and a focus on self

and hedonism (Jameson 1984; Baudrillard 1983, 1981).
Semiotics
Signs and symbols are increasingly important in the world today. The phenomenon is
demonstrated in the growth of leisure activities and fantasy pursuits embedded with
lots of symbolic meanings. Semiotics is a principle that focuses on the morphology of
signs, symbols, and meanings and their influences on behaviors. Semiotics analyzes
the structures of meaning-producing phenomenon, both verbal and non-verbal, and
the systems of signs underlying exchanges of message among people and different
entities.
The development of semiotics has its roots in ancient times when people iden-
tified manifested symbols as conveyers of messages in their communications. The
important stages of semiotics development lie in the works of Ferdinand de Saus-
sure and Charles Sanders Peirce. Saussure emphasized the study of what signs are
made of and what laws command them, based on linguistic principles. He proposed
a dyadic relationship between the signifier and the signified and the relational world-
view whereby meanings are derived from what human beings create and perceive
among signs in a system. Unlike Saussure, Peirce proposed to examine the triadic
semiosis of sign, object, and interpretant (or interpreter’s response to the sign). Influ-
enced by Kant’s conception, Peirce suggested the relations between signs and the
interpretants which can be by deduction (the rule and given case entail a result),
induction (given a case and a result, the rule can be inferred), and abduction (a result
and the rule suggest the given case). Until now, the development of semiotics has
spanned different disciplines and the field continues to grow and influence.
In consumption and marketing, signs and symbols are apparent both as an input
and output as consumers act according to meanings they assign to marketing stimuli
(Mick 1986). Therefore, it is important to study the impact of symbolism in the lives
of consumers. Semiotics in consumer research includes, for instance, the study of
advertising language (Holbrook 1978) or the study of advertising as a cultural way of
presenting and apprehending the world. Products may contain signs and symbols to
communicate (Belk et al. 1982) such as the study of conspicuous products and their
meanings from the user’s perspectives and also the perspectives of the user’s audience.
Besides being a tool to learn about signs and symbols in marketing, semiotics can
support understanding of consumption such as the study of consumer myths (Levy
1981), the symbolic interactionism regarding the process in which people understand
their world by interpreting the actions of others (Solomon 1983). Moreover, a series
of foundational works by Oswald (2012, 2015) proposed semiotics and its relation
to marketing in which a brand is a system of signs and symbols that can engage
the consumer and result in tangible value of a product offering, and the semiotics in
other consumer touch points like retail design that can form emotional connections
with consumers.
In terms of contributions, semiotics can support the study of both production and
consumption of symbols in consumption and marketing which can enhance new
perspectives of theories and practices. Semiotics can encourage an alternative and
extended research approach with reference to uses of signs and symbols to associate
with consumer experiences and their meanings. Semiotics can also enhance better
communications among people as well as their relations to objects. Some challenges
about the semiotic study include concerns about the rhetoric quality of symbols and
a chance of misinterpretation (Mick 1986).
Existential Phenomenology
Existential phenomenology suggest that the world cannot be viewed as an object

separate but intertwined with the embodied subject. Individuals are inseparable from
the environments in which they live. According to Merleau-Ponty, human beings do
not possess nor create the world like it is an innate entity. Hence it is important to
learn experience as it is lived and from the person’s perspective. Existential phe-
nomenology puts emphasis on a study of the life-world of the individual. This refers
to experience understood from a first-person view and in the context of person-in-
the-world. It is noted that the lived experience is not always consistent with the world
of objective account. This is due to the influence of perception which makes what
one sees (objective characteristic) depend on how one views it (subjective presence).
On the other hand, how one perceives the world can be subject to what is being pre-
sented. In perceiving experiences, a perceiver relates to a perceived. The two domains
are dynamically and dialectically related. Because the world in which people live
is already embedded with presupposed meanings, it is suggested that people may
already assume some positions when they perceive the world around them.
The development of existential phenomenology has come from the combination
of the philosophy of existentialism and the method of phenomenology. The exis-
tential dimension focuses on a person’s living in their everyday circumstances, and
the understanding is based on their in-depth reflections of the psychological mean-
ings which may be expressed in their experiences and actions. The phenomenologi-
cal dimension highlights a person’s perspectives of psychological reality. Together,
existential phenomenology facilitates understanding of the totality of human-being-
in-the-world (Heidegger 1962). From this perspective, to attain an individual’s life-
world any theoretical and ideological prejudgments must be set aside. The emphasis
is on understanding individuals’ experiences instead of deriving theoretical abstrac-
tions. Such an approach can support the works of Gestalt psychology and clinical
practice as it emphasizes an individual’s descriptions of his/her own experiences
which may concern feelings such as anxiety, depression, or learning. By its nature,
this process can be quite therapeutic because it puts emphasis on each individual’s
psychosocial conditions while practicing deep listening with bracketed (or reduced)
prejudgment. Thus it can support people in dealing with some difficulties in life.
With the experiences largely embedded in the context, the approach of existential
phenomenology tends to focus on some specified events which can engage and enable
informants to thoroughly reflect on their experiences and provide richly detailed

descriptions of experiences as they were lived. It is noted that this life-world, which
is a phenomenon of interests, consists of multiple things and their interrelations.
Besides a person being embedded in the world, there are other people, institutions,
cultural objects, natural objects, and more that mutually exist and are inextricably
engaged with each other.
Existential phenomenology can support development of research that aims to
describe consumer experience as it emerges in some contexts (Thompson et al. 1989).
In this case, it can help a researcher explore the interrelationship between consump-
tion and marketing simultaneously. With the concept of consumers as embodied
agents embedded in a market culture (Arnould and Thompson 2005), existential
phenomenology can highlight the dialectical interplay between agency and structure
(Murray 2002). Besides being influenced by a market, consumers are able to con-
struct their identities by interacting with the discourses (e.g. marketing influences)
emerging within their cultural setting. Learning from first-person description of a
specified domain of experience can provide deep insights into a consumer’s life-
world and comprehensive consumer demand based on the consumer’s own terms
and meanings. While these are perceived important in both theoretical and practi-
cal aspects, they are not easy to obtain with a simple research technique. Because
the methodology of existential phenomenology research flows from the informants’
perspectives and dialogues rather than any predetermined path, it allows freedom for
consumers to express and guide the conduct of research (Thompson et al. 1989). The
process is intended to yield a conversation whereby consumers can freely describe
their experiences in detail. When analyzing data, researchers try to capture common
patterns in experience rather than finding convergent validation. By way of relating
accounts of specific experiences to each other and to the overall context of the life-
world, a researcher can find an experiential pattern and give a thematic description
of experience.
Existential phenomenology can contribute to the conduct of consumer and mar-
keting research, particularly in studying consumer holistic experience which is dif-
ferent from behavioral response patterns or cognitive structures. It provides a means
of identifying and describing implicit assumptions that remain mostly unchallenged
but treated as unquestionable givens. It can help explore consumers’ relationships
with other people and objects such as products and services. The approach has broad-
ened perspectives that the desire to consume may not be by consumers’ subjective
preference or objective product merits only, but by the meaning of the consumption
experience and its relation to the world of the consumer (Holbrook and Hirschman
1982). Accordingly, possession can signify the being of the consumer. Sartre (1956,
p. 754) summarizes this as “I am what I have”. Existential phenomenology facilitates
understanding of consumers’ identification with their choices of products. The same
logic is applied also in the design of marketing communications with the illustrated
connection between the product and its place in the world of the consumer and his
self-identity.
With the focus on a person’s lived experience, possible challenges of existential
phenomenology in consumer and marketing research include the need to find sup-
port for proposed themes demonstrated in transcripts, while theoretical explanations

and abstractions must be avoided or reserved (Kvale 1983). Truly understanding
a worldview different from one’s (researcher’s) own can be challenging because it
requires openness, empathy, and interpretation from a new standpoint (Thompson
et al. 1989). In this process, a researcher must be able to bracket preconceptions
while trying to simply gather meanings without imposing comprehension. Another
challenge is that there may be some influences of market and social systems that are
not felt or experienced by consumers and therefore not being expressed by way of
existential phenomenology though they are embedded in consumers’ lived experi-
ences.
Hermeneutics
Hermeneutics is about the interpretation of understanding (Bleicher 1980). The phi-

losophy highlights the multiplicity of understanding given no final conclusion of any
interpretation. Hermeneutic understanding is always shifting or expanding according
to the changing frame of reference of the interpreter. By general principle, all under-
standing is linguistic as language always shapes and constrains people’s experience
of the world (Gadamer 1989). This notion signifies the influence of [pre-] understand-
ing because prior to any interpretation, human subject and object of interpretation
exist in a cultural world and they are linked by a context of tradition (Heidegger
1962). [Pre-]understanding, or it can be described as prejudice and prejudgment,
plays an important role in knowledge creation while it is continuously challenged to
change according to diverse conditions.
The development of hermeneutics as understanding of understanding has contin-
uously changed and expanded to include various descriptions (Bleicher 1980). In
the beginning, it was regarded that understanding occurs when an interpreter follows
some specified procedures to arrive at an objective intended meaning. This hermeneu-
tical approach put focus on a textual interpretation. Then, the other philosophical
hermeneutics emerged from the belief that interpretations cannot be determined by
any intended objectives but are always open to new possibilities. Therefore, the focus
shifted from the text to the interpreter’s act of coming-into-understanding. With fur-
ther focus on interpreter and their conditions, the other notion of critical hermeneutics
emerged in response to an interpreter’s power interests and systemic distortion of
[pre-]understanding (e.g. false consciousness) (Habermas 1980a, b). The develop-
ment has continued to the recent version of phenomenological hermeneutics which
claims to bridge the prior knowledge and mediate between an objective meaning
of text and an existential appropriation of its meaning into understanding (Arnold
and Fischer 1994). In spite of the various notions of hermeneutics, the development
is grounded in the common concept to find interpretation by way of a hermeneutic
circle that links parts of a text to a whole text and vice versa thereby presenting a
revision of an interpreter’s [pre-]understanding (Bernstein 1983).
In consumption and marketing, hermeneutics can support the study of texts which
represent contextualized expressions of individual consumers such as interview tran-
scripts, verbal protocols, audiovisual recordings, photographs, artifacts and belong-

ings (Gadamer 1989). By way of hermeneutic understanding, it suggests that these
texts may assume a life of their own or can lead to understanding different from what
was intended by the author. The recognized autonomy of the text allows openness
to study consumption (Arnold and Fischer 1994). Recognizing signs and symbols
as a major part of understanding, hermeneutics can incorporate study of a system of
signs which are quite prevalent in the current market context (Mick 1986). With the
ability to arrive at a coherent interpretation, a hermeneutical process is applied in
many consumer and marketing research studies such as a phenomenological study of
consumers’ life-world (Thompson et al. 1989). This interacting process between the
interpreter and the text is suitable for a study that emphasizes the intermingled rela-
tions between subject and object or consumer and marketing influences. With the goal
to understand the understanding, hermeneutics can facilitate consumer researchers to
derive understanding more consciously and critically as they become aware of their
own [pre-]understanding (Rorty 1985). Nevertheless, hermeneutics can be subject to
the false consciousness or misunderstanding (Habermas 1980a, b).
Critical Theory
In a world of limited resources, there are people who have access to better opportu-
nities and those who are constrained. It is observed that social problems often result
from certain groups of people in society being marginalized by confining social con-
ditions together with the behaviors that they themselves construct and maintain. In
this regard, several ideologies have been developed to tackle the challenge based on
the fundamental belief that human life is worth living and can always be improved
(Marcuse 1964).
Critical theory represents a systematic critique of social conditions with the aim
of helping people envision a better society where people can be free from constraints
in life (Fuhrman 1979). The approach is quite unique in that it is based on conflict
or structure that limits and represses human development while other approaches
are interested in the way in which society holds together. Though conventional
approaches may realize the ongoing conflicts in the society, they tend to separate
knowledge (fact) from how it is being used (interest) hence they rarely challenge the
system but rather preserve the status quo (Murray and Ozanne 1991). Critical theory
believes that knowledge is associated with practical or moral actions and therefore
stresses connection between theory and practice (Habermas 1971).
Critical theory views the nature of reality as being produced through social inter-
action between subject (meanings) and object (social structures) but focusing on
their possible tensions or inconsistencies (Jay 1973). These contradictions become
the sources of change, particularly with the human freedom and potential to address
the problems. Yet, the more powerful group may become the main driving force and
often channel the efforts to their preferences and benefits. It is therefore important
to understand both the marginalized groups and the oppressive social structures or
conditions when identifying issues that demand change. Realizing that knowledge
is inseparable from a political action or interest, the critical researcher must con-
sider social actors who benefit from the research and also reveal constraints that
can motivate people to imagine alternative societies and engage in social change
action (Comstock 1982). In this light, the knowledge of critical theory is considered
forward-looking and action-oriented.
Murray and Ozanne (1991) proposed that the development of critical theory can be
analyzed according to two main periods. First, beginning in 1923 with the establish-
ment of the Social Research Institute, the roots of critical theory lie in reinterpretations
of Marx’s conceptions, especially the original ideas before they were adapted to serve
political interests. The commitment then was to explore the relationship between
knowledge (theory) and action (practice) by exploring the interaction between the
individual and society. The approach combined multiple disciplines ranging from
science to culture, philosophy, psychology, and more with a focus on improving
the quality of life particularly for the repressed social segments. The second period
began with Habermas’s remodeling of critical theory. His approach focused on the
connection of theory with political practice and creation of knowledge. The rela-
tionship between theory and practice is critical in that theory reveals distorted social
conditions which will eventually lead to awareness of change in society. Here, the
main aim was to find knowledge that would motivate and enable people to achieve
self-determination and autonomy.
In consumer and marketing research, critical theory generally involves issues that
constrain some social groups or generate conflicts such as misbehavior (e.g. drug
addiction, prostitution, gambling), deviant consumption (e.g. obsessive-compulsive
consumption, commodity fetish) and the mistreatment of marketing (e.g. deceptive
advertising, materialism). In society, the constraints may appear in the form of dis-
torted communications, contradictions between meanings and social conditions, or
inconsistencies between values and motives of different stakeholder groups (Murray
and Ozanne 1991). Study of these constraints not only produces new knowledge in
consumption and marketing but also illustrates some means of coping with or with-
drawing from a troubled society. When collecting data, critical research explores the
intersubjective understanding of each group and examines relevant social structures
or processes. Understanding these can lead to learning of contradictions which can
engage further discussions about alternative ways of seeing the conditions, especially
from the perspectives of the constrained groups, and the development of programs or
actions to bring change. Through the process of open critique and dialogue, critical
theory can help reveal deceptions and the consequences leading to the creation of
social change strategies (Comstock 1982).
Clearly the main contributions of critical theory are in enhancing social change
and achieving better consumer quality of life. Implications in consumption and mar-
keting can be in support of public policy, social marketing, and consumer rights
organizations. It can help explain some social dysfunctions, particularly those that
relate to some practices of marketing. It can engage further changes among relevant
stakeholders such as consumers, the private and public sectors and the NGO groups.
By analyzing their possible conflicts, critical theory can lead to new opportunities,
new modes of consumption and experiences, or new forms of marketing activities

that help balance and alleviate tensions.
Major challenges of implementing critical theory may be in the theory’s strenuous
goals of deepening public consciousness and transforming society for the better
(Murray and Ozanne 1991). Generally, social problems require a larger and more
extensive involvement of different sectors, a longer research approach, and a deeper
commitment of the relevant parties. Conducting a study requires significant effort to
move abstract theory to concrete social change and to connect theory with the practice
of social change. As critical theory involves both the dominant and repressed groups,
the study may face difficulties in handling their conflicting interests, particularly
since the goal of critical research is clearly set to free people from constraints and
domination. Also the process of social criticism can bring tensions and contradictions
which require careful handling to make people accept and engage in open and free
dialogue. Finally, many conflicts and constraints stem from multiple and complex
sources which may make it difficult to identify the genuine oppressed groups.
In summary, this chapter describes the development and key concepts of qual-
itative research and explains briefly the rooted interpretive approach and different
philosophical traditions (i.e. postmodernism, semiotics, existential phenomenology,
hermeneutics, and critical research) underpinning qualitative consumer and market-
ing research. The details illustrated above suggest that these different traditions are
not clearly separate and there is no one single approach that can best support the
research development. Though the described concepts can be generally applied, it is
evident that the quality and the meaning of the insights developed also depend on
the variety of cultural contexts that construct them. Moreover, the culture can signify
and direct different ways to attain information, theories, and representations. These
arguments lead to the following chapter that highlights the importance of qualitative
consumer and marketing research in the culturally-specific market of Asia.
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Chapter 2
Asian Consumption and Marketing
Globalization has expanded boundaries of development from a dominant focus on the

developed to the developing markets and from the generally Western-centric to the
other economies such as the Asian market. The dynamic has also encouraged broad-
ening the horizons of consumer and marketing research by incorporating different
perspectives and practices, thereby suggesting extended approaches of knowledge
creation. Before delving into the development of qualitative research practices, it is
important to begin with an understanding of the context. This chapter describes the
Asian market economy, cultural setting, and key characteristics of consumption and
marketing in Asia. To approach the study, this book has employed both etic (culture-
general) and emic (culture-specific) perspectives, with the former elaborating some
universal dimensions of cultural differences and the latter explaining idiosyncrasies
of individual cultures. It is noted that the goal is to enhance understanding of cultural
differences rather than measuring cultural variability. With the qualitative research
orientation, it remains crucial to explore culture from within the context. While some
of the following theories may explain the difference according to classic notions of
the East versus the West, the purpose of this book in referring to such concepts is not
to demarcate the polarity difference but to point out some key areas of distinctions.
This is aligned with Arnould and Thompson (2005)’s suggestion about the consumer
culture theory (CCT) that aims to explore “the heterogeneous distribution of mean-
ings and the multiplicity of overlapping cultural groups that exist within the broader
socio-historical frame of globalization and market capitalism” (p. 129). Moreover,
while it is possible, as suggested by Fletcher and Fang (2006), that the Asian markets
are clustered on the basis of cultural commonalities, it is important to also recognize
detailed differences.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_2
24 2 Asian Consumption and Marketing
The Asian Market Economy
Asia is the world’s largest continent, covering about 30% of the total land area. In
general terms, it is bounded on the east by the Pacific Ocean, on the south by the
Indian Ocean and on the north by the Arctic Ocean. According to the world population
records, more than half the world’s people live in Asia. The figures demonstrate
that Asia accounts for 60% of the world population or about 4.4 billion people, of
which China and India alone constitute 2.7 billion (United Nations 2015). In the
21st century, Asia is forecasted to continue as a global leader in population numbers,
though Africa is expected to deliver more than half of the global population growth.
Therefore this region is relatively highly populated with increasing urbanization and
a growing market economy (Eckhardt and Dholakia 2013).
Population records and trends suggest how consumer demands and market devel-
opment will progress in the near and distant future. The growth in population will
certainly transform Asia into one of the most important markets in the world. This
is also supported by growing spending power and intensive expansion of the middle
class. Asia accounts for about one third of global GDP with the rise projected to
continue and reach over half of global share by 2050 (Economist 2015; Dadush and
Stancil 2010). A study by the OECD Development center indicated that by 2020
more than 50% of the world’s middle class could be in Asia, and Asian consumers
could represent over 40% of global middle class consumption (OECD 2010). This
suggests abundant business opportunities as people look for more and better quality
products and services and engage in lifestyles beyond their basic necessities (Robison
and Goodman 1996).
However, when considering Asia, one must take into account the diversity of
geographies and environments, political systems, people’s ethnic groups, cultures,
religions, and economies. Despite no universal consensus, the Asian region can be
divided into subregions according to common understanding i.e. East Asia, South
Asia, Southeast Asia, Western Asia (Middle East), and Central Asia. Box 2.1 briefly
describes countries in these categories focusing on their economic conditions and
characteristics.
Box 2.1 Countries in Asia: Economic Conditions and Characteristics

East Asia comprises China, Hong Kong, Macau, North Korea, South Korea,
Japan, Taiwan, and Mongolia. This subregion’s economy has been one of the
world’s focal interests since ancient time with the Silk Road that connected
trade between the East (China) and the West (Mediterranean Sea). The societies
have been generally influenced by Chinese culture as the Chinese dynasties
had dominated the subregion in both military and commerce for a long time.
Moreover, China has been a major economic power of the world particularly
since the late 1990s when China’s economy began rapidly expanding. Japan
used to be the second-largest economy of the world for a long period of time in
the late twentieth century. Additionally, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan
The Asian Market Economy 25
were named among the four Asian Tigers (including Singapore) that underwent
rapid industrialization and maintained high growth rates during 1960s to 1990s.
These facts demonstrate the importance of East Asia and its impact on the
Asian region and the world economies. Hence, most analyses of businesses
and markets in Asia highlight East Asia as the main focus.
South Asia (or the Indian subcontinent) comprises Afghanistan, Pakistan,
India, the Maldives, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. Recently it has
drawn significant interest among the world business community. Historically,
India represented the world’s largest economy during 0 BCE and 1000 BCE
(Maddison 2006). Its wealth and prosperity of the ancient culture has greatly
influenced the Asian region as well as attracting global (specifically European)
trade, exploration and colonialism. India’s economy is fast growing and it
represents about 80% of the South Asian economy (IMF 2015). Led by India’s
solid growth and promising opportunities of the key emerging markets such as
Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, South Asia is considered the fastest growing region
in the world’s economy (World Bank 2016).
Southeast Asia comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia,
Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam.
The subregion represents the Emerging Asia with its rather robust economic
growth. Southeast Asia’s economy is largely driven by agriculture, with rice
and rubber as its major exports. Manufacturing and services are becoming more
important, and tourism has been one of the main sectors contributing to the sub-
region’s economic development. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) has been formed to promote intergovernmental cooperation and
facilitate economic integration with the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)
established to promote the free flow of goods, services, human resources, and
investments. Yet overall progress remains slow due to unclear domestic and
international policies. Economic growth is expected to remain robust with the
significant drive of private consumption, and therefore an improved productiv-
ity and reformed business environments and policies are crucial.
Western Asia (or the Middle East excluding Egypt which would be counted
as part of North Africa) comprises Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Georgia,
Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, the Gaza Strip, Oman, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. Western Asia’s
economy is largely driven by petroleum, which is its major industry. With
many countries as leading global oil and gas exporters (e.g. Saudi Arabia,
Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Iran, and Oman), this subregion is
quite influential in the global arena from both geopolitical perspective and
economic perspectives due to its high growth. Yet it is noted that this subre-
gion includes quite diverse economies ranging from very poor (e.g. Gaza and
Yemen) to very wealthy countries (e.g. Qatar and UAE). Culturally, Western
Asia is predominantly Arab, Persian, and Turkish.
Central Asia comprises Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan

and Kyrgyzstan. With no access to the sea for trade, Central Asia is generally
defined with small landlocked economies. Though much of the land is not suit-
able for farming, it has the advantage of having some high-priced commodities
e.g. oil, gas, cotton, and gold. With the Silk Road traveled along, Central Asia
has been a crossroads for the movement of people and goods between Europe
and Asia since early times. Despite a prolonged period of slow and negative
economic growth, the region seems to have undergone an economic recovery
in recent years.
In addition to categorizing Asia into different subregions with varied economic

conditions as explained above, the Asian market can be described according to dif-
ferent types of market economies ranging from developed to developing markets.
Developed or advanced markets, such as those largely seen in Japan, Singapore,
Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea, refer to the markets with a high value-added
economy typically with knowledge and technology orientation. The countries with
developed markets tend to have a high GDP per capita income with supporting infras-
tructures (like transportation, communications) and they can achieve more advanced
production and exports of products to the other markets. Consumers in the developed
markets have sophisticated demands as they are exposed to multiple options of local
and international products and services. Consumers in the developed markets, regard-
less of income level, tend to consume a range of discretionary consumption goods
as part of their everyday living and, despite the increasing cost of living, they con-
tinue expanding and upgrading their consumption choices (Beng-Huat 2000). They
consume largely global media and communications via online and social media plat-
forms and have access to global trade such as via electronic commerce and logistics
management.
On the contrary, developing or less developed economies represent those nations
with a low GDP per capita. Here, people tend to have a lower standard of living
with less developed industries compared to other nations. With its low literacy rate,
the populations generally work in low skilled jobs. The developing economy relies
heavily on its natural resources while the development is largely tied to political
economies. Despite some constraints in people’s resources and spending power, con-
sumption is widely promoted. From a government perspective, the tangible improve-
ment in material conditions of the people’s lives has been used, to various degrees,
as an indicator of their performance to attain political legitimacy (Beng-Huat 2000).
Yet at the same time they try to control excess in consumption. This politics of
consumption serves as a veil over the politics of class and unequal distribution or
inequality in the society (ibid). With the lack of proper welfare in the society, most
people are forced to accept certain goods and services at substantial costs while these
are generally provided as a public service in the developed markets (e.g. healthcare,
elder care). Normally the developing markets tend to have a viable extensive retail
sector encouraged by the government because it constitutes a significant part of the

domestic economy that is fundamental to future progress.
By general understanding, the developing economy as opposed to the developed
one is related to the notion of subsistence marketplace, which Viswanathan et al.
(2007) explained as low to extremely low income people residing in substandard
living conditions with uncertainty and limited control over everyday activities. Here,
most businesses highlight transactional exchanges and relationships to satisfy liveli-
hood needs (Viswanathan et al. 2012). The authors also suggested that from a social
capital viewpoint, the distinct natures of such business exchanges are rather fluid, per-
sonalized, and comprised of highly responsive transactions. Subsistence consumers
focus on supporting family members specifically in daily living and other circum-
stantial needs rather than satisfying their own needs (Fang et al. 2014; Ruth and
Hsiung 2007). The subsistence market represents a massive market in quite a few
countries in Asia including the large parts of markets in India and China (Jaiswal and
Gupta 2015). It should be noted that though consumers in subsistence markets barely
have sufficient resources for day-to-day living, it does not mean they cannot achieve
a good life in other dimensions such as family relationships and community networks
(Viswanathan and Rosa 2010). Many studies have discussed the attractiveness of the
market and suggested that companies targeting this group can work to reduce product
or service costs to the consumers and in turn helps improve their standard of living
(Weidner et al. 2010; Prahalad 2004; Prahalad and Hammond 2002).
Besides the subsistence market, there is a classification of the emerging market,
which refers to a market that is quickly moving towards becoming a developed one,
typically represented by high annual GDP growth. While the emerging market may
contain some characteristics of a developed market, it does not meet standards to
become a developed market yet. They have a lower per capita income but rapid eco-
nomic growth as the markets quickly move to become more industrialized. Domestic
demand (private consumption plus investment) is one of the main drivers supported
by the rising middle class consumers and urbanization. Yet the rapid growth can also
result in the economy’s high volatility and less mature capital markets due to lack
of strong buffer on external forces and unstable policy implications. Many countries
in Asia are now considered emerging markets such as China, India, and the ASEAN
countries (e.g. Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines) (OECD 2016).
Additionally there is a specific identification of transitional markets, which refers
to the countries that have recently made reformist moves from a controlled economy
to the market system. For example, China has been a focus of many nations due to
its massive resources and populations. The others in Southeast Asia such as Myan-
mar, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia are also of interest due to their abundant natural
resources. In terms of public policies these transitional markets are characterized by
excessive regulations related to competition due to the government’s attempt to con-
trol or guide the economy while there are generally inadequate regulations regarding
consumer protection and product quality (Qu and Ennew 2005). At the same time,
they try to lower trade barriers, encourage foreign investment and private businesses
to achieve transition to affluence with political stability. Shultz and Pecotich (1997)
referred to the constrained capitalism in which the authoritarian government utilizes
interventionist policies to manage the pace and scope of the market. However, the
overall movement is fast evolving and the economy is shifting towards a growing of
middle-class, urban market burgeoning the consumer culture. Such movement leads
to a mounting pressure for the countries to embrace new ideas and welcome diverse
practices, eliminate or modify monopoly conditions and centralized planning, and
increase the level of privatization and competition. Still there remain some continued
traditions of market practices such as informal savings and loan arrangements among
families and friends which are still quite common (Hung and Rondinelli 1993), the
dominant existence of SMEs (small to medium sized enterprises) in both formal and
informal settings, and the strong power of SOEs (state owned enterprises) which
represent a foundation for the region’s economy (Shultz et al. 1997).
In sum, the abovementioned sections illustrate different characteristics of the
Asian market economy according to the geographical ties (i.e. the different sub-
regions) and the market developments. The aim is to promote broader and deeper
understanding of the region’s economy and its diversity which can support further
development of business and marketing in the region. The wealth and size of the
Asian economy have drawn the attention of many companies and brands around
the world as well as those in the other Asian countries (e.g. Japan, South Korea) to
claim their stakes in the market. Expansive foreign investment, cross-national trade
and export developments have resulted in a large number of networks and relation-
ships within and across the region. Economic expansion has also enabled countries
in Asia to exercise greater influence and play more significant roles in dealing with
the world’s issues and setting the world’s agenda. Besides the increasing investment
to capture opportunities in the Asian market, it is witnessed now that many Asian
brands and companies have penetrated the global market with successes such as
India’s Tata Group, and China’s Lenova (Schmitt 2014).
Prior studies also indicated the kind of soft power Asia has to attract the global
market rather than the hard power of military and diplomacy to control the nations
and territories (Nye 2006). This impact of soft power is now spreading across the
world today as demonstrated in the widespread adoption of several Asian brands and
consumption practices (e.g. in food, entertainment, recreation, electronics) across
the global market (Hong and Kim 2013; Kniazeva and Belk 2012). For instance, the
growth of cute culture originated in the Asia-Pacific region, especially Japan, has
influenced other parts of the world (Granot et al. 2014) to consider kawaii (cute)
characteristics (both physical like having large bright eyes, big round face and per-
sonality traits like being young, imaginary, fun, innocent) in relation to traditional
Japanese culture as well as contemporary global commodification such as cartoon
characters like Hello Kitty and Pokemon (Allison 2003). The other example is con-
suming of Eastern wisdom such as Yoga which has gained wider interest in the
Western world resulting in a fusion of ancient Eastern practice and a contemporary
Western lifestyle (Kniazeva and Belk 2012). The cultural interaction has also hap-
pened at a regional level, such as the so-called Japanization of the Asian region as
indicated in Ko (2003)’s study of the Hello Kitty “invasion” in Taiwan. Nye (2006)
explained such expansion as a “soft power” to attract as it has a power to make people
desire in a rather pure and innocent way unlike the other types of desired objects
and also helps make people look and feel fresh and energized like a child amidst the
corrupting and pressing forces of the modern world (Kinsella 1995).
From the increasing impact of the Asian market economy, both in terms of being
a consumption market as well as being an influencer of global market consumption,
it is quite crucial for businesses and marketers to gain better insights of consumers
and marketing in Asia, specifically those characteristics can be quite distinct from
the general understanding and market practices. One of the main influences is the
different cultural contexts which will be explained in the following section.
The Asian Cultural Context
The seminal work of Geert Hofstede’s cultural dimensions i.e. the dimension of col-
lectivism (Hofstede 1980, 1991, 2001) is frequently used to define similarities among
Asian groups and also to differentiate them from other cultures (e.g. the Western with
an individualism orientation) (Gudykunst 2001). The cultural dimension refers to the
degree of interdependence a society maintains among individuals. Hofstede (1984)
explains individualism as a preference for a loosely-knitted society where individuals
are supposed to look after themselves and their immediate families, while collec-
tivism refers to a preference for a tightly-knitted society in which individuals can
expect their families or members of a particular in-group (e.g. clans, tribes, or com-
munities) to help them in exchange for their continued loyalty. Though the Asian
consumer culture is largely identified with collectivism in general, it can be further
explicated according to different ethnicities or religions, and each of these may differ
in their traits, as do the subgroups within each. Moreover, while collectivism may be
widely apparent and play an important role in Asia, its impact depends on the way in
which individuals perceive, comprehend, and interpret the world around them, aka
the concept of construal in social psychology, amidst the contemporary cultures that
have become more varied, paradoxical, and fluid.
This concept of construal plays a crucial role in cross-cultural distinction, and
the theory suggests that most people hold a mixture of tendencies but one can be
dominant in a certain culture. Markus and Kitayama (1991) identified an independent
versus interdependent self-construal according to the different ways in which people
perceive and define themselves either in terms of their internal attributes (e.g. traits,
abilities, values, and preferences) or in terms of their relationships with situations
respectively. The theoretical framework seems to be better received in the area of
qualitative research in that it highlights people’s preferences and actions in relation
to their relevant backgrounds and self identity. In this case it is also highly relevant
to the study of consumption and marketing which recognize the idea of the invest-
ment of self in objects (Belk 1988) as well as the self identity formation by the sign
value of objects (Baudrillard 1981). Moreover, the theory recognizes a coexistence
of different traits within a person (Singelis 1994; Markus and Kitayama 1991) while
the expressions can be changing according to different contextual factors (Mad-
dux et al. 2010; Brewer and Gardner 1996). Studies propose that Westerners have
primarily independent self-construal with perceived inherent separateness of dis-

tinct persons, and that they are motivated by self-interest, personal achievement, and
self-esteem enhancement. On the other hands, Asians have primarily interdependent
self-construal. They see themselves as part of an encompassing social relationship
and they are motivated to connect and fit in with relevant others. Hamaguchi (1985)
explained that Asians can uphold their self esteem when attaining appropriate social
relationships or being a good person in the context of others. The key social groups
that play crucial roles in the Asian’s thoughts, feelings, and actions to the extent of
becoming a component of their self identity include primarily the family, while the
other social groups that people have strong interdependent relationships with include
age group, gender group, ethnic group, religious group, and social class group. These
represent the groups in which people interact with given some common goals, norms,
roles, and relations that form within a group and across groups over time. The fol-
lowing section explains about these relations to provide an overall description of the
Asian cultural context.
Family
The group that is most influential to Asian is the family, which in this case typically
refers to the extended clan (Lee et al. 1994). Close ties of family members in Asia are
explained in several research studies as the major part of consumer identity. Theories
propose that self-formulation can be explored according to child-rearing practices
and one’s relationship within a family. Yau (1988) explained that in a Chinese family,
children are raised to understand their legitimate roles in relation to others and they
should maintain modesty and self-effacement. Sun (1991) indicated that the Chinese
do not view themselves as a single identity but always in relation to their reference
groups (such as family and friends). Moreover, they incorporate significant others
into the self as indicated in the Confucius Rites that “father and son are one body,
husband and wife, brothers are all one body” (cf. Hwang 1999, p. 169). Hsu (1972)
suggested that in Asia, family and kinship play an important part in all aspects and
throughout people’s lives. The notion of family and family relationship continues
with no clearly defined boundaries. In some societies, the family unit includes also
the in-laws’ though this may depend on living conditions. For instance, Galam (2015)
studied the lives of Filipino wives and found significant impact of the mothers-in-law
whom they needed to live with as a major factor that shaped their agency and the
power they could exercise. In Vietnam, the concept of family covers nha (extended
family but mainly through husband’s and son’s) and ho (family members living
close by) (Rutledge 1992). In the Philippines, the family extends through marriage,
and parents gain sons and daughters and alliances with the in-law families. Similar
to the other Asian cultures, families in the Philippines always support each other,
demanding loyalty and allegiance throughout a person’s lifetime (Pido 1986).
Generally, the family relationship is associated with filial piety which is funda-
mental to Asian family affairs (Ting-toomey and Kurogi 1998; Parish and Whyte
The Asian Cultural Context 31
1978). Parents have a responsibility to take care of children, and compared to West-
ern parents, Asian parents are more protective of their children’s welfare (Wee 1999).
They regard children as important assets and expect children to also be responsible
to the family (Shek 1996). While family can serve as a back-up mechanism to reduce
uncertainty in life, individuals must also align their goals with the family goals which
sometimes involve sacrificing themselves for common benefits. This is observed in a
poor Chinese family whereby daughters and the eldest son may have to forego their
educational opportunities and begin working to look after the whole family (Salaff
1981). Moreover, though they are married, they still need to continue giving support
to the family. This includes both material and emotional support (Cheung and Kwan
2009; Sung 1990), which are demonstrated in the act of caring for parents, showing
warm respect, and being considerate of their needs (Lin 1992). Children are taught
from an early age to respect their parents and support their parents when they are old
(Yau 1988). In Hong Kong and China, couples are expected to seek approval from
their parents before getting married (Salaff 1981). And after marriage, they may be
expected to support the two families. In many cases, parents will live with one of
their children. Also, children have the responsibility to fulfill the hopes that parents
or ancestors may have never accomplished (Yang 1979).
Though such practices are seen eroding today with increasing urbanization and
modernization, they remain important in most people’s considerations (Edirisingha
et al. 2015; Sheng and Settles 2006). While co-residence used to be the traditional
norm, now it has been adjusted like what Lin and Ke (2010) indicated about an
advertisement of real estate in Guangzhou, China claiming a new concept of house
consumption with two generations living independently but close by. The authors
learned from Xu (2007)’s study which surveyed more than 4500 citizens in Shanghai
and found that only 12% of old parents wanted to co-reside with their adult children.
This is due to the desire to not become a burden to children and also to attain
their freedom and serenity. However, children still find it difficult to directly put
forward the idea of separate living because of the long-rooted value of filial piety
that emphasizes parents’ needs more than children’s. Such findings demonstrate a
strong interdependent relationship of the Asian family, both from the parents’ and
children’s perspectives.
In addition to the family, there are other social groups that are quite influential in
the Asian’s identity such as age group, gender group, ethnic group, religious group,
and social class. These elements suggest social statuses, roles, and relations which
people refer to when formulating their social identification and self identity. Particu-
larly in Asia, people see themselves as part of an encompassing society and they are
motivated to connect and fit in with relevant others. Such interdependent effect can be
more vivid in a horizontal culture (like Japan) whereby individuals are not expected
to stand out from other members of their in-groups as indicated in the Japanese say-
ing “the nail that sticks out gets hammered down” (Triandis 1995). In other more
vertical cultures (like the Philippines and Thailand), individuals are expected to fit
into their in-groups, but at the same time they have the freedom to pursue other social
statuses. The following section explains briefly about these interdependent relation-
ships with various social groups taking into account both similarities and differences
across segments of people in the Asian context. While the overall common charac-
teristics can provide some basic understanding for further analyses and implications
of marketing and consumer research, one must always consider specific descriptions
of local realities realizing the diversity of Asia’s cultures, subcultures, ethnicities,
languages, religions, etc.
Age Group
Age group is considered quite important in the Asian society. Generally, the old are
respected by the young due to their experience and wisdom. This concept is different
from the Western ideology of maturity which refers to the ability to gain individual
authority and rights rather than fulfilling collective needs (Granot et al. 2014). Thus,
recognizing their age groups in relation to the others’ can determine appropriate
behaviors among the Asians. Additionally, there is a generational cohort identified
according to the defining moments or key sociocultural events that create shared
collective impact on people’s characteristics. These may take place at both the global
and local levels. While the overall concepts of generations (e.g. traditionalist, baby
boomer, generation X, generation Y, generation Z) can be taken into consideration
due to the large impact of some global movements (e.g. World War, Internet), there
are also certain local events that must be highlighted when identifying generations,
specifically with countries that have been isolated from the rest of the world for
a period of time. For example, China has undergone dramatic changes since the
closed door policy and the cultural revolution of the Mao era (1949–1976) until now
when the Communist Party has taken significant steps toward economic reforms.
The fast-paced development in recent times results in quite unique characteristics
of the people and multiple generation cohorts divided within shorter time periods
than those on the global arena. Box 2.2 summarizes the concept of “Generations in
China” (Erickson 2009).
Box 2.2 Generations in China

After the Civil War in 1949, China fell under the closed control of the Com-
munity Party. And the enforcement of the Cultural Revolution resulted in the
more unique and distant characteristics of people. With the significant eco-
nomic reforms beginning in 1978, the Communist Party loosened control over
people’s lives, and the country eventually opened its door to the world econ-
omy. Since the 1990s, China has achieved high economic growth, particularly
in the 2000s when the country finally became the second largest economy in
the world. China’s dramatic change in recent years has made the characteris-
tics of the generations quite distinct from their global counterparts. Erickson
(2009) offers an overview of the different cohorts in China.
The Traditionalists, born between 1928 and 1945, went through the period
when China just emerged from the Japanese invasion, World War II, and the
civil war. The country was going through a major transition marked by the
establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. The communist
regime initiated major economic reforms to industrialize China, abolishing
private ownership and pushing for collectivization. The unprecedented push
caused widespread malnutrition and millions of deaths in the process. Teens in
this transition faced confusion and conflict as the traditional ways of life were
shunned in the wake of modernization. Life was all about hard physical work
and poverty. Their wisdom passed on to the next generation was to affiliate
with the ‘right’ people for survival.
The Boomers, born from about 1946 to 1960/1964, went through another
round of radical transition when, in the 1960’s and 1970’s, Mao’s socialist
orthodoxy repressed both traditional Chinese and Western culture alike. Social
institutions and intellectuals were purged while living was still in severe con-
dition. While teens in other parts of the world often shared views in opposition
to authority, Chinese teens of the period were a major supporting force of the
regime. They were taught not to want anything traditional and foreign. They
stayed loyal to the state institutions and only followed Mao’s way. After Mao’s
time, this generation became irrelevant and ill-prepared for the new chang-
ing era. It is known in China as the “Lost Generation”. Until now, this cohort
still refers to their hardship during the Cultural Revolution despite dramatic
changes in China’s contemporary society.
Generation X, born from about 1961/1965 to 1979, was brought up dur-
ing Economic reforms and Openness. It coincided with the re-introduction of
private ownership and the development of consumerism, exports, the banking
sector, and the capital market. The policies cultivated the urban middle-class
and consumer society. The generation also gained more personal rights and
freedom. They also were given back traditional Chinese culture, and religions.
They were allowed more to experience Western culture, lifestyle, and brands.
Beginning in the late 1980s, mainland China was exposed to many Western
influences such as pop culture, Hollywood movies, and Western brands. China
developed a wide-ranging mobile and digital usage. Despite the progress, the
state still maintained political control, of which the severity was shown in the
Tiananmen Square incident. However, the growing consumer market opened
the opportunity for those who studied and worked hard. During this time,
people were trying to explore more opportunities while remaining attached to
Chinese cultural heritage. The thought process was pragmatic and facts-based.
Generation Y, born from 1980 to 1995, was largely influenced by the continuity
of reforms and rapid economic growth. The country made significant progress
in science, technology, and space exploration. Migration continued from rural
villages to cities and the private sector, not the government, was driving the
growth. China, though not a democratic country, has become less repressive
and more open. Equipped with advanced technological skills and a desire to
connect with the world, Gen Y in China are confident, competitive, full of desire
for economic success and status and they want to assert China’s influence and
role in the world.
Source: Erickson (2009).
To continue from Erickson (2009)’s analysis, the next generation (born after 1995)
in China, as a result of the One-Child policy and the focused attention from family
amidst their increasing resources, was referred to as the Little Emperor, and they are
criticized as being spoiled and self-centered (Fowler et al. 2010). They are prone
to conspicuous consumption and preference for prestige brands. They are highly
influenced by global influences with a strong desire to catch up with the new trends
(Zhou and Wong 2008). As they become more mature, a recent study indicated
their need to become more distinctive and even to create their own trends. It was
reported that a younger, educated, more sophisticated (e.g. well-traveled, tech-savvy)
generation has had wide access to global markets yet they are more inclined to
consume emerging fashion brands from Chinese talents (Horton 2016).
Gender
The next important interdependent relationship that Asian people have is according to
their gender group, which suggests different roles and characteristics for individuals.
For instance, a man with masculine traits is characteristically aggressive, analytical,
competitive, forceful, independent, individualistic, self-reliant, and self-sufficient,
while a woman with feminine traits is characteristically cheerful, child-like, soft-
spoken, gentle, polite, sympathetic, understanding, warm, and yielding (Bem 1974).
Overall, Asian culture is characterized as more feminine than their Western counter-
parts because of the characteristics of being cooperative and focusing on relation-
ships. Adolescent men, though putting emphasis on leadership and responsibility, do
not attain the same freedom as their Western counterparts. They remain conforming
to the organization or the group rather than exhibiting antagonistic, individualistic
traits. Nevertheless, some countries in Asia are considered more masculine such as
Japan, while others like Sri Lanka have more feminine cultures (Hofstede 1980,
1991, 2001). Gorer (1962) observed that in Japan the men give orders and expect
obedience while the females follow specifically in public yet at home the women
can be in charge according to the role of being a caretaker. In Vietnam, women are
expected to care for the family too but rather as a moi tuong (or home minister) who
can manage harmony in the nha (nuclear family, husband’s parents, sons’ families)
and in the ho (extended family) (Rutledge 1992). This notion of gender demarcation
is coupled with other cultural values such as the concept of face including face saving
and avoidance of losing face. Nguyen (2015a, b) proposed that in Vietnam, men are
expected to perform the role of breadwinner, and this represents a way to preserve
their face while women are to perform a supportive role, looking after family and
helping to maintain their men’s face.
Yet globalization and modernization has led to some changes in gender roles in
Asian society including power complexity. For example, women are now expected
to work outside while they are at the same time expected to continue performing
the household duties. Schuler et al. (2006) discussed the campaign by the Vietnam
Women’s Union that on one hand endorses women’s advancement in education, poli-
tics, and economic areas (e.g. good at national tasks, study actively, work creatively),
but on the other hand encourages them to fulfill their traditional Confucian roles (e.g.
good at household tasks, raise children well and build happy families). Thus, the gen-
der power relation has become more complicated in a contemporary society that still
remains tradition-bound.
Despite the rather strong demarcation of gender roles in Asia, the issue does
not necessarily always mean problems of gender inequality. It depends largely on
people’s attitudes towards the sociocultural influences. For instance, the practice of
purdah or the female claustration mostly expressed through the exclusion of women
from public space is explained as part of Islamic principles. In some cultures (e.g.
Bangladesh), it can signify higher social status as families do not need extra income
earned from the women’s working outside their houses (Feldman and McCarthy
1983). Also some societies have sociocultural mechanisms to counterbalance the
power. For example, by traditional norms in Thailand married men would move into
women’s extended families and therefore would be somewhat controlled by the head
(i.e. by seniority) of the households. In China though, there has been a traditions
of preferring sons rather than daughters. The One-Child Policy has induced some
changes in that now the one child, either boy or girl, receives about the same parental
investment and support, thus leading to more gender equity (Fong 2005).
Ethnicity
Ethnic group is another robust social group in Asia. People have a relatively high
level of interdependence with their ethnic groups. The major ethnic groups in Asia
include Chinese, Indian, Malay, and Arab. Each has distinct characteristics as well as
values that individuals continue to uphold. The Chinese ethnic group has high family
loyalty, respect for seniority and authority, group orientation, and reciprocity in social
exchange. They may refer to conspicuous consumption and material possessions as
leading indicators of status and face value. The Indian ethnic group emphasizes
honoring and upholding the family pride. They have respect for elders, and gender
roles are clearly demarcated. Celebration is fundamental to everyday living. The
Malay ethnic group stresses harmonious social relationships with their fellow men.
They behave according to specified ritual instead of any self-centered reasons. The
Arab ethnic group has a belief in fate rather than human control. They have high regard
for traditions and cultural heritage. To them, an individual’s dignity and honor are of
the utmost importance, and one cannot afford to lose it. Individuals must live up to
the family expectations while keeping family issues only inside the family.
Religion
Deeply connected with ethnicity is religion. People in the same ethnic group often
share the same religion because they can support forming of a community. Religion
provides “standards of Truth and Beauty and ways of seeing and interpreting the
world” (Kurtz 2012, p. 13). Thus it plays an important role in becoming a source of
purpose and guidance of living for many people. In Asia there are many religious
groups and spiritual beliefs to be considered. Buddhists, of both Theravada Buddhism
practiced mainly in Southeast Asia and Mahayana Buddhism practiced in East and
North Asian countries, are taught, according to the law of karma, that things are
entangled with each other by way of the relationships between causes and effects.
This drives Samsara, the cyclicality of all life, which is entwined with dukkha, that
is an unsatisfactory nature of temporary states and things. Hinduism, originating in
the subcontinent of India before 1000 BC (Weightman 1991), views an individual
existing as a small part of a universal whole and thus motivated by many facets
beyond individual needs such as a supernatural world and time beyond present locus.
Sikhism, arising in the fifteenth century also in the Indian subcontinent, emphasized
devotion to the Divine Spirit, the commitment to social justice, and a balance in daily
life to attain enlightenment (Cole 1991). Islam founded by the Prophet Muhammad
in the year 610 AD has the Islamic law which is predominantly derived from two
sources, the Quran and Sunnah, which contain the rules that a Muslim must live by.
Besides formal religions, there are also other spiritual beliefs such as Confucian-
ism and Taoism that prevail in many Asian countries as well as many animistic,
Brahamistic and local folklore traditions. Dean and Dean (2014) studied the Taoist
rituals of the New Year celebrations in Putian, China and argued about the growing
intensity of these local traditions as people use their ritual heritage to negotiate the
forces of modernity. They illustrated in the video ethnography that people perform
their rituals with even more spectacle delights and unlike the traditional religions
these rituals are more open to transformation and changes. This demonstrates the
need to consider both formal religions and informal beliefs in analyzing relation-
ships with social groups.
Social Class
Lastly, the other social group which seems to prevail in Asia is according to the
social class which divides members of a society into a hierarchy of distinct statuses.
In general, Asians tend to accept the naturalness and necessity of hierarchy because
it is believed that human beings are not born equal. As people of the same class
tend to have relatively similar social statuses and lifestyles, social class becomes a
frame of reference in their behaviors, either as a way to belong in a class group or
to move up the class. In general, people of lower class have high dependence on
others, especially those with the higher statuses. Due to the strong patronage system
and the inevitable inequality in Asia, individuals may rely on the more powerful
groups to gain access to opportunities, to help grow wealth, and to secure favorable
support in times of trouble and conflict (FitzGerald et al. 2007). The authority may
be in the form of seniority, power, or socioeconomic status. In China, the concept of
Guanxi has been constantly discussed as it represents a special relationship between
a person who needs something and a person who has the power, wealth, influence,
or ability to provide it. In this relationship, the needy person calls on the other for
special favors. The process often engages gift giving, which leads to a continuation
of reciprocating efforts from both parties. In Cambodia, gift giving is also considered
a way to seek better opportunities and gain support from those with sociopolitical
power (Ledgerwood 2012). The guanxi also involves many types consumption. For
example, Kwek and Lee (2015) explained that the Chinese corporate tourists use
the trips as a way to further their guanxi relationships with the other colleagues. It
should be noted that interactions with specified reference groups can be perceived
differently in the different cultural contexts. For instance, with regard to the guanxi,
prior research indicated that Westerners view this practice as a kind of nepotism
which promotes corrupted behavior (Chan et al. 2002; Li and Wright 2000). The
perspective can be similar to other countries in Asia which have strict measures for
promoting transparency in business like Singapore (despite the strong influence of
Confucianism).
Moreover, social class suggests life conditions which may lead to quite distinct
behaviors different from general understanding. For instance, Gupta and Srivastav
(2016) proposed that consumers of the lower class (i.e. at the bottom of pyramid) in
India continue to be loyal to their neighborhood retail stores though these consumers
are being exploited by some misconduct (e.g. selling outdated products, charging
high prices, withholding promotional offers). This is because they have to depend
on the store credit (which can be in the form of no credit limit, no time limit for
repayment) while they also feel alienated from the other large retailers. By contin-
uing their purchases, they can attain a sense of belonging and a sense of lineage as
their family and friends have been buying at the same places for years. Additionally,
in India there is the caste system which propagates inequality and social stratifica-
tion through symbolic power and corresponding economic, social, cultural capitals
including, for example, differences in fairness of skin, house, dress, food, education,
rituals (Béteille 1991, 1996) that can be transferred over generations. Dumont (1970)
explained at the top are the Brahmins (priests) followed by the Kshatriyas (soldiers)
and Vaishyas (traders), and then the lower castes of Shudras and Dalits (outcasts)
who were perceived to be untouchable. Though the caste-based stratification is long
rooted in India, it has been constantly challenged and changed with regard to its
implications, particularly in the current transitioning economy.
To sum up, this section illustrates the Asian cultural context which is largely based
on various interdependent relationships that people have with family and other key
social groups (i.e. age group, gender group, ethnic group, religious group, and social
class group) that people interact with given their common goals, norms, roles, and
relations formed within and across the groups over time. Understanding the way in
which people perceive and define themselves according to situational contexts can
provide a fertile ground for the next section as previous theory suggested that people
express, formulate, adjust, and change their self identity through consumption and
marketing (Elliott and Wattanasuwan 1998; Gabriel and Lang 1995; Dittmar 1992;
Giddens 1991; Belk 1988; Goffman 1959).
Consumption and Marketing in the Asian Context
The current Asian market is quite complex due to the fast changes within its multicul-
tural domain, together with global influences. Disruptive innovations and technology
diffusion come into play while some traditional customs remain, so that consump-
tion and marketing in Asia is constantly being renegotiated and reconstructed. It is
suggested that current consumption behaviors in Asia are still highly administered
within reinvented cultural discourses and traditions. Following the prior description
of Asian cultural context, this section explains key characteristics of consumption
and marketing in the Asian context following the various stages from consumers’
needs recognition to information seeking, option assessment, decision, and experi-
ence evaluation.
Needs Recognition
Firstly, most consumption experience begins with needs recognition whether it is

by individuals’ facing their unmet demands or being triggered or stimulated by
companies. Due to the influence of interdependent relationships, Asian consumers
hold at the same time both personal needs and group needs. The group needs can serve
as reference or benchmark. With their face saving values, Asian consumers may try
to adhere to the group needs in order to avoid any humiliation or embarrassment in
front of others (aka losing face) or disconnecting with the social group (Yau 1988).
Here the face negotiation represents the way in which individuals project images
of themselves in social situations (Ting-Toomey 1988). Such concern can influence
consumers’ desires for positional goods considering their symbolic value and abilities
to engage in certain lifestyles and they may be looking for a brand or product with
a perceived fit with their images and social identities. This is clearly observed in the
emerging markets with the strong growth of conspicuous consumption and luxury
products and services.
In general, the perceived image or status symbols are highly regarded in Asia
(Schmitt and Pan 1994). Luxury goods are recognized as a way to achieve social sta-
tus (Han et al. 2010; Lu 2008; Chadha and Husband 2007) and prior research indicates
Consumption and Marketing in the Asian Context 39
that Asian consumers are motivated to use luxury goods to establish social connec-
tions or to show others that they have made it (aka to attain the face value) especially
among the reference group (Wu et al. 2015; Park et al. 2008; Wong and Ahuvia 1998).
Moreover, studies suggest that they prefer popular luxury brands rather than the rare
ones because they need something that can help secure their position recognized
in society rather than having it as a way of self expression (Phau and Prendergast
2000; Wong and Zaichkowsky 1999). However, among people of the same culture,
those of the different social classes may perceive luxury consumption differently.
Chen and Lamberti (2015) studied Chinese upper-class consumers and found that
they emphasize individual values (e.g. being recognized only among their social cir-
cle) rather than social values (e.g. being recognized publicly) as mostly understood
among other Chinese middle-class consumer groups. Still the value remains intact
with its ability to associate with the specified group.
Additionally in terms of the face value, it comprises individual face and group face.
In Asian society where group identity is valued over individual identity, group face
is perceived to be more important than individual face (Li and Su 2007). Individuals
are motivated to support each other through the act of giving and saving the faces of
the people associated with (Bond and Lee 1981). In a hierarchical structured society,
the act of giving, saving, and protecting face serves to regulate social interactions
including various consumption and marketing practices. For example, preparing and
eating food represents a way for Chinese consumers to maintain group face (Li and
Su 2007). Gift giving builds and maintains the faces of both givers and recipients. In
China, the norms suggest that gifts presented should be valuable enough to match the
wealth status of the givers so they can gain face in the transaction while also giving
face to the recipient who will next return gifts of comparable or higher value.
Personal and group needs do not always correspond with each other. In such case,
Asian consumers will likely try to conform to the group in order to achieve and
maintain harmony (Chen and Starosta 1997). Therefore, when encountering a gap,
they may put emphasis on social expectation rather than self-fulfillment (Schütte and
Ciarlante 1998). For instance, Fang et al. (2014) studied the financial patterns of those
who have limited resources such as the consumers in rural Cambodia and learned
about their frequent uses of mobile money services to transfer money to others with
the main purpose of enhancing strong ties in the family, to participate in some social
groups, and to become involved in cultural and religious activities. Also when it
comes to life goals, Asian consumers adhere to group goals rather than their per-
sonal goals (Perea and Slater 1999; Schütte and Ciarlante 1998). This is to prioritize
the group’s success, while they try to attain connectedness with the group (Kacen and
Lee 2002) and enjoy the individual benefits later. The insight is applied in designing
advertisements. Ads emphasizing in-group benefits were perceived to be more per-
suasive in the Asian market than those that highlight individual benefits (Kotler et al.
2009). Moreover, individuals’ goals tend to be influenced by other external forces
such as group benefits. Striving for harmony is highlighted over personal ambition,
and the collective hope is believed to support and strengthen an individual’s one
(Wang et al. 2013). Linking the group goal to eventually complement the individual
goal represents another way to manage the gap. For example, a marketing approach
based on the concept is observed in several campaigns to promote consumption of

local brands by linking them with nationalism and the prosperity of the nation which
can then benefit everyone in the country. Gerth (2012) discussed at the beginning of
the twentieth century consumption has served as a way to create the modern China
with attempts in various forms ranging from developing national brands to boy-
cotting foreign brands and promoting brand nationalism. Fischer (2016) explained
the preference for certain locally produced goods such as the case of Proton cars
in Malaysia. On a broader scope, the sentiment has been extended from country to
regional level as witnessed in the localizasian trend that suggests Asian consumers
are embracing products and services by Asian brands that understand their needs and
lifestyles better than competitors outside the region and can respond to their pride in
showcasing the Asian localities and traditions to the world (Trendwatching 2014).
Information Seeking
After the needs recognition, the next stage of consumption generally involves the
process of gathering information. With regard to a strong impact of interdependent
relationships, Asian consumers seek to obtain information from multiple sources
such as opinions of others (i.e. external search) rather than relying on their own pref-
erence or knowledge (i.e. internal search) (Kindle 1982). Moreover, in a culture like
Asia, knowledge and experience sharing is valued for its social relations (Michailova
and Hutchings 2006). This influences communication strategies to incorporate opin-
ion leaders such as the use of celebrities which has been quite apparent in the Asian
market because they can implicitly transfer symbolic properties of products adver-
tised or endorsed (Choi et al. 2005; Roll 2006). Also the other leading influencers
such as experts, popular bloggers, and online community leaders become key success
factors of branding. Moreover, consumers learn from relevant cues such as packag-
ing design, price information, store environment, and corporate reputation (Redding
1982). Sometimes these external stimuli play a key role in signifying product quality
rather than the inherent quality of the product (Schmitt and Pan 1994).
Besides deriving information from formal sources and channels, informal com-
munication is crucial as it represents high contacts among people which is highly
stressed in the Asian culture. Therefore, word-of-mouth and referral strategies can
generate significant impact in the Asian market (Schmitt and Pan 1994). Moreover,
with the focus on interpersonal relations, Asian consumers value trust and exchange
of human relations. This is highlighted in the selling strategy whereby strong services
and relationship management are expected from customers and in return they tend
to remain loyal to the acquainted persons. Also it explains the prevalence of con-
ventional mom and pop shops and the dominance of small convenience stores over
the other forms of modern trade outlets such as hypermarkets, and supermarkets as
Asian consumers prefer to interact with service providers as well as other customers
in their locations. At the same time, because people depend on informal, interper-
sonal communications, Kindle (1985) proposed that rumors about products rather
than facts from the company would spread more easily. Hence, marketers must care-
fully manage communication strategies to create balance between different sources,
both formal and informal, of information.
Option Assessment
With information from various sources, when evaluating different characteristics and
options of brands and products, previous research on information processing (e.g.
Aaker and Sengupta 2000) found distinct characteristics of the Asian to formulate
holistic perspectives, combine incongruent information without having to resolve
their conflicts, without the need to discount any piece of information to reduce
dissonance. It was suggested that the Asians have greater ability, compared with
Westerners, to hold conflicting beliefs (Choi and Nisbett 2000; Peng and Nisbett
1990). Moreover, according to Confucius, the Mean is regarded as not inclining to
either side but taking the middle path such as not letting passions and impulses be
completely repressed nor unrestrictedly satisfied (Chu 1979). It was also recognized
that the Asian way of thinking has an intrinsic capacity to embrace paradox like the
Yin-Yang approach to incorporate different attitudes, values, and behaviors (Fang
2003). Thus, it is not uncommon to find a mixture of product variety with a wide
range of qualities and prices, in a marketplace.
With a variety of options to select from, Asian consumers tend to be concerned
with the avoidance of losing rather than the achievement of gaining. Different from
the Western concept of hoping for the best, the Asians are more likely to hope for what
is reasonable instead of the maximum outcome which can cause a loss of balance
in life (Wang et al. 2013). This insight about loss aversion can be applied in the
designs of sales promotion strategies like selling a package of products or bundles
with discounted prices to attract customers to get a good deal now while they may
use the products some time later. Bond and Hwang (1986) also indicated that it is
common to find Asian consumers bearing short-term loss for long-term benefits.
With product innovation, it may take longer for Asian consumers to evaluate
options and overcome skepticism and hesitation. Nevertheless, other people’s view-
points may hasten acceptance, specifically during the stage in which the newness has
started to become the norm. Schütte and Ciarlante (1998) suggested that the typical
innovation adoption model must be adjusted in order to account for a longer tail of
innovators due to the degree of risk aversion in the Asian market. Here, it is expected
to see a surge in the early majority category due to the tendency to follow referrals
out of fear of being left behind. Then it is likely that the curve will drop sharply at
the end as Asian consumers will be ready to switch brands according to the main
interest of the group. Nevertheless, among the Asian countries, there might be some
difference in terms of the pace of adoption. In the more homogenous societies (e.g.,
Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan), once the product is adopted by an innovator, it
may diffuse faster than that in the more heterogeneous societies (e.g., Singapore,
Malaysia).
Decision
In general, Asian consumers’ decisions may take a heuristic route with consideration
of social acceptance rather than having to go through detailed information processing.
Thus, branding strategy and the uses of endorsement (e.g. claiming to be the top
selling item, the most admired brand, or the award-winning product) can be powerful
at this stage. Also if a product is established as the normative standard of the group,
it is likely to be adopted widely among members of the group. In the study of bank
selection in Singapore, social factors were found to be a stronger influence than
other variables such as the bank’s service and location (Tan 1986). When it comes
to making decisions, Asian consumers may engage other relevant persons in the
process even with personal items such as fashion. For example, Fowler et al. (2014)
reported that it is common for Chinese daughters (in this case university students) to
still rely on mothers to buy fashion items, and many college graduates still depend on
financial support from parents. Here, the authors suggested marketing implications
to design fashion images which can be attractive to both groups and referred to Sheth
(2011)’s conception that differentiation strategies may not be necessary in the market
contexts that seem to involve group opinions and decisions.
However, as Asian consumers take into account other people’s opinions, it can lead
to conflicting attitudes. With the motivation to belong, they tend to exercise restraint
and behavioral moderation in front of others. Therefore they are likely to select more
cautious and moderate options to manage the risks instead of choosing more freely
based on their interests (Schütte and Ciarlante 1998). For a decision that involves
other people such as family members, it typically involves reciprocal exchange which
can be in various forms e.g. materials or through making concessions like decreased
decision-making influence or compromising needs in the group (Traphagan 1998).
When encountering group conflicts, individuals are likely to suppress them and dis-
miss some information in order to maintain group harmony (Gruenfeld et al. 1996).
This signifies a cultural value, namely forbearance, which indicates people’s control
of their own emotions and desires in favor of maintaining a harmonious relationship
(Lockett 1988). Previous research suggested that Asian people put emphasis on group
decisions, order, and security (Chen and Chung 1994) and they value relationship
over the quality of task performance. Marketers must also be prepared to accommo-
date the group decision and their compromising efforts which can appear in many
forms such as making future promises, accepting multiple options, and opting for
the other alternative options (Song et al. 2016).
Experience Evaluation
Finally, after making their decision (e.g. to buy), consumers interact with the product
or service and evaluate their experiences. Again, the face concept plays a role in this
stage as consumers take into consideration how others react and approve their pur-
chase decisions (Tynan et al. 2010). This information becomes part of the consumer
experience and serves to influence their future behaviors (e.g. repeat purchase). Stud-
ies proposed that once satisfied, Asian consumers tend to be loyal to product or brand,
specifically with those that are aligned with the normative standard. This is largely
due to the cultural influence of reciprocal exchange specifically with transactions
that involve interpersonal relationships. When dissatisfied, they try to avoid direct
conflict by deciding to switch rather than handling problem resolution (e.g. making
direct complaint to the company) (Thorelli 1982). Realizing the distinct characteris-
tics of Asian consumers in the post-purchase phase, researchers may need to come
up with other measures besides assessing complaints when investigating unfavorable
circumstances and dissatisfaction.
Besides the culture of conflict avoidance, Asian consumers take into consideration
other external forces. Sometimes they attribute failure of products or services to fate
rather than directly to the company or their own decision. Yau (1988) referred to
the cultural value of Yuarn in China that suggests a predetermined relation with
other people and things far beyond one’s control. It is believed that consumers may
find the right product or depart from the not suitable one according to the Yuarn.
Moreover, because the level of service in many Asian markets is not as good as that
of the other established markets, consumers can better accept problems expected
and learn to find ways to compromise and cope with the issues while they restrain
from making complaints in order to help save face of the employees (Bose and Ye
2015). In turn they expect people at the companies to handle problems with a strong
customer orientation. For instance Rotchanakitumnuai and Speece (2003) studied the
internet banking adoption among corporate customers in Thailand and learned that
customers already believed that some problems would occur and the issues would
be rather about how they could interact with people who were trained to manage
the problems. Thus, strong service and customer relationship management (CRM)
is highlighted in the Asian market.
To conclude this section, the Asian cultural context is generally driven by inter-
dependent relationships that people have with various groups ranging from family
to the other social groups according to age, gender, ethnicity, religion, and social
class. These suggest how people perceive and define themselves according to differ-
ent situational contexts which then influence their consumption and marketing. In
spite of some key characteristics of consumers described in this section, it should
be noted that these can change. Consumers always negotiate and renegotiate their
self identity, particularly in the contemporary market where, multiple changes are
emerging globally such as the increasing power of women, and the common charac-
teristics of the new generations. Though in the past women were perceived as inferior
to men in many Asian societies, it is now changing worldwide due to wider oppor-
tunities available to women in education and work. New technology and support
services have unlocked social conditions that were once restricted to women’s roles
like housework and child rearing. Similarly, new communications have reached the
young generations worldwide making them more individualistic and liberal while at
the same time allowing them to enjoy more diversity and self-actualization. Addi-
tionally, with the growing emphasis on seniority, the current changes facilitate the
younger generation to become experts in some consumption areas (e.g. using new
technology), resulting in a challenge of norms and the reverse socialization in which
young adults influence or even dominate their parents’ or older group’s decisions
(Lindridge and Hogg 2006). This represents insights quite different from the typical
understanding of Asian consumption and market and it highlights the point illus-
trated earlier about the dangers of rigid description and categorization of the Asian
and the Non-Asian consumers.
The aim of this book is to explore some key characteristics for better understanding
of the differences, but not to segregate and create boundaries. Despite many similar
characteristics due to common shared values, certainly there are differences among
the Asian consumers which need to be taken into account. These can be due to the
various characteristics of the markets. For example, the more developed countries in
Asia may have certain traits similar to advanced economies in the West or because
of the different subcultures within the society. Moreover, each individual may sub-
scribe to group norms to varying degrees (Kozinets et al. 2007; Gould and Wong
2000). Realizing the dynamics, it is important to examine both the similarities and
differences among Asian consumers to understand dimensions that facilitate different
understanding from the largely Western-based concepts and also those dimensions
that indicate differences within the Asian consumer groups.
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Chapter 3
The Asian Market as Research Context
The field of consumption and marketing has been changing dramatically, particularly
with the growing ethnic consciousness, the higher emphasis on multiculturalism,
and the global diffusion of consumer culture enhanced by the rapid increase of
new technologies (Sherry 1995; Venkatesh 1995). This has led to a wide array of
new possibilities. Asia as a market context has gained significant interest over the
past decade due to its strong economic growth and newly uncovered potential. Here,
qualitative consumer and marketing research has become the key because the method
can facilitate investigation of the different cultural contexts, enhance appreciation of
the differences in the Asian market, and support understanding of how people learn
about and carry out their consumption.
Because of the rising importance of Asia to the global economy, there is an increas-
ing interest in the region as a focus of intellectual discourse (Spivak 2008) specifically
in research on consumption and marketing (Cayla and Eckhardt 2008). In business
practices, there have been instances of more qualitative consumer and marketing
research conducted in the Asian market. Examples are P&G’s ethnographic study
in India to support planning of the new Gillette product and Google’s use of video
observation in China to identify how to compete with the leading search engine,
Baidu. The methods help companies develop new deeper insights into Asian con-
sumption and marketing when their prior assumptions or hypotheses may no longer
be of relevance.
However, despite the growing research interests into Asian consumption and mar-
ket (Venkatesh et al. 2013; Fam et al. 2009), information about Asian consumer
culture remains rather scant, particularly concerning the use of qualitative methods
(Eckhardt and Dholakia 2013). This is partly due to the limited pools of researchers
and resources to explore the area, unlike the dominant Western-oriented domain.
Additionally, it can be because the available methods do not fit the needs of the Asian
market context. In general, consumer and marketing research methods are conducted
with no distinctive, particular approaches specific to local contexts, while the current
methodology is largely based on the conventional practices commonly developed
in the Western context. Though there may be some adaptations in research content,
research methods and techniques remain the same. In spite of many perspectives
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_3
52 3 The Asian Market as Research Context
and practices that can be applied universally, Belk et al. (2013) have called for the
need to investigate other contexts outside the more advanced, developed economies
so that methodological development can be guided by particular historical, sociocul-
tural forces. Knowing that the selected research method and its underlying logic can
affect how the people and their situations will be viewed (Bogdan and Taylor 1975),
it is important to find appropriate details and descriptions.
While the research community has widely agreed upon the need for guidelines
for conducting research in the Asian context, there remain limited discussions on
some alternative or attuned methodologies that can incorporate the Asian way of
creating and sharing knowledge (Polsa 2013). Liamputtong (2010)’s work on quali-
tative cross-cultural research, with some example cases in Asia, highlighted cultural
sensitivity. This includes managing the different cultures between researcher and
participant, the need to distinguish between insider and outsider perspectives, cross-
cultural communications and language issues, and local versus global knowledge
and power. In addition to the adjustment of the research method, Liu (2011) pro-
posed that Asian epistemologies could offer alternative views to the methodological
foundations of Western-originating research. These perspectives suggest promising
opportunities for development of qualitative consumer and marketing research with
Asian perspectives and practices.
Before delving into details of the specific research methods (i.e. how to conduct
research), this chapter introduces some key areas of research that can contribute to the
study of consumption and marketing in Asia (i.e. what topics), followed by describing
characteristics of Asian informants (i.e. who to interact with), the sense of place (i.e.
where) and time (i.e. when) which can differ among cultures. Understanding these
research contexts can facilitate researchers in their research design, data collection,
and findings analysis, the topics that will be discussed in depth in the following
chapters.
Areas of Research in Consumption and Marketing
In the Asian market, the conduct of qualitative research is underrepresented. In fact,

the high contextual richness and interdependent nature of Asian cultures and the
people denote promising research context for qualitative methods (Eckhardt and
Bengtsson 2010). As a result, theory regarding Asian consumer culture is still in
its early stage (Seo and Fam 2015). This section summarizes key areas of research
in consumption and marketing by referring to core theoretical developments and
proposing potential areas that can be further developed in the Asian market context.
Consumption and marketing are interrelated concepts. When planning marketing
strategies, particularly for the consumer-oriented sector, consumption must be ana-
lyzed to devise a plan that can satisfy the needs, wants, demands, and/or desires of
target consumers. On the other hand, most consumption in the market is, to some
extent, influenced by prior marketing programs. Hence, these marketing discourses
can be taken into account when analyzing consumption. One of the established
Areas of Research in Consumption and Marketing 53
models is that of Schiffman and Kanuk (2007) (see Fig. 3.1) which suggests that
consumers interact with the input of their experiences such as marketing and con-
sumer sociocultural background. These then extend to consumer decision-making
with influences of consumer psychology that result in experiences attained and can
lead to the output of purchase and post-purchase behaviors. While the main concepts
of consumption and marketing can be largely applied, prior studies explained some
differences of the Asian market. While there are no limitations or restricted sub-
jects to be covered in the study, some issues have been frequently highlighted. The
following section captures some key topics which can be taken into account when
identifying areas of research.
Fig. 3.1 A model of consumption and marketing by Schiffman and Kanuk (2007)
Marketing
First, marketing can be considered as an input in Schiffman and Kanuk (2007)’s

model of consumption and marketing. Yet, it can become a following output of the
analysis of consumer behaviors. The overview development of marketing normally
begins with analyses of market situations, both inside companies (such as strengths
and weaknesses regarding, for example, history, current performances, reputations),
and outside companies such as opportunities and threats including, for example,
changes in the economy, and technology. Emphases on different aspects of the mar-
ket situations may depend on cultural contexts. For instance, with some emerging
markets in Asia, the political dynamics and changing regulatory systems must be
highlighted because they can widely affect the other market conditions (e.g. econ-
omy, society, technology adoption) and suggest rules of the market quite different
from the open, free market in some advanced countries. Recent consumer and mar-
keting research in many Asian countries (e.g. China, Myanmar) reveal fast-changing
development after long periods of isolation under government control.
Market situation analyses can support the identifying or verifying of marketing
objectives (e.g. profit, revenue, ROI, market share). It is noted that there can be other
set objectives according to the different marketing activities such as brand awareness,
extent of new product development, and access to channels of distribution. These
objectives can be achieved with the right identification of customer base (e.g. to
retain existing customers or to acquire new customers) and source of volume (e.g.
to stimulate demand or to steal share from competitors). Here, research may take
into account some distinct characteristics of Asian customer relations. For instance,
because Asian customers value personal relations both in and out of the business
domain, it is important to always take good care of existing and former customers
to strengthen loyalty and encourage repeat purchases. Moreover, doing so can lead
to a wider impact of word of mouth due to the cultural value of reciprocity widely
practiced in Asia.
Next, with the increasingly diverse and fragmented markets, segmentation strat-
egy is needed to help divide the consumer group into distinct subsets. Examples of
criteria to segment the market are by geography, demography, psychology, lifestyle,
sociocultural background, or usage which can be combined to suggest a more com-
prehensive segmentation. With different market segments, a company may select one
or more segments to be reached (aka targeting strategy) depending on a company’s
readiness and available resources. This process of identifying consumer groups is
important in doing marketing in the Asian market because consumers largely identify
with groups, and the groups can contribute significantly to their decisions. Important
areas of research may include studying the formation of consumer groups and their
interactions within and across groups.
Given the target customer group, the next step, positioning strategy, is set based
on a company’s strengths to address the target customer demands while yielding dis-
tinctive competitive advantages. In some emerging markets in Asia, the positioning
may involve a larger societal perspective. For instance, the Nano car in India was
positioned as a low-priced people’s car targeting the middle to lower-middle income

groups who viewed this product as a way to change from a two-wheeler commute
and uplift their quality of lives. Moreover, because the automobile market is largely
dominated by Western brands and companies, the Nano’s people car, which belongs
to the Indian conglomerate, Tata Motors, is positioned to represent the national pride.
Next, the prior market situation and the segmentation, targeting, positioning (aka
STP) strategies are furthered to developing of marketing strategies. The foundation
model of marketing mix or 4Ps includes product strategy (e.g. new product devel-
opment, packaging, and branding), pricing (e.g. price setting and price adjustment),
place strategy (e.g. distribution channel, and retail design), and promotion strategy
(e.g. advertising, public relations, sales promotion, personal selling, direct market-
ing, events). The model was later extended to incorporate other perspectives such
as the 7Ps to combine the process, people, and physical evidence, and the 8Ps to
include performance (i.e. in service marketing). Some unique implications of these
strategies in Asia can be further explored in research. For instance, in spite of the
expansive growth of modern trade in several emerging markets, there remains the
strong existence of micro SMEs in the local markets which are involved with not only
trades but also community relations (Shultz and Pecotich 1997). The mixed notion
of Western modernity and local tradition is largely observed in the Asian market.
Hung et al. (2007) studied the use of new women in Chinese advertising and found
that a local Asian look can enhance consumer identification while foreign, Western
characteristics (e.g. independent, urban) can stimulate consumer aspirations. Female
consumers in China suggested their preference for mixed traits with a depth of char-
acter such as being gentle, which does not mean charming or undemanding, but
embodying learning and maturity, especially when facing hardship or conflict. Such
insights suggest areas of research to explore intricate notions of modern marketing
encompassed in Asian cultural contexts. Box 3.1 demonstrates, based on Venkatesh
et al. (2013), the use of ethnoconsumerism research on the cultural branding and
designing of the Nano car in India.
Box 3.1 Ethnoconsumerism Research, Cultural Branding, and Designing

of the Nano Car
India has been moving toward a consumer society (Bijapurkar 2008) as eco-
nomic growth raises wealth in the country. Tata Motors is a pioneer and one
of the most trusted Indian conglomerates, and itself a cultural brand icon. Tata
strongly believed its trusted reputation would carry the Nano brand, which
was launched in 2008, easily into the Indian market. Nano was conceived with
cultural branding as an important element. By concept, it was positioned to
be a “people’s car” that is an affordable vehicle for Indian users in an Indian
setting. Nano is 20% smaller than the cheapest compatible model in the market
but can easily accommodate 4 adults with a high seating position. Tata Motors
expected Nano sales to reach one million cars annually. It is targeted at the
working middle- to lower-middle income group who own two-wheelers and

expect to buy a car.
In this research, Venkatesh et al. (2013) proposed to use ethnoconsumerism
research (Venkatesh 1995; Meamber and Venkatesh 2000) to explore the ques-
tion, what cultural and branding design issues have gone into the development
of the Nano car. The method is intended at studying consumption as culturally
constituted behavior rather than looking at culture as the context of consump-
tion practices. Here, the authors illustrate a cultural interpretation of the Nano
car’s branding and design initiatives.
First and foremost, it is crucial to begin with understanding of the cultural
context. India, a gigantic market with over a billion people, has been trans-
forming into a consumer society with an expansive economy and rising middle
class. Indian commuters regularly face crowded public transport while the most
common private option is two wheelers due to their affordability and conve-
nience. Nano was introduced to the market by Tata Motors with the aim of
providing an affordable, safer, and more comfortable alternative. Its concept
and design were aimed at bringing the passenger automobile that used to be
perceived as luxury within the reach of many people, a major coup in India’s
consumer culture.
Positioned as the “people’s car,” Nano has employed a cultural branding
strategy to suggest a way of life for consumers. Besides being an economical
vehicle, the Nano car was designed to fulfill the aspiration of first time buyers
who are looking to embrace more personal freedom in their lives. However,
because traditional values still play a big role in Indian society, the Nano car was
designed to incorporate the particular needs of local consumers. For instance,
the height of the Nano car was designed to facilitate female users wearing sari
to step in and out without difficulties. Moreover, the brand has been projected
as a symbol of national pride and an expression of Indianness, the elements
that can leverage consumer sentiment in an emerging nation. In the midst of
modernization, India has continued to embrace and celebrate its rich cultural
heritage. Therefore, Indian mythological references are widely observed in its
marketing communications. Here, the Nano was referred to as a little divine
infant who could bring a new sense of hope to the nation. Apparently, the brand
design was intended for a social transformation as it represents a blessing to
two-wheeler owners and first-time car buyers.
In summary, this research explicates the use of qualitative methodology,
ethnoconsumerism, that can help explore not only the implementation of mar-
keting strategy but also an interpretation of Indian cultural sensibilities that can
enhance more comprehensive development of brand culture and the emergence
of cultural economies.
Source: Venkatesh et al. (2013).
The next step after devising marketing strategies is implementation which involves
planning of tasks, time, budget and assigned persons. Such planning must take into
account the underlying characteristics of Asian people and culture. For example, prior
research indicated that Asians were less goal and task oriented but rather valued
human relationships and cooperation. They may be willing to miss targeted tasks
and times, particularly if they involve group conflicts. Also people are driven to
collaborate rather than competing to attain better performances. These certainly guide
the designing of task allocation and human resources management and influence
topics of research in the marketing execution. An example from Leung and Hui
(2014)’s research about the development of creative advertising in Asia revealed that
creative professionals would be willing to give up their creative proposals and go with
the more conventional ideas of the client’s preference in order to show respect. The
authors explored this area of customer relationship which has a significant impact
on marketing implementation.
Finally in terms of evaluation, qualitative research can support learning of differ-
ent cultural contexts that can play a role in assessing results of marketing practices.
For example, in their study of internet banking adoption in Thailand, Rotchanaki-
tumnuai and Speece (2003) learned that despite the growing use of the internet and
technology that can change the face of banking operations, customers do not seem to
view it as a channel to replace traditional interactions between companies and cus-
tomers. Instead, they see it as a way to supplement and enhance their interpersonal
relationships with the companies such as by providing more customized or person-
alized services. Such findings suggested the need to incorporate cultural contexts
into evaluating adoption of the initiative. Research in marketing evaluation in the
Asian market must consider other cultural perspectives that can influence results of
marketing practices. For instance in the abovementioned example of Leung and Hui
(2014)’s research, the authors found that unlike the Western emphasis on presenting
new, innovative ideas in creative advertising, creativity in Asia can be compromised
with the need to attain a group interest. Moreover, it tends to be mostly associated
with rearrangement and modification of existing views due to the cultural values that
respect and honor traditions.
Consumer Sociocultural Influences
Sociocultural influences are considered as an input in Schiffman and Kanuk (2007)’s

model of consumption and marketing. This involves the background environments
such as culture (both domestic and cross-culture), subculture, social class, and ref-
erence groups (e.g. friends and family, colleagues, celebrities). Such interaction is
highly important in the Asian society where there is a strong belief that people are
social beings who can be defined by relationships (Bockover 1997). Research can
explore the way in which these sociocultural influences play a role in consumers’
behaviors and responses to marketing. Research may also study how people use con-
sumption and marketing to reinforce their sociocultural backgrounds. The following
provides some brief descriptions of the concepts with focus on identifying areas of
research in the Asian market.
First, culture represents the sum total of learned beliefs, values, and customs
that serve to influence behaviors in a particular society. Areas of research in this
case may include the different characteristics of Asian culture and their influences
on consumption and marketing in the Asian market. However, researchers must also
take into account the changes experienced within the society. For instance, in China, it
was observed that fast economic growth has resulted in growing confusion in cultural
values because many traditional ways of living have been challenged and changed.
Yet prior studies argued that though individuals may deviate from traditional values
at some point in their lives, they tend to be assimilated again by the Chinese culture
as they grow old (Yau 1988; Hsu 1972). This example illustrates the need to consider
both the fundamental cultural values and the transformation of the Asian market.
In view of that, another important area of research is the dynamics of culture in
Asia, of which the major driving force is globalization. Hence, the next subject of
sociocultural background is cross-culture which represents the interaction of dif-
ferent cultures. Areas of research may include the consumer acculturation process,
stages and modes of cultural changes, and cross-cultural effects on similarities and
differences between consumption and marketing of different societies or nations. In
terms of strategies, marketers have implemented various approaches. One of these
is standardization with the realization that the world is becoming a common mar-
ketplace in which people generally prefer the same products and lifestyles (Levitt
1983). Here, the focus of study could be on convergence of consumption patterns
across countries. On the contrary, localization strategy highlights the diversity of
consumers in different cultural orientations. Hence, the focus would be on specific
demands of the local markets and customized products and services.
As both global and local approaches have been increasingly implemented in the
Asian market, research could also explore consumers’ perceptions and preferences.
For instance, Zhou and Belk (2004) studied advertising appeals in China and proposed
that Chinese consumers preferred global ads with the use of global techniques and
presenters because it signifies modernity, cosmopolitanism, and status for the sake
of face. Moreover it could help convey what would be normally considered unreal
or conflicting with fundamental Chinese values (e.g. demonstrating intimate, sexual
behaviors) if done by Chinese brands and models. However, at the same time, Chinese
consumers also favored local ads which could evoke cultural values and nationalistic
feelings as they maintain a strong pride in their Chinese cultural heritage and try to
negotiate their collective identity in a market that is largely dominated by Western
consumer culture. The study discussed the use of Chinese models to present the
love among family members and Chinese sports stars to evoke nationalistic feelings.
Because of the more important role of the Asian market and its distinct culture
characteristics, there has been an increasing interest in understanding specific cultures
(also among the different countries in Asia) and their interactions across cultures
rather than simply implementing the already-developed concepts from the other
markets. In addition to studying how local Asian cultures interact with the coming
global cultures, studies also recognize influences of the Asian cultures in the world
market and its movement to become a consumer cultural phenomenon at the regional
and global level.
Besides globalization and localization, there is the alternative option of glocaliza-
tion (e.g. think global, act local) whereby the focused areas of research are on com-
bined consumption perspectives and the mix of strategies. This is widely observed
in Asia with the broader influences of the Western, which to a larger extent rep-
resents global, ideology. An example of Eng and Bogaert (2010)’s study in India,
where luxury brands have to find way to blend in with the local traditions (Chadha
and Husband 2007), suggested that Indian consumers mostly retain traditional styles
(e.g. wearing sari, sherwaris, salwar kameez) but mixing them with Western luxury
accessories to signify their perceived exclusivity and social status. This consumption
pattern is driven by key Indian reference groups such as Bollywood celebrities rather
than by foreign fashion designers. The study concluded a need to match a luxury
image with the Indian identity.
Next, members of the same culture may have different subcultures depending
on their generations, genders, ethnicities, or religions. These have become more
important nowadays to the extent that in this interconnected world people of the
same subculture, no matter where they live, may share more common characteristics
than those of the same cultures but different subcultures do. However, with the fast
changing world, subcultures may emerge with intensity and literally disappear as
people can easily form and leave their subcultural communities anytime. Areas of
research in this regard typically involve studies of concrete and sustainable subcul-
ture characteristics and their influences on consumption and marketing. In spite of
the general implications of global conceptions of subcultures, certain aspects of sub-
culture within specific markets must be taken into account. For example in Taiwan,
there is the specific cohort of the “Strawberry Generation” born between 1981 and
1991. The period was after the Kaohsiung incident in 1979 with the pro-democracy
demonstration that became a turning point in the country’s history. The movement
against martial law eventually led to an end of the banning of independent political
parties and media resulting in democracy and the economic boom era. Growing up
during this period, the Strawberry Generation seemed to have limited knowledge
of the hardships that their parents had to bear while they tend to be overprotected
(Buchan 2008). Thus this leads to their perceived characteristics of being fragile,
easily bruised by troubles in life (like a strawberry), and lacking the ability to handle
stress and pressures (Liu 2010). Consumption-wise, they have become key customers
of luxury fashion brands despite having limited income and they may choose to use
future money, resulting in the problem of credit card debt (Wu et al. 2015). Realizing
distinct characteristics of defining moments in some countries or societies, it would
be interesting to study such sociocultural influences on some uniquely identified
generations.
Moreover, because culture and subculture are not static, the other growing areas
of research are in studying evolution and adaptations of consumption and marketing.
This is quite apparent in the gender study, as modernization has led to a decreasing
demarcation of gender and gender roles in the society, yielding the cross-boundaries
of gender in consumption and marketing. As an example, the notion of metrosexual
men is associated with contemporary men’s becoming more feminine because they
take good care of themselves and spend more on grooming. The phenomenon has
been witnessed in several markets of Asia as shown in the expansive growth of men’s
skincare, cosmetics, and fashion items in Japan, Korea, and China. On the contrary,
more women in Asia have become breadwinners. In fact, even in a male-dominant
society like China during the Cultural Revolution, distinguishing gender differences
was considered a violation of the Maoist social order. In fact, the government stressed
the obligation and opportunities of all women to work to support socialism as demon-
strated in campaigns and slogans during the era e.g. “Women hold up half of the sky”
and “Times have changed. Whatever men can do, women can do” (cited in Hershatter
2004: 1013).
The other important area of research in subculture is about ethnicity. In each coun-
try, there can be multiple ethnic groups coresiding, each one having quite distinct and
robust characteristics. Current behaviors and practices suggest people can selectively
refer to their ethnicities depending on contexts and situations. Particularly in Asia
with its high mixture of ethnic groups, prior research demonstrated there are circum-
stances in which people would prefer to identify more or less with their ethnicities.
For instance, Cherrier and Belk’s (2015) study in Dubai with its focus on consump-
tion practices of Emirati women found that the women used traditional, ethnic goods
(e.g. wearing the abaya gown) to differentiate themselves from the others (including
tourists and expats) in public places but switched to the use of general global goods
(e.g. brandname products) when in private places. Here they constructed a particular
consumption practice recognizing the need to preserve and be responsible for their
ethnic groups and traditions. Such intricate relations become an important area of
further research, particularly with the liberating force of consumers as co-producers
of the consumption culture. Besides studying the different consumption and mar-
keting practices of ethnic groups which have long been a subject of interest, future
areas of research can also look into adjustment mechanisms (e.g. ethnicitization,
deethnicitization).
Next, in terms of religion, in Asia there are many religions and spiritual beliefs,
each with its own rules and guidelines that influence the purchase and use of products
and services. For example, Shariah is a moral and legal discourse to guide Muslims in
their living (El-Sheikh 2008), and thus it plays a role in the designing of products and
services. For example, basic principles of Islamic financial services (e.g. banking,
insurance, capital markets) include prohibition of interest, risk sharing, individual
rights and duties, and speculative behaviors (Zaher and Hassan 2001). Hence, insti-
tutions offering Islamic financial services must adhere to principles that are based
on profit-loss sharing, fixed charges, and free charges (Haron 1995). Other practices
guiding morally proper Islamic way of life concern the boundary between halal
(purity) versus haram (impurity) and its implication in the consumption of specific
goods which may have an impact on important domains such as family, community,
and nation (Fischer 2016).
Besides the religious influence on consumption, at the same time consumption has
become a means of supporting and demonstrating religious identities e.g. wearing
of hijab (Lindridge 2010). McAlexander et al. (2014) proposed that many practices
of religions involve consumption as one of the key features to connect with people.
Currently there is a growth of Islamic products and services promoted as religious
necessities that can help fulfill personal needs such as piety and purity, which support
identity formation (Navaro-Yashin 2002). Given their interrelations, further areas of
research may explore the cross influences of religions and practices of consumption
and marketing. For instance, Kniazeva (2015) studied the use of Eastern spiritual
symbols and narratives on various consumer products that can enhance products’
claimed spiritual benefits. Examples include reference to Buddha to indicate the
need of becoming one with everything, living moderately, and finding one’s true
self. References to Om (the key mantra of Hindusim) and Yoga (one of the classical
Hindu schools of thought) suggest the importance of inner peace, purity and beauty
from within. These associations are shown on various packages of foods, beverages,
and personal care products. The increasing sacralization of religions to brands and
products and commodification of spiritual elements represents an interesting area
of research. Moreover, wider freedom and more open communications allow people
to choose elements of religions to practice according to their situational contexts
and purposes (Lindridge 2010). Further studies can look into new behaviors and
practices in a multi-faith society. In addition to studying evolving concepts of sub-
cultures, research can look into how people continue to create new or move on to
other subcultures in their multilayered living of both physical and virtual worlds.
The next subject is social class which plays an important role in consumption
and marketing in Asia. Though its concept based on social hierarchy is common
in the world, the way in which it is composed can depend on specific contexts. For
example, in India the caste system classifies people into four groups of people by their
class, race, or trade i.e. Brahman (priest), Kshyatrya (warrior), Aishya (trader), and
Sudra (cultivator) (Weightman 1991). Amidst a high biosocial diversity of religions,
languages, physical appearances, and value systems, the caste system represents
the key driving force though entailing various degrees of privileges and obligations
(Mehta and Belk 1991) in different locales (Eng and Bogaert 2010). While social class
can influence the ways in which people consume products and services, consumption
and marketing can also influence people’s attainment of social class, particularly in
many societies where class is determined by not only the state of being but the state
of having. In this case, people of the lower class may want to possess objects that
point to a higher class status. Such discrepancy is considered another promising
area of research, particularly with the significance of social status and face value
in Asia. Research may explore how consumers of different social classes perceive
and consume the same product or study new notions of class division according to
people’s abilities to consume.
When studying social class in Asia, one important area of research that should
be highlighted involves the lower social group aka bottom of the pyramid (BOP).
Consumers in the BOP are characterized by constraints of multiple resources ranging
from financial to information, education, and infrastructure (Viswanathan et al. 2009).
Most research stresses the vulnerable nature of BOP consumers and possible negative
effects of marketing targeted at the BOP market due to their low level of literacy
(Jaiswal 2008). Nevertheless this cannot be overgeneralized. One study of Indian
consumers suggested they are sophisticated and savvy regarding consumption even
though they are living in rural areas and maybe illiterate (Venkatesh and Swamy
1994). Besides the consumers’ characteristics, there are other forces to be considered
in research such as what Prahalad (2004) referred to as a poverty penalty—that is, the
poor’s paying higher prices for different products and services due to their inability
to afford larger sized items (with lower prices per unit) and the need to depend on
credit payment with high interest rates. Based on the perspective of transformative
consumer research (TCR), it calls for more research that can identify critical needs
of these subsistence markets and contribute to improve their quality of life.
Lastly, as part of the sociocultural background, consumers are generally influenced
by their reference groups that serve as a point of comparison (or reference) in the
formation of values, attitudes, or behavior. The reference group could be categorized
according to the mode of influence, i.e., the normative group, comparative group, and
indirect group. The normative reference group includes family and (close) friends
who can embed general values and basic codes of behavior. This influence is expected
to be strong in the Asian context with its tendency to conform to family traditions.
The next reference group, comparative reference group, mostly influences specific
behaviors and expressions of specific attitudes. This includes colleagues, neighbors,
and virtual groups in which consumers seek advice regarding specific situations.
This networking is quite strong in Asia as it is considered a way to reduce risk and
create ongoing relationships. The third kind of reference group, indirect group, only
provides general influence on consumers. For instance, celebrities are used to attract
interest and hold the attention of consumers. Celebrities have been used as the main
marketing and communication tool in Asia (Roll 2005) because of consumers’ strong
adherence to social identities and acceptance of ideal images of celebrities.
As discussed in Chap. 2, the influence of the reference group is quite crucial in
the Asian market due to the overall characteristic of being interdependent and group-
oriented. Also, if consumers are prone to avoid social risk and value the sense of status,
as in the case of Asian consumers, they may rely more on other persons. Yet the extent
of the influence that reference groups can have upon individuals depends on several
factors. Areas of further research may include studying the different sources of power
(e.g. legitimacy, access to information, expertise, reward or punishment control) for
the reference groups, and factors that may affect their different degrees of influence
(e.g. consumer exposure and confidence, cultural or peer pressure). Moreover, with
the strong impact of prolonged social relationships in Asia, further research can
explore the way in which the reference group plays a role in multiple stages of
consumption. The other promising area is studying the emergence of reference groups
online in the social network. Jain and Schultz (2016) indicated its strong relevance
among Indian consumers as they can continue constant digital conversations within
and across different social circles with less restricted boundaries that are normally
present in physical interactions.
Consumer Psychology
Next, in the model of consumption and marketing, consumer psychology is consid-

ered as part of the process in consumer decision making. It includes the subjects
of motivation, perception, learning, attitude, and personality. The following section
explains these topics with the support of theories that indicate some unique charac-
teristics of Asian psychology. It is noted here that while the theories are derived from
multiple principles and methods, the objective is to present current understanding of
the subjects and suggest areas of further research, specifically with the qualitative
research approach.
Motivation is the driving force within individuals that impels them to take action
(e.g. consuming). The renowned Maslow theory identifies a hierarchy of needs (see
Fig. 3.2) with different levels of motivation, starting with physiological needs at the
bottom of the pyramid such as the needs for food, shelter, clothing, and medication
(also known as the basic necessities). Once these needs are fulfilled, in the next step
people generally seek safety i.e. the ability to prevent harm or to have a secure living.
Then, as social creatures, human beings also have the third level of social needs to
belong to a group and to connect with others which can lead to the next level of
egoistic needs which involve not only being part of but leading the group either by
obtaining power or moving up in social status. Finally the utmost need, according to
Maslow, is self-actualization or the ability to fulfill one’s own potential depending
on each person’s skills and characteristics.
While there has been a lot more research on theories of motivation, studies of
consumption and marketing in the Asian market highlight the social needs, partic-
ularly with the pressure of group conformity and face saving. This does not mean
simply a tendency to rely on others, but a mutuality of trust and reciprocal exchange
of support for one another. In this case, the Maslow model could be criticized for its
order of importance as many studies demonstrated that Asian people would put social
needs above egoistic demands. Hence, the hierarchical steps are not applicable in all
cases because the lower level of needs do not need to be fulfilled before attaining
Fig. 3.2 Maslow’s hierarchy

of needs
Self-Actualization
Egoistic Needs
Social Needs
Safety Needs
Physiological Needs
the higher ones. Further research can explore the various situations and contexts in
which people may place emphasis on one need over the others.
The other important part of motivation theory is the motivation process, which
begins with consumers’ realization of unfulfilled needs, wants, and desires leading
to accumulated tension and the drive to react in order to fulfill their demands which
can be in either a positive direction (i.e. to acquire) or a negative direction (i.e. to
avoid). Once the goal is achieved, tension is reduced. But consumers’ demands are
never completely fulfilled, as they will always find other unfulfilled needs, wants,
and desires. These are the dynamics of motivation that demonstrate consumers’
search for higher goals or alternative goals. Though the motivation process seems
to be common for all beings, its details can be altered by cultural values. Prior
studies indicated that in the area of goal attainment, Asians with interdependent
cultural values often emphasize maintaining the current state (including the existing
social order and harmony) rather than striving to attain higher positions (Markus and
Schwartz 2010). Moreover, collective needs can play an important part as Asians tend
to value sharing of the vision of social group over their personal wills (Perea and
Slater 1999; Schütte and Ciarlante 1998). These insights demonstrate the influence
of contextual factors in the development of consumer motivation, and thus suggest
further areas of research to explore situationally activated motives.
Next, perception is the process by which an individual selects, organizes, and
interprets stimuli into a meaningful and coherent picture of the world. Consumers
consume based on what they perceive, including information from both conscious
sensation and subconscious perception. While subconscious perception is claimed
to yield emotional impact, there is no concrete evidence to prove such subliminal
effects on actions. What is more evident is rather when consumers gain sensations
via their five senses of vision, sound, smell, touch, and taste which can bring about
different perceptions also depending on various cultural contexts. For instance, in
Asia, particularly among the Chinese ethnic group, red signifies happiness and good
luck. Thus it is used in auspicious events e.g. new year celebrations and weddings.
But in Africa, red can be associated with mourning. In general, the five senses coex-
ist and can be combined to offer distinctive sensations. However, preferences vary
according to the different markets. Hence, further studies considering the influences
of cultural contexts can add insights into the understanding of perception. With mul-
tiple stimuli around them, consumers develop a process of selection, organization,
and interpretation of the stimuli in order to help them form a coherent picture of the
world. In Asia, studies indicate that people tend to perceive a holistic worldview con-
sidering multiple facets of life as well as multiple influences beyond self-orientation.
This includes changes and uncertainties beyond one’s control due to external forces
which could be a supernatural power or a complicated social law which govern ways
of life. Moreover in this regard Asians tend to accept what has happened and not hold
on tightly to things they have obtained or lost (Wei 1980). Research can incorporate
these different aspects into studies of the dynamics of perception.
During consumption, consumer learning occurs as a process by which individuals
acquire consumption knowledge and experience, and this learning can support them
in their future related consumption too. Different people have different ways of
learning. Behavioral learning takes place as the result of observable responses to

external stimuli, while cognitive learning is based on mental information processing.
Due to the characteristic of being interdependent with others, Asian consumers may
give emphasis to observing other’s behaviors and the consequences of their behaviors.
Further areas of research may consider the learning process and how it influences
people’s behaviors and consumption. As for cognitive learning theory, it suggests
that information, visual and verbal, requires different types of mental information
processing, and each person may have different capacities to process the variety of
content and vividness of information. Prior research identified Asians as having a
more pragmatic and contextual orientation in their thinking and learning (Usunier
1996). This is due to their emphasis on social relativity which implies a variety of
situations. This insight can link to further research on understanding how consumers
process information according to different circumstances.
As a result of their learning, consumers formulate attitudes, which are learned
predispositions to behave in a favorable or unfavorable way pertaining to a specific
situation. Attitude can propel consumers towards or repel them away from a particular
behavior. It seems to be consistent though it is not necessarily permanent as attitude
also depends on a given situation. Main categories of attitude (aka the ABC model)
are Affective attitude which involves emotions or feelings, Behavioral attitude which
involves tendency or intention to behave in a particular way, and Cognitive attitude
which involves knowledge from direct experience or related information. The three
components illustrate overall attitudes toward objects, services, advertising, and other
marketing inputs, yet it is noted that attitude formation could differ in various cultural
contexts. For instance, Kotabe and Jiang (2006) found that Japanese consumers are
quite strict about product quality and they clearly articulate their needs about a
product or packaging. They utilize relevant information (e.g. brand and advertising)
to assess the product quality and are willing to pay premium prices for that. This
demonstrates the strong use of cognitive attitude by Japanese consumers. However,
such attitudes might be filtered too by a sense of empathy as in Japanese culture it
is important to acknowledge and be sensitive to other people’s situations. Hence, in
the given situations, affective attitude may play a role. Additionally, with regard to
the likelihood of Asians’ following the norms, behavioral attitude can have an effect
in several cases.
Studies of consumer attitude in the Asian market suggested that consumers are
more situation oriented. That is, they learn that circumstances can have an important
effect on what is right or wrong (Fletcher and Fang 2006; Leung 1992; Hsu 1963).
Thus, further research may explore how consumers take into account multiple points
of view and formulate a mixture of attitudes in most cases. Additionally, studies
indicate that Asians tend to adopt a neutral attitude and moderate thinking to solve
problems taking into consideration the long-term benefits (Chuah et al. 2014; Jaw
et al. 2007). When encountering different perspectives or having to solve conflicts,
especially between their own views and others’ to arrive at group decision, they tend
to adopt a pragmatic approach to find the most suitable way with no clear judgment
of any right or wrong solution. Research, taking these insights into consideration,
may study different levels of attitudes filtered by the multiple influences in order
to learn also about the evolution and changes of attitudes according to situational
contexts.
Beyond the attitude formation are the actions taken. At this stage, the “theory of
reasoned action” (see Fig. 3.3) is frequently cited as it is believed to help explain
and predict consumer behavior. The model incorporates consumer attitudes toward
a given behavior and also subjective norms which are consumers’ concerns about
relevant others, (e.g. family, friends, and colleagues). These lead to their intention,
followed by action. In the Asian context, studies could pay attention to the subjective
norms that play a crucial role in people’s motivation to comply.
Lastly, consumer personality consists of the inner psychological characteristics
that both determine and reflect how a person responds to an environment. A collection
of personalities composes the self concept which can be categorized into four types:
actual self (i.e. who we are), ideal self (i.e. who we want to be), social self (i.e. how
we are viewed by others), ideal social self (i.e. how we want to be viewed by others).
Studies in the Asian market indicate the significance of social self and ideal social
self and suggest that in Asia, people generally compare or associate their images
with others while in Western culture people tend to be more skeptical of others
and more protective of the self (Fowler et al. 2014). Yet, as emphasized earlier,
the overall personality traits of Asian consumers are not meant to be a universal
conclusion, particularly in that they involve the way in which people interact with
their environments. Promising areas of research include the study of multiple self
employed in different situations.
Among various theories of personality, one of the most profound is the psycho-
analytic theory of personality, which was proposed by the renowned neurologist,
Sigmund Freud. Psychoanalysis emphasizes the importance of personal histories
Beliefs that the behavior

leads to certain outcomes
Attitude toward
the behavior
Evaluation of
the outcomes
INTENTION BEHAVIOR
Beliefs that specific

referents would / would not
support the behavior
Subjective
Norms
Motivation to comply
with the specific referents
Fig. 3.3 Theory of reasoned action

and thus tries to find a way to reach deeper into the unconscious mind. Freudian
theory suggests that personality consists of the three interacting systems of id, ego,
and superego. It is a warehouse of primitive or instinctual needs e.g. thirst, hunger,
and sex, for which individuals may seek immediate satisfaction without considering
any consequences. Superego is an individual’s internal expression of society’s moral
and ethical codes of conduct. Lastly, ego is an individual’s conscious control that
balances some impractical demands of id and superego. Thus ego is the part that
is mostly reflected in a person’s actions. Moreover it is quite related to interdepen-
dent self-construal which involves how people associate with the others. Although
Freudian theory is probably the best known, many of Freud’s ideas have fallen out of
favor or have been criticized for their excessive focus on internal drives such as sexual
motives. Hence, the neo-Freudian psychologists have altered the original theory in
some ways while maintaining the focus on the psychoanalysis of the subconscious.
Carl Jung’s theory suggests that people and their personalities are shaped by
the collective unconsciousness that is a cumulative experience of past generations.
This leads to the development of archetypes based on shared ideas and memories.
Jung stressed the importance of balance and harmony as well as an integration of
spirituality and unconscious realms rather than relying heavily on science and logic.
The associations of personality with some supernatural beliefs are largely observed
in Asia, such as, the description of people’s characteristics according to the year
of birth. The Chinese zodiac, categorized into twelve groups with animal symbols,
suggests that people who were born in each year have distinctive personalities and
may not be compatible with people born under other signs. Thus, when deciding
on marriage or having a child, this belief will be taken into consideration to some
extent. Such a concept is based on the notion that the self combines a variety of
elements, not only the corporal body and the mental function (or the psyche) but also
including living members of the family and community as well as ancestral spirits,
gods, goddesses, and nature. Rooted in Asian culture, the human is perceived to be
a microcosm of the universe. Therefore, when studying self and personality in Asia,
these underlying beliefs should be taken into considerations as they play a major part
of people’s lives.
Another neo-Freudian psychologist, Karen Horney, focuses on the impact of child-
parent relationships and classifies individuals into three personality groups (CAD):
compliant, aggressive, and detached. Compliant individuals are those who move
toward others. They desire to be loved, wanted, and appreciated. This characteristic
may be largely witnessed in Asia due to the culture that puts high respect on family.
Aggressive individuals are those who move against others. They desire to excel
and win admiration. Detached individuals are those who move away from others.
They desire autonomy, independence, self-reliance, and freedom. Though theories
based on psychoanalysis can yield insightful study of consumer personality, it is
argued that such technique may be difficult to apply in Asia because the notion of
“psyche” is mixed with different aspects of emotions, physical conditions, and beliefs
in other things outside the individual such as spirits or karma resulting from previous
lives (Kakar 1991). Besides, the psychoanalytic process of tracing personal histories
is perceived to be quite unusual in Asia. Introspection is more rooted in Western
traditions whereby the self and identity is articulated based on an examination of

events that happened in this life. But in Asia, self realization is attained beyond
time and space and thus it could occur with no clear identification of life-historical
dimension which is the focus of psychoanalytic theory.
In summary, this section elaborates on the concept of consumer psychology which
can be highly influenced by cultural contexts. Additionally, by its nature, consumer
psychology can change under different circumstances. Some may produce short term
effects while others may lead to long term changes such as major life events like
getting married, having a child, as well as the other key social events. Research by
Fowler et al. (2014) studied Chinese mothers who expressed their wishes to see their
only daughters attain the freedom of choice to do what they like with less concern
about conservative Chinese culture. Such behavior is quite distinct from common
understanding of motivation among the general Chinese family. It was suggested that
this could be due to the One-Child policy that created new family dynamics (Fowler
et al. 2010) and as a result younger people in China may develop quite different
characteristics (e.g. being more self-oriented and forceful). These dynamics can
be highlighted in further areas of research to study changing psychology and its
development process with regard to changing situations.
Consumer Decision
From the model of consumption and marketing (see Fig. 3.1), input such as mar-
keting strategies and sociocultural backgrounds can influence consumer psychology
and the process of decision making ranging from the pre-purchase to purchase and
post-purchase stages. The decision process typically begins with need recognition.
Initially, consumers may recognize that a need exists when facing with some unmet
demands that could be satisfied by the purchase and consumption of a product or
service. This need recognition could be in either physiological form or psychological
form. The needs may be triggered by external stimuli (e.g. marketing input, sociocul-
tural influences), or internal stimuli (e.g. individuals’ inner drives, self-reflection).
After the need recognition, consumers may enter the process of pre-purchase
search starting from exploring an internal source of information (such as memory
and past experience), before performing an external search such as through the media,
friends, and expert opinions. Here, the difference of culture plays an important role.
For instance, Asian consumers would perform external information searches through
their reference networks. Schütte and Ciarlante (1998) claim that Asian consumers
tend to employ a less analytical approach in their decision making and instead put
emphasis on other factors such as other persons’ opinions. Studies in the Asian
market suggest that research should incorporate the importance of other peoples’
influences either as source of information or reference benchmarking to maintain the
face value (Tynan et al. 2010). Nevertheless, this influence depends also on situational
contexts such as consumers’ familiarity with a product, importance of the purchase,
and perceived risk of buying. The more exposure to information and experience that
consumers have, the more confidence they gain in making their own decisions. Yet,
with a higher degree of expected loss resulting from the purchase (including financial
loss, performance loss, psychological loss, social loss and convenience loss), it is
likely that consumers will seek more information.
When evaluating potential alternatives, consumers refer to their evoked set of
specific offerings (e.g. brands, products) with which they are familiar, remember,
and find acceptable. They might begin by screening out the unacceptable options
(i.e. inept set) and the indifferent options (i.e. inert set) resulting in options in the
consideration set. Next, criteria (or decision rules) are applied which could be by
overall evaluation, namely affect referral, or the assessment of individual attributes.
Affect referral is a simplified decision rule by which consumers make decisions
based on their previously established overall impression of the brands, organizations,
or other relevant products. But the assessment of the offerings’ specific attributes
requires detailed analyses of either compensatory or non-compensatory decision
rules. Compensatory rules refer to the calculation of scores that balance out between
different criteria. Non-compensatory decision rules consider scores of the different
attributes separately but they can put priorities on specific attributes. It is noted that
consumers are not always rational when making decisions and they may simply
utilize their heuristic decision (i.e. to quickly select the desirable offering based on
trust and familiarity). This is widely observed in the Asian market due to the cultural
values highlighting interpersonal relationships and trust. Therefore, further research
should incorporate this perspective into an analysis of consumer decision making
rather than operating solely on cognitive views of product and service attributes.
In the case that consumers encounter choices with conflicting interests and they
demand further reasons to support their decisions, the focus of the decision will be
shifted from searching for the best option to searching for the option supported by
the best reasons. This process differs cross-culturally (Simonson and Nowlis 2000).
Comparative research by Briley et al. (2000) suggests that East Asian consumers often
choose alternatives that support compromise (e.g. moderate quality with moderate
price) while those from North American culture often choose the extreme option
though it may imply sacrificing one for the other (e.g. either the highest quality with
the highest price or the lowest quality with the lowest price). This can be explained
by the different cultures in which Asians value the choice that is safe and less likely to
be criticized while it is more important in Western culture to have a clear and strong
single interest. The research results also refer to the influences of religion such as
Buddhism that puts emphasis on the middle path to avoid any extreme way of living,
while Judeo-Christian teachings discuss how to reconcile sacred and worldly interests
in a way that involves sacrifices (e.g. the story of Abraham’s decision to sacrifice his
son, or Jesus’ parable about a man who blinds himself to reduce his inclination to sin).
These observations suggested important areas of further research on understanding
cultural impact on decision-making styles.
It is noted that the decision is sometimes made by buyers who are not users of
products themselves (e.g. parents and children). Due to the strong family reliance
in Asia, studies show that parents remain involved in the purchase decision of some
products such as fashion even among grown children, and the children tend to yield
to parents’ opinions (Fowler et al. 2014). Therefore research in the Asian market
should incorporate this aspect of group involvement into the design of research.
Nevertheless, having more people engaged in a purchase decision is likely to yield
conflicting opinions. Further research may explore interaction among members of
the group and their settlement of disagreement, as well as the decision dynamics
including scenarios and sequences of different decisions (Penz and Kirchler 2016).
Having deciding on the alternative, the next stage is consumer purchase which
can be for the first time (i.e. trial purchase) or repeat purchase. Trial purchase is
considered the exploratory phase when consumers try to evaluate a product or service
through direct use. When consumers are satisfied with a trial, they are likely to
repeat the purchase or commit to a long-term interaction. This is highlighted in
the Asian market whereby reciprocity is expected in a relationship and the loyalty
can foster interpersonal harmony. As consumers use a product, they conduct post-
purchase evaluation with regard to their expectations. After consumers interact with
a product, they can compare the perceived performance with their expectations. If
the perceived performance meets or exceeds expectations, consumers tend to be
satisfied. Yates et al. (1997) suggest that Asians are less likely than North Americans
to generate disconfirming evidence or to criticize generally accepted traditions. This
could be rooted in the difference in education systems as Asian teachers typically
drive students to follow precedent, whereas American students are encouraged to
engage in critical assessment and questioning. So it might be proposed that Asian
consumers will try to find ways to achieve their expectations rather than look for
any shortfalls. However, this suggests that customer satisfaction may be a result
of compromising and justification which is likely not to sustain. Thus, research on
customer satisfaction in Asia should try to investigate various degrees of satisfaction,
and qualitative approaches can help explore underlying influences beyond a simple
scoring approach.
On the contrary, customer dissatisfaction occurs when the perceived performance
is below consumers’ set expectations. In this case, prior theories suggest the expres-
sion of negative feelings differs according to the different cultures (Schütte and
Ciarlante 1998). Western consumers who have gone through a deliberate process
of decision-making can feel a greater sense of failure. Hence they may seek ways
to rectify it via a complaint, return or exchange of products. However, most Asians
who make decisions based on more external influences may not take this dissatisfac-
tion as a personal mistake. They may attribute adversity to fate. The logic helps them
explain away negative exchanges with others and maintain harmonious relationships.
Additionally, in some cultures, such as Thailand, direct criticism is regarded as bad
manners. Thus, dissatisfied consumers may not complain directly to the firms. With
the general norm of conflict avoidance, they may instead choose to spread word
of their dissatisfaction via personal networks. The complexity of reactions must be
considered when conducting further research on consumer post-purchase evalua-
tion in the Asian market, particularly in that it becomes consumer experience that
could influence future purchase decisions. In terms of research methodology, Larp-
siri and Speece (2004) suggest from their research in Thailand that when it comes
to comments about service delivery failure, informants would not be comfortable

with public confrontation because politeness is a key cultural value. Therefore, the
separate anonymous interview was recommended.
Characteristics of Asian Informants
Asian cultures and contexts, as discussed in Chap. 2, influence not only the people’s
consumption behavior but also their characteristics as research informants. Under-
standing this is important in conducting qualitative research because the method
takes into account individualities and the insights can support researchers in learning
about the extent of their Asian informants’ reactions and expressions. Generally,
Asian informants tend to be consciously aware of their existences, particularly in
relation to others (such as family and key reference groups). The interdependent
relationship results in the multiple roles they assume all together at the same time,
while the demarcation between roles becomes less clear. When identifying research
informants, this insight must be taken into consideration beyond a simple informant’s
self-categorization (e.g. by objective profiles such as financial status or educational
background). For example, when studying household consumption, it will not be
enough to simply conduct research with the head of the household as is the gen-
eral practice. In Asia, family members influence each other in their behaviors and
decisions. Yet interaction within the family can be governed by norms and is often
accompanied by rituals involving social position in the family (Pido 1986). The
intergenerational household is still prevalent in many Asian societies. Prior research
suggested women shopping for household products always consider if their choices
would be practically approved by their parents or the in-laws. Though in some cases
they do not live together still the influences take effect as demonstrated in Edirisingha
et al. (2015)’s study of the couples in Sri Lanka who mentioned their kitchens and
meal preparations are driven by the parents who came to check in and made com-
ments from time to time. Thus, when identifying research informants, the researcher
should identify different roles of relevant persons with regard to the specified product
consumption and experience.
In terms of recruiting the informants, Asian consumers can be reluctant or less
open to interact with strangers, including researchers. They may not be willing to
participate in the research study, especially if they feel the pressure of representing
others. It is more comfortable to be part of a group rather than to stand out and
project their opinions. In recruiting informants, particularly for qualitative consumer
and marketing research, a researcher may need to spend time and effort in explaining
clearly information about the study. If the information is complex, a researcher must
always check for understanding because the informants can be reluctant to ask for
clarification and simply refuse to join the research. In some cases, having someone
to connect with them at the beginning can help smooth the process and promote
collaboration because they normally rely on trustworthy interpersonal sources before
making a decision.
It also takes a longer time to build rapport with Asian informants. Researchers
must be prepared to create bonding beyond a formal procedure which can be per-
ceived as a barrier to build trust. The following chapter discusses example research
in some Asian societies which indicate that asking informants to sign a consent form
is considered inappropriate. However once the trust is established, the Asian infor-
mants can be quite supportive and willing to participate generously in the research.
For example they allow researchers to tag along and observe their daily activities,
invite researchers to join events, and introduce researchers to their peers (who might
be asked to participate in the research too). They value trust and deep-rooted rela-
tionships unlike the relationship building in Northern America and Europe whereby
people develop acquaintances and friendships in a short period of time. Therefore, a
researcher must be focused on details related to human relations that can be beyond
the scope of the specific research topic, particularly if the relationship built is expected
to last a long time.
In terms of communication, researchers must be ready to adapt their approaches
according to the changing situations because Asian informants can be quite context-
oriented. A seminal work by Hall (1976) proposed that Asians tend to employ a high-
context communication style whereby most of the information is in the context or
internalized in the person rather than explicitly transmitted in the message as is true of
a low-context communication culture. However, the use of different communication
styles may depend on the type of relationships and circumstances such as the use of
high-context communication when being concerned for others’ feelings versus the
use of low-context communication when wanting to obtain clarity in conversations.
For high-context communication, Asian informants require and use a lot of back-
ground information in delivering messages. They are sensitive to signals and cues,
and they may regard and utilize many indirect communication cues. For example,
the use of metaphors, gestures, body language, eye contact, voice tones, word stress
and even silence are all important in social interactions. Yum (1988) suggest that
in high-context communication, receivers of a message must be able to infer what
senders say and capture the nonverbal aspects. In this case, researchers must pay
close attention to embedded meanings in specific contexts (Gudykunst 2001) and
consider also messages between the lines. Moreover, they have to take into account
the backgrounds and trustworthiness of the communicators rather than focusing on
task-oriented information (Hall and Hall 1987). Thus they may prefer opportunities
to interact outside of work such as at social events to learn about the others’ values
and social positions. In the collectivistic and holistic cultures of Asia, a researcher
cannot clearly separate the roles of investigator and research informant but must
consider instead the relationship in which the researcher sometimes needs to share
information as part of the reciprocal interaction (Polsa 2013).
As for the coverage of content in communication, senders of high-context com-
munication may omit personal information but refer to group-based information (e.g.
group memberships, status) (Gudykunst and Nishida 1986; Okabe 1983). This is dif-
ferent from those with the low-context communication who are encouraged to speak
their mind and provide personal data to support their views which can help predict
their behaviors (Gudykunst and Ting-Toomey 1988; Norton 1978). Moreover, the
Characteristics of Asian Informants 73
way they think can be highly influenced by other external forces such as the given
situations and other people’s perspectives. When participating in the research study,
Asian informants may not refer to their own views and interests as the main source
of opinions. Researchers should try to understand this holistic way of thinking which
may appear elusive, ambiguous, and indefinite. Moreover, Asian informants can be
concerned about how they will be perceived by the researchers whom they consider
a part of their interpersonal network. It is important to recognize this in the research
design and try to find ways to let the informants elaborate their viewpoints more
openly. By nature, qualitative research puts emphasis on naturalistic inquiry, so it
can, to some degree, help address such issues. There are also other specific alternative
tools (e.g. projective techniques, participant-produced materials to be discussed in
Chap. 9) that can be added to the data collection to support the uncovering of deep
insights.
When handling some conflict or resistance, intentional lack of directness in the
conversation can be employed by Asian informants to help smooth the relationship.
Chen and Starosta (1997) explain that high-context, indirect communication is used
as a way to maintain in-group harmony in Asia. When expressing their ideas, Asian
informants tend to use qualifiers such as “maybe,” “perhaps,” and “probably” to
avoid being too assertive rather than using categorical words such as “certainly,”
“absolutely,” and “positively” (Okabe 1983). A researcher should avoid using direct
yes/no questions because an informant may respond even though some confusion
remains. Usually messages are delivered in an indirect way, particularly with conflicts
or refusals that can affect relationships. For example the Chinese may say “that is
difficult” instead of “it is not possible” when refusing a request (Osland 1990). Also as
a general practice, a researcher should be careful not to dominate or suggest ideas as an
informant may simply follow or agree in order to maintain social harmony. In general,
self-control is expected and they may not express strong emotions, whether positive
elation or negative criticism, so they can remain in good balance. Being attentive
to contextual and nonverbal cues can help reduce the chance of misinterpreting a
common gesture as simple agreement or rejection.
In a group conversation, unlike the Western dialogue in which straight talk or open
debate is encouraged to reach clarity and resolution, Asian informants may avoid
expressing different opinions and real feelings that may conflict with the others’ and
choose to compromise in order to maintain group solidarity (Fang and Faure 2011).
Thus, some research subjects or methods (e.g. focus group, online ethnography) that
put emphasis on group discussion and exchange of ideas must be adapted, while a
researcher must try to set clear a purpose and prepare all discussants to accept and
work through some disagreements (if any). Alternatively, an online platform may
offer latitude to engage non-direct, non-face-to-face arguments. However, the effect
of social hierarchy must be considered. For example, in arranging a group interview it
would be uncomfortable and less effective to combine people of different hierarchies.
These can be by multiple dimensions depending on the historical background of the
countries. In the Philippines, Pido (1986) identified a stratification system based
on race ranging from the Spaniards born in Spain at the top to pure Indians at the
bottom. Other countries influenced by Confucianism such as China, Japan, Korea,
and Vietnam have ordering relationships by rank positions in a family (e.g., father
and son) or in an organization (e.g. leader and subordinate).
Besides understanding characteristics of the Asian informant, prior research indi-
cates that Asian culture and psychology emphasize malleability and change of per-
spectives and behaviors depending on the situation (Tu 1994). The norm suggests
that one must think and act in a way that is appropriate to the place and time. There-
fore, in conducting research, it is crucial to understand the sense of place and time
which can differ among cultures.
The Sense of Place and Time
The sense of place is quite crucial in qualitative research because the data collection
and ongoing analysis frequently take place in local settings. Thus, researchers must
know where and how to situate themselves in relation to other people (including
informants). The meaning of place combines both physical (e.g. concrete space) and
psychological (e.g. relationship distance) notions. Asian places are widely criticized
for their lack of personal space as witnessed in densely cluttered living and chaotic
sharing of spaces and places among extended families and close-knit communities.
This signifies the kind of human relationships and self-identity most prevalent in
Asian society. The unclear distinction leads to blurred boundaries between public
and private spaces. For instance, it is observed in the market that people may simply
occupy public space for their own use (e.g. the street vendors along public pathways
in many Asian cities). Conversely, some private spaces can be consumed for public
use. In many Asian societies, it is not uncommon to find all family members sharing
the same single-room dwelling. In conducting research, it is possible that a researcher
may be invited into their private spaces and observe their private consumption because
the informants may not have tightly restricted place boundaries. For example, Polsa
(2013) explained about her interview in China which was conducted in the hospital
room of the informant’s wife which had become a social place where several people
were performing various activities.
As a result, in the Asian setting it can be impossible to conduct research with
informants in private due to the communal nature of living. Researchers should be
prepared to handle some interference during data collection. Schoen (2015) explained
in her research in Matlab, Bangladesh that she sometimes had to shift from individual
interviews to group interviews as people entered and exited the research setting on
their own and by the norms it would have been a social anomaly to isolate them for
the purpose of the interview. Nevertheless, she found the occasion of having other
people popping in fruitful in adding perspectives and allowing some elaborations or
difference of opinion.
The sense of place is also implied in people’s movement to different locations
according to some socially accepted rules. Particularly, the demarcation between
genders indicates venues where men and women can be. In some research settings
(specifically the rural areas) where the norm is salient, there is a separation between
The Sense of Place and Time 75
public places described as masculine space where men can venture while private
or domestic places are feminine space where women remain to perform household
duties. This notion of gendered space is apparent in specific cultures in Asia such as
those influenced by the Islamic religion (Sobh and Belk 2011). Sobh et al. (2013)’s
study of the Arab Gulf homes indicate there are men’s majlis which are men’s enter-
tainment zones either separate from the home or attached but with a separate entrance.
This is due to the norms that women should not appear nor interact with unrelated
men (including guests of the male host). Additionally, it is suggested that women
who frequent public space may risk their reputations because they can be threatened
by unknown and potentially harmful men and therefore the good women remain
within the domestic sphere with family members (De Souza 2004). The notion of
place is also related to the body culture in which there are norms guiding the wearing
and revealing of body parts in certain places. Such practices are based on the cultural
norm emphasizing modesty and the belief that individual behavior can affect family
honor and status (Pastner 1974). With the limited opportunities for women in some
Asian contexts to venture out, researchers must take this into consideration when
planning data collection. It is quite possible that the interview will take place in their
households or venues where the informants feel comfortable.
In terms of the relationship with place, Asian values emphasize that one cannot
change the environment but must harmonize with it. Thus, they tend to accept the
space and place as is rather than reconstructing it to serve their individual purposes.
This concept is demonstrated in the Chinese belief of Feng Shui that involves finding
locations where there is a harmony between habitats and natural surroundings with
a proper flow of qui (energy) (Han 2001). Wang et al. (2013) proposed from their
research on Feng Shui discourses and practices in Hong Kong that the altering of a
setting can affect all people who share the space. While certain conduct can benefit
one, it can be perceived as harmful to another. Thus, the practice of Feng Shui must
consider collective benefits rather than individual advantages only. Such insights
about how people appropriate space and how place affects people’s behaviors are
important in planning how to conduct the study.
The sense of time can vary in different cultures, specifically social time which
underlines the importance of context. Adam (2004) indicated a timescape which
includes multiple elements such as time frame, time orientation, time point, and
sequence. Asians tend to depend on the polychromic time frame which means that
different interactions can occur simultaneously. In Japan, there is the concept of Maki-
mono time in which the past flows continuously towards the present and the present
is connected with the future and thus past, present, and future may coexist simultane-
ously (Hayashi 1988). The cyclical nature of time is prevalent in Eastern philosophy.
This is different from the Western monochromic time frame that focuses on linear
scheduling of events that occur one at a time. In Asia, past events can strongly influ-
ence present occurrences. Similarly, today’s events can strongly influence tomorrow’s
relations. Thus, one must consider the consequences of one’s actions. The continuity
of past to present and future lives (aka the Wheel of Life) is aligned with religious
beliefs prevalent in Asia such as the karmic cycle or Samsara from Buddhism. Such
beliefs guide Asian ways of living, including consumption which is not limited to the
present but includes past and future lives. Previous research explained rituals such
as burning paper money and goods with the hope of sending them to be used by the
deceased who can be their loved ones or even strangers in some cases (Hackley and
Hackley 2015; Zhao and Belk 2003, 2008a, b; Wattanasuwan 2005; Gould 1992,
1991). Moreover, it is believed that by making merit or doing good one can receive
blessings that can help generate reciprocal advantages in one’s current life and can
be transferred to good fortune in the next life.
It is recognized that Asians seem to have a preference for past-time orientation or
respect for history as demonstrated in ancestor worship and strong family tradition.
Klukhohn and Strodbeck (1961) explained that the Chinese believe that there is
nothing new in the present that has not happened before in the far distant past.
Bergadaa (1990) suggested that time orientation is the combination of personal views
about time and perception of environmental or societal time. Time orientation can
lead to motivation and action such as planning styles (Cotte et al. 2004). Different
from the Asians, prior studies explained the Western time orientation to be dominantly
present oriented or future oriented rather than past oriented (Jason et al. 1989; Cottle
1967). Westerners tend to view time as being structured and ordered though they may
have different approaches toward time such as adopting analytic versus spontaneous
planning styles (Cotte et al. 2004), or being a planner to avoid the waste of time
versus being a reactor to manage life imposed by various external forces (Spears and
Amos 2012). However, despite the limited influence of past orientation, Westerners
consider the past as already intertwined within their present and future orientations.
Because the notion of time can depend on a person and relevant cultural con-
texts, when arranging a research study, this must be considered because it involves
planning the research topics and areas to investigate accordingly. The Asian view of
the continual connection of the past, present, and future signifies the importance of
research conducted to capture not only present practices but also what came before
and has persisted from that past and how the present has borne and continues to bear
the marks of the past. With regard to the multiplex relationships in the interconnected
time frame, it is generally believed that events can also run their own course and thus
each day is taken as it comes. This affects time management and indication of time
point which tend to be quite loose in Asia. Moreover, with the Asian values of keep-
ing harmony, following a strict schedule is generally associated with pushing to get
things done, which can be considered impolite.
The loose time point and time management must be taken into account when plan-
ning the research study such as sparing flexible time to begin and finish interacting
with informants. Prior research explains that data collection in some Asian societies
often includes having meals with informants or spending time with them in other
activities or events (Polsa 2013). Nevertheless the concept of time can vary within
the Asian communities. For instance, in contrast to many Asian groups, the Japanese
tend to be strict about time and researchers must arrive earlier to be ready before
the appointment and prepare to finish on time. The sense of time can also influence
how to manage the resources and procedures of the research project. For example,
Schoen (2015) suggested that research might be conducted in a setting where women
are expected to continue performing household duties (rather than taking time to par-
The Sense of Place and Time 77
ticipate in other activities). Hence, the research must be conducted during the time
they are cooking, childrearing, or caring for elders, so it would not disrupt their daily
routines. Given the rather less structured time management and unsystematic social
relations in many Asian countries, the research design may need to remain flexible.
Zhou and Nunes (2013) observed that in China organizational activities tend to have
vague objectives, broad assignments, and not very strict timetables. They learned
when conducting interviews that though they had already set up schedules, it was
highly possible that the interviews would be delayed, postponed, cut short, and even
cancelled. Therefore, researchers must be prepared to adjust the research procedure.
Furthermore, the sequence of time can influence the way in which informants
behave during the data collection. With the norm of reciprocity that serves as a
basic moral rule to support smooth interpersonal relationships and social cohesion,
the Asian informants may wait for their turn when they interact with others. The
conversational time pattern involves sequences of vocalizations and pauses used
in conversations. Thus, a researcher must develop a good flow of conversation with
recognition of when to pause and pace. By general practice and good manners, Asians
are taught to speak when spoken to and to speak only if having something important
to say. With no restricted running of time, they tend to wait till the time is right.
This attitude is also demonstrated in how people spend time in life. For instance,
Lindquist (2009) proposed that in Indonesia there is a certain attitude toward time
which can be termed “belum” (or not yet). That is, people may be attuned to their
aspired future despite having an unclear promise of the present. In China, due to the
belief in the cyclical nature of good and bad events in life, one is advised to maintain
peace of mind and wait for positive change. According to the Feng Shui practice,
the right time (and place) allows people to reorient themselves (Kapferer 2004). The
time suggests when they can hope for certain things and seek to grasp opportunities
as well as when not to hope for things that are not meant to happen (Wang et al.
2013).
Understanding this suggests that during the period of waiting while conducting
research, the informants’ period of silence may mean they are reflecting on what has
been done or said and thinking about what is to be done or said next. Additionally,
in Asia, silence can be used to signify disagreement or embarrassment (Lebra 1987).
Wiemann et al. (1986) proposed that individuals have beliefs about talk and silence
and they consider whether they should talk or be silent, how much and when they
should talk in different situations. While in some cultures, silence is a void to be
filled because it can produce discomfort interrupting the flow of conversation (Mare
1990), a researcher conducting a study in Asia must be patient, observe, listen care-
fully, and try not to interrupt the flow. With holistic thinking, the Asian informant
may want to take time in considering multiple issues and incidents when contem-
plating a single subject. Their responses may not follow a linear, logical path. Thus a
researcher should be able to manage the non-systematic, circular, or dispersed course
of conversation and interaction. Because the points made in conversation with the
Asian informants may not be straightforward, a researcher may try to summarize
them again in the conclusion of the research study.
Lastly, it can be perceived as rude to specify deadlines in Asian culture. To finish

the data collection (e.g. ending the interview, withdrawing from the ethnographic
setting), a researcher must carefully handle the smooth transition because the rela-
tionship built between researcher and informants can involve more than the specified
research topics. To simply quit and leave may make the informants feel disregarded
and perceive the researcher as insincere. Thus, it is better to take time in departing
and always stress possibilities to revisit and meet again while offering to give some
favors in return.
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Chapter 4
Research Design
Realizing the need to better understand the development of qualitative consumer

and marketing research in the Asian market and equipped with understanding of
the Asian market as a research context (explained in the earlier chapter), the next
step is designing of the research project. This chapter covers the five major parts
of research design: setting the research purpose, formulating research questions,
indicating research method, preparing research triangulation, and managing research
ethics. These topics are discussed with regard to both the overall principles and the
specific perspectives and practices in Asia. Besides explaining what to consider when
designing the qualitative research study, this chapter proposes key issues to consider
when studying consumption and marketing in the Asian market.
Setting the Research Purpose
In doing consumer and marketing research, a researcher normally begins with spec-
ifying the area of research which can be based on their circumstances (such as
a marketing practitioner studying consumer motivation to prepare for new product
development) or based on their specific interests (such as an academic researcher con-
ducting a research project to further their specialization). In any case, it is important
that a researcher has a good knowledge of the focus subject. Moreover, a researcher
must be clear about key concepts associated in a given study and how these concepts
can be identified and examined. A clear defining of the concept can lead to effec-
tive operationalizing of research and meaningful analyses of findings. The previous
chapter described some key areas of research and concepts that can contribute to the
study of consumption and marketing in Asia.
There are many ways to approach the specified areas of research depending on the
purpose, which can be categorized by four different types of basic research, applied
research, evaluation research, and action research. While all can be employed in
the Asian market, there are some different concerns regarding the perspectives and
practices of these different research purposes.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_4
84 4 Research Design
Basic research aims to generate fundamental knowledge and advance theories.

Hence, basic research is largely conducted by academics with the aim of produc-
ing publications (in various forms such as journal articles, books, reports) and of
contributing to the development of studies and theories. The focus of basic research
is on understanding relationships among phenomena which can deepen and expand
boundaries of knowledge. As basic research has been long developed in the more
advanced markets (such as North America and Europe), conducting basic research
in other contexts such as the Asian market can encounter difficulty in convincing
generalizability of the theoretical development. However, this issue has not been of
major concern in the case of qualitative research since it puts emphasis on distinct
characteristics of the differing contexts. Besides, as theoretical development involves
identifying conditions in which current theories have limitations in their range of rel-
evance, it can facilitate opportunities to conduct basic research in the Asian market
which are still largely underexplored. Insights from the research study with regard
to some discrepancy of theories developed can lead to new knowledge development.
Nevertheless, due to the limited resources of academic researchers, basic research
regarding qualitative consumer and marketing research in Asia remains scant.
In contrast, applied research is prevalent now due to the increasing importance
of the Asian economy. Applied research focuses on addressing practical questions
or providing solutions to problems which are of concern in the market. Results of
the research lead to useful implications such as development of marketing strategies
or programs to improve or modify a situation. Many global and local companies
realize the need to incorporate research findings in their implementing of strategies
rather than simply assuming overall universal standard strategies. Hence, as illus-
trated in Chap. 1, many large corporates have been conducting qualitative consumer
and marketing research in order to better understand the Asian market. This applied
research tends to follow the comparative study approach such as trying to modify
global common practices when implementing them in the local Asian setting. It is
believed that the continual expansion of the Asian impact will bring changes to the
development of applied research in Asia as there are more insights established in
the local market. Starbucks, when entering China, discovered from doing research
that within the Chinese market there are varying preferences and behaviors among
consumers in the northern, southern, and eastern regions which resulted in the com-
pany’s decision to have different regional partnerships to help penetrate the different
markets (DeVault 2017). Moreover, the company is exploring ways to integrate this
coffee brand in the tea-drinking Chinese culture. The distinct characteristics demand
qualitative research that can provide a comprehensive, holistic perspective of the
target consumers and narrative descriptions of consumption insights, leading to a
more impactful development of marketing strategies.
Third, evaluation research is carried out to assess how well the strategies or pro-
grams are being conducted. Evaluation research can be subdivided into two types.
Formative evaluation research is aimed at finding out where and how to improve the
current programs while summative evaluation research is used to support decisions
about which program to choose or whether it should be continued. Both require
an evaluator to make value judgments about the quality of the programs and their
Setting the Research Purpose 85
benefits. Fundamental evaluation questions include assessment of the need for the
program, the way in which it is being conceptualized, implementation of the pro-
gram according to the plan, impact on its intended targets, and efficiency of the
program (Rossi et al. 2004). Evaluation research in the Asian market must be pre-
pared to handle the compromising characteristics of Asian consumers who may not
express clearly their attitudes towards the strategies implemented. As explained in
Chap. 3, Asian informants tend to avoid being too assertive and use high-context,
indirect communication to maintain in-group harmony. To remain in good balance,
they may not convey strong and clear feedback either positive or negative. Thus,
researchers must pay close attention to in-context, indirect communications. Like-
wise, when doing evaluation research, Asian researchers themselves can be reluctant
to make strong judgments of the evaluation.
Lastly, action research is focused on finding measures taken in response to specific
problems being faced in the market. Therefore, it needs to be conducted in partic-
ular settings and applied in specific contexts. However because circumstances can
be quite complex and changing, action research typically involves dynamic research
questions, and a researcher must be able to continuously identify new problems
together with perspectives of new possible actions. These can then lead to more sce-
narios of the next possible problems as well as actions. Thus, action research can
be viewed as a never-ending process. Here, theories and practices are intermingled
in the development of research, and it requires deep understanding of the context to
prepare and conduct action research. By nature, this research is more participatory as
it involves local practices by local practitioners committed to solving continual prob-
lems of the local settings. Such requirements could bring limitations to the conduct
of action research in Asia due to generally less understanding of research techniques
among practitioners in the local settings. However previous research in sociology and
anthropology has indicated that strong collaborative efforts with the community can
help in conducting the action research. Clear design and implementation of research
procedures should be able to produce fruitful results.
To elaborate on the four different types of research purposes, Box 4.1 demonstrates
possible implications of different research methods in relation to the study conducted
by McGrath et al. (2013) about the House of Barbie in Shanghai.
Box 4.1 The House of Barbie Research with Different Research Purposes
The House of Barbie research is an ethnographic and netnographic study con-
ducted by McGrath et al. (2013) in Shanghai, China from March 2009 until
March 2011. The objective was to further knowledge about retail branding ide-
ology and broaden the concept of flagship brand stores beyond the American-
centric focus that has dominated the field (Kent 2009). This reference research
is considered basic research with theoretical contributions involving the dif-
fusion of cultural propriety of themed flagship brand stores, the translation of
retail brand ideology into customer-centric meaning, and the cultural attune-
ment of the servicescape mythotypes proposed earlier by Kozinets et al. (2002).
In planning and analyzing the study, this House of Barbie research also
referred to the other applied research studies conducted earlier during the time
that the company was planning and designing the store. Such applied research
described the focus group interviews in Shanghai with Chinese mothers and
daughters age 4–11 years (Kahn 2008). The aim was to learn about consumer
perceptions of Barbie and their expectations of the Barbie store. Moreover, the
design team had female staff write essays of memories of Barbie and employed
a “booklet of quintessential Barbie imagery” produced by the teenage girl. As
stated, the applied research conducted was mainly based on application of the
Barbie brand concept from the US diffused into the Chinese market.
The company, Mattel, implemented insights derived from the research and
opened the store in March 2009. Unfortunately after two years of struggling
in the market, the company decided to close down. The longitudinal study of
McGrath et al. (2013) mentioned key factors that might prevent success of the
retail brand ideology due to culturally mismatched mythotypes. The findings
of McGrath et al. (2013)’s basic research contributed in expanding knowledge
about the discordances between a home-country brand cultural content and
a host culture. At the same time, these findings could also become input for
the company’s further applied research to study about how to operate across
cultures and particularly in China.
Moreover, during the time that the business was running, it is likely that
they might have conducted the evaluation research to support adjusting of
directions and strategies. McGrath et al. (2013) observed that during the two
years of operation, there were quite a few significant changes happening in the
House of Barbie in Shanghai such as terminating of spa and beauty salons,
offering of more discounted items and promotions which would better suit
Chinese shopping norms and behaviors. The authors reported that when the
store was first opened, there was a long table situated at the lobby with the
label “Consumer Insight Gathering Center.” Four corporate researchers asked
people to complete surveys. However, it should be noted here about the use of
quantitative versus qualitative research. Given the situation of trying to under-
stand consumer insights which can extend beyond satisfaction with current
offerings to learning some cultural conflicting perspectives or misunderstand-
ings, qualitative research would be more appropriate in providing such data.
As demonstrated in the publication (p. 22), one informant was discussing the
sign “I wasn’t designed to do House Work” which was meant to express the
modern, independent women’s attitude. She mentioned “I’m not sure that most
Chinese would understand this or find it humorous. It seems to be saying that
the people who come here are only looking after themselves. They’re kind
of selfish” (Stephanie, 24, Shanghai Office Assistant). This sample comment
suggested some underlying issues that can be explored in detail in subsequent
evaluation research.
Setting the Research Purpose 87
Finally, as the business realized the problems they were facing during the
time of operation, they could have decided to conduct other action research
to help find solutions. While this requires a continual process of identifying
scenarios of possible problems and actions, it would fit well with the House of
Barbie’s intention to be a “retail laboratory” for the company to continuously
listen, learn, and adapt accordingly (McGrath et al. 2013). Raised in the authors’
research was the concern about an overemphasis on the “American Brand.”
A sign with this word translated in Chinese in front of the store caused some
people to have negative reactions, like one informant who questioned “Do they
just want to cater to Shanghai peoples’ tendency to worship things foreign and
to fawn on foreign countries?” (p. 21). Maybe with experimental changes of
strategies and insights derived from action research, the company could have
found a positioning whereby the cultural propriety of the American brand and
store could better connect with the local culture’s sensibilities. Maybe they did
try the approach but unfortunately the pace could not catch up with the rising
costs, and hence the company decided to discontinue the flagship brand store
model.
Source: McGrath et al. (2013).
Formulating Research Questions
After setting the purpose of the study, the next step is to formulate research questions
that will become a guideline for conducting of the research study. Clear research
questions (or problem statement) can help drive and direct the course of action from
planning of the methodology to collecting and analyzing data according to the set
questions. Ultimately good research questions will lead to clear contributions in
development of knowledge and business practices (with their emphases depending
on the research purpose). Normally this means ability to bring novelty or present
uniqueness to the already existing stream of development. Hence, to formulate a
good research question, one must recognize what has been developed or is apparent
in the current context and then identify areas where further research can contribute
to the development. This section explains the sources of information which can be
existing literature and empirical observations. With multiple sources of information,
it is crucial to conduct a good systematic literature review to explain how they are
related. Finally, a researcher can identify areas where further research is needed and
hence formulate a research question.
Sources of Information
In today’s world, one can find sources of information in various forms and from
almost everywhere. However, the main sources of information for research study
are existing literature and observations of current conditions. Literature includes
previous research studies and reports which may be based on empirical data collected
or conceptual perspectives analyzed and presented with the aim to document and
disseminate knowledge and information to others.
Literature is the crucial source of information, particularly for basic research,
because it helps to indicate where further theoretical advancement is needed based
on what has been studied before. Literature is also helpful in applied research because
it can support analysis of practical questions and suggest alternative ways to approach
solutions to problems in the market. In evaluation research, the literature is needed
to develop reliable criteria to assess how well the strategies or programs are being
conducted. As for action research, since it involves a continual process of identifying
specific problems and measures taken in local contexts, literature can facilitate conti-
nuity over time and across multiple agents. It is recommended that for the research of
specific local contexts (such as Asian consumption and market in this case), original
and indigenous literature from Asia also be incorporated in the study because it can
reflect Asian epistemology (Polsa 2013).
Though literature represents the most significant source of information, it can be
bound by the past incidents. Some forms of literature (e.g. academic journals) take
time to process publications and they tend to have certain forms of development.
Realizing this, additional observations of current conditions can help address such
concerns. Though this source of information may not be systematically present with
some justified or validated knowledge, it can represent what is going on in the market
and provide more updated perspectives of the situations. However, it is noted that
this content is influenced by the observer’s viewpoints and their social interactions.
Though a research idea might stem from some observed phenomena of interest, it still
requires studies of prior literature to develop an interesting, original, and important
research project.
Literature and empirical observation are interrelated and can support the formu-
lation of good research questions. Both sources can be explored according to their
underlying assumptions which may range from those that are shared and accepted
within or across schools of thought to assumptions that are associated with broader
images of a particular subject, the assumptions that underlie the research paradigm
(e.g. positivism, interpretivism), or the assumptions associated with ideology (e.g.
political, moral, gender ideology) (Alvesson and Sandberg 2011). These underlying
assumptions can be explicitly stated to situate the research into the specific context
of analysis, while some can be implicit i.e. not expressively formulated but serving
as a background of development. It is important to identify assumptions in order to
see their relationships with the other parts of uncovered facts or findings.
While there are numerous sources of information available in the studies of con-
sumption and marketing in the Asian market, it is observed that the underlying
Formulating Research Questions 89
assumptions of much literature tends to be largely aligned with dominant Western

perspectives. This may be due to the prevailing effects of the major schools of thought
in consumer research and marketing (such as the Frankfurt school) and the unclear
development of Asian-specific principles. However, some existing assumptions asso-
ciated with broader images of consumer behaviors and marketing practices in Asia
were explained in Chap. 2 such as the references to more collectivistic societies,
interdependent identities, or high-context communications. Moreover, when refer-
ring to the Asian perspective, general assumptions are mainly associated with the
East Asian archetype, probably because of the high influence of China and Japan.
In addition, literature and empirical observation should be considered in relation to
their relevant stakeholders (e.g. the research community, the practitioners). Because
knowledge is not an independent concept but a meaning-making account of the world,
it is crucial to learn about contexts and relevant audience when analyzing the sources
of information. Additionally, all knowledge and practices are socially constructed;
that is, they are influenced by social interactions. Hence, one must recognize the
politics involved in both areas of theoretical development (e.g. dominant knowledge
may ignore contradictory or counter assumptions) and practical uses which suggest
the perceived relevance of the research question. Specifically in applied research,
answering the research question must generate actionable implications for the stake-
holders. Besides analyzing the content of the literature and observed phenomenon,
their social relevance such as the way in which they are supported and render validity
to the claim must be understood.
In this case, studies of consumption and marketing in the Asian market can be
analyzed according to their target users of information. For the global audiences, they
may intend to demonstrate similarities and differences of perspectives and practices
with those of other markets. Since Asia represents the opposite end of the East
versus West continuum, studies of the Asian market can serve as a platform to
compare and contrast. For local users, the studies may aim at specifying the changing
contexts or conditions in which data is collected and analyzed, leading to some
alternative interpretations of the studied phenomenon. These insights can help deepen
understanding of the concepts of consumption and marketing and bring values to
engage with different stakeholders.
Review of Existing Information
From the multiple sources of information, the next step is to organize them in order
to develop further research while reflecting the significance of the previous works.
Moreover, the review of existing information helps legitimize the proposed research
because it emphasizes other resources devoted to the topic and at the same time
provides a theoretical and/or pragmatic orientation for the development. Though a
thorough review of prior research may suggest that the subject has been extensively
studied (which to some extent means less degree of newness), it also highlights that
the subject is of high interest, which can open up more opportunities for advancing
knowledge.
Likewise, though it is easy to assume that a context or observed phenomena has not
previously been studied and therefore it will be worthwhile to investigate it, it does
not necessarily lead to important research. Hence, a review of observed phenomena
must be performed to see if they cannot be fully accounted by previous theories or
concepts in which case further research will help promote better understanding of
such subjects of interest. It is noted that because something has not been done before,
it does not always signify a possible opportunity for contribution but simply indicates
that there is something worth exploring. What is more important is to identify what
new insights can be derived and how they would help extend the course of future
knowledge and practices.
A process to review existing information may follow Locke and Golden-Biddle
(1997)’s approach which aims at constructing opportunities for research contribu-
tions. Though the concept is based on textual presentations and rhetorical practices,
the methods can be of good use for other types of information given the common goal
of making a contribution while recognizing the role of existing sources. Specifically,
this review approach involves the three key processes of demonstrating a progres-
sive coherence, a synthesized coherence, and a noncoherence of selected sources of
information.
First, progressive coherence is a collective review of relevant information that
shares some fundamental perspectives and/or methods to develop knowledge and
practices over a period of time. The information is organized with regard to the
cumulative knowledge. Hence, in presenting the information, time references should
be specified in order to indicate an ongoing progress and reflect a high degree of
consensus among researchers. The focus of presentation is on featuring key charac-
teristics of established research domains. Moreover, the growth of knowledge and
practice can be illustrated by serializing contributions, showing more complex anal-
yses with considerations of advanced and changing influencing factors. The con-
struction of consensus among different studies can support progressive coherence.
This can be shown by stating agreements or shared perspectives among the vari-
ous research studies. Such approach can also promote understanding that an area of
inquiry has achieved. Additionally, it is possible to find multiple patterns of inquiries
that compliment each other and this can support progressive coherence. An exam-
ple of a review using the progressive coherence approach in the Asian context is
when Wassler et al. (2015) proposed to study hotel theming in China. The authors
reviewed literature about the concept of hotel theming and suggested that studies
based on Western perspectives did not address the uniqueness of the Chinese market
environment. Therefore, these reviews suggested an opportunity to develop theories
based on the established concept of hotel theming but including Chinese perspectives.
Second, synthesized coherence represents the process of drawing connections
between sources of information that are quite distinct and separate to find some
common perspectives between the discrepant references or to find intersecting areas
between the different studies. Identifying the link can denote further areas for research
as there may be some areas under investigated or overlooked because researchers may
be unaware of relevant ideas embedded in other perspectives. Hence this approach

can help bring to attention subjects that are implicitly discussed in other works. The
process of finding synthesis includes identifying overarching ideas and proposing the-
matic characterizations that articulate or constitute the research areas. Moreover, one
can make connections between divergent sets of information and construct congruent
relationships among different studies in order to create common ground. Addition-
ally, reinterpreting previous works can help illustrate some underlying consensus of
the focused subjects of interest that might not have been recognized before.
An example of a review with a synthesized coherence approach in the Asian con-
text is when Fu et al. (2015) proposed a Confucian analysis of Chinese tourists’ moti-
vations. The authors reviewed literature about Chinese tourists’ motivations which
were largely based on the Western paradigm of push-pull typology. Push motiva-
tion refers to internal psychological needs of individuals to travel (e.g. to explore
new things, to build bonding) while pull motivation refers to external destination
attributes that can attract tourists (e.g. beautiful scenery, hospitable service). The
authors pointed out that family togetherness, which has been frequently mentioned
as a motive to travel in prior research, has to be discussed according to the familial
philosophies and styles which may vary across cultures. Their study proposed that
Confucianism had a profound influence on Chinese motivations to travel, and for the
family relations, tourism can serve as a way to reciprocate and maintain collective
harmony of the in-group. Such approach demonstrated the synthesized coherence of
the Western-developed theory of consumption and the Eastern philosophy.
Third, noncoherence entails disagreement of information, particularly those that
belong to a common area of study. While progressive and synthesized coherence
are based on the construction of consensus, this noncoherent approach focuses on
the construction of discord. This can be achieved by finding internal conflicts and
challenges, negating existing findings and methods, and dichotomizing perspectives.
An example of the noncoherence approach in the Asian research context is when the
findings based on Western theoretical development have limitations in explaining
phenomena in local Asian contexts.
As an example, Belk et al. (1998) conducted a study of sexual consumption and
prostitute patronage in the time of AIDs in Thailand. The research reviewed the
problematic notion of prior theories referring to the theory of reasoned action model
and focusing on changing individual behaviors through information. By that logic,
the findings and recommendations then led to information campaigns highlighting
risks and teaching people about safe sex practices. Moreover, the review of sexuality
in the Western discourse suggested it was a private activity. Reviewing the literature,
Belk et al. (1998) raised concerns about the restrained conceptions and proposed
to study the topics from a local perspective instead. The authors emphasized the
need to go beyond rationalism and knowledge (as addressed in the prior discourse)
to incorporate also emotions, behaviors and the interpersonal and cultural context.
The findings illustrated that sexual practices can be perceived as social rites, and
thus rather than trying to change individual behavior, it may be more appropriate
to trigger collective cultural change. Specifying the noncoherence concerns suggest
that the prior theoretical development is constrained by Western viewpoints while

more research incorporating the Asian perspectives is needed.
These three types of reviews can lead to different paths of opportunities for further
research. Progressive coherence encourages continued development and refinement
of understanding in previously outlined theoretical frameworks. Synthesized coher-
ence demands further exploration of areas that are agreed-to but remain unexamined.
Noncoherence approach calls for resolution of disagreements. All of these review
processes are significant in the development of research studies. In the case of pro-
gressive coherence, for example, diverse sources of information from studies in the
Asian market and those of other markets can be put together and analyzed according
to some fundamental perspectives which can present the first type i.e. progressive
development of the specified subject. Such an approach will incorporate studies in
the Asian market as part of the overall knowledge. The second type, synthesized
coherence, on the other hand, recognizes the differences between studies’ methods
conducted in and findings derived from the different markets and then suggests where
to connect the diversity. Such an approach is frequently employed in cross-cultural
research. The last noncoherence approach, based on highlighted differences, can sig-
nificantly challenge existing theories and practices and bring to light some unique
characteristics of consumption and marketing in the Asian markets. However, given
the unequal power of influences between studies of the different markets, showing
that there is a discord of theories and practices based on findings from the Asian
market may require extensive reviews of supporting information.
Research Questions
The suggested reviews of existing literature and/or empirical observation, whether

by progressive coherence, synthesized coherence, or noncoherence, can lead to the
next step of formulating research questions by identifying opportunities for further
research that are important and relevant. In order to demonstrate a clear contribution,
it is important to manage the balance between a new and unique area for further
research and its relation to previous studies. This can be done by a simple “gap
spotting” (Davis 1986, 1971) which may represent an underexplored area being
stated in prior studies or being called for attention from the perspectives of promi-
nent researchers. The other gap spotting approach includes more complex processes
of trying to supplement current streams of research, to enrich development, or to
clarify prior studies that may represent diverse perspectives and incoherent findings
(Alvesson and Sandberg 2011).
Gap spotting tends to build on or around the existing studies to formulate research
questions. The technique has been practiced widely due to its more collaborative
approach. Specifically, in the case of the study of Asian consumption and markets,
such a technique is frequently observed because it can better engage acceptance
among the different perspectives and also align with the culture that emphasizes con-
flict avoidance. Examples of research questions would be claiming a lack of research
in the Asian market on some specified topics that have been largely studied in the
Western context. Therefore, a further study is proposed to explore similarities and dif-
ferences. Through the systematic and incremental additions of this development, gap
spotting is claimed to produce quite rigorous and relevant research questions (which
could be aligned with the previously developed research questions). Nevertheless,
such an approach can also be criticized for its tendency to reinforce existing infor-
mation and underproblematize current studies while most underlying assumptions
remain unchallenged.
Given the criticism of the gap spotting technique, the other approach to generate
research questions is through problematization of prior studies (Alvesson and Sand-
berg 2011). This focuses on calling into question the particular area of established
studies in order to locate further research. Davis (1971) suggested in his seminal study
that what makes a theory notable is when it can challenge assumptions underlying
existing theories. Following the suggested approaches of Locke and Golden-Biddle
(1997), this process can be categorized into three main problem identifications i.e.
incompleteness, inadequacy, and incommensurability.
Incompleteness is when the research question is formed from unfinished prior
studies. The process involves identifying gaps in the extant literature where further
development is needed and proposing a study to fill it. The abovementioned study of
Wassler et al. (2015) suggested that prior theories of hotel theming based on Western
perspectives did not relate to the Chinese context so they proposed research ques-
tions to investigate the influencing factors and mechanisms of hotel theming in the
Chinese market environment including what determines the decision of undertaking
a hotel theme, what theming means in the Chinese cultural context, what can be pos-
sible inhibitors and facilitators of hotel theming, and what benefits can be generated
through the strategy.
Inadequacy is when the prior studies do not sufficiently incorporate different per-
spectives and viewpoints of the phenomena. This process suggests that the existing
works have overlooked some areas that are important and relevant to better under-
standing of the subject areas. By this approach, a contribution can be made by point-
ing out the oversight and introducing alternative perspectives and/or frameworks of
analysis. Such alternative viewpoints can be derived from or related to some sources
of information in the other domains of research. For example, when Fu et al. (2015)
proposed a Confucian analysis of Chinese tourists’ motivations (explained above),
the authors claimed that though the Western-developed typology of push-pull moti-
vation could enhance understanding of Chinese tourists, it fell short of identifying
how and why such motivations are relevant and important in the Chinese context.
Thus their research study was proposed to attain cultural understanding of Chinese
tourists’ motives incorporating the significant influence of Confucianism. Addition-
ally, this approach of highlighting inadequacy can be done by presenting explicit
contrasts or juxtaposing previous works with the current proposed study. However,
the possibility of introducing a partisan viewpoint should be carefully avoided in
order to engage recognition.
Incommensurability is different from the abovementioned aspects which suggest
that the current study can coexist with the extant previous research. Incommensurate
information instead proposes that the prior work is wrong, such as by demonstrating
a misguided perspective or moving in the wrong direction. Hence, a contribution can
be made by pointing out and correcting the error in the existing information while
advocating alternative concepts which are claimed to be better. By referring to emer-
gent perspectives that counter previous understanding, this approach can lead to a
reconsideration of the subject of interest. The previously mentioned example of Belk
et al. (1998) indicated the need to avoid the potentially ethnocentric Western scien-
tific, rationalistic discourses which dominate many studies in developing countries,
particularly the neocolonialist assumption that the West possesses some sophisti-
cated proven solutions to help the poor people in the third world. Therefore, research
was proposed with the key research questions moving beyond Western restraining
conceptions to incorporate a local perspective. Moreover, the incommensurability
can refer to some problems which remain unresolved to provoke interests in defeat-
ing existing information and knowledge in order to rectify the problems. Among
the three techniques of problematization, incommensurability may be less apparent
among the research community in Asia due to its nature of direct and upfront chal-
lenge which conflicts with the underlying culture. Though studying consumption
and marketing in the Asian market can facilitate a promising opportunity to counter
prior concepts due to some distinct characteristics which may contradict those of
the Western perspectives, it can still be difficult to use insights and findings from
the emerging market context to replace the established concepts developed from the
more mature, advanced market.
Both gap spotting and problematization are useful in developing research ques-
tions, specifically when combined with a thorough recognition of previous studies.
Essentially, research questions are formulated to indicate areas that may be unrec-
ognized or underdeveloped, and therefore further study will help advance research
domains in some way. However, considering that there could be some nonconsensus
in investigative areas of studies, the research questions must be equipped with a clear
research methodology and concrete support of findings in the following data analysis.
In the research design process, an initial version of research questions may be broadly
developed and then refined to become more focused during the process of data col-
lection. Unlike the quantitative research approach that must indicate early on what
hypotheses are to be tested, qualitative research engages an ongoing development of
concepts and phenomena to be explored.
Indicating Research Methods
A clear research question can in large part determine research methods used to answer
it. Because research situated in certain traditions can lead to suggestions on overall
development of research questions, types of data and research methods (Belk et al.
2013), this section describes briefly about selections of qualitative research methods
by referring to the key philosophical traditions underpinning a qualitative consumer
and marketing study that are explained in Chap. 1 (i.e. postmodernism, semiotics,
Indicating Research Methods 95
existential phenomenology, hermeneutics, and critical theory), and discusses the

planning of research samples and research settings (e.g. place and time) given some
preliminary understanding of Asian informants and the sense of place and time
explained earlier in Chap. 3.
Different research methods produce different types of data collected and, in many
cases, a combination of various data types. For instance, the interview technique
can produce, certainly, interview data and sometimes observations (e.g. nonverbal
expressions), particularly in-depth interviews whereby the conversation is driven by
the responses of the interviewees. The focus group technique also generates inter-
view data, but in the form of group discussion. Likewise, observation data can be
derived from the group interaction. For example, a consensus of opinions may be
observed due to influences from peer pressure and/or dominant participants which
may not be expressed in the interview data. The ethnography method puts emphasis
on observation data, while interviews can be conducted also in situ. Netnography not
only facilitates ethnographic research on the new online platform but also engages
alternative data types such as web blogs, forums, and online chats. Besides these
major data collection techniques, there are other alternative methods such as the
projective technique that can help elicit deeper responses from the private worlds
of consumers, participant produced materials (e.g. journals, auto photographes, auto
videographers) that facilitate consumers in expressing their views through writing,
taking photos, and recording videos. Data collected from the abovementioned meth-
ods can be in various forms such as interview transcripts, field notes, text, picture,
audio, and video archives. Though there is no strict prescription of the type and form
of data, certain kinds of data can be more suitable for the different approaches.
First, the postmodern research tradition draws attention to the market in which
consumers are free to engage in multiple experiences within the world of endless
possibilities and continual changes. Research in postmodern tradition tends to ask
how taken for granted understanding of phenomena can be challenged and if there
could be some alternative explanations for the phenomena of interest. A qualitative
research study situated within the postmodern tradition will normally refer to texts
as a primary source of data because it contains the metanarratives that are the main
target of postmodern analyses. Additionally, interview data may be supplementary as
analyses of people’s expressions are largely influenced by metanarratives and given
understandings. Hence, analyses of interview data can illustrate some logic behind
the viewpoints.
Semiotic research refers to the importance of signs and symbols in consumption
and marketing. Research questions asked in semiotic analysis tend to ask how spe-
cific words, statements, images, products or consumer practices communicate and/or
acquire meanings. Thus, semiotic research normally studies archival texts (verbal and
visual) that have been created for some communication purposes. This includes texts
that are created in response to questions (e.g. interview data) and for self-reflective
purposes (e.g. diaries, journals).
Existential phenomenology highlights studying the consumer life world whereby
consumption and marketing can signify the being of consumer. The focused devel-
opment of research questions is on the nature of people’s lived experience with
their possible implicit assumptions. Suggested types of supporting data are inter-
view data, particularly phenomenological interviews, which facilitate learning about
the aggregated individual perspectives. However, this must be carefully designed to
obtain people’s insights with a non-directive approach and minimal influence from
researchers. Introspection from supplemented data such as diaries can also be a good
source. While observation alone cannot illustrate a first-person’s perspective, it can
be used to support interviews because it provides some information to informants
who may not be aware of their own behaviors and can be used in asking them to
further reflect on their responses.
Hermeneutics concerns the interpretation of understanding, which is an itera-
tive process of linking individual parts to wholes with recognition of some [pre-]
understanding that emerges as people live in a cultural world with accumulated con-
ceptions and beliefs. In consumption and marketing, hermeneutic research questions
ask how cultural notions shape specific kinds of consumer experiences. Types of data
suggested for hermeneutic research include interviews, texts produced by relevant
people or groups, and ethnography. It is noted that interview data for hermeneutics
differ from the phenomenological interview because they focus on exploring the cul-
tural categories and discourses that inform people’s views and actions (Moisander
et al. 2009). Because this hermeneutic research requires access to understanding
as articulated by informants, observation data alone is not enough though it can
complement interviews because it demonstrates the other taken-for-granted under-
standing that may not be articulated by the informants. This enables a researcher
to see more complete perspectives. Moreover, archival materials are useful to gain
cultural understanding, specifically in that hermeneutical understanding draws on
broader historical sociological and cultural understanding embedded in the empiri-
cal phenomenon under investigation.
Lastly, critical theory focuses on some distorted social conditions that constrain
some social groups or generate conflicts and seeks to develop programs or actions
to bring change. Research questions tend to ask about some forces on the prob-
lems of oppression or marginalization of some groups and/or how these conditions
could be tackled. Here, interview and ethnographic data can support understanding
of the marginalized group’s experiences and their attempts to alleviate the repressed
conditions. Additionally, archival data of relevant historical, sociocultural, and cul-
tural analyses of the context with some evidenced pattern of power and control can
explain other conditions that can empower the marginalized others and possible ways
to unleash their potentials.
In summary, this section provides an overview summary of research methods
suitable for the different underpinning philosophical traditions. It is noted that the
described methods are intended to serve as suggestions while qualitative research nor-
mally remains open to adaptations and innovative efforts in gathering data. Strategies
and techniques to conduct research may be intertwined since the nature of qualitative
research emphasizes creative and flexible approaches. Moreover, the development of
research may not be in a linear form but often involves going back and forth between
designing of research methods, data collection, and analyses. In some cases, addi-
tional methods can be added as the research unfolds through the process. While the
different methods are applicable in studying consumption and marketing in the Asian
market, details of the implementation may be adjusted according to different char-
acteristics of consumers and the context. These will be explained in the following
chapters.
Next, after identifying the selected methods, a researcher may specify who to
collect data from (i.e. research samples). Qualitative research is generally based on a
purposive sampling approach which is aimed at selecting cases containing rich infor-
mation rather than focusing on finding representativeness to achieve generalization
(Glaser and Strauss 1967). These may include sample cases that illustrate what is
typical or normal and, on the opposite, the cases that are unique or extreme depend-
ing on the dimensions of research interests. Some criteria might be established to
help find cases with some reference to theoretical concepts of interest while new
sampling groups may emerge during the fieldwork. The samples can be categorized
into subgroups (e.g. high versus low loyalty customers) to represent variations with
the goal of identifying common patterns that cut across the differences or to compare
different characteristics and explain conditions effecting the variations. On the con-
trary, sometimes a homogeneous group is chosen with regard to the specific topic of
the study. This is seen in the focus group interview which needs to encourage con-
versation based on some common interests. The homogeneity of the Asian society
with its cultural emphasis on belongingness and harmony may affect the sampling
procedure in that informants may appear to have more commonality. Therefore, an
intricate sampling technique is needed to identify their distinct, unique character-
istics. Moreover researchers may need to employ some indirect measurements to
indicate certain characteristics of the target samples such as income or social class
because it can be considered inappropriate to obtain that information with straight-
forward questions. As an example, Mehta and Belk (1991) used size of the house, its
location, and number of people living in a house to gauge the social class of their sam-
ples in Bombay, India. With the focus on the middle class group, which they divided
into the upper-middle and the lower-middle, they considered that those households
with at least two bedrooms, a formal living room, and a kitchen would belong to the
upper-middle class group while those with a one-room apartment would belong to
the lower-middle class.
Additionally, due to strong societal influences, the research sample may need
to incorporate not only the interested group of consumers but also their reference
groups or influencing persons. Vallaster and Hasenohrl (2006) indicated from their
research in Thailand that because family opinion is highly regarded in the Asian
context, conducting interviews with an informant alone might yield different results
than if the interviews took place in the presence of other family members. Hence, it is
crucial to gather viewpoints given the different research contexts with and without the
influences of other people. Park and Lunt (2015) suggested that a sampling approach
that centers on groups rather than individuals should be highlighted in Asian research
contexts.
Sample size may depend on the purpose of the inquiry, the numbers of suitable
cases needed to produce insightful data, and available resources. This is different from
quantitative research that calculates sample size from the population size and desired
confidence level. There are no strict rules to indicate the number of cases that will be
useful for further analyses of qualitative data. Given the fixed resources and limited
time, a researcher may evaluate breadth of data from a larger number of samples
which can be useful in exploring diversity or depth of data from extensive work with
a smaller sampling group. Generally, the ideal case of sample size is determined from
the point of redundancy, i.e. when no new information is derived from new sampled
units (Lincoln and Guba 1985). However, when planning sample size for the research
study, a researcher may specify a minimum number of samples based on expected
coverage of the phenomenon while keeping the qualitative research process flexible
and open. This also relates to planning of time spent on fieldwork which may take
into account overall goals of the project, resources (such as research team, budget),
and the extent of data obtained. It is crucial to specify rationales for the sampling to
support the evaluation of strengths and weaknesses of the sample groups, and how
they may affect understanding of research findings.
Besides the research samples, it is also imperative to specify the research set-
ting which includes where and when to collect data. This depends largely on the
set research purpose and formulated research question (explained above), and the
conditions can vary according to the chosen research methods. Generally, qualitative
research tends to employ a naturalistic approach, studying consumers in their nat-
ural settings in order to understand complexity and details of the phenomena, their
delicate and in some cases intuitive manifestations, as well as behaviors and their
interactions. Hence, the identified research setting must be sensitive to the real-life
context in order to yield naturally occurring data. This generally involves data col-
lection methods such as observation and conversation analysis. However, sometimes
generated data, such as consumers’ recounting of prior thinking and experiences,
can be fruitful because it gives insight into people’s perspectives and interpretation
of their beliefs and behaviors (Ritchie and Lewis 2003). This may be derived from
research methods such as individual interviews, diaries, and focus group discussions.
Here, a place to collect data may be arranged according to the informants prefer-
ences and its ability to facilitate a direct and explicit opportunity for informants to
openly convey their views. As discussed in Chap. 3, the notion of place for the Asian
consumers can play an important role in identifying the research setting, particularly
since Asian people may change their behaviors and also perspectives according to
the environment. A study of consumers’ lifeworlds can be conducted in their private
space (e.g. at home). However, observing consumers in the marketplace must take
into account their attuned behaviors given their concerns about social images. Hence,
besides understanding the focused topic of research, researchers must also study the
relevant contexts in order to prepare a research setting accordingly.
An example case that suggests the need to incorporate various research settings
into the fieldwork is Sobh et al. (2012)’s study of contemporary female adornment
practices among young women in Qatar and UAE. In general, women are expected
to wear modest traditional dress to conceal their sexuality and promote public virtue.
Yet there has been an emerging fashion practice in the Arab Gulf region that seems
to contradict this tradition. This research focuses on conflicting notions of modesty
and vanity and how women reconcile these tensions in constructing their identities.
Besides in-depth interviews conducted at the informants’ convenient places, observa-

tion data was collected by the female researcher in both public and commercial places
such as shopping malls, restaurants, and universities as well as private spaces such
as homes, social gatherings, fashion shows, weddings, and other women’s parties. In
the all-female gatherings where men’s and women’s receptions are entirely separate
(e.g. in a wedding), most women have more freedom to express their adornment
practices. The authors observed in this study that most women leave their abayas
and shaylas (traditional dresses) at the door, dance with each other, and show their
Western clothing style and grooming practice. Here there is no pressure to wear
similar conservative clothing but to stand out and be unique and so the women can
emancipate their desires by wearing fancy, custom-designed dresses, extravagant
jewelry, and full-fledged makeup.
As for the design of research timing, there are two major types of cross-sectional
research with one episode of data collection and longitudinal research to repeat
data collection over a period of time. Planning this also depends on whether the
research is intended to study the current manifestation of the phenomenon or to
explore its dynamic, changing conditions. In general, the cross-sectional study is
more widely practiced probably due to the availability of resources and assignment
of the research project. Moreover, there are qualitative methods to support gathering
of retrospective accounts though there may be some limitations in recalling the data
such as deteriorated quality, distortion, and post-event rationalization (Dex 1995). If
the process of change is an important aspect of the study and it involves a complex,
substantial timespan, a longitudinal research study may be needed. This could be
conducted with the same group of people (namely panel study) or include other
subsequent groups of people. However, the notion of time for Asian consumers must
be taken into consideration. With polychromic time, different interactions can occur
simultaneously unlike monochromic time that has a linear scheduling of events.
Thus, a series of events may emerge in a cross-sectional study while the longitudinal
research may not always represent clearly sequential phenomena.
Because qualitative research is by nature highly contextual, it may raise some con-
cerns about the selected research informants and settings, particularly with smaller
sample sizes compared with that of quantitative research in general. This can lead to
questions about trustworthiness of the data and quality of research findings. The next
section explains research triangulation to emphasize the advantages of gaining in-
depth insights and to address some limitations of qualitative research. Additionally,
criteria to support evaluation of qualitative consumer and marketing research (e.g.
trustworthiness, usefulness, and innovation) will be discussed in detail in Chap. 10
after explaining data analysis and interpretation.
Preparing Research Triangulation
Triangulation is a method used in working with a single research subject (or topic)
using multiple approaches. By combining the different ways, researchers can obtain
a more substantive facet of reality with a richer and wider coverage of concepts.
Triangulation was first originated with the use of multiple sources of data and then
expanded to multiple data collection methods, multiple perspectives or theories, and
multiple researchers (Denzin 1978). All of these are intended to refine, broaden, and
strengthen conceptual development (Goetz and LeCompte 1984). Overall, triangula-
tion can help minimize the degree of specificity and/or possible bias associated with
certain approaches (including the smaller sample size of qualitative research studies
in this case).
Data triangulation is combining different kinds of data and relating them to
increase validity of the research. This can be by combining data across different times
and spaces such as comparing what consumers say about the same thing at different
times and what they say in public vs. what they say in private. Moreover different
data regarding the same topic may be derived from different persons involved in the
process (aka person analysis). Data triangulation can be crucial in doing consumption
and marketing research in the Asian context. As explained in the prior chapter, Asian
consumers’ perspectives are highly influenced by others. Thus, the person analysis
can support studying of independent and interrelated viewpoints. Moreover, because
the norm in Asia emphasizes that one must be aware and act according to different
places and times, data triangulation is needed in incorporating multiple data from
various sources and settings (Eckhardt and Houston 2008). It is noted that different
kinds of data may capture different things and represent different insights about the
phenomenon of interest. As a result, data triangulation can lead to diverse sets of
research findings. Here, the aim is to find consistency in overall patterns of data as
well as explanations for some differences which can contribute to the credibility of
the research.
Method triangulation refers to the combined use of different research methods
towards the specified research question. This can be within-method triangulation
(such as a mixture of qualitative research techniques) and between-method triangu-
lation (such as a combination of qualitative and quantitative research). Because every
method has both strengths and weaknesses, combining the methods can enhance com-
plementary strengths and reduce errors linked to the particular technique (Brewer and
Hunter 1989). For instance, depth interviews can provide deep insights but they are
based on individuals’ expressions which may be biased or untrue responses. Here,
triangulating with the other methods such as historical analyses and observation of
consumer experiences can supplement the understanding and increase confidence
in the final results. Moreover, characteristics of Asian informants and research con-
texts can yield multiple opportunities and challenges of employing different research
methods. For example, while they can feel more comfortable to exchange personal
opinions in the individual interview rather than debating in the focus group dis-
cussion, Asian informants need a longer time to build rapport with a stranger (i.e.
researcher) whereas having other people joining the group conversation can ease the
difficulty. Combing different methods can enhance the possibility of gathering more
comprehensive data.
Next, concept or theory triangulation consists of using multiple theories or con-
cepts in formulating and analyzing the same subject of interest and set of data.
Preparing Research Triangulation 101
Drawing understanding from diverse disciplines can help increase the depth of under-
standing while reducing limitations from the way in which interpretation is affected
by certain assumptions and fundamental premises. Prior literature highlights the need
to incorporate Asian epistemology when studying phenomenon in the Asian market
because it can represent different ways of creating and sharing knowledge (Polsa
2013; Liu 2011). Moreover, because different stakeholders may hold their positions
according to different theories, theory triangulation can be useful in research that
engages divergent stakeholders who may have different ideas about the goals and the
means of attaining goals.
Finally, researcher triangulation refers to the use of multiple researchers in study-
ing the same subject with the same method, and by the same theoretical concept.
This includes a team of several data collectors (e.g. interviewers, observers) and
analysts. Researcher triangulation can help reduce the potential bias of having one
person doing all the data collection. It facilitates a check on the completeness and
accuracy of data by comparing different records on the same interaction and therefore
can enhance trustworthiness of the data obtained. Wallendorf and Belk (1989) sug-
gested different researchers may have variant access to different types of informants
and data. Specifically, with qualitative research that engages the researcher’s view-
points, having multiple researchers can promote a variety of perspectives. Moreover,
having multiple researchers perform different roles can engage the role specializa-
tion and complementarity of team members (Douglas 1976). For instance, in the
research by Sobh et al. (2013) studying Islamic Arab hospitality and multicultural-
ism, the researchers visited the informants’ homes and conducted depth interviews
and observations when the homeowners expected to be receiving guests. Because
of the gender segregation of male and female guests’ domains in Qatari homes, the
tasks were divided between the male researcher who observed hospitality rituals in
men’s majlises (men’s entertainment rooms) and the female researcher who observed
them in women’s guest rooms. Besides the benefits of role assignments, with more
than one person’s independently analyzing the same data set, the findings can be
compared and evaluated on selective perception and blind interpretive bias, resulting
in more comprehensive data analysis.
In addition, researcher triangulation can be in form of a multicultural research
team which has been suggested to promote better access to informants in collect-
ing and analyzing data (Sherry 2006). Specially in the research context where there
are consumers of multicultural backgrounds such as a tourist destination or even a
retail space, this will help enhance richness of perspectives. As discussed earlier, it is
crucial for qualitative inquiry, specifically in the Asian context, to have a researcher
who could connect with informants. This does not mean they need to share common
characteristics or demographic profiles. In fact, sometimes a foreign researcher can
have better accesses to informants’ lives because they want the researcher to expe-
rience some unfamiliar local cultures. An example from the study of Cherrier and
Belk (2015) with the Emirati women in Dubai explained that the first author, a female
foreigner, after establishing strong relationships with the informants, was invited to
join their shopping trips, go to beauty salons, visit their personal residences, and
participate in the Islamic festival Eid al-Fitr, where she could conduct ethnographic
observations and interviews.
When doing researcher triangulation among the Asian research community, it is
important to emphasize independent positions with a discrete operation to prevent
biases from the people’s (both researchers’ and informants’) hesitation to disagree
openly. For instance, in the ethnographic study of the House of Barbie in Shanghai,
China by McGrath et al. (2013), the three principal researchers were US citizens and
native English speakers. During the time of study, one principal researcher resided
in Shanghai and went collecting data in situ with the help of three local graduate
assistants. Given the positions and roles particularly within the Chinese Confucius
system, it is likely that the local research assistants would not counter viewpoints
of the principal researcher. Yet, in this case, the study was designed in such a way
that they could contribute their views. The author was often accompanied by Chi-
nese assistants when visiting a store weekly or bi-weekly, and the assistants were
asked to share their findings as well as plan specific inquiries for the following week.
When interviewing non-English speakers, the local assistants conducted, recorded,
and transcribed all the interviews. Some interviews with informants who were com-
fortable to speak in English were conducted by the author, yet in the presence of
one assistant who would help identify any misunderstanding or miscommunication.
As for the data analysis and interpretation, Chinese research assistants were asked
to provide comments, specially with informants’ references to normal aspects of
Chinese daily life, some points inconsistent with traditional values, or distinctions
from what might be deemed stereotypes according to the Western concept. Exam-
ples of this research suggested ways to encourage the Asian team members, who
might be reluctant to share their thoughts specifically with the more senior, Western
counterpart, to feel more comfortable and confident in discussing their views.
Alternatively the researcher triangulation process can invite informants or in some
cases potential users of the data to review the findings and reflect on what is being
described. This procedure, namely member check, can help increase accuracy and
fairness of the data particularly with the emic terms stated by the informants or their
photos, and videos recorded. Nevertheless, data analysis and interpretation may not
necessarily agree with comments from the member check as there could be a gap
between informants’ perspectives and researchers’ descriptions, particularly given
that the informants do not have access to a wider range of data about the phenomenon.
Moreover, some interpretations may be rejected by informants in the member check
for reasons of self-presentation and social desirability (Wallendorf and Belk 1989).
However, a researcher must be aware of the potential consequences of presenting
research data in certain ways. An example from Chio (2014)’s ethnographic film-
making research in Ping’an and upper Jidao, China suggested that she had to be
aware of the need not to overemphasize conflicts and discontent at the expense of the
village community and tourism businesses because many local residents viewed her
study as a way to further promote their villages. Moreover, the Chinese government
allowed and supported the filmmaking as a way to promote economic development
in specific areas (Gillette 2014).
Preparing Research Triangulation 103
In summary, research triangulation is based on the general understanding that no

single approach (including data source, method, theory, and researcher) can fully
cover alternative explanations. Each type of data, method, theory, or researcher
may represent different aspects of empirical reality. Therefore, combining multi-
ple approaches towards data collection and analyses can enhance credibility of the
research. However, triangulation demands more investment in resources. Thus, it
is important to prepare for reasonable and practical triangulation. The purpose of
triangulation is not to arrive at the same result but to examine consistency in research
findings across different data sources, methods, perspectives, and researchers. It
should be noted that inconsistency does not signify lower credibility of research
results but presents opportunities to further explore the phenomenon.
Managing Research Ethics
Research ethics is of critical importance because qualitative research normally

involves engaging with others and delving into peoples’ private and public/social
lives. Because of this concern, there are various policies, practices, and even laws
involved in ensuring the people’s rights, privacy, and welfare. Since qualitative
research may take specific interest in largely underexplored areas and consumer
groups, the approach may be considered inappropriate in some cases. Moreover,
the more complex and penetrating techniques of data collection and analysis have
expanded the extent and scope of research and resulted in heightened awareness of
the ethics of research. Major concerns of research ethics revolve around the issues of
harm, consent, privacy, and confidentiality of data (Punch 1994). While these should
be managed according to universal standards, some concerns may depend on specific
requirements such as laws and regulations as well as local cultures. These must be
studied in detail according to the different research contexts.
Possible harm involves the conduct of covert research because the role of the
researcher may not be openly announced (as in overt research) to uphold the natural-
istic inquiry. This may be considered violating the rights of the subjects, and hence
there is a possibility that the researchers themselves can encounter some legal com-
plications regarding secrecy, hidden alliances and relations, misrepresentations and
unpredictable consequences. Thus, researchers should find a subtle way to approach
and explain their roles and research process to participants while not interfering with
their responses and reactions. Striking this balance may depend on characteristics
of the culture regarding openness and transparency. In Asia, it may be less common
to find an open declaration of people’s roles and positions. Moreover, formal cre-
dentials may not be as important as ability to connect and gain trust. For instance,
Galam (2015) explained about his research in Philippines where he found not much
use of his identity specified on the information sheet but he was frequently asked by
informants about his last name, family members and family backgrounds. Because
kinship is important, ability to relate to his family or through someone they knew
could help reduce suspicion about the research study and assure the informants that
what they will be saying is being told to someone they can trust.
The next issue is consent, which is about whether participants are voluntarily
involved and informed of all potential risks. In some cases the volunteer participants
may be somewhat coerced or manipulated into cooperating. For example, college
students may believe they should try to take part when their instructors ask volunteers
to join a research project. This concern can be critical in the Asian context due to the
high influence of social pressure and the perceived obligation to follow requests from
seniors or those in authority (including academic researchers). Similarly, providing
incentives to persuade potential research participants can be considered manipulative
voluntary consent.
Informed consent is employed with the goal to avoid or at least identify and com-
municate potential risks to human subjects (e.g. exposure to physical, psychological,
or social injury). Here, the rights and responsibilities of both the researchers and par-
ticipants must be clearly indicated in a statement, and participants must acknowledge
their exercise of choice free from any element of fraud, deceit, or unfair treatment and
manipulation. In some research contexts and situations (e.g. in most institutionally
sponsored research), informed consent is compulsory. Participants are asked to read
a statement about potential risks and benefits of the research study and sign their
names (together with the researchers’) in the consent form document. Alternatively,
verbal consent can be obtained to reinforce the anonymity of participants as no record
of their names is kept in a document (Kolar et al. 2015). Because participants usually
have to provide their names and in many cases their contact information, records
must be kept with careful protection of the participants’ privacy. While obtaining the
signed consent form may be quite crucial in some places with strict laws to protect
individuals’ risks and benefits, general practices in the Asian market remain less
restricted. In fact, with less familiarity about such practices, informants might not
understand why they need to sign a paper. Also in a culture that emphasizes trust and
affinity, it is believed that signing any legal document can terminate the reciprocity
of helping or doing favors (Yau 1988).
Alternatively, implied consent may be employed. This is indicated by the partici-
pants’ agreeing to some research practices such as being recorded. Here, a researcher
may explain about the research project and the potential risks and benefits at the
beginning of each interview and ask participants if they are willing to take part. With
implied consent, there is no need to specify and keep records of the participants’
names so this helps manage to some extent the privacy issue. Additionally, implied
consent may help smoothen relationships between researchers and participants, par-
ticularly with the naturalistic inquiry whereby researchers are often involved or take
part in the lives of participants. Asking for a signature can be a barrier to forming
such engagement in a cultural setting like Asia whereby trust is normally formu-
lated from informal relations. Nguyen (2015) illustrated in her study in Vietnam that
such a practice could make informants feel intimidated because they might think
the research involves something more serious and formal than they thought. In addi-
tion, with the trust-based relationship, people might agree to participate because they
want to help so the written evidence of their agreement would seem unappreciative
Managing Research Ethics 105
and suggest that the researchers do not trust their words. Nevertheless if needed,
researchers could try to obtain it in a casual manner such as clarifying that this was
required for research following the Western method. Most importantly, the researcher
must sincerely express gratitude for the informants’ help and contribution.
The privacy concern is highly important in the Asian research context. Besides
specifying the process in which informants’ privacy is respected (e.g. they can choose
not to answer some questions), researchers should be cautious in managing the
research procedure in a way that will not cause informants to lose face. Nguyen
and Belk (2012) discussed their study of wedding practices among middle class con-
sumers in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. They made observations at the wedding sites
and conducted in-depth interviews before and after the weddings with the selected
couples and their parents. The authors shared an incident in which during the post-
wedding interview the researcher was asked to drop the process by the couple’s
mother who furiously expressed she did not want to make the whole world know
that the family was too poor to have a proper wedding. In this case, despite having
the appropriate consent agreement or a strict confidentiality system, the researcher
needed to respect the informant or their family’s privacy concern.
Lastly, it is common practice for researchers to assure participants that their infor-
mation will be kept in strict confidentiality and their identities will not be revealed.
Such a concern is highlighted in the Asian context because people tend to be more
reserved and prefer to be accounted as part of the group. In some cases, informants
may request to know who else has participated in the research study, specifically when
they have been referred to participate, so they can feel reassured. In the Asian cultural
context, such information could arguably be provided among the relevant informants.
However, when reporting data, managing strict confidentiality is stressed. In qual-
itative research, the subjects can be referred to using a pseudonym or case number
with reference to limited demographic information. Though in practice, some may be
able to make connections about research participants, particularly in a small closed
group, researchers must always be extremely cautious about how they demonstrate
their subjects and their cases in the research findings. In some cases, each member
of a research team is asked to sign a statement of confidentiality to promise that they
will not discuss any information obtained during the study to anybody outside the
team.
Besides a strict control of research ethics managed by the research team, proce-
dures can be supervised and monitored by institutional review boards (IRBs). By
its roles and duties, the IRB must approve research designs to ensure protection of
human subjects. Thus, they need to learn about the research project, potential par-
ticipants and details of the methods used. In case of qualitative research which by
nature can be quite flexible in approach, if the topic is fairly innocuous and rela-
tively unobtrusive, an IRB may agree to the general framework of the inquiry and
the overall emergent design of research. However, this depends on the judgment of
the IRBs panel, their knowledge of the subject, and familiarity with the qualitative
approach. Moreover, the need to get approval, specifically for the general topics of
consumption and marketing research, may depend on the rules and regulations of
the countries. For instance, Park and Lunt (2015) mentioned that research published
in South Korea specified little information about the ethics approval issue and that
some protocols relating to research ethics (e.g. asking to sign consent form) may be
perceived as unusual to informants.
In summary, this chapter illustrates the five major parts of research design (i.e. set-
ting research purpose, formulating research questions, indicating research method,
preparing research triangulation, and managing research ethics) from the overall
principles and the specific perspectives and practices in Asia. Understanding these
issues aid in planning how to conduct the research study. The following chapters dis-
cuss different data collection techniques followed by data analysis and dissemination
of research reports.
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Chapter 5
Interview
The interview is one of the fundamental data collection techniques for conducting
qualitative consumer and marketing research. It involves gathering data by giving
informants the opportunity to discuss and reveal information and opinions about
specified subjects (Belk et al. 2013). This is based on the assumption that people’s
perspectives are meaningful and they can be made explicit. The interview is a way
to gather their stories (Patton 2002). Essentially, this data collection technique is
aimed at understanding phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them
(Denzin and Lincoln 2003). Hence, researchers must facilitate opportunities to elicit
informants’ answers.
Interviews can be conducted with each individual or with a group of informants
(e.g. focus group interview), depending on the research topics and characteristics of
interested behaviors and research informants. In Asia, a group can have high influ-
ence on the way people express their opinions. Thus, in certain cases, the individual
interview is preferred. For example, Wu et al. (2015) studied what influences young
female consumers in Taiwan in making a luxury fashion purchase. The authors sug-
gested the use of individual face-to-face interviews over the focus group realizing
that there could be the risk of a competitive atmosphere within the group which might
encourage informants to exaggerate their responses. On the contrary, other subjects
may lend themselves more suitably to the use of group interviews such as those that
involve group interactions. For instance, Hughes et al. (2015) studied the changes of
fashion consumption practices among Chinese urban women of three different gen-
eration cohorts. The aim was to develop knowledge from each culture’s point of view.
Thus it was important to learn from the way in which different groups viewed major
socio-historical events and how they played a role in changing ideologies of fashion
consumption. In that light, the study used group interviews to represent collective
viewpoints.
This chapter focuses on the individual interview and describes the different types
used in qualitative research inquiry while the group interview will be discussed in
the next chapter. The multiple options for conducting interviews are explained (i.e.
face-to-face, telephone, online interviews) followed by the interview procedures,
consisting of developing interview questions, preparing the interviewer, recruiting
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_5
110 5 Interview
informants, conducting the interview, and finally recording interview data. These
are discussed with regard to Asian perspectives and practices. Data analysis and
interpretation will be discussed later in Chap. 10.
Description of the Interview
The interview as a data collection technique for qualitative research can be divided
into three major formats i.e. the structured (formal or structured) interview, the
unstructured (informal or non-directive) interview, and the semi-structured (guided
or focused) interview (Berg 1998; Denzin 1978). All of these are applicable to con-
sumer and marketing research but selecting which one to use may depend on the
conditions and objectives of the research design. Moreover, culture and familiarity
can play an important part. It was learned that in some Asian markets, people are not
used to naturalistic inquiry (e.g. having an informal conversation with strangers or
interviewers in this case) and thus they expect to have some structure (e.g. seeing the
questions in advance, or answering the questions in writing) (Park and Lunt 2015).
Moreover, the hierarchical society may inhibit the use of informal interactional tech-
nique. Nevertheless, these issues can be tackled by explaining the research objective
and approach to informants so they are prepared to interact in the interview setting.
Structured Interview
Structured interview refers to the use of predetermined questions to elicit the infor-
mants’ perspectives about study-related issues. These questions must be comprehen-
sive and worded in a way that allows informants to clearly understand what they are
being asked. Here, each informant is asked the same set of questions in the same way
and in the same sequence. In spite of using predetermined questions, data generated
from the structured interview are open-ended as informants are free to offer their
different perspectives with no fixed alternatives or closed answers. However, the set
questions help serve as a fundamental basis to organize and find patterns of data in
the analysis.
In designing the structured interview, questions must be carefully worded in
advance to ensure informants can understand them clearly. Moreover the meaning of
each question should be perceived identically for every informant. Interviewers must
deliver the questions precisely and clearly and they are not supposed to deviate from
the prescribed tools and instructions. However, sometimes informants ask for clarifi-
cation or elaboration of the posed questions. These explanations should be prepared
and written down beforehand to reduce variability. In some cases, additional probes
are allowed but these should be preplanned to ensure they are used in the interview
at appropriate places. This reduces the need for the interviewers to make their own
judgments during the interview and maintain consistency of the approach.
Description of the Interview 111
In the Asian market, conducting a structured interview needs to take into con-
sideration the multiple uses and levels of language. For example, there are formal
and informal languages, as well as specific languages used with people of different
social statuses and relationships (such as between the old and the young, superiors
and their subordinates). In the Philippines, Galam (2015) explained that English can
be an indicator of social class and educational hierarchy because the country has
gone through colonialism and English has then been considered the language of
government (together with Filipino), and of the educated elite. Hence, when inter-
viewing specified groups, English may be preferred. In order to reach a wide range
of target informants, the language can be simplified to minimize potential commu-
nication problems, especially with the set questions used in the structured interview.
However, it is noted that overly simplistic language can sometimes bother the more
sophisticated group.
In essence, different groups of people may be familiar with or prefer different
levels of language. This issue is prevalent in the Asian cultures due to the more
hierarchical structure of the societies. In Japan, Lebra (1976) explained that there
are different forms of language used when communicating with superior people,
inferior people, and people of equal status. Zhou and Nunes (2013) learned from
their pilot research that some of their questions were perceived as too intrusive and
not appropriate to be asked by a social science researcher who was perceived to
have lower status than the informants (who were medical professors in that study).
Therefore, when conducting structured interviews with a cross section of informants
on the same topic, though the questions can be formulated using the same basic
formal language, researchers need to consider varying levels of language in the
delivery of questions (e.g. when speaking with the targeted persons), otherwise it
can be considered inappropriate or impolite. Moreover, the discrepancy can cause
problems in gaining insightful responses. Traphagan (1998) studied the transition
to old age in Japan and learned that terms which include the character rô (old) can
bring negative responses while other terms such as obaa-chan, ojii-chan, and nenpai
indicate wisdom, experience, kindness and imply a familial closeness and warm
respect for older people. When interpreting the data, the author became aware that
several words used in the structured questions which were considered formal terms
for elderly could trigger some social distance and discomfort among the informants.
Using the same sets of questions with all informants, responses from the structured
interview can be compared in the analysis (Babbie 1995). In a large research project
consisting of several researchers, this structured interview may help ensure relia-
bility across interview conducts and minimize variability in the researchers’ skills.
Moreover in multisite studies, it can support comparison across research sites. This
is demonstrated in many cross-cultural studies including those that extend ideas from
the Western domain to explore other markets. Also in some longitudinal research,
the structured interview is employed to explore changes in feedback over time.
In terms of the research topics, this approach is suitable for controversial or intru-
sive subjects which demand careful design of questions. This can be highly applicable
in cultures like the Asian, which are more sensitive to discussions of certain topics
such as intimate relationships and family issues. Additionally, the highly focused
112 5 Interview
questions used in the structured interview seemed to be well suited to the short, fixed
time interview process. Thus, in settings with limited access to informants (e.g. a
busy marketplace, or when people are on the move), this approach can be recom-
mended. Sometimes a research project that involves key stakeholders may request
the use of structured interviews to be sure they know what will be asked, and they
may also want to take part in designing specific questions. This is observed in some
markets (e.g. businesses in Asia) that are less familiar with the qualitative research
technique. The other advantage of this approach is its research instrument can be
available for inspection by future users of the data.
Nevertheless, as researchers using this technique might already have some solid
ideas about what they want to explore in the interview so they can formulate the
questions (Schwartz and Jacobs 1979), the structured interview can be somewhat
restricted to prior conceptions. Moreover, the process does not facilitate opportunities
to pursue topics or issues that might not have been anticipated before. It also does not
take into account differences of individuals and circumstances. These can become
shortfalls for the studies of new and distinct characteristics of consumption and
marketing in Asia.
Unstructured Interview
In contrast to the structured interview, the unstructured interview does not refer to any
fixed, formulated questions. Like a natural communication situation, the interview
represents a conversation but with a specific purpose (Lincoln and Guba 1985; Patton
1980; Denzin 1978). Frequently this approach refers to the phenomenological inter-
view (Thompson et al. 1989) developed through interactions between interviewers
and interviewees. This informal and unstructured interview relies on the spontaneous
generation of questions in the natural flow of dialogue allowing informants to express
as much as they wish. Therefore it permits understanding of the subjective meanings
of consumers’ lived experiences. In this process, interviewers must be able to keep
their target queries in mind and pose questions in accordance with conversational
leads, while at the same time mentally analyzing the data in order to ask further ques-
tions to explore additional insights. This process emphasizes the use of appropriate
and relevant questions stemming from interactions during the interview (Schwartz
and Jacobs 1979). Such conduct may be aligned with a conversational style in Asia
which tends to be less objective but more circular and holistic (Polsa 2013; Zhu 2000,
1999).
The unstructured interview offers flexibility to pursue information according to
the interview dialogue, and questions may depend on what emerges during the con-
versation or flows from the immediate context. Normally the unstructured, specif-
ically phenomenological, interview begins with grand-tour questions (Thompson
et al. 1989). For example, Cherrier and Belk (2015) conducted interviews with Emi-
rati women living in Dubai focusing on how the global transformation of Dubai
has affected their consumption. Their grand-tour questions included, for example,
Description of the Interview 113
“What is your experience as a consumer living in Dubai?” “How would you describe
your lifestyle?” “What does it mean to be an Emirati woman in Dubai?” Then the
dialogue follows the course of conversation led by the informant. As a result, this
approach is more spontaneous and responsive to individual difference. This helps
promote concreteness and immediacy of the interviews. Questions can be personal-
ized, and the surrounding environment can be integrated into the questions. This is
quite important for research in a context such as the Asian market where people tend
to be flexible in their reactions (Leung 1992). They are more attuned to situational
attributions of behaviors including social roles (Choi and Nisbett 1998). Therefore
Asian consumers can hold different viewpoints according to the situation. Thus when
asking questions, contexts should be specified also.
Despite the many advantages of the unstructured interview, it requires time to
collect systematic information. Moreover, it demands skilled researchers to interact
with people in a variety of settings, conduct the interview with no set questions,
generate insights and formulate additional questions smoothly. Within emergent cir-
cumstances, interviewers may not know what will be happening. Thus, they need to
be prepared to come up with some unprepared questions. Moreover, data gathered
from the unstructured interview may vary depending on different interviewers (even
in the same team), and the same informant may provide different perspectives when
being asked on different occasions about the different interactions at hand. Therefore,
in the course of conducting research, new interviews may be built on previous ones
with changed or expanded sets of questions. This flexibility must remain related to
the focused research objective, but interviewers are free to follow where the data and
informants lead the conversation. As a result of this open approach, the data gen-
erated may appear fragmented because of no set questions to connect relationships
between the data, and researchers must find a way to impose some patterns.
It is noted that sometimes the unstructured interview may take place while infor-
mants are not aware of it such as during observations in field research. In that case,
interviewers may not be able to record or take notes but have to write their obser-
vations down later. In such a situation, informants must be informed and asked
permission later about their participation and the use of data.
Semi-structured Interview
The semi-structured interview is a combination of the structured and unstructured

interviews. That is, interviewers may ask some prepared questions and, at the same
time, take opportunities to ask other questions for further clarification of the answers
provided by informants. This combined strategy can take advantage of using some
formulated questions while offering flexibility in probing and exploring specific
subjects in depth or posing questions about new subjects that might not have been
anticipated earlier while developing the instrument.
The arrangement can be varied from using a structured interview in the early part,
leaving it free to cover other subjects during the later part of the interview process.
114 5 Interview
Another arrangement is to use the unstructured interview at the beginning to uncover

wider subjects followed by the structured interview to obtain systematic information
at the end of the conversation. In any case, the researcher using this technique tends
to already have some preliminary themes to be explored. This might result from
the continuity of prior research or being a part of a larger, longer project such as
the cross-cultural studies conducted in various markets. This technique is employed
widely in the study of Asian consumption and marketing because it can incorporate
some key concepts, developed and transferred from the more established Western
markets, while allowing room to explore differences in the local markets.
The semi-structured interview can leverage the strengths of both techniques by
providing opportunities for obtaining a variety of subjects relevant to the study with
the unstructured approach while also identifying some key comparable areas with the
structured questions. Yet it requires some skill to balance the fixed and fluid questions.
The approach can address the concern that informants may understand the same
question in varying ways. Therefore, researchers may pose their structured questions
but need to observe the informants’ responses, and if they lead to other perspectives
different from the intended questions, researchers can then follow through with the
unstructured questions.
Interview Approach
After selecting the type of interview, the next stage is to plan the interview approach
such as the face-to-face, telephone, and online interviews. These different options
have both pros and cons and the selection may depend on conditions and objectives
of the research design.
The face-to-face interview is the traditional approach of interacting with infor-
mants. This channel facilitates a total connection as it includes not only verbal but
also nonverbal communications. These cues (e.g. body language, facial expressions,
tone of voice) are used by both interviewers and interviewees in sending and receiving
messages. They can help build rapport and enhance the dialogue because interview-
ers can observe informants’ attention, understanding, and interest. Hence, they can
adjust the interview process accordingly, particularly when conducting unstructured
interviews. This face-to-face approach would be suitable in some Asian markets
where people tend to be reserved in their verbal expression and speaking too much
can be perceived negatively. Lebra (1987) explained that in Japan those who use few
words are viewed as more trustworthy than those who use many words. However, in
other countries like India, the communication style is more verbose and uses a lot
of overt body language given that the main purpose is to forge relationships (Lewis
1999).
A face-to-face interview should take place in a comfortable setting. This may
be already planned in the research design process or can be impromptu if it is part
of the naturalistic inquiry. It is important to find a place where informants can feel
comfortable to have a conversation without feeling afraid of being overheard. Nguyen
Interview Approach 115
(2015) proposed that Vietnamese informants tended to feel strained in a formal

work-like, research-like setting, and they would prefer a more relaxed venue such
as a restaurant. Some topics discussed freely in Western countries can be considered
taboo in Asia (e.g. sexual matters), and some issues are insensitive or indelicate if
brought up by strangers (e.g. family problems, sources of income). Hence, a place
to conduct face-to-face interview will need to be discreetly specified. Moreover,
some norms must be considered when proposing an interview place. In some local
contexts in Asia, it can be considered inappropriate if a man and a woman meet in
a private space (e.g. a house), and interviewers must ask permission from a male
headman to interview female informants. Similarly in terms of religious practice,
the Holy Qu’ran forbids Muslim women from sitting alone with a man who is not
a close family member and men avoid being alone with a woman who could be
classified as a potential marriage partner (Ryan et al. 2015). Therefore, an interview
must take place in a public space. Though some of these practices may be peculiar
or redundant, it is quite crucial that interviewers have sensitivity and respect for
cultural differences. Box 5.1 demonstrates an example of a face-to-face interview
conducted in the Philippines by Galam (2015). Besides the rather sensitive topic
about the lives of left-behind women (i.e. women married to seafarers working in
the global maritime industry), the research was conducted by a male researcher, a
situation which presented some interesting challenges to manage in the interview
arrangement.
Box 5.1 Example Face-to-Face Interview Conducted in the Philippines

Galam (2015)’s study of seafarer’s wives aimed to investigate the women’s
experiences during the absence and presence of their husbands which influence
their identity, agency, and subjectivity. The semi-structured interviews with 40
women were conducted in the author’s hometown in the northwest Philippines
because it has a long history of men migrating to find jobs. In addition, the
author suggested that doing research in his own community would help in
recruiting informants in this trust-based society. Also he found that being
accompanied by someone the informants was crucial in gaining collaboration
because they could relate by kinship ties and the familiarizing system and
therefore become better assured and comfortable to participate.
The face-to-face interviews were conducted in the women’s houses where
the informants felt secure, as well as providing good neutrality and privacy.
However, as a male researcher he had to find ways to arrange the interviews
appropriately. In this case, the author was introduced to the informants by other
people who could help convey his credibility and thus minimize suspicion about
the purpose of his research. Next, as the filipinos place importance on kinship
ties, many informants asked the author about his family name and information
about his family members (e.g. his mother’s name) to establish his identity. The
author learned that his biography on the formal introduction sheet was not as
important as the info derived from having a personal conversation which could
116 5 Interview
make informants become more receptive. Here, some informants even stated
they agreed to participate because they knew his family. Moreover, considering
the sensitive topic which may involve some private and intimate matters related
to the absence of husbands, the author provided his own personal information
such as his being married and having children in order to draw on a “shared
experience”. This could enhance his connection with the women as they later
expressed that they believed he, as a father and a married man, would know
and understand what they were saying. In fact, the women themselves asked
him earlier about such background data.
In the women’s houses, which are usually a shared residence (with their
in-laws and relatives), the face-to-face interviews were conducted in a space
that could be witnessed by others. Sometimes women, especially those below
30 years old, were accompanied by others. This is due to the local culture in
which a young woman should not be seen having a personal conversation with
a male stranger. However, once the rapport was built, the companions would
leave to do some other things in the house. Before the interview started, the
author also tried to befriend the other family members by greeting them, and
throughout the interview process he communicated in a way that showed his
respect to the informants and their families (e.g. using certain terms such as
manang for women older than him and ading for those younger). As another
form of respect, the author mentioned he would take off his shoes and leave
them outside before entering the house. By cultural norms, if visitors are per-
ceived to have a higher socioeconomic status, they would not be asked to do
so, but in this case the author intended to use his voluntary act to convey that
he was no higher-order stranger to the informants particularly since they might
assume some distance from his academic background. The author also used
Ilokano (the native language) or Filipino in the interviews which helped mini-
mize the power imbalance in the Philippines whereby English is perceived to
be one of the indicators of higher social class.
With the author’s attempts to signify some shared experiences and shared
culture, he was able to manage face-to-face interviews and gather data related
to the focused topic. This included the discussion regarding personal matters in
the relationship in which women had to manage their lives while their husbands
were away.
Source: Galam (2015).
Despite the cultural concerns that can constrain face-to-face interviews, modern-
ization has brought changes of practices and restrictions, especially among the new
generation. When Varman and Belk (2012) conducted interviews in India (Kanpur
and Kolkata cities) about young consumer experiences in post-colonial shopping
malls, they were able recruit and talk to random teenagers in the food plazas of
shopping malls as part of a naturalistic inquiry. This is in addition to the other casual
conversations they had while moving around the shopping malls, observing the infor-
Interview Approach 117
mants’ interactions in the setting. This demonstrates the more open behaviors of this
specific group of informants to mingle with strangers. Part of this can also be due to
the setting (i.e. shopping mall), which can facilitate casual, public discussion.
While there are many benefits associated with face-to-face interviews, researchers
should consider some limitations such as difficulty in arranging for an interviewer
and informant to meet up, expenses involved in organizing the interview and some-
times compensating the informants for travelling expenses. While observation of
the informant’s appearance and body language is useful, it can bring biases to the
interviewers and thus affect the quality of research. Similarly visual cues from the
interviewers can influence the responses of the informants as they may try to provide
answers they think the interviewers want to hear (aka the social desirability). Such
an issue is of high concern in the Asian culture where there is constant pressure to
maintain face. Therefore, informants may try to say things they think appropriate for
their position (Suh et al. 2009).
The telephone interview is used to provide greater access to people of different
groups in different places (including limited sites such as hospitals and religious
communities). It can also help save the time and cost of conducting interviews.
Moreover, this channel can support discussing some sensitive topics which infor-
mants may be reluctant to talk about in person. Yet the nonverbal, social cues cannot
be used and observed in the telephone interview. This can result in reduced and
incomplete communications. Moreover, it could be more difficult to build rapport or
generate friendly ambience with no direct, face-to-face interaction. In terms of the
dialogue, telephone conversations are subject to time pressure so they may be brief
and not fully comprehensive. Moreover, pauses or silent intervals can be misinter-
preted with no observation of body language. Such thoughts can press people to fill
the void with uninformative comments in order to maintain smooth conversation.
Specifically in the Asian culture, the period of silence may mean they are reflecting
on what has been said, thinking about what is to be said, or signifying other things
such as disagreement or embarrassment (Lebra 1987). When unsure about what to
express, it is perceived better to remain silent. This pause employed as part of the
dialogue can become a challenge for researchers conducting a telephone interview
with Asian consumers.
The alternative channel, which has become more prevalent today, is the online
interview, including the typing chat and video chat, which can speak to the limitations
of the prior methods. With no travel and venue arrangement, the cost of conducting
online interviews can be much lower. It can also help reach minority groups with
whom it would otherwise be difficult to arrange face-to-face contact. This helps save
time, energy, and expense to a great extent. Moreover, it is claimed that the online
interviewing process is less stressful because the interview can be conducted at home
or in the environment informants are familiar with and feel non-threatening (Gruber
et al. 2008).
Additionally, in the typing chat, the time lag between questions and answers allows
both interviewers and interviewees to think about their responses before typing and
they can always refer to the previous records of conversation. When several aspects
or attributes are mentioned at the same time, they can elicit each of them in detail
118 5 Interview
without losing or forgetting them. Hence, this online interview may appear more
structured than the face-to-face or telephone interviews (Chen and Hinton 1999). In
addition, both sides are not influenced by the others’ appearances, body language,
and tone of voice, thus reducing bias (Duffy et al. 2005). The virtual anonymity
and higher levels of private self-awareness allow informants to reveal more personal
information (Joinson 2001) and express their deeper feelings (Hanna et al. 2005).
This may address concerns about the more reserved behaviors of the Asian people.
Furthermore, the typing chat program can automatically generate transcripts.
Despite the several advantages of this online interview approach, the method
requires participants to have an internet connection and they must be comfortable
using online interview tools and services. With the mediated technology, it can be
more difficult to create rapport and observe informants’ feelings. Moreover, in the
typing chat, the interviewers cannot see if the respondent seems to lose interest,
becomes distracted or irritated, or is unsure about the question. Particularly in the
case of Asian informants, they may not voice their concerns or confusion because
it can be perceived as impolite. Thus it may be more challenging to manage the
flow of conversation in the online interview. Prior studies among Asian informants
noted their frequent use of emoticons to remedy the lack of nonverbal cues during
computer-mediated communications (Cappellini and Yen 2016; Chen et al. 2010).
Interview Procedure
After selecting the type of interview (structured, unstructured, semi-structured), and

identifying an interview approach (e.g. face-to-face, telephone, online), the next
essential step is the interview procedure. This includes the five major stages begin-
ning with developing interview questions, then preparing the interviewer, recruiting
informants, conducting the interview, and finally recording the interview.
Developing Interview Questions
Good answers stem from good questions. The interview procedure starts with form-
ing questions that can accurately convey meaning to the informant. The questions
should be clear and easy to understand. They must not be threatening but encourage
informants to become involved and to communicate their attitudes and opinions.
Belk (2013) gave examples of how engaging questions in the interpretive approach
differ from traditional survey research. If studying clothing, questions may include,
for example, “How does it feel to wear XYZ product? What difference do clothes
make to how we behave? How do clothes embody and shape our identities? How
does a piece of clothing enter and leave our lives?” Notice that these questions are not
restricted to the basic perceptions of clothing (e.g. in terms of its function, design,
price, or quality) but engage informants to think deeper and closer to their personal
Interview Procedure 119
experiences with clothing which frequently involve many more symbolic meanings
in lives.
The development of interview questions normally begins with an outline listing
broad categories of subjects to explore. These are derived from the earlier process
of research design (e.g. the specified areas of research, the set research purpose,
the review of literature leading to the formulated research question) as discussed in
Chap. 4. The next stage is to formulate questions relevant to each category. Pat-
ton (2002) suggested the six major kinds of questions that can be applied to any
given topic. Box 5.2 explains the concepts with some additional comments on their
implications in the Asian context.
Box 5.2 Six Types of Questions

Patton (2002) suggested six major types of questions that can stimulate
responses and engage informants to participate in the interview. Keeping these
differences in mind when developing questions can help make the interview
more comprehensive.
1. Experience and behavior questions
These questions ask about informants’ typical day and what they would be
doing. For example, “Tell me about a typical shopping trip at your most
frequented mall. What are you likely to do? Whom do you normally go
with? Where/what stores do you regularly visit?” In addition, questions
can be asked about actions that occurred in the past so informants can tell
about their experiences.
2. Opinion and values questions
Opinion and values questions are aimed at understanding people’s think-
ing (versus doing as in the behavior questions) about some experiences
or issues. Example questions are “What do you think about …?” “What
is your opinion of …?” The questions help explain the informants’ goals,
intentions, desires, beliefs, judgments, and expectations. While opinion
questions are common in Western culture, it can be difficult to obtain
detailed answers in the Asian market. Eckhardt (2004) claims that because
of the educational system, Asian people are not encouraged to, and there-
fore not quite familiar with, forming and expressing individual opinions
in a complex manner. Hence, when conducting interviews with this type
of question, researchers must be prepared to spend time asking around the
point rather than putting in a straightforward question and expecting an
immediate response.
3. Feeling questions
Feeling questions intend to elicit feelings and emotions people have regard-
ing their experiences as well as thoughts. Example questions are “How do
you feel about…?” and responses are expected to elicit adjective such as “I
feel happy.” “I feel sad.” Asking these questions can be challenging in the
Asian market because expressing feelings is not usually encouraged by the
120 5 Interview
culture. Thus, this part may require extra effort. Moreover, feelings can be
easily confused with the opinion responses. Therefore, interviewers must
pose clear questions and try to capture the distinction in order to better
analyze the data.
4. Knowledge questions
Knowledge questions intend to gather informant’s actual knowledge or
factual information about a situation. Example questions are “What do
you know about …?” “Do you have information about …?” Again, the
challenge here is to make sure responses represent actual knowledge rather
than opinions. To emphasize this point by asking informants to reply from
their knowledge, or verifying if the responses are based on factual details
can be awkward, particularly in the Asian context where researchers must
avoid making informants feel they are being challenged or humiliated.
5. Sensory questions
Sensory questions ask informants to describe their sensory experiences
such as what is being seen, heard, smelled, touched, or tasted. Though these
can be considered part of the behavioral and experiential data, the sensory
questions mainly focus on capturing the senses with specific questions that
asked about sensory apparatus. Besides asking about general sensations,
interviewers can ask more explicit questions such as “Tell me what happens
with your heart rate or breathing when you …”
6. Background/demographic questions
Background or demographic questions involve information to identify
characteristics of informants (e.g. age, education, occupation). These help
locate the person in relation to other people. Yet the use of open-ended
questions here instead of the close-ended form allows informants to explain
their own profiles and categorize themselves (e.g. being 50 years old, being
middle-aged, or being 10 years to retirement). For some demographic data
that can be sensitive to ask about in some cultures, e.g. asking household
income in Asia, an example from Lin and Ke (2010)’s study in China
demonstrates their use of substitute data like living space or conditions
based on observation to estimate income.
Source: Patton (2002).
Besides developing interview questions that can cover various aspects of the sub-
ject, researchers must be aware of the wording used in the question which can make
a significant difference in the quality of the answers. Generally the questions used
in qualitative research are intended to be open-ended. Thus, the questions must not
indicate any structured responses such as yes/no answers or the degrees of attitudes.
Moreover, they should not suggest any predetermined or presupposed dimension of
responses. Moreover, the questions must remain neutral and open and they should
not contain any implicit constraints on the responses. Essentially, informants should
be able to freely describe their perspectives, take any direction they prefer in their
answer, and use any terms or language to express what they want to say. How they
express themselves can also denote the salient aspects of the phenomenon being
investigated.
The formulated questions can serve as an interview guide to ensure all relevant top-
ics are covered while giving interviewers the freedom to discuss additional questions
to elucidate the subject, especially in unstructured and semi-structured interviews.
The interview guide helps promote more organized and comprehensive responses by
setting the focus of the interview process. However, in the structured interview, the
questions must be carefully worded and arranged so they can be employed system-
atically when interacting with different informants. This is to minimize variation in
the questions posed to informants. In some cases, the formulated questions may need
to be approved by the IRBs to protect the human subjects. Such a request would be
possible for the structured interview, while the unstructured interview may submit
the question guideline or specify areas of study for the naturalistic inquiry.
As for the length of an interview, it mostly depends on the research design. The
longer interview does not necessarily provide more insightful data. A more complex
study of multi-layered, multi-faceted phenomenon may involve longer and deeper
interviews while a straightforward, single-minded topic may work better with a clear
and concise interview. Engaging too many discussion subjects may cloud and confuse
the informants’ views and expressions. Therefore, it is best to balance between depth
and breadth of the information inquired. Moreover, the length of the interview may be
aligned with the interview approach. A face-to-face interview is normally longer than
telephone and online interviews. Additionally, the interview length can depend on
relationships formed between interviewers and interviewees as well as the responses
provided. Some informants may like to elaborate their richly detailed perspectives
while others may respond to the same question with rather short and direct answers.
In some cultures such as in Asia, interviewing to explore phenomenon in depth may
require some time to build human connections so that people feel comfortable to
share their thoughts and feelings. In general, there is no strict time set. In fact, some
flowing conversations may continue over a few hours. Particularly in Asia, the notion
of time tends to be more fluid. However, researchers should be aware of the time spent
and try to manage the overall length of the interview according to the informant’s
expectations and comfort. It was learned that participating in an engaging interview
can be quite rewarding to some people as they may have a chance to talk about
things they are interested in, or reflect on their experiences and life histories (Berg
1998; Rubin and Rubin 1995). Sometimes with a strong relationship built between
interviewer and informants, the interview can be divided into several sessions to be
continued.
Next, the lists of questions formulated are arranged according to the flow of
content categories and they may be aligned with the course of conversation. Most
interviews begin with easy, nonthreatening questions such as questions about general
backgrounds and current practices. These allow interviewers to develop rapport with
the informants. Moreover, asking informants to describe their experiences requires
minimal effort in recalling and interpreting so it can assist in warming up the con-
versation. As the interview proceeds, more complex and/or sensitive questions can
122 5 Interview
be incorporated. According to the six types of questions (Patton 2002) described

earlier, the behavior and experience questions may be asked first, and responses can
lead to the other types of questions. As an example, when Sobh and Belk (2012)
conducted in-depth interviews with young female consumers in Qatar and UAE
about their adornment practices, specifically the tension occurring from the need to
adhere to traditional dress, the researchers began with questions about their general
clothing and grooming practices before continuing with the more focused topics
on the dynamics of these practices over time (e.g. asking how these practices have
evolved over time), and in different situations (e.g. asking how they dress for dif-
ferent occasions and situations). Moreover the researchers examined the conflicting
imperatives of modesty and vanity by asking questions about consumer identities
(e.g. asking what their chosen abayas would say about them, how they would feel
wearing such an abaya in particular contexts). Here, it is noted that the questions
become more oriented towards consumers’ feelings (aka feeling questions). Further-
more, as informants opened up more researchers explored their personal opinions
about changes (aka opinion questions) e.g. asking how they would like to dress in
the future. Organizing the interview this way enhances opportunities for informants
to finally reveal their perspectives with less anxiety to express their viewpoints as
dictated by tradition.
The sensory questions and knowledge questions require some explanation of
described contexts. Researchers should take some time to explain to informants so
they can process information accordingly. If sensory questions are asked too soon,
informants may not be able to fully elaborate their sensations. If the knowledge
questions are asked abruptly, informants can feel intimidated and give incomplete
answers. Specifically in Asia, asking tough questions that informants do not feel
confident or comfortable to answer may make them feel they are losing face. Because
the knowledge question may appear like an interrogation or evaluation sometimes,
it is better to ask this when rapport is already established. Zhou and Nunes (2013)
indicated from their interview research in China that for questions that might lead
to defensive responses from the informants, they prepared a number of trigger and
follow-up queries to help attain more meaningful data.
As for demographic questions, they may not lead to a long descriptive response.
It is better not to ask these at the beginning of the conversation in order to prevent
setting the tone of discussion to be brief and short-answered. Normally, demographic
questions are asked at the end because they can assist in cooling down and finishing
the conversation. If background information is needed earlier to support the overall
conversation, the question can be tied to the other behavior or experience question.
In terms of the time orientation, questions about the present tend to be easier to
answer so they can be put first. Questions about the past require recollection so they
should be asked after informants have some opportunity to recall their experiences.
Questions about the future involve speculation and require informants to use their
imaginations so they may be asked last.
When developing interview questions, some common problems should be taken
into consideration. Basically the fundamental mistake is when the questions can-
not convey the intended meanings or cannot be understood by informants. Here
researchers may try to prevent the problem by asking the questions with selected
people who share common characteristics as those of the informants to fine tune the
questions before fully conducting the interviews. This also helps with the unstruc-
tured and semi-structured interviews because interviewers can learn about suitable
forms of language and style used to clearly communicate with the target group of
informants.
The next problem that frequently occurs in the interview is asking questions that
lead to close-ended answers. For instance, a question like “Do you know about …?”
can lead to a simple yes or no answer while interviewers may then have to push further
for more clarification, which typically involves even more dichotomous questions.
This would result in a rather awkward dialogue. Being aware of such possibility,
researchers must avoid using dichotomous questions and try not to rush the pace.
It is observed that the problem of receiving close-ended answers is likely to happen
in a study where interviewers and interviewees have less common understanding or
shared meanings. When informants cannot provide responses with full details, it may
prompt interviewers to give more information in their queries. This results in getting
less insightful responses. Another common mistake is asking leading questions.
These are questions containing researchers’ biases or personal values and will lead
to unclear and biased answers, particularly in the Asian culture where the desire for
social conformity is strong. While researchers may be aware of this issue, the problem
may still occur because interviewers already develop some preliminary analysis and
they implicitly, knowingly or unknowingly, want to channel the discussion in a certain
way. Though interviewers may perform ongoing analysis of the data acquired, they
must remain open to explore new insights in all interviews.
The next challenge involves complex question which may be related to intricate
areas of study. With complex contents, it is better to break it into a brief and concise
questions rather than putting it all in a long, highly involved question. Informants
may not be able to catch the entire statement so they may respond to only certain
parts of the query. The complex question and statement should be critically examined
by other people familiar with the subject (i.e. other researchers, experts) and those
who can represent the target informants. This can enhance better understanding
of the questions intended and facilitate clearer responses leading to more effective
analysis of the data. Additionally, combining a series of questions, though they are
related to each other, can confuse informants. If some descriptive overview of the
series is needed, it should be provided at the beginning before following up with the
listed questions which should be given one by one in order to reduce the burden on
informants to catch up and try to cover all questions at one time.
The other issue to be considered is the use of affectively worded questions or
questions with offensive or emotion-laden wording. Affective words arouse emo-
tional, usually negative, responses. For example, “Did you ever want to complain
about services at …?” Here, “complain” represents an affective word that can sound
judgmental. It would be better to use more neutral words such as “report about quality
of services.” Additionally, although affectively worded questions are not intended
as antagonistic, they can intimidate or inhibit informants. For example, an immedi-
ate question “Why?” following some responses can signal an unfriendly, pressured
124 5 Interview
challenge because it is frequently related to finding explanations for wrong things.

Hence, when informants are asked this question, they may associate it with nega-
tive inference. Moreover informants may feel obligated to provide some rationale
as the question seems to presuppose that things happen for a reason and that those
reasons can be made known. Such presupposition can be less familiar among Asian
consumers who tend to practice holistic thinking, taking into account influences of
multiple issues and incidents (Polsa 2013; Tu 1994). Realizing the problem of ask-
ing the “why” question, an alternative word like “how come” may be used instead
because the word is more neutral and less forceful.
Lastly, double-barreled questions refer to asking about two issues in a single
question, specifically issues that may be conflicting with each other. For example,
“Do you find this product comfortable and fashionable?” For some products (e.g.
clothing, shoes), these two attributes do not always go together. Thus it is better to
ask them separately unless it is the intention of the product concept to offer both as
the unique selling point. In that case, the question can be highlighted as having a mix
of qualities. For instance, “Do you find this product comfortable and fashionable
at the same time?” Overall, the double-barreled question could lead to confusion
as informants and interviewers are unclear about which answer is offered to which
question. The problem can be more troublesome in the quantitative survey (e.g. with
the yes/no answer, or rating scale) because informants do not get to clarify their
responses. With qualitative research, if informants answer the question all together,
it will be redundant and cumbersome to ask for clarifications about the mixed up and
vague responses, resulting in data that is difficult to analyze and interpret further.
Preparing Interviewers
Besides having well thought-out interview questions, the interviewer represents

another key success factor because the person can affect informants’ consent to
participate and willingness to express their opinions with fewer reservations and
biases. A well-prepared interviewer has the necessary knowledge about the subject
of the research study, competency to conduct the interview, and suitable personal
attributes as well as social characteristics.
First and foremost, interviewers must be on top of the research topic. If they are
part of the team to design the research, they would already have studied literature
related to the area of study. However, if they take part after the design process or
become part of the interviewer team only, they need to get acquainted with the sub-
ject, the phenomenon of interest, and some relevant concepts or theories. Moreover,
interviewers must learn about the research setting before conducting the interview.
Particularly with the study of some unique and distinct markets such as Asia, it is cru-
cial to learn in advance about some background information of informants and their
relevant contexts which are considered quite important in formulating their self iden-
tity. For example, Wong et al. (2012) suggested from their research about gift giving
in Hong Kong that the relationship is more complex than the general understanding
of self-concept and possession. Here, the gifts given are regarded as a reminder of the
gift giver’s extended self passed on to a gift’s receiver with the aim of attaining social
status, advancing social relations, and seeking social approval. With such intricate
interdependent relation, it requires researchers’ preliminary understanding about the
specific relationship and the roles in which a gift can both represent and extend self
identity and face value of a giver and a receiver in Asia. As a result, researchers can
conduct interviews to cover the various aspects of the gift giving phenomenon.
Next, interviewers must have strong competencies and skills so that the interview
can be achieved in one setting because it cannot be redone easily. Interviewing is a
skill-based task. It requires not only understanding of the concepts and techniques
but continual practice. Interviewers must learn about verbal and nonverbal cues that
can trigger associations between actions and meanings (Lincoln and Guba 1985) and
these can vary in different cultures. The verbal cues refer to uses of some words that
often suggest subtle and implicit meanings. For example, Japanese do not usually
say “no” straightforwardly, but “maybe” generally means that. Similarly Chinese
may use terms such as “I’m not sure” or “I will think about it” to convey rejection.
As for nonverbal messages, these include gestures, movements, facial expressions,
signs and symbolic acts, and phonemic sounds (such as tongue clicks, grunts, sighs).
In some cultures of Asia, there are some distinguishing cues that interviewers must
be aware of so as not to be confused. For instance, shaking the head is generally
understood as disagreeing, but in India it conversely refers to acknowledging or
encouragement. Verbal and nonverbal communication skills apply to both sending
and receiving messages. In addition, deep listening and observation are crucial skills
because interviewers must be able to hear not only what the informants say but also
how they say it (Gorden 1987). In essence, the exchange of interview conversations
depends on how well the interviewer and interviewee are aware of the other’s presence
and responses and thus they can send their messages (by saying or acting in certain
ways) for the other’s benefit.
Finally, personal attributes and social characteristics can largely influence the suc-
cess of the interview. Some research topics, particularly those that involve sensitive
issues or personal matters, may be more suitable with certain types of researchers.
Specifically, Asian culture tends to have a clear distinction between in-group and
out-group relations and they may not be willing to elaborate their inner world to
those they perceive as outsiders (Vu and Napier 2000; Oetzel 1999). Moreover, with
the trust-based social system, people tend to feel more comfortable and open among
in-group members. For instance, Leung (2015) discussed her research with migrants
from China residing in Germany who seemed to be sensitive to the insiderness-
outsiderness dynamic. Because of her co-ethnicity profile, she was able to approach
them and got referrals to others in the network with statements such as “Talk to
her, she is also Chinese.” Nevertheless, interviewers and informants who have less
common cultural backgrounds may have the advantage of exchanging viewpoints
on issues that might be otherwise taken for granted. For example, when Cherrier
and Belk (2015) conducted an interview in Dubai, the authors were able to ask and
discuss insights about some Islamic practices due to their statuses as foreigners who
may have limited exposure and knowledge about that. This provides opportunities
126 5 Interview
for interviewers to learn new insights, especially on subjects that informants may try
to hide or avoid discussing.
Another personal attribute besides demographic data includes appearance. Inter-
viewers must dress appropriately for the setting and the subject. The dress code
is quite important in Asia as external appearance is used to determine a person’s
background, profile, and personality. Business attire or casual business attire are
appropriate in most cases, but sometimes interviewers may want to blend in or dress
to suggest certain roles such as putting on casual clothes when interviewing children
or in a relaxing place (like tourist destinations or shopping malls).
For social characteristics, generally interviewers should appear open, friendly,
and non-threatening. This can help connect with informants. In addition, some small
gestures can also help build rapport. For example, and as explained earlier in the
study of Galam (2015) in the Philippines, Sobh et al. (2013) elaborated in their study
of Islamic Arab hospitality that they would take off their shoes before entering the
guest zone (i.e. majlis) to show respect for the host. This practice also symbolizes an
attempt by the host to reduce the guest’s power. In addition, the researchers explained
their appreciation of the other rituals such as drinking Arabic coffee and eating dates
served to the guests. In Arab Bedouin culture, drinking coffee represents a ritual to
assimilate the guest into the host’s area while dates encapsulate the essence of the
desert and serving them shows that the guest is being welcomed into the host’s safe
haven.
Besides knowing the appropriate manners, researchers should appear knowledge-
able about the subject of discussion as informants would prefer to interact with those
who know about what they are doing. Moreover, they may expect researchers to
be able to handle some queries they have during the conversation. However, this
should not be overdone because it can threaten informants’ willingness to provide
their perspectives in the interview. Also in some situations, researchers can act as
if they know little about the subject to encourage more explanations from infor-
mants (Becker 1970). While it is possible to assume that stance, the act should be
carefully conducted so it will not risk a chance of appearing too contrived, making
informants feel that they are being made fools of. In sum, the interviewer has roles
to perform beyond conducting correct and unbiased interviews to maneuvering the
conversations by shaping, altering, and even creating their desired roles to engage the
informants. By changing their roles, which may involve adjusting their appearance
and demeanor, the interviewers can promote better communications while effectively
circumventing informants’ avoidance and misinformation (Gorden 1987).
Recruiting Informants
Research informants are recruited according to the sampling identified in the research
design process (explained in Chap. 4). Generally with the purposeful sampling largely
implemented in the qualitative research, researchers must try to initially specify their
informants’ profiles. This could be by referring to some specific research settings
where it is likely to find the target informants or in some case it can be by recommen-
dations (e.g. with snowball sampling). In the Asian context, the personal network
is quite crucial and has been identified as a tool to gain access to informants, build
rapport, and gather rich interview contents. A previous study in South Korea by Park
and Lunt (2015) suggested that the length of an interview with informants recruited
by personal network lasted longer on average than those conducted with strangers
(e.g. one hour and a half versus one hour) and could produce richer data with several
examples and anecdotes because of a smoother discussion. The authors referred to
the three kinds of personal connections stressed in South Korea: by blood, by regional
network, and by school background (Jung 2007). Similarly, Nguyen (2015) explained
that being approached by a complete stranger to participate in a research study often
makes the Vietnamese feel uncertain, cautious, and thus unlikely to collaborate.
In general, personal networks can be the result of having educational, employment,
family, or regional linkage. Such connections are highlighted in Confucianism which
refers to codes of conducts in everyday life that emphasize relationships. Because
recruiting by personal network may be criticized for possible biases, the researcher
must try to construct a sampling frame to achieve balanced sample characteristics.
Moreover, in such an “acquaintance interview”, the researcher must renegotiate the
new relationship between interviewer and interviewee in order to achieve reasonable
responses (Garton and Copland 2010).
In addition to the personal network, strategies to recruit interviewees in Asia can
be combined with other tools such as offering incentives. The amount and form of
incentives vary by different research contexts and informant groups. Sometimes with
considerably small amount of cash, offering a gift equivalent to the amount is better.
Particularly in Asia, some informants who agree to participate due to interpersonal
relations may feel awkward to receive money in exchange for participating in the
study. Thus, a gift would be more appropriate though it may not be easy to find items
that suit people’s interests. Alternatively there is a combined approach of offering
a gift card or gift voucher which can maintain some flexibility while reducing the
discomfort of receiving cash. As an example, in the study of the House of Barbie in
Shanghai, McGrath et al. (2013) demonstrated their compensation of a payment of
100 rmb (about 15 USD) and serving refreshments during the interview in the store’s
restaurant. In addition, the young girls could choose a Barbie doll from the store worth
about 80 rmb. In spite of these incentives, the authors mentioned that the agreement
to participate was more likely to be due to referrals from personal networks, the
researchers’ credentials of university affiliation, and informants’ interest in the store.
The recruitment process, normally begins with the researcher making initial con-
tact such as self-introduction and informing the person of the overall purpose of
the study. Here, face-to-face contact is preferred as Napier et al. (2004) indicated
from their research in Vietnam that most research invitations initiated via emails
from unacquainted persons are often ignored. The introduction statement should be
simple and straightforward so the potential informants can capture the main ideas.
Then researchers can persuade potential informants to take part in the research. It is
best to make a request to interview the person (e.g. May I interview you please?) and
avoid questions like, “Do you have time for an interview?” which makes it easy for a
128 5 Interview
person to simply refuse the request. Recruiting informants requires some techniques
and skills, particularly because people often resist or are skeptical about the research.
Common responses may be “Why me and not someone else?”, or “I don’t have the
time.”
Also in some cases, informants may have other concerns involving their own
norms. For instance, in Asia other people’s opinions of their behavior are considered
important. This may influence their decision to join or refuse the interview. In the
Galam (2015) study (see Box 5.1), the author indicated that the fact he was married
and had children was crucial in getting agreement from informants (in this case the
seafarer’s wives) to participate in his research. The author learned later from some
women’s comments that initially they were concerned about how their participa-
tion (i.e. having a male stranger in the house) would be misinterpreted by others
(e.g. their neighbors) who might associate that with infidelity. Thus, when recruit-
ing informants, not only did he have to explain the research topic but also he had
to find ways to reveal his background information (including his family status) and
associations with the community members. In fact, he was asked a lot of questions
about himself by the informants who found that the more they could say about him
to people who asked about his visit, the more they could demonstrate transparency
and reduce suspicious thoughts.
Informants need to be convinced in some cases before agreeing to participate,
and this can be done by telling how their participation will greatly benefit the study
and/or advancement of knowledge. If they express reluctance about what they will
be able to contribute to the development, interviewers can explain that the focus is
mainly on their views rather than finding facts or checking information. At this point,
if informants still refuse to be interviewed, interviewers may make another attempt,
such as asking to reschedule (if informants claim they do not have time), or asking
for recommendations of other people who might be able to participate.
When informants agree to participate, the interview may proceed depending on
the type of interview being conducted. For the structured interview, informants may
be recruited and then a formal appointment is made to meet or visit at a specified
time and place given the informants’ comfort and convenience. The unstructured
interview may occur as a natural part of the fieldwork. Thus, it is often unscheduled
and the interview may take place in the research setting. As part of the process,
researchers need to explain the ethics protocol, and in some countries it is required to
have a signed consent form. This can be brought up before conducting the interview
or after having an unstructured, informal conversation to seek permission to use the
data. However, as illustrated in Chap. 4, such a practice is uncommon in the Asian
context. Thus researchers can find a less formal way to introduce it to manage some
awkward feelings and continue engagement in a trust-based manner.
Conducting the Interview
With the question guidelines, the next stage is to conduct the interview. The way in
which questions are delivered and interactions between interviewers and informants
can determine the success of the study. Essentially, informants must be motivated
to provide their viewpoints as completely and sincerely as possible. Thus a good
flow must be managed from the beginning to the main dialogue and eventually the
conclusion.
The Beginning
Overall, the interview may begin with some chatting about non-study-related issues
such as the current news, movies, family, and others that can build rapport with the
informants (Douglas 1985; Glassner and Berg 1980). The ice-breaking subjects may
vary in different cultures. Prior research proposed that a show of friendship by using
small talk, which is considered normal for Americans, could be insulting for Japanese
(Warden et al. 2008). In Asia, most common topics involve general backgrounds of
both interviewee and interviewer with the aim to find some common ground and
linkages e.g. previous schools they attended, common friends. The idea is to make
informants feel at ease and establish a warm and comfortable feeling to begin with.
Moreover, this can help establish the initial identity and role of the interviewer (e.g.
suggesting who they are and how they may carry out the conversation). Sometimes
identifying a formal role as a researcher can help promote collaboration in a society
such as Asia that has high respect for academics. Yet, at the same time, it can make
some people feel constrained. The research study conducted in Vietnam (Nguyen
2015) found the sense of authority could create distance between interviewer and
interviewee yielding fewer opportunities to obtain authentic responses. Hence the
delicate balance of power must be carefully managed.
The initial projection of a researcher’s identity is not restricted as it may change
according to the informants’ responses during the interview process. As the interview
unfolds, interviewers may modify and alter their roles and interactions accordingly.
Particularly in Asia where people are entangled in multiple social relationships,
researchers regarded as an educated authority may sometimes adopt a less knowl-
edgeable identity when interacting with the elders in a community who are perceived
to have great wisdom. The variations should not contradict each other but represent
a sincere attempt to accommodate informants in the conversation. The identification
also influences how the researchers and informants refer to themselves and others.
This can signify how they prefer to associate and build certain types of relation-
ships. For example, when beginning an interview, specifically in a highly structural
or hierarchical society like China, it is recommended that interviewers refer to their
informants with respect such as always referring to the person’s position (e.g. Pro-
fessor, Chairman) and not simply calling them by their names. Yau (1988) indicated
that a venerable man with seniority may be addressed by adding the term “elder
130 5 Interview
brother” before his surname. However, as the conversation gets warmed up to the
extent that informants demonstrate their preference for closer relationships, inter-
viewers may adjust their communication approaches. Likewise with the Vietnamese
informants, Szymańska-Matusiewics (2014) referred to the use of terms to address
researchers as older sister, younger sister, or niece which played a role in forming
relationships. In the other study conducted in Vietnam, Nguyen (2015) explained
that using neutral formal ways to address people would lead to a perceived distance
and a sense of serious interview exchange that could hinder opportunities to obtain
authentic responses.
It is important to set a good attitude toward the interview at the beginning of the
interview because it can strongly affect the quality of research findings (Berg 1998).
When informants are motivated to exchange their opinions, they often tell more
intimate details and personal stories. A good rapport can be built on the ability to
convey empathy and understanding without being judgmental. Therefore, interview-
ers should indicate to informants that all data obtained from informants is appreciated
and will not be judged as right or wrong. This is important for Asian consumers who
tend to be sensitive about their perceived social statuses.
The Main Dialogue
After initial rapport is established, the interview may proceed to key questions. In the
structured interview, the researcher should focus on reading all questions slowly and
exactly as worded, and they may repeat questions if not clearly understood. With the
unstructured and semi-structured interviews, interviewers could begin with simple or
straightforward questions, aka ‘throw-away questions’, that are easy to answer such
as frequency of usage or adopted brands. The throw-away questions are meant to set
the stage for the following dialogue and to set the pace of the interview. Sometimes
they are used to help divert from sensitive subjects and give informants a moment
to cool off (Goffman 1967; Becker 1963). Thus, the throw-away questions can be
incidental but crucial in engaging informants to elaborate their stories.
Once informants are at ease, interviewers could then ask ‘essential questions’
(including the six types of questions by Patton (2002) illustrated earlier in Box 5.2)
which represent the focused study. These questions may be lined up together or
scattered as long as they can help acquire information about the specific subject
of interest. And if the answers take the conversation away from the targeted areas,
interviewers can also choose to follow with ‘extra questions’. These are questions
similar to the essential ones but asked in slightly different words. The objective is
to gather information about the highlighted subject, and it can also help examine
consistency in responses. In addition, if certain subjects were not mentioned yet
by informants, interviewers could try to ask them again with the extra questions. It
is noted that culture can play an important role in gaining responses as expected.
The face saving culture in Asia can make it difficult to attain personal opinions
because informants may fear the answers give negative impressions about them or
their understanding of the subject is not correct. In that case, informants may try
to offer neutral and cautious responses. Here, researchers can approach the topics
with rather depersonalized questions such as asking about general social evaluation.
However, if the research requires some personal viewpoints, researchers can practice
asking from the third-person’s perspective by saying the answer may not necessarily
be about the informants but the other persons. Most importantly, informants must be
reassured that they will not be judged with any right-or-wrong evaluations and there
can be different ways of thinking about the issues.
Moreover, the answers should be explored for more and deeper details by using
‘probing questions’ to ask informants to elaborate on what they have already dis-
cussed. Example questions are “Could you tell me more about that?” “Would you
elaborate on that?,” “What happened next?” Most probing questions are not prede-
termined but emerge from the conversation. Thus, interviewers must develop skills
to listen, analyze and identify areas to probe during the course of conversation.
Sometimes using a contrast, such as asking informants to compare between differ-
ent things, can help informants to elaborate. When the question contains multiple
answers, informants may select only a few things to elaborate which may help sug-
gest priorities. However, it is noted that sometimes offering choices and options,
which is rather common in the American practice, can be considered impolite and
inconsiderate in the Asian context such as Japan (Doi 1973). But if interviewers
would like to know more about the other answers mentioned, they may probe with
more specific questions such as “What was it about the … that you like”.
Given the influence of underlying culture, it is likely that interviews conducted
with people from an Asian Confucian heritage (Suh et al. 2009; Strumpf et al. 2001)
will provide short answers, such as yes or no, because of the more limited level of
disclosure. By culture, they are not used to providing personal opinions to a great
extent. As well, informants sometimes find it unnecessary to elaborate as they think
there is not much to talk about or the issues are so obvious (Nguyen 2015). In this case,
researchers should try to encourage further explanations by probing questions like
“Can you tell me more about that?” or “What else happened?”. If informants appear
reluctant to offer their personal stories, interviewers can provide some examples
(e.g. a situation that happened to themselves or is known among many people) first
with the aim to defuse concerns about embarrassing revelations. This exchange of
information is not meant to be directly parallel to the subject being explored but to
ease the interview and make it more natural to continue the dialogue (Wallendorf and
Belk 1989). Providing examples or specific contexts in addition to asking general
abstract questions can help facilitate further elaborations. Sometimes explanations
about why the questions are being asked in detail by researchers can help motivate
informants to provide more detailed answers.
Besides posing questions, probing techniques may incorporate silence, facial
expressions, or body language (e.g. raising eyebrows, leaning closer) to trigger infor-
mants to explain more. However, the interviewer must be aware of certain cultural
norms so as not to send out the wrong message. For instance, while direct eye contact
can demonstrate attentiveness in the Western culture, it is not the norm in many Asian
countries. Nguyen (2015) explains that eye contact is limited in Vietnam, especially
between people of different ages and social positions. Instead the author suggested
132 5 Interview
gestures to show acknowledgment like nodding, looking down, and using words of
agreement and support such as “I understand what you say.” In probing, interviewers
could also repeat the question or even repeat the answer to highlight and signify what
is of interest.
It is important to keep the probes neutral. For instance, Patton (2002) referred
to nodding one’s head as a probing technique that can signify that the interviewers
would like to hear more about what the informants are saying. But overenthusiastic
nodding may be perceived as endorsement of the response provided which can imply
biases or personal values. Quite the reverse, it can denote that interviewers already
got the point and thus informants might stop talking about it. Therefore interviewers
must learn to express and manage their probes accordingly. A verbal expression,
like “uh-huh” may be combined with a gentle rocking of the whole upper body
to encourage more comments. Additionally probing questions can be used to get
clarification, a restatement of the answer, or to ask for more elaboration. Example
questions are “What do you mean by …?” “I’m not sure I understand what you meant
by that. Would you please elaborate?” In this case, interviewers should try to suggest
that the failure to understand is because of their constraints, not the informant’s
inarticulate and confusing descriptions. This must be emphasized in the study of the
Asian market where face value is highlighted. If the clarifications remains unclear
after a few attempts, it is best to leave the topic and move on. Later in the course of
the interview, it can be revisited.
To perform an effective interview, besides considering key contents to be covered,
interviewers must also try to ensure that the language and style used are understand-
able to the informants (Becker and Geer 1957). Generally, using the local language
is encouraged because it can promote trust and comfort and most importantly can
enhance the depth of discussion because beyond the meaning of words (which can
be quite contextual) there are also other social and cultural codes of exchange. For
example, in some Asian societies (like Vietnam, Thailand, China), people like to use
proverbs, idioms, and refer to folklore when they explain ideas so it is important
that both interviewers and interviewees can understand and use those in further-
ing the conversations to gain detailed insights (Scott et al. 2006). In addition, the
interview must allow for the use of special languages (both real and symbolic) that
certain groups use. These codes or terms used as parts of the subculture (Berg and
Doerner 1987) indicate status as an in-group member and convey specific meanings
that cannot be directly translated without losing the real meaning. For instance, in
contemporary Japan there is an otaku which refers to people with obsessive interest
in comics (commonly known as manga, anime). With their distinctive subculture,
the otaku use special terminology in their communication. For example, baka (liter-
ally meaning idiot, fool) is frequently used by American otaku to replace its English
counterpart, and “facefault” refers to an act when, because of a shocking surprise, a
character falls over onto his or her head and only the legs are extended into the air;
an act typically seen in the manga. These terms have specific references and are used
in certain contexts so researchers must be able to capture and sometimes use them
to ensure a smooth dialogue and not get lost in the conversation.
Moreover, within the same language, there can be some dialect differences which
are often encouraged in the conversation to attain genuine communication (Murray
1991). Using words and styles that make sense to the informants or can reflect
their worldviews can help enhance the quality of data obtained. In the study of
Asian consumption and markets, the situation can become more challenging when a
translator or interpreter is needed. These translators must be able to understand the
subject to the extent that they can provide full and complete translation of questions
and responses. However, these should not be confused with their own explanations
because they will contaminate the data. Essentially, it is crucial for interviewers,
using or not using a translator, to understand the language domain of the informants
or their frame of reference in order to provide comprehensible questions and interpret
their responses correctly.
In total, the nature of questions, language, and questioning style must not be
offensive. While this can depend on characteristics of cultures, it is imperative for
researchers to be sensitive and regularly observe the dialogues. If informants avoid
answering certain questions or want to finish the conversation or they may show
some gestures that suggest no further discussion is desired, researchers should try to
respect such avoidance needs (Goffman 1967). If it is an integral part of the research
to cover such areas, researchers must find way to obtain the information through
different methods. If it is important to ask exactly the same questions, researchers
may try to use the technique of redirecting back to this unpleasant area at a later
point in time after a good rapport and trust have been built. To be able to continue
the conversation smoothly, researchers must demonstrate that they recognize the
pressure and express respect. In case of encountering falsifications, glosses, lies, or
fabrications, which some informants may feel compelled to use during the interview
(Berg 1998), researchers can respond by making further comments or asking repeated
questions that politely suggest they can detect the discrepancies (Berg 1998). But
these must be employed with consideration of the underlying cultural norms and
practices so as not to make the informants lose face.
During the course of the conversation, it is also important to observe and adjust
the pace and intensity according to informants’ convenience and comfort. Besides
selecting questions that have different levels of engagement, use of prefatory state-
ments and announcements can help prepare or alert informants about what is going
to be asked. These transition statements can direct awareness and focus attention. If
used after the posed question, they can allow some time for informants to organize
their thoughts before responding. In some cases, interviewers may summarize what
has been discussed so far and use this as a transition to the next subject. Moreover,
summarizing can give respondents a chance to elaborate if there is anything else
to add, correct, or clarify. The summarizing transition also demonstrates that inter-
viewers have paid close attention to the responses. The other technique used is direct
announcement of the subject to be asked. Announcing it first can help soften the
harshness and abruptness of the question. In addition to stating what the question
is about, interviewers can make comments about its importance, difficulty or other
characteristics of the question which can help set the stage for further conversation.
134 5 Interview
As the dialogue continues, interviewers must try to provide reinforcement from

time to time to let informants know that the purpose of the interview has been achieved
and the responses provided are appreciated. This can make informants feel that their
participation is worthwhile and want to continue their support. When listening to
responses, interviewers should demonstrate that they are paying close attention by
showing nonverbal signals such as nodding, or smiling when hearing something
funny. Also, interviewers should recognize any difficulties informants may encounter
in trying to interpret the questions, or in coming up with answers. Sharing feelings
and showing empathy is a major part of Asian values, and if interviewers can act
accordingly it would help promote a smooth interview. Providing feedback, verbal
and nonverbal, can help reinforce or encourage further attempts to clarify answers
or offer more details. Feedback also works in stopping informants from making a
long irrelevant response. For example, interviewers may stop taking notes, flip the
page of the writing memo, or sit back and wait. If these cues do not work, some
verbal interruptions may be used, but with respect and sensitivity. For example,
given the Asian norms that value interactions with social groups, interviewers may
pick up some keywords from informants and connect them with comments heard
before from the other relevant persons in order to divert the conversation back to
the intended topic. Though this interruption can be awkward, it can actually make
informants achieve a good use of time while interviewers help them understand what
kind of information is expected.
Additionally, researchers must always consider ethical practices, specifically that
this highly personal and interpersonal process can be considered an intervention
in people’s lives. As informants get to elaborate their experiences, thoughts, and
feelings, the reflection may make them aware of things they have not taken into
account before. This may have some effect on their lives in the future though the
purpose of the interview is to learn about people’s perspectives rather than changing
them. Thus, interviewers must be conscious of some possible impact and try to focus
on the research objective. Sometimes during the course of an interview, informants
may ask for approval, advice, or confirmation, but the interviewers should try to
avoid making judgments while trying to maintain a good rapport. Such balance
can be difficult to manage in studies with Asian consumers because the society
tends to operate with unclear roles and boundaries. At the same time, interviewers
should be sensitive to problems or concerns that may unfold during the interview
as the conversation can open wounds from the past, let people reconsider decisions
made, and remind them of painful memories or unfulfilled hopes (Patton 2002). If
informants request advice or assistance, researchers can try to direct them to some
available support programs. Actually, the interview process can be helpful and healing
as informants get to vent their experiences and find ways to address some unresolved
issues. Additionally, the opportunity to share stories with someone can be considered
enjoyable in itself.
Concluding
As the conversation winds down, interviewers can terminate the interview by asking
if informants would like to add any final comments, or they may offer to answer
questions that informants may have. The closing can be quite difficult to make in the
Asian research setting due to the less straightforward communication style. Therefore
researchers should find an indirect way (including body gestures such as looking at the
watch, drawing a finish line in a notebook) to signify an ending. Finally, depending
on the rapport that has been built, interviewers can ask if it is possible for future
contacts (e.g., to gain clarification on some points after analysis) and should always
repeat expressing gratitude for informants’ participation and contribution of their
perspectives. At this point, researchers may offer some token of appreciation to the
informants which should be done appropriately according to the different cultural
practices of gift giving. For example, Nguyen (2015) stressed that in Vietnamese
culture, a gift should be mentioned as being for the informants’ family, or it can
appear in other implicit forms such as inviting them for lunch or drinks. Normally
in Asia the relationship once formulated does not clearly end after the business
has been transacted but may continue afterward. In this culture that emphasizes
interdependence, the principles of doing favors and reciprocity are highlighted, and
the continuing relationship helps establish affinity. Thus in the future, researchers
can be requested to support their informants in some form.
In essence, the interview involves building a good rapport at the beginning and
maintaining it throughout the conversation. Then interviewers try to ask questions in
a way that the intentions (what researchers want to learn) have been clearly commu-
nicated. As the interview proceeds, it may lead in various directions so it is important
that the interviewer tries to stay tuned to the research objective and keep the subject
on track before concluding the interview in a smooth and appreciative manner.
Recording Interview Data
Lastly, interview sessions must be recorded either by taking notes or, if possible,
voice/video recordings. Though there are some concerns about the use of a recorder
that may hinder open conversation, this can be overcome if the objective and ethics
protocols are properly explained to informants. Nowadays people are more comfort-
able to share and participate, as demonstrated in the wide sharing of personal matters
online, and they are accustomed to the new tools and technology (like smartphones)
that can gather data anywhere anytime. Using a recorder can help interviewers pay
better attention to informants’ responses as well as observations. Nevertheless, in
some sensitive situations or if requested not to do voice/video recording, interview-
ers must respect the informants’ privacy. In Asia there can be certain groups of people
(such as the minority groups or ethnic groups) who are less acquainted with the tools
or they feel uncomfortable having their views recorded on certain issues. In that case,
136 5 Interview
the note-taking must be comprehensive and should also incorporate direct quotes to
capture people’s views in their own words.
Taking notes during interviews can be quite crucial in helping interviewers con-
centrate on the key responses and formulate further questions as they can go back
to the notes and refer to some prior comments. The notes can stimulate prelimi-
nary insights and analysis that may be useful in pursuing subsequent interviews.
Moreover, it can help locate important quotations from the records when doing fol-
lowing analysis. With support of the voice/video recording, notes can consist of key
phrases, major points, key terms or words expressed. Interviewers can also develop a
system of abbreviation or shorthand to be used in taking notes. If working with other
researchers, these techniques should be shared among the team so the notes can be
circulated and analyzed by other members of the team. When taking notes, interview-
ers’ own thoughts and interpretations must be separated either by using brackets or
put in a particular space (e.g. by drawing a vertical line to split the page) so as not to
confuse researchers’ perspectives with data obtained directly from informants. Such
observations can be treated as crucial data too particularly in research discussing
rather sensitive topics. When informants feel they cannot fully or directly talk about
their feelings and attitudes, they may express them via some body language or using
indirect communication. Thus researchers must be able to capture this in the data
collection. For instance, Lin and Ke (2010) separately interviewed old parents and
adult children about co-residence in China. With the long-rooted traditional value of
filial piety it was difficult for children to express their desire to live independently
because it could be viewed as abandoning their parents. Moreover, prior research
suggested that Chinese people tend to place emphasis on making a socially desirable
impression. Yet the researchers were able to capture the children’s preference for
living apart even though they expressed it indirectly and attributed it to other reasons
such as referring to their parents’ willing desire to live alone or mentioning objective
reasons like house space constraints. Besides collecting data, note-taking can be used
as a communication cue to suggest the importance of the response (i.e. noteworthy)
or, on the contrary, to imply irrelevance or insignificance of the answers. Seeing how
researchers take notes, informants can detect the cues and interact accordingly.
It is best to transcribe the interview verbatim to get accurate statements and add
some reading between the lines based on observation and other nonverbal cues (data
management to be explained in detail in Chap. 10). If this can be done as soon as pos-
sible, it will be helpful in recollecting the interview. However, if the transcription will
take some time, an immediate post-interview review is suggested in order to record
details about the research setting and observations of the informants’ expressions and
the interview process. These descriptions help establish a context for data analysis
and interpretation and they can be incorporated into the methodology section of the
research report. The reflection is highlighted particularly with a team of researchers
because the process can assure quality of the ongoing data collection and stimulate
some fresh insights.
In summary, this chapter explains different concepts involved in conducting the
interview from selection of interview technique to identifying the interview approach
and conducting interview procedures. Though it is helpful to study these in detail, it
mainly depends on a researcher’s ability to put them together, perform, and improvise
according to the different situations. As emphasized throughout the discussion in this
chapter, a good interview requires sensitive and creative skills to build rapport, ask
and probe, or even try alternative approaches during the course of conversation. The
ultimate goal of conducting interviews is to essentially facilitate opportunities for
informants to express their perspectives and personal stories.
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Chapter 6
Focus Group Interview
The focus group interview is a data collection technique that has received great
interest among marketing practitioners. By inviting a group of people to exchange
their views about certain subjects with a moderator to facilitate the discussion, the
focus group could produce information in a rather quick and cost-effective way
(Lunt and Livingstone 1996; Stewart and Shamdasani 1990). The focus group differs
from the individual interview in that it allows interactions among informants to
generate data (Morgan 1996; Merton et al. 1990). Thus, the researcher can learn
how consumers might have discussed the issues among themselves, particularly for
products that involve group decision or the influence of other consumers. Moreover,
it is argued from past empirical research in some countries, for example consumer
research in China (Eckhardt 2004), that Asian informants feel more comfortable in a
group setting rather than talking alone in an individual interview (Chen and Lamberti
2015).
Data derived from the focus group can represent convergence and divergence of
people’s perspectives emerging from their discussions. However, it should be noted
that the derived meanings and answers are socially constructed rather than individ-
ually created. Moreover, there are some concerns about its superficial quality and
expedient approach to formulating and analyzing data, particularly as the fundamen-
tal nature of good qualitative research typically requires time and effort to attain deep
meanings of the phenomenon of interest (Belk et al. 2013). This chapter describes
characteristics of the focus group interview and discusses its benefits and concerns.
The chapter elaborates on the key approach and procedure to conduct this data col-
lection technique with perspectives and practices in the study of consumption and
marketing in the Asian market.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_6
142 6 Focus Group Interview
Description of Focus Group Interview
The focus group interview emerged at the beginning of World War II (Morgan 1989;
Merton 1987; Libresco 1983) when military psychologists and civilian consultants
used group interviews to assess the effectiveness of radio programs to promote army
morale. The use of technique was expanded to other domains and was extensively
adopted and developed by marketing researchers to the extent of becoming one of the
dominant qualitative research techniques. Examples include the use of focus group
interviews to explore consumer opinions and attitudes, to test new product ideas, or
to evaluate the effects of commercials.
The focus group interview consists of a group of informants and a moderator to
facilitate the discussion. It can be conducted with a series of groups that represent
different categories of informants depending on the subject and scope of research.
The role of the moderator, like the interviewer, is to elicit informants’ viewpoints. In
the focus group, they are encouraged to discuss their views with the other informants.
Thus, the focus group interview should be arranged in an environment that makes
people feel free to speak about their experiences and express opinions. Like the
individual interview, this method is aimed at studying informants’ perspectives based
on intentionally created conversations about the topic of interest. Belzile and Öberg
(2012) explained that from a positivist tradition, the focus group method emphasizes
individuals’ ideas and expressions which can be better elaborated through interaction
with others (Calder 1977) while from an interpretive tradition it stresses a social
interaction in which people co-construct some opinions and beliefs (Wilkinson 1998).
With the latter orientation, the focus group does not simply represent a collection
of individual interviews but acts as a tool to stimulate group interaction in order
to learn about shared meanings and things taken for granted or challenged, beliefs
and arguments informants use in justifying their views, and sources of information
that instigate changes of opinions and reinterpretation of experiences (Catterall and
Maclaran 1997). Such approach corresponds with the concept of Asian self identity
in which, unlike the Western approach of research that treats individual perspective
as a sole and separate unit of analysis, a reference group or a family is accountable
for responses in Asian consumption and marketing, acknowledging influences and
ongoing interactions among the group members.
Due to its process of gathering data from a group of people together in one place
within an intensive time period, this research technique may be suitable for settings
and situations where one-shot data collection is necessary such as with a certain
group of people who may be available to participate in the study for a limited time.
Given that it requires less time than individual interviews do to involve the same
number of participants, the focus group interview can help manage efficiency of
the research project. Moreover the process can gather people who might never have
come together to exchange their thoughts and ideas.
The process of the focus group interview can be quite dynamic because of the
interactions among the informants. Thus this data collection technique is useful when
studying shared meanings or social influences on consumer behaviors (Catterall and
Description of Focus Group Interview 143
Maclaren 2006). For instance, Jie et al. (2014) studied consumer responses, compar-
ing Chinese and American women, towards visual fashion ideals in magazine adver-
tisement. Realizing that fashion consumption is highly influenced by social views,
and in this case the generational difference is of particular interest due to the effect of
the cultural revolution in China, the authors chose to conduct focus group interviews
(in the two countries) and separated the daughter groups of 18–34 years (namely Gen-
Y, or one-child generation in China) and the mother groups of 45–65 years (namely
baby boomers, or the cultural revolution generation in China). Results of the research
suggested that among the younger groups, there was a difference between the Chi-
nese, who expressed their enthusiastic aspiration to be like the model in the ads, and
the Americans who were more reserved and cautious in their aspirations. The authors
explained this difference as being due to the suspension of disbelief which seemed to
differ between cultures. While the Chinese were willing to disregard the fact that the
images they were viewing were not real, the Americans were cynical about the looks
of the models which represent the shared meaning derived from the movement in the
USA against obsession with ideal appearance. For the older groups, both Chinese
and American mothers did not aspire to look like the models in the ads, but the Chi-
nese could see the images being appealing to their daughters while the Americans
completely rejected the perceived-to-be-unrealistic images and even dissociated the
from their daughters. Findings from this focus group research demonstrate clearly
the sociocultural influences on individuals’ fashion consumption.
In addition to the nature of this data collection technique that facilitates the study
of group influences, prior literature suggested that informants feel more secure and
comfortable to share their thoughts in a focus group interview because, unlike indi-
vidual interviews, each individual does not feel the pressure of having to answer every
specific question asked by the interviewer (Stokes and Bergin 2006). Moreover, they
may perceive the group setting to be less threatening due to less fear of being judged
by the interviewer (Liamputtong 2011). Nevertheless it is also questioned whether
in a focus group informants would feel intimidated by each other. This can be more
pronounced in the Asian context where people are sensitive to their interactions in
a social group. Therefore, it is important to form a group of informants with some
common backgrounds in order to facilitate a smooth interaction (Eckhardt 2004).
The other benefits of focus group interviews are that many ideas and issues can
be covered in the discussion, and it is possible to arrive at some solutions to a
problem with collaborative efforts. Given the emphasis on exchanging opinions,
this technique can be used to support decision-making. Moreover, the technique can
enhance spontaneity as informants get to reveal more of their own frame of reference
on the subject when responding to each other and attaining group understanding
(Finch and Lewis 2003). Opportunities to observe and listen to how one informant
raises the issue and the others react to such comment can promote greater insights
about the way in which the market opinion is being formulated. Also researchers can
learn about underlying, normative group assumptions. Additionally, the meanings
emerging from the focus group discussion are socially constructed and they can be
useful in understanding the ‘interpretive interactionism’ (Denzin 1989).
Nevertheless, due to the time limit and the need to encourage interaction among
informants, the depth of content derived from the focus group interview can be less
than that of the individual interview. In terms of the breadth, though many stories
and ideas are generated during the discussion, they tend to converge into collective
results because of the synergistic group effect or groupthink (Boateng 2012; Turner
and Pratkanis 1998; Stewart and Shamdasi 1990). This can become more apparent
in the context of Asia because of the established culture of collectivism whereby the
group’s goal is highlighted over individuals’ goals. Therefore, the data gathered in
the focus group can be quite different from data derived from individual interviews
that tend to be more emergent rather than convergent. Such group influences may
distort individual views while the more extreme views or less verbalized views will be
eliminated (Sussman et al. 1991; Morgan 1989). Furthermore, it is generally difficult
and awkward to discuss private or sensitive issues in a group environment.
Realizing these limitations, Boateng (2012) proposed the extended focus group
technique to combine other data collection procedures such as a survey administered
prior to the session to ask informants to express individual viewpoints about topics
to be discussed in the focus group. Such approach can also promote commitment to a
standpoint to avoid being swayed easily when exchanging ideas in a group discussion
(Sussman et al. 1991). However some argue that people do not always speak from
the same point of view and they may change or revise their opinions according to
their interactions with others (Markovà et al. 2007; Hydén and Bülow 2003). This is
observed widely in the Asian context where the communication is context dependent
and situation-oriented (Hall 1976). Another way to do the extended focus group is to
integrate a survey or individual interview after the focus group in order to ask for a
summary or overall ideas of the subjects discussed and allow opportunities to clarify
some ideas or elaborate on some issues that were not covered in the session. In sum,
it is important to understand the different natures, both opportunities and limitations,
of this data collection technique and try to manage approaches and procedures in
conducting the focus group accordingly.
Focus Group Interview Approach
Referring to the structured, unstructured, and semistructured interviews (explained in

Chap. 5), the focus group is mostly conducted by way of the semistructured approach.
Here, a moderator will prepare some structured questions to ask each informant in turn
to stimulate initial discussion during a given session followed by other unstructured
questions depending on the informants’ responses and how they may prefer to further
the group discussion. Frequently, given its highly dynamic nature, the focus group
interview can be conducted solely with the unstructured approach, that is to allowing
conversation to flow without any preconceived questions. Here, a moderator may
encourage informants to continue their conversation until some measure of clarity is
attained, and the moderator will become involved only when the group wanders too
far away.
Focus Group Interview Approach 145
Selecting the approach depends on the needs of the research. If some comparable
results are expected, incorporating some structured questions can assist the evaluation
of differences and similarities across the different groups interviewed. If the objective
is to pursue topics freely without any reference to prior conceptions, the unstructured
approach may suit the purpose. Moreover, it also depends on the characteristics of the
informants. Some groups (e.g. vulnerable groups discussing complex and sensitive
issues) may need to be aware of and prepared for specific questions before entering the
discussion. In contrast, some groups may feel constrained by structured questions and
favor open dialogue. Regardless of approach, the focus of the focus group interview is
on concentrated interactions in a short period. This data collection technique does not
always help save costs by collecting data from a group of people within a limited time
because it also depends on the research design such as channel of discussion, group
composition (including compensation for informants), time and place to conduct the
interview.
Channel of Discussion
As for channel, the focus group interview is mostly a face-to-face interaction because
it can facilitate group dynamics with both verbal and nonverbal communications not
only between the moderator and each informant but also among group members.
However, like the individual interview, it is possible to conduct the focus group via
teleconferencing and online channels. Informants may log on at the same time and
interact in real time using online chat software. With the support of modern tech-
nology, an online focus group interview provides advantages of speed and economy.
Additionally, informants can be recruited from widespread geographical areas and
the transcript can be automatically recorded. However, informants need to be famil-
iar and comfortable with computer-mediated communications. This channel can be
suitable for those who are hard to recruit (e.g. executives who may never consider
spending time in a face-to-face focus group) and for discussion of sensitive topics
whereby informants can feel more comfortable to remain anonymous in the online
environment. Prior studies suggest that people tend to be more open and direct in
expressing their comments online (Sweet 2001). This can help counter the Asian
cultural tendency to be reserved and not confronting in typical face-to-face conver-
sation. Moreover, the online session can be more focused as informants are less likely
to suggest irrelevant topics or lengthy, repetitive stories.
However, there are also some disadvantages of doing a focus group interview
online such as the possibility of less group interaction, an absence of tactile stimula-
tion as well as less chance to clearly observe facial expressions and body language
(though a video chat can be incorporated). Not only is this data missing for researchers
to collect but it can also affect interactions among participants in a group, specifi-
cally Asians, who are more concerned with others’ reactions. When lacking this data,
Asian informants may choose to remain even more reserved to prevent causing neg-
ative impressions. The other disadvantage of the online focus group is the possibility
of having overlapping conversations as each informant may be composing responses

simultaneously. To manage a smooth conversation in this channel, specifically for a
typing chat, some questions can be prepared in advance and they should be written
clearly and completely so informants do not need to ask for clarification which can
delay and interrupt the process. An online videoconferencing or video chat is also
possible, though it will eliminate the advantage of anonymity.
Besides doing a real-time discussion online, a focus group can be organized over
a period of time. This asynchronous form encourages people to log on to offer
their comments in the web board groups. Although this can be easier to arrange,
particularly with people residing in different parts of the world, it can lessen the
group dynamics. However some argue that the interaction can be better in terms
of extensiveness as the session can last over a few days. Moreover, informants can
choose their convenient time to participate and they can spend more time to answer
and interact with others. In this process, sometimes the group members are asked
to provide their views individually and these will be collated and circulated for
comments (Bloor et al. 2001). The group may or may not convene at a later stage,
but they get to exchange their views until reaching consensus. This approach has
been applied with a panel of experts discussing some technical issues because they
can take sometime to explore the subjects (Barbour and Kitzinger 1999; Stewart and
Shamdasi 1990).
Group Composition
Design of the group’s composition considers its homogeneity and heterogeneity.

Usually a homogeneous group can exchange viewpoints because people tend to feel
safer with those who share some common characteristics or have common expe-
riences. For instance, in their focus group study of luxury consumption in China,
Chen and Lamberti (2015) selected a mix of informants with similar income level
and social status to promote commonality in purchasing power and exposure to lux-
ury consumption while eliminating the impact of peer pressure and the fear of losing
face within the groups. The homogeneity can also refer to their type of relationship
to the research subject such as users versus non-users of specific products. Also
cultures can suggest the composition of people. For instance, in Asia with its high
power distance and possible deference to elders’ opinions, it might be better to not
combine the young with the old. In Confucianism, behaviors are guided by ritual
propriety which includes ways to communicate between seniors and juniors. This
can lead to an asymmetrical style of communication (Gao and Ting-Toomey 1998).
Not everyone is entitled to speak in all situations. Juniors (including subordinates
and children) should engage in ting hui (“listens talk”) which means listening to their
bosses or parents and not voicing opinions. When expressing viewpoints, they should
use a deferential style of communication (ibid) showing hesitancy when talking, and
being restrained. Such cultural traditions may affect the focus group discussion. Thus
it is suggested not to mix those of different hierarchical structures and statuses in the
same group to prevent awkward situations.
Moreover, in some specific cultures, there are certain rules pertaining to the mix of
people such as different genders. Winslow et al. (2002) conducted a focus group with
Emirati women about their health needs and noted that it would be unacceptable to
have a mixed gender focus group unless they were all family members as the culture
and religion demand strict segregation. Even if there are in spite of no strict rules,
people’s familiarity can play an important role. The other focus group conducted in
Oman by Ryan et al. (2015) explained that in Islamic culture female participants do
not feel comfortable in a group that includes male participants even though in con-
temporary Omani society women work in different sectors with men and participate
in various national activities. Hence separate gender groups were conducted with a
female moderator for the female-only groups. For the male-only groups, the female
moderator was accompanied by an Omani male assistant.
Nevertheless, a homogeneous group does not necessarily yield comprehensive
discussions. Although it can facilitate disclosure, people may try to align with each
other rather than working out their differences. They may assume others have shared
understanding regarding certain issues and therefore it is not necessary to fully elab-
orate on them. This can miss opportunities to explore subjects in detail. On the con-
trary, a heterogeneous group promotes diversity of viewpoints and can cover broader
aspects of the topics of interest. Yet the environment can be perceived as threatening
to some people, thus inhibiting disclosure. Moreover, it can be difficult to generate
discussion if people’s socio-demographic backgrounds and characteristics are too
different. Specifically with regard to social class, which is quite an issue in the Asian
context, it was learned that people of different statuses tend to feel awkward when
exchanging opinions with each other. The more literate and articulate members of
the group dominate while the others become reticent in the conversation. In addition,
people at different life-cycle stages can have vastly disparate experiences, needs, and
problems which make it difficult to mingle unless the research subject involves some
common interests which can be shared among different groups of people. Sometimes
with sensitive and personal issues, gender difference plays an important role too.
It is best to find a balance between having people who feel comfortable conversing
with each other while incorporating diverse opinions. The composition may depend
on the research purpose. If the aim is to elicit a variety of ideas, a more heterogeneous
group can be considered. But if trying to uncover motivations for consumption (e.g.
adoption stage of specified product) or discussing some sensitive topics, it can be
better to discuss among people who have some shared experiences, and therefore a
more homogeneous group is recommended.
The size of the group can vary but the most common number is between 6 and
8 informants. Some researchers may prefer a mini focus group of 4–5 members to
generate deeper conversation (Finch and Lewis 2003). In Jie et al. (2014)’s study
with daughter and mother groups in the USA and China, they specified a group
of 4 informants with extensive experiences concerning the topic of discussion (i.e.
fashion consumption). This allowed opportunities for all informants to discuss at
length about their perspectives. With the online channel, it is also recommended to
have a small group of about 5 maximum (Kozinets 2010) so informants can manage
to recognize different people’s responses given the lack of visible identities (in a
typing chat) or a limited screen view (in a video chat).
Overall, the specified number normally depends on the topic of research. Some
issues demand detailed elaboration and thus work better with a smaller group so
everyone has time to reflect on their opinions and interact with the others. Moreover,
the type of informants can influence the group size. Experts and highly involved
brand advocates have some well developed opinions and need to feel they have
enough opportunities to contribute their ideas. Therefore, a smaller group is better in
that case. Other people may prefer to have more people joining in the group so they
feel many people have shared, common experiences. Typically, a larger group seems
to work better for idea generation and brainstorming, while a smaller group is good
for discussing deep, intricate issues. Other alternatives such as paired interviews and
triads can be useful for very specific topics and in-depth discussions among people
who know each other well and share a common understanding.
Time and Place
The focus group should be conducted at participants’ convenient time, taking into
consideration their normal, cultural routines such as the five daily prayer times (dawn,
midday, afternoon, sunset, night) for Muslims. When setting an appointment time,
researchers must be prepared for some late arrivals and delayed time to begin and
finish the interview. Several countries in Asia have a flexible time orientation. In Viet-
nam and Indonesia, there is a “rubber time” where schedules can be stretched beyond
the agreed time (Nguyen et al. 2006). In Arab countries, the frequent expression, “In
sha’Allah” (if God wills), suggests a shift of control concerning time (Almansour
2010).
Typically it takes between one to two hours to conduct a focus group but it may
take longer when arranged in the form of a workshop which involves some activities
(e.g. tasting food items, trying new product prototypes). Moreover, the focus group
interview can integrate projective techniques (explained in Chap. 9) in order to derive
further information. These different tasks besides having a conversation can help
energize or shift the attention of the group to other relevant topics. Generally, the
focus group meets once, but in some cases of complex or unfamiliar issues, they
may reconvene later. The gap time is to allow opportunities for group members to
reflect on what they have heard from the first session. Also during this time they
may be asked to perform some activities such as writing a diary, looking at provided
materials, or using products before the follow-up discussion about their experiences
and attitudes.
The venue for conducting the focus group interview has an important effect
because the physical environment can alter the nature of the interaction. Moreover,
researchers must take into account the rules and norms of different cultures and reli-
gions. For instance, in the United Arab Emirates, Winslow et al. (2002) indicated the
importance of finding a socially acceptable place for the women to meet that their
male family members would not object to. In general, it is better to find a neutral
place with supporting equipment such as flipcharts, projectors, and a recording sys-
tem. A specialized place may have a dark room behind a two-way mirror where the
other researchers or relevant stakeholders can observe the session. The setting may
be decorated according to the mood and tone of conversation to create a suitable
ambience. For instance, it can be like a living room with couches and chairs when
discussing household consumption or it can be like a meeting room with conference
table and straight-back chairs when talking about a serious matter. Refreshment can
be offered, usually before the discussion starts but sometimes it can be used to pro-
vide a short break or a pause during the session. Also in some cultures (e.g. Arabian),
it is the norm to offer snacks of savory and sweet biscuits as part of the cultural hos-
pitality (Winslow et al. 2002). Informants may be asked to put on their name tags
or sit at specific places with their name tents so the moderator and other informants
can identify and address them accordingly. The use of names depends on different
cultures, topics of discussions, and participants’ background profiles. For instance,
if the goal is to generate an informal lively discussion, in Thailand it is common to
use nicknames (and most people have them). Otherwise the Thais go by their first
names. But Japanese people generally call each other by their last names unless they
are very close.
The seating arrangement can play an important part. In most cases, participants
are seated where their name tags are placed which can be planned according to their
profiles (e.g. separating those who may know each other or come from the same
network to prevent side conversations). Random seating is informal and can make
people feel comfortable but it is likely that those who are more disengaged will
find a seat where they can easily detach from the conversation. Circular seating can
promote social interaction while downplaying the moderators leading role given the
equal seating position. Rectangular seating is different as the moderator is seated
in a position to direct discussion and the locus of communication is focused on the
moderator. Elliptical is the most formal arrangement since all members are turned
toward the middle position and the communication is centered on the moderator.
Seating is carefully arranged in some Asian countries, especially when organizing
a business meeting. For instance, in Japan, the seating position indicates status with
the highest ranked person sitting at the head of the table furthest away from the door
and the next highest ranked persons sitting next to him or her (Samovar et al. 2009).
It is common to find those of a lower rank keeping a physical distance from superiors
to show respect. Researchers should be aware of these norms and practices because
they can influence participants’ willingness to contribute to the group discussion.
Focus Group Interview Procedure
The procedure for organizing the focus group interview, similar to that of the indi-
vidual interview, includes developing question guidelines, preparing a moderator,
recruiting informants, conducting the focus group, and recording the session.
Developing Question Guidelines
The guideline is meant to serve as an overall outline of the focus group interview
while remaining flexible to include other topics of discussion. This depends on how
informants may like to continue the group interaction and if the moderator facilitates
relevant topics. Development of question guidelines can follow the process of the
individual interview (explained in Chap. 5). It begins with an outline listing broad
categories of contents. The next step is to formulate questions relevant to each cat-
egory. Like those in the individual interview, these questions must be neutral, open,
and should not suggest any predetermined or presupposed responses from infor-
mants. The formulated questions may serve as a guide to ensure all relevant topics
are covered in the focus group interview while the discussion can incorporate probing
questions and additional subjects of interest.
These questions as well as the other relevant topics are arranged in sequence
according to the elaboration of the research topic. In addition, they can be aligned with
the course of the focus group discussion, which includes the five major stages ranging
from forming to storming, norming, performing, and adjourning phases (Tuckman
and Jensen 1977). Box 6.1 illustrates these stages in detail with perspectives and
practices in the Asian research context.
Box 6.1 The Five Major Stages of Focus Group Interaction

In the first ‘forming stage’, a moderator asks some ice-breaking questions. Each
informant is likely to address comments solely to the moderator since they may
still feel uncertain and anxious about the group environment. Here, a moderator
can consider using throw-away questions (as explained in Chap. 5) such as
asking about informants’ backgrounds, current behaviors and experiences.
The ‘storming phase’ is when informants begin to offer their viewpoints.
During this period, the coverage of informants’ expressions can be quite varied
depending on their styles. Some people may try to dominate the group with
some overwhelming ideas while the others prefer to offer a few reserved opin-
ions. Essential questions can be raised here to motivate discussion, but it is
better not to place too much emphasis on strong statements made at this early
stage. Instead, a moderator should try to stimulate more articulations from each
informant which may result in various ideas and possible conflicts of thought.
Focus Group Interview Procedure 151
Though this divergence is considered part of the focus group discussion, it

is noted here that in the Asian context people tend to take a neutral position
in such situations due to the cultural norms (e.g. Confucianism) that stresses
a high degree of self-control and self-regulation in public. Asians will only
express inner feelings with their family members or close friends and tend to
be more cautious and more conforming in verbalizing their responses (Yang
1981). Thus researchers must put more effort into making them feel at ease to
talk openly and voice disagreements (if any). In case of conflicts, usually the
Asians will refer to a trusted third party or a mediator as a reference rather than
confronting (Batonda and Perry 2003; Ting-Toomey 1994). Thus, a moderator
can suggest this as an option to continue engaging participants in a debate
where they do not necessarily need to handle direct conflicts.
Then as part of the natural process of how people come together in a group
(at least in a given time), the discussion would lead to the next ‘norming stage’
in which informants try to normalize contradictions and become more open in
their sharing. This is when the group norms or some common ground is estab-
lished and the group starts to work with each other. Such process is already a
major part of the Asian culture in which the society has intrinsic mechanisms to
promote harmony. Here, a moderator may deliver some essential and probing
questions as informants feel more comfortable to express and exchange their
views. Yet, a moderator must try to prevent the norms from masking some inde-
pendently different attitudes. Thus, emerging questions based on the responses
can be introduced in order to explore the diversity. Also a moderator can ask
the group to work on finding boundaries of the norms and seeing about any
exceptions. This can be done by a moderator’s playing devil’s advocate to chal-
lenge the norms by referring to alternative viewpoints from others (probably
outside the group).
The fourth ‘performing phase’ is when the group works interactively in some
open discussions which comprise both agreements and disagreements. In this
stage, a moderator can mainly observe and listen while letting the group take
on the conversation among them. Here, some challenging topics can be raised
for the group to address. This is believed to produce greater depth of insights
but it can take time to reach the stage, specifically in Asia where there is a
tendency to avoid conflict and confrontation. Asians use integrating, obliging,
avoiding, and compromising styles of conflict resolution to manage other-face
concerns (as opposed to self-face concerns) (Kim and Hunter 1995). With a
high degree of tolerance of ambiguity, inconsistency, and paradox, Asians tend
to incorporate all comments rather than eliminating the differences (Fletcher
and Fang 2006). Thus, a moderator must deliberately craft the conversation
acknowledging some key communication styles and preferences. For instance,
Asian participants may never say “No” nor offer straightforward disagreement
because it might embarrass or offend others but reply in an indirect or sarcastic
way (Yau 1988). Like the symbol of Taoism’s Yin and Yang that accepts a
paradox of differences as a normal state of being (Cooper 1990), they may

never indicate their preferences because they see the possibility of coexistence
between different thoughts and ideas. Moreover, in the Asian perspective, the
differences are not necessarily opposing or contradicting but reflecting of each
other, and the circumstances will help determine which should be accommo-
dated (Chen 2002).
Finally, the ‘adjourning phase’ is when informants are prepared to end the
discussion. A final topic can be decided in advance, allowing for possible
adjustment to suit the flow of discussion. It is better to finish on a positive and
final note. For example, in case of debates, the ending subject can be about
what could be done to eventually tackle or improve the specified circumstances.
Lastly, a moderator can summarize or reinforce the previously discussed points
and ask final thoughts from participants. This way informants see that they have
come to some conclusion together from the discussion.
Source: Tuckman and Jensen (1977).
Though the five phases can change according to the mood and energy of the group
while some phases may not be fully discernable, it is quite helpful to recognize the
process. Generally a question guideline can be prepared according to this develop-
ment but with flexibility to accommodate changes. For instance, it is common to see
a circular process whereby a group reverts back from the performing to the storming
phase again given a new topic of discussion. Thus a moderator must be able to adjust
the flow accordingly.
Preparing a Moderator
The moderator is the key success factor of the focus group interview. Though a team
of researchers can work together on designing the research study, when collecting
the data it is typically only one moderator who facilitates the session. The moderator
manages the group interaction, adjusts the pace, shifts the direction, interrupts or
stops conversations at any given time (Berg 1998). To manage the variability and
dynamics, the focus group interview requires a skilled moderator given the already
invested efforts of recruiting informants and organizing the session. While it is not
always practical or possible to have a highly skilled moderator, good preparation can
assist a less experienced moderator to perform effectively and eventually obtain more
experience over time. Additionally, in a rather distinctive cultural group, having a
moderator who is not only capable but also sensitive to the local context is critical
to the success of the focus group research (Miyauchi and Perry 1999).
A fruitful focus group interview normally stems from having a good flow of
questions or topics of discussion. Working on a clear question guideline can help
a moderator develop some ideas about how the session may proceed, particularly
because the group discussion can develop in quite various directions. Thus it is
important that the moderator is on top of the research subjects. However, when
interpreting data along the way, it is important that a moderator separates or brackets
their preconceived conceptions to prevent biases from being introduced into the
discussion.
In spite of the well-defined plan and preparation, a moderator must be able to
improvise and alter the process amidst the dynamics of group interaction. A mod-
erator needs to perform a role beyond simply asking questions, also facilitating
conversation among informants. This means encouraging them to interact with each
another while at the same time steering the direction of the group dialogue to achieve
the research objectives. To this end, a moderator may initiate topics, listen to what
informants have to say, make sure that everyone gets a chance to speak, and instanta-
neously analyze responses in order to generate further group discussions. Essentially
the discussion should be removed from a moderator’s administration, mainly led by
informants. This environment may require extra effort in the Asian environment
where the locus of communication tends to be centered on the discussion leader.
Thus, a moderator must try to play down the focused attention and allocate interest
to the group members.
To achieve interactive and insightful discussion, a moderator must try to strike
a good balance between liberating and maneuvering the dialogue, provoking and
reserving ideas, and pushing and pulling the course of conversation. This requires
understanding of how informants raise issues to be discussed and the way in which the
group responds to them which reflects the naturally occurring social context. Yet with
various people participating, such topics can be fragmented so a moderator will need
to impose some structure to ensure the main topics are covered. However, it should be
balanced with flexibility to follow through on relevant issues generated from within
the group. As with the individual interview, a moderator can probe for clarifications,
depth, and breath of all angles relevant to the subject. Major probing techniques
include repeating the question, highlighting particular comments, bringing up some
similarities and differences between responses, and using silence and body language
(discussed in Chap. 5). The probing questions can be directed to both individuals
and the group. For example, a moderator can refer back to individual comments and
ask the group “How do other people feel about this comment?” It is noted here that
in the Asian culture, people can be reluctant to comment on others’ views because it
is perceived as inappropriate and impolite unless it is to reinforce or provide support
to the argument.
In addition to managing the content, a moderator must have good communication
skills. This includes the ability to ask questions and express thoughts in clear and
easy to understand language. A moderator must be able to question, probe, explore,
retreat, persuade, flatter, punish, control and entice (Seymour 1988). Besides speak-
ing, silence can be used as a tool to encourage further responses in a nonjudgmental
and nonthreatening environment. As explained earlier (in Chap. 3), in Asia a silence
or pause during the conversation is used for different purposes such as to seek more
answers, to reflect on what other people say, or to think of new topics. However,
the urge to fill the void can cause the negative consequence of not allowing time for
participants to ponder on the subject of discussion. In addition, a moderator should

practice framing questions and probing quickly. Spontaneity and creativity are vital
in responding and managing a variety of responses during the focus group session.
Deep listening and observation skills are the other key competencies. These help
enhance concurrent analyses of responses and support further development of ques-
tions or comments. This is highly emphasized in the focus group interview due to
the nature of group dynamics which facilitates emergence of issues not originally
considered by the researcher which may be regarded as important to the group. Thus
a moderator must be responsive to the changing situation. Sometimes a moderator
can try to blend in by identifying with the group and detaching from an overt lead-
ership role. Yet in some situations, a moderator has to intervene in order to keep
the conversation focused. In some cases a moderator needs to feign ignorance in
order to learn more from the group. If a moderator can refer to the terms used by
informants and incorporate them in the focus group interview, it can help promote
more engaging discussion. These techniques are not always rigid, and a moderator
must be able to act according to the nature of the group and the course of discussion.
As the conversation proceeds, it is up to the moderator to pace the discussion in
order to ensure all key issues are covered as fully as possible, to observe issues that
arise and decide whether to encourage more free flow of conversation with minimal
intervention or move on to another topic while not ending or cutting off topics too
abruptly. Sometimes a moderator may make note of the issues raised and bring them
back to cover in more detail later. If the conversation goes off-track, a moderator can
try to steer it back such as by reminding the group of the topic and research purpose.
Moreover, in some conversations, a moderator needs to help speed up (e.g. with
already repeated, lengthy anecdotes) or slow down to probe for more reflections and
debates. Fundamentally a moderator must try to keep the overall discussion relevant
and focused. Yet, it is emphasized that a moderator is not in the focus group to offer
opinions but to act as a catalyst to stimulate discussion.
Lastly a good moderator should be sensitive to the mood, emotion, and demeanor
of informants. Deep listening helps a moderator to be constantly aware of the indi-
viduals and group relations. A moderator should be empathetic, really caring about
what others have to say and trying to identify with them (Seymour 1988). Empathy
is a major part of the Asian culture and in some countries it can go to a farther
extent such as the concept of kreng jai in Thailand context which manifests as a
reluctance to assert one’s own interests, a compliance with other’s requests, and a
concealing of negative feelings to avoid making others feel uncomfortable or lose face
(Pornpitakpan and Francis 2000; Holmes and Tangtongtavy 1995). At the same time,
a moderator should also recognize his or her own personal feelings which may bring
biases to the group and try to detach them from the work. In fact such feelings can be
recorded in the note-taking because they can become another source to support the
data analysis. In addition, having a good personality can help promote collaboration.
In Asia, humility in a leader is valued and this mainly includes showing modesty,
expressing empathy, and being approachable (Oc et al. 2013). Moreover, a moderator
can try to combine a gentle touch, humor, and sometimes apology especially when
cutting off some conversations or bringing the group back from irrelevant subjects.
Recruiting Informants
Like individual interviews, the focus group intends to obtain insights into the lives
of individuals. But data from the focus group reflects collective notions shared and
negotiated by the group during the discussion. Thus it may be different from individ-
ual interview data that reflects the person’s viewpoints shaped by the social process of
living in a culture. Given the importance of group dynamics, the process of recruiting
informants must be carefully designed. Samples are usually chosen by the specified
characteristics (discussed in Chap. 4) or are qualified to offer perspectives regarding
the topic. Informants should not have previously participated in focus group inter-
views or at least similar discussions in the recent past because they may be biased from
knowing the process and trying to provide answers to fit the specific frame of thought.
To recruit informants, the first step is to locate the population from which to select
informants and then contact potential informants. Besides having characteristics as
identified in the research design, these group members may have some common
interests. This is considered an important attribute to enhance the group discussion.
Moreover, individuals who have some problems may be more willing to discuss them
within the security of others who share the same feelings (Seymour 1988). This can
be considered another criterion for recruiting informants, particularly with research
topics that involve sensitive issues or complicated phenomena. Additionally, recruit-
ing focus group informants in Asia may need to rely on networks because most people
will agree to participate by personal commitment and social relations. However, it is
better that the informants do not know each other before so the session can maintain
equally distributed dynamics. In addition, people tend to speak more openly with
those whom they do not know or think they are unlikely to see again frequently.
For certain topics, a group of acquaintances might be preferred, such as when
investigating issues among people in specific neighborhoods, or attitudes among
those who carry out certain activities together. This pre-existing group has shared
contexts and thus provides opportunities to discuss specific issues in detail, but a
moderator must try to have them uncover the shared meanings rather than assuming
everyone understands the same thing. Moreover the pre-existing status among group
members can affect their discussion. A moderator must recognize that and try to
avoid having recognized leaders dominate the conversation. Specifically in Asian
society, hierarchy and social status can significantly influence the conversations. It
can be more difficult to convince people to ignore pre-existing group norms which
are considered the major part of Asian identity and social formation. Hence, this
should be tackled when recruiting of informants.
Similar to the interview process, researchers must convince potential informants
that their participation is important and assure confidentiality of information dis-
cussed during the focus group. Basically, research ethics (discussed in Chap. 4) must
be strictly followed. However, in the focus group situation there may be some further
adjustment needed. For example, confidentiality involves not only the agreement
between researcher and informants but also the agreement of all participants in the
focus group.
Conducting Focus Group Interview
After developing question guidelines, preparing a moderator, and recruiting infor-

mants, the next stage is to conduct the focus group interview. Due to the nature
of this data collection method that engages a group of people who come to have
concentrated discussion within a short time frame, the initial part is devoted to cre-
ating rapport between moderator and informants and also among the informants.
The challenge lies in making all of the group members, who probably have just met
each other, feel comfortable talking openly in the group. This is more difficult in
the Asian environment where people normally take a long time to open up and build
relationships.
When beginning the focus group interview, people tend to be anxious about the
procedure and expectations. Here, a moderator can give brief information about the
session including the overall research objective and the nature of group interviewing.
It is important to stress that there are no right or wrong answers but the research
intends to learn about different points of view. Therefore, there can be agreement
or disagreement and everyone can feel free to say what they think. Though their
opinions may represent a minority view, they are encouraged to speak out and do
not need to wait till they are asked questions but can step in at anytime as in normal
conversation. However, in Asian communication style they would rather wait for
their turn to speak, so participants may expect questions to be asked first to signify
an appropriate time to make comments. A moderator must stress that information
obtained from the focus group will be kept confidential that informants will remain
anonymous with no one held accountable for comments made. Then a moderator
can provide a brief outline about the scope of the interview, the general topics to be
covered, and an overall explanation about what will happen to the data and data report.
This clarification part should not be too lengthy or too technical but sufficient enough
to reassure them of the importance of the research and emphasize the importance
of their contribution. Such emphasis can help increase motivation to take part in the
discussion.
Next, to loosen up the group, each member will be asked to give their name and
briefly state their background such as occupation and where they are from. Knowing
each other’s background is part of the Asian culture that tends to evaluate people
from not only by what they are doing but also where they come from. Moreover,
the information can be used by a researcher when continuing the conversation or
later in connecting with the data analysis. For example, a moderator may connect the
issues discussed with some people’s background to explore some diverse opinions.
A moderator can also make comments about the composition of the group such as
pointing out some similarities and differences which can support understanding when
encountering agreement and disagreement during the session. This also allows for
probing on specific issues and reinforcing the feelings of being in a group.
The getting-to-know-each-other stage can also help set the tone for the group.
For example, a moderator may ask to refer to everyone by first name (or nickname)
or make some casual talk about the person’s background (e.g. recognizing the city
where they live). This can help relax and signal the informants that the session is
going to be relaxed. The self-introduction can assist informants in addressing each
other during the discussion. In Asia, the way people address each other can signify
different types of relationships. For example, in Thai, there are also many terms that
mean “you” such as khun, than, kae, thoe, aeng, mueng. In general khun is the safest
term to use, but it signifies some formal distance. Most people, if wanting to make
the relationship more informal, will refer to other terms such as pee (older sibling),
or nong (younger sibling).
The next step is to begin the conversation, which usually starts with a rather gen-
eral, neutral opening topic such as questions about current practices or experiences
which informants can easily discuss. Sometimes it can involve a conceptual or defi-
nitional issue. This is considered a ‘forming stage’ according to Tuckman and Jensen
(1977). Because by nature of the focus group interview the discussion tends to lead
to some synergistic results, asking brief questions about the topics from each person
at this stage can represent how each informant may approach the subject of interest.
This can help the moderator gauge the group effect during the interview and try
to encourage more diverse discussions. Informants tend to accept the differences as
each person may have different encounters or perceptions toward the specified topics.
Yet they may still feel uncertain about the inclusion and acceptance of their opinions
in the group. Thus a moderator must continue asking questions (or rephrasing the
same question) with the aim of having everyone discuss their views to open up the
responses. If some people feel they are being left out at this stage, it will be harder to
encourage them to speak later in the course of conversation. Therefore it is important
to have everyone included in this process. The sense of inclusion is significant in
the Asian environment because it suggests social harmony. Here, the wider, rather
than deeper, discussion is emphasized. This can also help lessen dependence on a
moderator and encourage informants to respond to each other.
As the conversation proceeds, informants are asked the essential questions such as
their thinking or feelings about experiences or specified subjects. These can be varied
because they are subjective. However, in Asian culture, informants can feel reluctant
to express contrasting viewpoints. To address this concern, researchers can combine
other techniques to support individual expression. These include, for instance, asking
everyone to write down their own views in a post-it note and put it up on the board.
With some conflicting opinions that may arise in this ‘storming phase’, it is suggested
that a moderator steps in and not leave the contradiction hanging. Because people may
feel unsure and awkward about how to go on with the discussion, a moderator should
try to connect linkages between issues, both differences and similarities in views,
in order to support group interaction. It is better if the moderator asks informants to
compare their opinions rather than focusing on their own view (Liamputtong 2011;
Morgan 1996). This continual discussion can then lead to the ‘norming stage’ in
which some group norms are established. At this stage, informants should start to feel
more comfortable to interact with each other, thus leading to the ‘performing stage’
to openly discuss topics in details and arrive at some group conclusions. During this
time, a moderator must manage the balance between group thinking and individual
details, and between free-flowing debates and coverage of specified issues.
Within the Asian culture, the rooted collectivism may play a significant role here.
For example, Japanese cultural values emphasize wa (or harmony) in the group and
they will try to integrate divergent viewpoints into a unity (Kawashima 1967). More-
over with the other concept of enryo (reserve or restraint) which is a submission to
group pressure, Japanese informants may refrain from expressing viewpoints that go
against the majority in order to maintain solidarity, demonstrate empathetic consid-
erations for others’ comfort, or prevent their embarrassment (Lebra 1976). They will
try to resolve threatening or embarrassing situations by apologizing or correcting
their own expressions and behaviors instead (Imahori and Cupach 1994). Realizing
the tendency to conform and develop group harmony, a moderator must try to first
make participants of a focus group feel comfortable with diversity and stress that the
group intends to learn from both agreements and disagreements. These differences
should be elaborated first though the discussion may finally lead to some common
agreement as a part of perceived resolution.
Eventually the group opinion may contradict the individual opinions expressed,
but this does not mean that it is wrong. Because the purpose of focus group is merely
to demonstrate the group effect, the highlights are rather on some additional infor-
mation generated, confirmation or refutation of beliefs, arguments, discussion, and
solution that can shape informant’s thinking and formulate collective understanding
about the issues. However, at the same time, a moderator should encourage informants
to express personal views or experiences rather than referring to a third person’s per-
spectives which only reflect their distant opinions and speculations. Such emphasis
must be highlighted in the Asian setting because people tend to avoid identifying
themselves with the issues but instead refer to someone else in order to channel away
a confrontation. Moreover, when there are contradictory viewpoints and the group
has chosen to overlook and not confront them to maintain the overall group harmony,
a moderator can try to challenge the point and ask for clarification from the group.
This can help encourage the group to acknowledge the diversity.
During the session, a moderator can guide the discussion but should avoid offer-
ing opinions or substantive comments. The idea is to make the opinions of each
person considered by the others, therefore setting the interaction. Different from the
individual interview in which the flow of communication is unidirectional, the group
provides an information network which enables individuals to submit ideas as well
as respond to the ideas of others. To encourage the flow of conversation, a moderator
must practice a role continuum ranging from directive to nondirective depending
on the situation. The directive role is when a moderator is highly involved in the
discussion, poses questions, and directs the conversation according to the interview
guideline. The nondirective role is when a moderator plays hands-off style and lets
the conversation flow quite naturally. The goal is to encourage informants to share
their views, hear from other people, reflect on what is explained, and consider their
own standpoint further. It is hoped that informants will take up more active roles
to also pose some questions, seek clarification, comment on what they have heard
from each other and prompt group members to discuss more. This way the focus
group interview is different from a collection of individual interviews with com-

ments directed to the researcher but it represents a group interaction generating data
and insights (Morgan 1997).
There can be several challenges in organizing the focus group interview and a
moderator must be able to skillfully use group dynamics to handle them. Through-
out the conversation, a moderator must continually make intuitive judgments about
whether to continue on the topic with probing questions to gather additional informa-
tion or change direction because additional information may not be worth the effort
to extract it. When the discussion flows and informants are eager to continue on the
subject but it is about time to move on to the next topic, a moderator can try to signal
an end by offering a summarization or a wrap-up. This allows the group to see what
they have covered so far and be prepared for the transition while not feeling the effect
of being cut-off. At the same time, a moderator must be able to think ahead to the next
subject. This can be according to the question guideline or probing further from the
current discussion. Additionally some potential problems should be anticipated as a
moderator is listening to where the conversation is heading. This way a moderator is
prepared to handle the scenarios smoothly.
Next with regard to challenges involving group environment, when a group is
rather quiet and passive, a moderator can try to promote interaction by asking some-
one to give comments on the others’ views. This way each informant is aware they
are supposed to generate the dialogue rather than waiting their turn to answer ques-
tions from a moderator only. It also helps enhance an exchange of ideas among
group members. However, if some persons still feel reluctant to express their opin-
ions, probably because they lack confidence or feel uncomfortable with the group, a
moderator should try to encourage them by using nonverbal cues (e.g. making eye
contact, looking expectantly in their direction when asking questions). However, this
must be done carefully, particularly in the Asian context, so it does not make them
feel intimidated or lose face. A moderator can also try to link the question with some
comments mentioned by the reticent person earlier. This would make the question
specifically related to that person. Most importantly, a moderator must reassure them
that their views are of value to the discussion. Once they elicit their opinions, a mod-
erator should offer positive reinforcement (e.g. by saying “That is a very interesting
point.”).
Different from the abovementioned case, it is possible that the group has some
dominant persons who like to respond first or offer lengthy comments to the point of
turning off the other informants and making them become silent. This can be because
they are or they think they are experts in the subject area. In this case, a moderator can
initially employ some nonverbal communication such as withdrawing eye contact,
leaning away, looking at others in the group. If the problem persists, a moderator
may need to use negative reinforcement by suggesting the need to get some other
opinions about the matter or calling on the other members to offer their views. When
to make such intervention depends on the stage. Normally the group tends to regulate
the balance themselves especially when they have already established some common
ground. However, some situations require a moderator to take action. Overall it is
better to avoid a confrontation because it can affect the overall group environment.
In Asia, confrontation can lead to silence. An Arab proverb says “The tree of silence
bears the fruits of peace.” But remaining quiet is certainly not healthy for a focus
group.
Overall, challenges of moderating a group of people who may have different styles
of expressing opinions include controlling dominating informants while simultane-
ously encouraging passive group members. This must be deliberately managed with-
out embarrassing anyone. Such concern is highly emphasized in the Asian culture
which places high emphasis on smooth relationships. The dominant person may be
perceived as having a higher status and hence should be respected. Skillful manip-
ulations such as use of humor or apology for having to curtail a response can be
quite helpful. Nevertheless, a moderator should never make fun of participants but
instead can choose to make fun of himself such as claiming confusion or an inability
to keep up with the talk, and therefore needing to ask for clarification from different
participants to help explicate.
The other possible challenge that can happen when a group has developed a good
flow of conversation is when they begin some simultaneous dialogues. Particularly
with a large group, they may start to talk with each other in subgroups on specific
issues. Though this side talk is considered common in natural group conversation,
it should not be encouraged in the focus group interview because it can divert the
common group’s interest and make it difficult to transcribe and analyze the data
later. Here, a moderator can politely suggest to the group about the prior agreement
or refer to the need to make the recording clearly by having one person talk at a time.
Besides managing challenges of the contents, the emotional tone of the group is quite
important. Different groups with different combinations of people generate different
sorts of chemistry. Some groups are delicate and therefore need encouragement
from a moderator. Some groups are lethargic and hence a moderator needs to insert
a dramatic or controversial issue to promote some energy.
As the conversation is approaching an end, a moderator then signifies that it is
coming to the last part. This can be by referring to the final topic which should be on
a positive note. A moderator can ask if there are additional comments or something
that informants wish to say that has not been covered earlier. This helps them cool
down and supports completion of the discussion. It is important to allow enough time
at this stage in order to avoid ending too abruptly. In Asia, the conversation ending
process can take time because once a rapport is built, it is expected to continue
over a period of time. Also a moderator will not want participants to feel they are
being exploited by simply ending the conversation when all research subjects have
already been discussed. Finally, the moderator ends the session and thanks the group,
stressing how helpful the discussion has been and how it can be used to further the
purpose of the research.
Recording the Focus Group Interview
Similar to the individual interview, most focus group interviews are being recorded
with audio system, video system, or both, especially as in most cases the moderator
is alone in the session. Thus a recording system is needed to support complete data
collection. In some cases, another researcher might be observing and taking notes
about the conversation and group dynamics (e.g. to indicate who says what), and
if the focus group can be arranged in a specialized venue, other researchers and
stakeholders (e.g. clients of the research firm, sponsors of the research project) may
be sitting in the dark room behind a two-way mirror. The other observers should also
make notes of key impressions for discussion during the debriefing after the session.
It is not uncommon that the observers ask additional questions during the session
or at the end by way of passing notes to the moderator in the session. However, it
should be stressed that being constantly aware of having observers of the discussion
can affect the conversation. Specifically in the Asian context, people are concerned
about how others view them.
Currently most informants who agree to participate in the focus group interview
are aware that they are being recorded. However, the moderator must always state
at the beginning that the session is being observed and recorded in order to attain
a full account of all details while information will be kept confidential. With some
subject areas, informants will be asked to treat what other people say as confidential
too, particularly with informants who happen to know each other or are in the same
social loop, and may have a fear of subsequent gossip or repercussion. Such effects
are quite apparent in the Asian environment where the culture engages in many
indirect, implicit communications (Hall 1976). Thus, the issue of confidentiality and
anonymity must be communicated and managed.
Voice recording with a good system (e.g. a remote multidimensional microphone)
must be prepared and checked before the session. The chosen venue should not have
any background noise. Yet, when many people are speaking at the same time, it can
be difficult to transcribe, especially with some side conversations. Thus, a moderator
must request at the beginning that only one person speak at a time and try to curb
any simultaneous dialogues. However, it is noted that in some cultures side chats
are quite common and acceptable as Ryan et al. (2015) indicated in their conduct of
focus group interviews in Oman. A good audio system is needed and, if combined
with a video recording, can help verify the information, particularly with several
voices. Moreover, it can help record some activities such as consumers’ trying new
products, or informants’ working on some projective techniques (to be discussed
in Chap. 9). Nevertheless the microphone and video camera should be placed in an
unobtrusive position to reduce the feeling of being in a set-up environment and trying
to act according to some roles.
While most of the data collected is verbal, researchers should always try to take
notes on observed behaviors and expressions though these may represent only a small
portion of the basic verbal data obtained during the focus group interview. These non-
verbal behaviors can indicate feelings related to the discussion at a particular time
so they should be collected as part of the data when taking notes. Although video
recording can help capture ongoing activities, it is more important for researchers to
draw on their observations. People often demonstrate their agreement or disagree-
ment using body language such as nodding or shaking their heads, utterances, or
facial expressions (like raising eyebrows, frowning). These need to be picked up
by a researcher. Moreover, a researcher must take into account cultural differences
in interpreting nonverbal communication. For instance with eye contact, Arabs use
prolonged eye contact to show sincerity and honesty while it can be considered impo-
lite, disrespectful, or offensive in some other cultures such as Korea, Vietnam, and
Japan (Nees 2000). While these observed behaviors can be detected by a moderator,
sometimes the other informants are not aware of them so a moderator will need to
encourage the person to verbalize their reactions to ensure everyone is on the same
page. Additionally, a moderator can comment on that nonverbal observation and ask
the persons to elaborate. However, this must be done in a gentle and smooth manner
because making comments on someone’s behavior can be perceived as impolite in
the Asian culture.
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22(5):44–57. https://doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000005285
Chapter 7
Ethnography
Previous chapters have identified the key data collection techniques including
individual interview (Chap. 5) and focus group interview (Chap. 6). This chapter
discusses the other important technique, ethnography, using mainly observation
combined with other supporting methods such as informal, unstructured interviews
and some archival techniques. Ethnography is crucial in naturalistic inquiry (Belk
et al. 1988) and it can address limitations of the interviewing techniques which
tend to take place in some arranged contexts. Ethnography can be conducted in the
natural setting and thus allows opportunities for data to unfold quite naturally. Direct
observation enhances understanding of the context within which people interact. It
can support development of more open and holistic perspectives instead of relying
on prior conceptualizations or the informants’ selective perceptions. Moreover, it
facilitates opportunities to observe things that may not be recognized by people in
the setting and also to learn about things that people do not like to talk about in the
interview. Thus, this technique can engage creative and design thinking which is
much needed in the contemporary business environment.
With the new and different market perspectives, like in the Asian context, ethnog-
raphy can aid in exploring new consumer and business insights. Hence, recently
there have been movements in the market demonstrating wider uses of the ethno-
graphic approach. As an example, McKinsey management consulting firm in Tokyo
has added a business unit, experience design for Asia-Pacific, hiring anthropologists
to carry out a service design process by conducting field research followed by a rapid
cycle of prototyping (Blecken 2016). The company claims that with this approach
they can help clients gather deep consumer insights and address various issues not
only in aesthetic matters (as generally perceived about design) but also in strategic
business processes such as innovation, governance, and corporate culture. Another
example is Google. Despite being the leading search engine in the world, Google
has lost its leader position to Baidu when competing in the Chinese market. To better
understand the local contexts, Google commissioned an ethnographic research study
including video observation of how people search for information online. The results
suggested that due to the rather complex Chinese characters, it was not easy for con-
sumers to type keywords and find satisfactory search results. As a result, Google
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_7
166 7 Ethnography
came up with features such as Google Suggest which would pop up search recom-
mendations so the users would not need to finish typing queries. Though this gives
added convenience to users, it has not yet helped Google gain a competitive edge.
Baidu has continued to be the dominant player due to its more specific insights into
Chinese consumers, suggesting that they better understand what people are looking
for, particularly in view of some controls due to government policy.
Despite the many advantages of ethnography research, the technique also has
limitations in that the observation largely depends on the researcher’s viewpoints
and ability to recall the observed situations. Moreover, the data is limited to external
observed behaviors while people in the setting may behave differently when they
know they are being observed. This chapter describes the development of ethnog-
raphy, different approaches to conduct the research, and key procedures taking into
account Asian perspectives and practices.
Description of Ethnography
Ethnography has been rooted in anthropological and sociological studies for a long
time. Though there have been some variations of descriptions due to its extensive
implications and developments, in essence ethnography emphasizes a researcher’s
being in the field, examining actual people’s behaviors in real time, and represent-
ing these observations of the naturally occurring phenomenon as account of the
data derived. This type of data collection has been extensively employed in Asia,
particularly in the field of Social Sciences, due to the strong interest in studying var-
ious ethnic groups and cultural phenomena. In consumption and marketing, market-
oriented ethnography has been highlighted as a way to study the behavior of people
constituting a market for a product or service, which can be useful in understand-
ing contextualized meanings of consumption and formulating insightful marketing
strategies (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994).
The two major categories of ethnography include macroethnography (aka gen-
eral ethnography) and microethnography. Macroethnography is aimed at describing
the entire way of life of a group or the whole cultural system while microethnog-
raphy focuses on particular aspects which may represent salient elements in the
lives of interested informants or subsystems of a society (Berg 1998a, b). Both
approaches are aimed at understanding way of life from sociocultural (rather
than cognitive) perspectives of informants, realizing the importance of culture in
simultaneously constructing and being formulated by people’s behaviors. This is
aligned with the Asian concept of self identity which refers to continual relations
between individuals and other people or objects far beyond one’s control. Both
types of studies include explorations of people and their social discourses, their
actions and underlying principles, as well as outcomes of their different interactions,
and the two approaches are interconnected. Therefore, it is important to consider
both macro and micro ethnographies in order to attain a full account of mean-
ings. However, given the specified time and limited resources, most studies focus
Description of Ethnography 167
on a particular part of the social life while more details of its interdependent cultural
system are suggested for further research studies.
Because the focus of ethnography is on studying social expressions between
people and groups while the researcher is merging into the context being studied,
the ethnographic data represents interaction between the observer and the observed
(Clifford 1980). Nevertheless the extent of engagement can vary and it can change
over the course of the study. In some cases, the researchers begin the study as onlook-
ers and gradually become more participative in the setting in which they perform
a so-called participant observation. On the contrary, researchers can try to fully
immerse from the beginning and eventually withdraw their participation. This vari-
ation depends on the research objectives and whether the nature of the phenomenon
is accessible and open to the researchers’ participation. Limitations can be due to
characteristics of the researchers (e.g. different genders, ages, and ethnicities) and
other social, cultural, political influences. For instance, as part of the norms in Asia
people take a longer time in building relationships but once established, they tend
to last longer with a preference for deeper commitment and stronger bonds. Thus,
it can be impossible to simply blend in from the beginning, and at the end of the
research process it can be difficult to depart.
With ongoing interaction between the observer and the observed, ethnography
produces the two major categories of emic and etic perspectives. The emic perspec-
tive describes meanings employed by people in the culture studied, while the etic
represents notions defined by the researchers based on their analyses. Both are cru-
cial in understanding the phenomenon. While the emic views are derived from full
immersion into the field to gain an insider’s insights, the etic views are attained by
stepping away far enough to have an outsider’s view of separate events in relation
to the others (e.g. different events in the same culture, or similar events in other
cultures). The intricate challenge is to balance and combine the two perspectives in
order to understand the phenomenon as an insider from the native point of view while
at the same time describing it to and for outsider analyses.
To capture the way of life in a specified social setting, the more traditional approach
of ethnography, as represented by the works of Bronislaw Malinowski, E.E. Evans-
Pritchard, Ruth Benedict and Magaret Mead, and Franz Baos, has been focusing
on subjective translation of observed data into textual contents, aka the researcher’s
fieldnotes. However, with extensive emergence of communication tools, the recent
development of ethnography has evolved into a wider approach that includes var-
ious methods such as employing structured (formal) and unstructured (informal)
interviews, collecting documents and artifacts (aka archival techniques), and taking
photos and videos (Van Maanen 1982). This can better support research in different
cultural settings because they incorporate the various sources of data that can repre-
sent different aspects of people’s lives, some of which are hard to specify in textual
data. Moreover, they can help address limitations of language boundary particularly
in a cross-cultural study and research group. Box 7.1 illustrates an example case of
ethnographic research by Gillette in India.
168 7 Ethnography
Box 7.1 An Ethnographic Research Study of Gillette in India

P&G, the global leading FMCG company, has successfully launched and man-
aged a variety of products worldwide. Gillette, a brand acquired by P&G in
2005, has gained a solid market share of more than 80% in the established
markets such as the US with the continual advancement of top-line products
such as the Fusion ProGlide that has contributed a lucrative gross margin to the
company. When entering the emerging markets in Asia (i.e. India), P&G was
planning to use the typical strategy of selling a lower-tiered product, such as
Mach 3, with the aim of reaching an estimated 400 million men who were still
mainly using traditional double-edge razors. Despite its global success, Gillette
could not penetrate the vast opportunities in India. Gillette was perceived to
be too costly and their products could not connect with the local consumers’
lives.
In order to better understand the everyday lives and rituals of the specified
target consumers in India, P&G decided to send a team of ethnographers to
study rural men’s shaving habits. The team did home visits to observe Indian
men’s shaving practices and shaving facilities, shopped-along while men were
buying shaving products, and conducted depth interviews. They spent a total
of over 1000 h fieldwork that eventually led to the rather distinctive findings.
The P&G ethnographic team found that, unlike the generally understood
men’s shaving standing before a sink and looking into a mirror, rural Indian
men normally shave outdoors to get enough lighting, squatting down with a
handheld cup of water due to their limited access to water supply, holding a
small mirror in one hand, and using an old-styled double-bladed razor. More-
over, they do not shave everyday and they frequently have cuts from shaving.
Nevertheless they take pride in getting a good shave.
The ethnographic research findings gave P&G insights to further develop,
for the first time in history, Gillette Guard, which is a new shaving tool using
80% fewer parts, a simple three-piece plastic razor with a single blade, and a
large safety comb to reduce injuries. The product is also designed for easy-
rinsing with little water and helps to manage longer hair because consumers do
not shave frequently. Most importantly as the product is entirely made in India,
the company could bring down the price to only 15 rupees with replacement
cartridges selling for 5 rupees. This product is distributed through many small
local shops to which rural men have easy access. Six months after launching in
October 2010, the Gillette Guard managed to successfully capture 50% market
share in India.
Source: Russell (2013).
Ethnography Approach 169
Ethnography Approach
To conduct the ethnography study, there are two major approaches to be considered:
overt and covert research. Overt research is when a researcher makes the purpose of
the study clear and people realize that they are being observed and studied. By being
open, the identified or known researcher can ask various questions more effectively.
Moreover, it helps in locating connections and finding informants to participate in
the research. By explaining who they are and what they are doing in the field, a
researcher can develop rapport with informants. Particularly with researchers who
come from different cultures or have limited understanding of the local context,
open involvement allows them to ask questions that help ascertain the nature of the
context and to direct interest to the specific topic of research. For instance, when
Sniadecki (2014) entered the field i.e. the demolition site in Chengdu, China, he
explained to the site manager that he was a researcher not a journalist. By being
honest about his research project, he was granted permission to study the field and
film the setting. He was even invited by workers to join and share meals (while
the site manager claimed he had never been invited by them) which then led to his
ethnographic work focusing on workers from the countryside, their relationship to
the city, and the overall social dynamics of the construction site in China. Wallendorf
and Belk (1989) highlighted that the overt study allowed access to a wider range of
behaviors than would otherwise have been the case. Other benefits of referring to
the research purpose are that it can assist a researcher in participating in informants’
lives and asking questions or probing on issues that might be inappropriate for a
non researcher to discuss (see Prus 1985). For example, Zhao and Ji (2014) cited
their opportunities to hang out with and observe their informants’ (i.e. Chinese-born
immigrant women in the US) everyday activities at home and outside. Additionally,
they were able to discuss their observed differences between what was explained in
previously conducted interviews (e.g. that the informants do regular exercises and
follow balanced diets) and what actually happened in the real setting.
Despite the naturalistic inquiry of ethnography, it is argued that when people are
aware that they are being observed, they tend to change their behaviors and behave
differently from their normal behaviors. In this case, overt research could create
uncontrollable reactivity to the presence of the researcher. Therefore, the second
approach of research, namely covert research, is suggested to capture natural events
without revealing the identities of researchers. Particularly with sensitive topics of
research such as those involving conflicts of interest, values, and actions, it may be
impossible to do research openly or to prevent any immediate reactive effects that
will spoil the studied phenomenon. However, in Asia it can be quite challenging to
conduct covert research because of the clear boundary between in-group and out-
group members. People will recognize strangers in their setting and be cautious about
their interactions. Some researchers claimed that the data collection practices seemed
to pervade the social life and therefore ethnography research must be conducted over
a period of time within the naturalistic setting.
170 7 Ethnography
Additionally, there are serious concerns about the ethics and morality of conduct-
ing covert research. Researchers must be able to justify these concerns with significant
and concrete benefits of obtaining the findings while also addressing issues including
abusing the rights and privacy of informants. This can be considered harmful for the
informants and thus normally IRBs will not approve research in which people are
being studied without their knowledge or consent (Patton 2002). Covert research
requires careful handling specifically since a researcher can face the risks of legal
complications. The data reported must be kept in strict confidentiality with concealed
names, locations, and other identifying information. Moreover, covert research tends
to be brief as a disguised researcher may not be able to remain in the context for
a prolonged period of time without being identified. In most cases, it is better to
combine covert research with overt research later in the process. For instance, after
some contacts with informants, a researcher should explain to them about the study.
In terms of the roles of researchers, they may range from participant observation
to nonparticipant observation. Participant observation refers to how researchers try to
become insiders over time in order to have access to complex details of behaviors and
details concerning culturally instigated norms and values. This information includes,
for example, some decision-making procedures, socializations, negotiations, moti-
vation forces, or underlying norms and values. Such phenomenon could be hard to
observe from an outsider’s view and even the people in the setting may not be able to
elaborate them in normal interview reports. Thus participant observation facilitates
opportunities to study implicit phenomena, but it tends to be time and resource con-
suming to achieve researchers’ immersion in the cultural context. Moreover, with
the interdependent relationship in Asia, the researcher’s participating behavior can
have effects on informants’ viewpoints and practices. For example, when Zhao and Ji
(2014) did participant observation by going grocery shopping with their informants,
they noticed that their informants kept comparing the food they bought with the
researchers’ and tried to given reasons about their chosen products. Though this can
provide opportunities for researchers to study rationales and motivations underlying
consumer decision making, it is possible that informants modified their behaviors
accordingly.
Nonparticipant observation, on the other hand, is when researchers observe the
naturalistic behavior without becoming a part of unfolding events. This can be suit-
able for a one-time observation, a study of small group behaviors, or research in which
the introduction of a researcher would disrupt the phenomenon without adding to
the data quality (Arnould and Wallendorf 1994). Yet by appearing as an unknown
person to informants, researchers may miss opportunities to observe situations that
are normally hidden from or undisclosed to outsiders.
To balance the needs to clarify the research objectives while reducing interfer-
ence of naturalistic phenomenon, persistent observation is highlighted because it
is believed to help overcome people’s reluctance and discomfort. Such consistent
efforts are valued in the Asian culture because it demonstrates sincerity in build-
ing relationships. Moreover, the quality of ethnographic research depends largely
on the skill of researchers to obtain multiple instances of experiences. In observing
the phenomenon, it requires good sensitivity and skepticism of researchers to rec-
Ethnography Approach 171
ognize quality sources of data, to see what is important in forming understanding

of the phenomenon, and to develop good interpretation of the data (Stake 1995).
Besides observing others, researchers should also practice self-observation to gain
self-knowledge, self-awareness, sociopolitical consciousness, or ideological orienta-
tion (Douglas 1985; Glazer 1972). These self conceptions can affect how researchers
observe and analyze others, and thus it is important to recognize them to enhance
better understanding. An example is when Dean and Dean (2014) conducted a film
ethnography during New Year ritual events collectively performed by villagers in
Putian, China. They anticipated that their American audiences would ask if the local
people really believed in the return of the gods. Hence they designed the research and
data collection with the aim to turn the questions back on the viewers. With their long
years of experience on the topic (Dean and Zhen 2010), the authors acknowledged
their orientation toward a field of communal ritual experience where beliefs are dis-
solved in ritualized practices rather than articulated as doctrines. They also explained
their intention to represent the data in a way that could offer a range of overwhelming
ritual sensations so the viewers would be prepared to encounter contradictory repre-
sentations. These recognitions as well as clarifications of self perceptions and others’
perspectives (e.g. readers’, viewers’) can facilitate more profound interpretations and
presentations of the research.
In addition to human observation, researchers can utilize mechanical observation
such as using video and photo recording to complement the observed data. A series of
photos and videos can enhance analysis of temporal flow of consumption. They can
also help identify some significant moments that represent shared emotions, mean-
ings, and transitions of key events in people’s lives as these techniques cover sensory
representations. Specifically the video recording can embrace powers of sound and
image. Moreover, these picture materials help depict events that may be difficult to
illustrate by verbal descriptions, and capture some taken-for-granted phenomenon
which may be overlooked in general observations. In spite of their benefits, data from
mechanical observation do not elaborate researchers’ viewpoints (e.g. their thinking
and feelings) which can be described in the regular observation fieldnotes. Photo
and video presentations inherently portray a researcher’s perspectives but this needs
to be carefully attended in order not to get mixed up with what is taking place in
the field while self-reflexivity can also be incorporated. Moreover, when employing
mechanical observation techniques (e.g. with cameras), researchers must be sensitive
to the research context because these can interfere with the local setting or interrupt
naturalistic behavior. Nevertheless, Chio (2014) argued that in some contexts such as
tourism areas, having cameras can help validate her presence in the communities. In
her research, making a visual ethnography of tourism and being a tourist herself can
be combined in the view of the local residents in Ping’an and Upper Jidao, China.
She elaborated on the social relations that emerged from the filmmaking process
as she was advised by local residents about what and where to record and she was
invited to join several events. Her outsider status had been mitigated allowing better
opportunities to collect data. Yet it should be noted that the villagers in these settings
were familiar with being seen and photo recorded by tourists.
172 7 Ethnography
In addition, though ethnographic research presents a challenge for a researcher

to integrate into the setting, it can be quite useful to have a team of researchers
collecting data to promote the research triangulation. Particularly with observation,
while one may not pick up on some information, the other may find it important to
an interpretation. Additionally, a team of researchers can allow access to different
domains of meanings. For example, in Asia, there are certain contexts in which the
gender division is strictly imposed. Moreover, due to the influence of hierarchical
status, having a local researcher who is perceived to have higher education can
cause discomfort to some informants in the natural setting (Zhao and Ji 2014) while
having a foreign researcher can help counter such feelings because foreigners are not
typically related or compared in group and they can be seen as lacking knowledge and
experience about the local context. Thus, a team of researchers with different profiles
and characteristics can facilitate access to data collection while attaining multiple
perspectives of data analyses. When collecting data, each researcher should write up
their fieldnotes separately before discussing among themselves and with the other
researchers. This is to prevent a mixing of ideas and the influence of groupthink. Team
members can also separate their areas of coverage and attain partially independent
work, especially for a large setting where there are many things going on at the
same time. Later, their detailed data can be compared within the same phenomenon
observed or between different phenomena which happened during the same time.
Such comparison not only helps promote trustworthiness of the observations but
also supports researchers in learning about differences in their personal biases.
Lastly, ethnographic research can incorporate local people (or people in the set-
ting) as part of the research team. Through collaborative or participatory research,
the program empowers people to observe and report on their own issues and con-
cerns. Here, researchers will become facilitators for the people to engage in their
own inquiry. This approach puts emphasis on making people become deliberative
and reflective on their lives and situations, supporting their data collections, man-
aging integration of fieldnotes and other records, and monitoring research quality
and consistency (Patton 2002). Key benefits are the ability to obtain data and at the
same time formulate a participatory process leading to better uses of research find-
ings and development programs. This involvement can be to the extent of becoming
co-researchers or practicing partial collaborations.
Ethnography Procedure
Because ethnography puts emphasis on researchers’ being in the field and examining
people’s behavior in context, research begins with the process of getting into the field
which requires deliberate planning and implementation. To observe the naturally
occurring phenomena, researchers must become invisible and then they can continue
observing and recording data. Finally, the last procedure involves how to get out of
the field without making people feel bad about the departure. This section explains
these five key procedures in details.
Ethnography Procedure 173
Getting into the Field
This initial stage of getting into the field is highly crucial for most naturalistic inquiry
research. Particularly in Asia, the most important stage of relationship-building is
right at the beginning (Wincott 1992). Getting into the field properly is important
because it can influence both the conceptual and methodological foundations of the
entire project. Not only can it affect how the research study is being accepted in the
setting, but also it can have effects on people’s reactions, and hence the quality of
data collected and the integrity of the research. In Asian culture, the concept of in-
group, which refers to groups that are considered influential to individuals’ thinking
and action, is quite important. Triandis (1988) suggested that in Asia the in-group
(e.g. those in the family and extended clan, colleagues in the same company or work
group, students and graduates of the same university) can have a major influence on
individuals’ behaviors across situations and in multiple aspects of people’s lives. For
instance, universities attended influence various circumstances which do not neces-
sarily involve education (e.g. socializing events). Gudykunst (2001a, b) mentioned
that when Japanese meet strangers and learn that they are from the same university,
they seemed to interact in certain ways according to the shared in-group membership.
Moreover, there can be differences in the order of importance among the various in-
groups in collectivistic Asian cultures. Nakane (1970) indicated that the work group
is the primary in-group in Japan while family tends to be ranked first in other Asian
cultures. Realizing the importance of the in-group effect, it is important to carefully
identify relevant groups and settings to conduct an ethnographic study in the Asian
context.
Strategies to get into the field can vary by situation, but in general it is better to pre-
pare them in advance while remaining flexible to changes. Ethnographic researchers
must always evaluate the different access opportunities. Typically the process begins
at the research design stage with the study of target informants’ characteristics, their
routines and rituals, and the nature of the research setting. This preliminary infor-
mation can help determine how much researchers already know about the people in
the setting and how much more they will need to learn in order to operate effectively
(Lincoln and Guba 1985; Johnson 1975). Moreover, it can facilitate entry into the
field and suggest how to build rapport with the group. Such knowledge is important
in gaining successful access to Asian society networks because people formulate
relationships based on some shared interests and connected background. Vikas et al.
(2015) discussed their entry strategy in studying status, caste, and market in the vil-
lage of Chanarmapur located in North India. They first attended the village festivals.
Then the first author offered to teach schoolchildren in the villages for free, which
then led to access to the entire village. Moreover, the first author introduced himself
as a nephew of his father’s uncle who had a house in the village (but it had been
locked since his death for over a decade). Though villagers were suspicious at the
beginning, he managed to gain trust through his contributing works as well as through
his hiring of a local cook who then become his ethnographic guide.
174 7 Ethnography
To get into the field, some research settings (e.g. households, communities) require
permission to conduct the research while some are open to the public (e.g. parks,
open markets). In some settings, there are gatekeepers with whom researchers need to
mediate. These can be formal gatekeepers (e.g. community leaders) or informal gate-
keepers who try to protect the setting. In Asian communities, informal gatekeepers
tend to have high influence on the people’s willingness to open up to out-group mem-
bers (specifically researchers). A gatekeeper can help open access or even endorse
the research study and researcher team. On the contrary if disapproving, a gatekeeper
can become an obstacle to the continuation and success of the research program. For
instance, Zito (2014) conducted an ethnographic study of a group of retirees who
came together to practice Chinese calligraphy in water on the grounds of a public
park in Beijing. The author had to take into account the state authorities who have
control in monitoring people’s way of living, particularly since the research involved
filmmaking which remains largely subject to state censorship and distribution in
China. In addition, the author had to initially connect with specific persons (informal
gatekeepers in this case) who were respected as masters of this self-organized group.
The masters then facilitated opportunities for her observe and interact with the other
group members.
Because Asian culture identifies roles and relationships of people in the rather
hierarchical society (which could be by age, experiences, power, etc.), researchers
must be able to identify and try to connect with leaders of the group before approach-
ing the research setting. The main processes are to get them to see the benefits of the
study or to view the project favorably. Because of the interdependent nature of the
Asian context, one of the key techniques to gain their cooperation is referring to some
key persons or organizations as endorsers of the project. After getting permission
from the group leaders or gatekeepers to conduct research in a particular setting,
the next process involves creating access to the target informants. Here, researchers
should try to connect with selected indigenous persons (aka the guide) who can help
bring researchers into the field, and introduce them to potential informants, which
can lead to more encounters of various cases and people involved. This connection
can assist researcher’s maneuvering in the field as going with the guide helps suggest
legitimacy and credibility of the researcher. Such an approach is highly important
in the Asian context where people depend on trust. The larger networks of reli-
able guides can enhance greater access to further cooperation. But sometimes the
guides can become cautious and reserved because they are concerned about their
relationships with the other members of the group and therefore they need to filter
interactions generated. Thus it is better that a researcher tries to builds networks of
informants and become a familiar and accepted presence as soon as possible. This
will reduce the need to depend on specific guides.
However, some groups of informants require special attention in getting to them.
These are people who by nature are difficult to reach. Hence, the step of getting into
the field must be carefully planned. For instance, Hertz and Imber (1993) indicated
the problems of conducting field studies in elite settings. They explained that the elite
typically establish barriers to access and frequently refuse to participate in research.
Specifically in Asia, the elite put emphasis on exclusive in-group membership. Such
a case demands some good relationships and right contacts to help open up. Moreover
there are some restricted groups such as children under the protective care of parents
and schools or premium customers identified in company database. These require
considerable effort to approach while having to protect them from possible harm and
strictly keeping their rights and privacy. Other examples of restrained groups in Asia
are Muslim women, who by religious and cultural norms are not supposed to interact
with strangers (particularly male) outside their families.
In essence, certain members of the group (gatekeepers, guides, and informants)
must be convinced about the benefits and credibility of the research. Moreover, they
need to understand and find the research meaningful to them. Additionally, they
need to be assured that there will be no harm to them or other members of the group.
Unlike the interview which can be conducted right away and informants can assess if
they want to participate or continue in the research process, ethnography is pursued
over time so people must be able to feel safe and comfortable to have a researcher’s
continual presence in the setting.
While researchers can choose to enter the field as an announced researcher (as
part of an overt research study) or a secret researcher (as part of a covert research
study), the presence of a researcher in the research setting can create reactive effects
on the other informants and on the subject of interest (Denzin 1970). Thus certain
characteristics, innate abilities, or the personality of the researcher must be taken into
account. It also depends on the type of role or persona that a researcher intends to
project as part of the research. The other important aspect is the researcher’s attitude.
Researchers must enter the field with an appreciative attitude rather than a judgmental
one (Matza 1969). While a researcher may not express personal convictions, people
can detect them quite naturally. A neutral attitude enables the situation to continue
as is and the researcher can try to understand what is going on rather than trying to
endorse or criticize the events. Appreciation does not mean they need to agree with
or accept the informants’ ideas and perceptions but merely to show empathy. This
is highly valued in the Asian culture where one should try to see things from the
other person’s perspective. Additionally, one must put emphasis on building human
interactions and personal friendships (Batonda and Perry 2003). Though the research
is conducted with specific objectives, work and social dimensions are not entirely
separate in Asian context.
The research study must also recognize the influences of the researchers’ per-
spectives. Unlike positivist research that aims to develop objective views, the ethno-
graphic researcher may become involved with informants as part of being in a
humanistic, naturalistic setting. Being in the research context, researchers are likely
to become part of the social group. The more familiarized they become with the
values, moral attitudes and beliefs of the group, the more they are oriented in a
specific direction. Particularly in a collectivistic culture, the overall harmonizing
environment can induce group effects on the researchers’ viewpoints and behaviors.
Nevertheless, because ethnography emphasizes naturally occurring phenomenon,
though researchers may carry personal biases and values, they must strive to become
invisible in order to lessen the impact of their presence. Sometimes the influences
that the social groups have on researchers are reflected in the terms used or put
176 7 Ethnography
in the records. Recognizing this influence allows researchers to examine some cul-
tural assumptions together with their own personal experiences.
A subjective disclosure about these influences allows audiences of the research
to better understand where the research has come from, what triggers researchers’
motivations, why the topic or certain research questions are being investigated, and
how the explanations are arranged accordingly. Instead of rejecting these conceptions,
it is better to recognize researchers’ oriented positions from the very beginning and
throughout the research program. As for the data collection, it can become part of the
data reflecting the involvement of the researchers and their relation to the responses
of informants. This process is explained more in the following data observation and
recording procedures.
Becoming Invisible
Researchers interacting with informants can be considered intrusive. When being in

the lives of other people, though researchers may not take specific action, they still
carry biases and values that can influence the situation. Moreover, when informants
know they are part of a research study, they may alter their usual behaviors (aka The
Hawthrone effect). While this change can be temporary as people will eventually
return to their more routine styles, the persistent reminder of a researcher’s presence
in the field can reactivate the effect to varying degrees. This effect is clearly seen in
the Asian market where people can be highly aware of out-group members. Thus it is
important that the researcher tries to become invisible in the field. This means being
present in the setting and observing things without being observed, and consequently
capturing people’s interactions without influencing them (Stoddart 1986).
Such invisibility can take place in a variety of situations and with various tech-
niques. When researchers have been in a setting for a long time, people may become
so familiar with their presence to the extent of not being aware of them anymore.
Over time, the researcher may simply fit in and become part of the domain. Thus,
this helps normalize the researcher’s presence. In the case of participant observation,
researchers can try to participate with people in their everyday routines. This helps
lessen the focus of people on the researcher’s role and status. As they mingle with
the normal practices and behaviors of people in the setting, informants may suspend
their concerns about the research study and become acquainted with the researcher
as a person. In some cases, researchers can try to mask the real research interests in
order to deviate attention to the other areas so the real interest area will then be per-
formed naturally. Nevertheless, though ethnography emphasizes naturalistic inquiry,
it is important to strictly follow research ethics and gain the permission or consent
of the specified informants.
Alternatively the other technique that is aligned with covert research is to not
reveal one’s identity as a researcher. Yet there are some concerns related to being
misidentified, intentionally and unintentionally, by members of the group or by per-
sons outside the group, particularly when the identities perceived may bring problems
or conflicts such as being counted as a member of some deviant groups. Additionally,

being invisible can make a researcher obtain other information beyond the scope of
research which can later bring danger to the team (e.g. illegal activities uncovered
during the course of research, violent conflicts, and incidents involving ethical or
moral dilemmas). Being aware of these potential problems allows the researcher to
develop precautions and procedures to reduce or avoid possible risks and determine
how to deal with problems if they occur. For instance, before entering the field, a
researcher should always inform the other team members about where he will be and
the time he expects to leave the field. Also a researcher should be aware of where to
seek help if needed.
Observing
The main data collection techniques of ethnography are simply watching and listen-
ing attentively. Because it would be impossible to observe everything in the field, it
is better to select certain portions of what happens according to what the researcher
intends to learn at various points in the research process. Researchers can divide the
focused research setting according to the separate groups of people, their activities
at specific times and places, and the different courses of particular events or routines.
Typically informants partition their own subgroups and activities in a meaningful
way. For example, as Asians are conscious of their social identities, ethnographic
researchers can collect and compare data when they are in their private versus pub-
lic realms. Researchers can also increase their extensive observations by combining
voice recording, photo taking or videotaping techniques. This helps provide vivid
capture of the situations. While currently these tools have become more common
to most people, it still depends on appropriateness of uses as well as informants’
permission.
The observation process begins with the first few days of observing around in order
to take in the setting. Usually a researcher will wander around the general location
and then begin to map the setting, either by drawing the physical locales or writing
detailed fieldnotes. This helps support planning of data collection to cover the areas in
the most efficient and effective way (e.g. collecting data in which place, at what time,
and for how long). Also it can help them get acquainted with people and vice versa.
Therefore a researcher should begin to create rapport by simple greetings or smiling
at people. While people in some Western cultures (e.g. the Americans) are familiar
with open greetings (e.g. saying hello to strangers), Asians can feel uncomfortable
with such practices. Thus it is expected that most people will be reserved in their
reactions, especially during the first few contacts. Moreover, this initial interaction
can help researchers gain some first impressions of the informants which can become
points of reference for the data, and they can be compared with the data collected
after the researcher becomes more familiar with and knowledgeable about the setting
(Guy et al. 1987).
178 7 Ethnography
Next, researchers begin developing relationships with people in the setting typi-
cally via the guides. Normally after some contacts, a few people may begin talking
to researchers and ask about who they are and what they are doing. Researchers must
be prepared to explain their presence and form an arrangement with these people
who can become potential guides introducing researchers to more people. When
explaining about the research study, it should not be too technical because generally
the people are only interested in hearing a brief description unless they ask for further
details. Trustworthiness must be established at this stage so the researcher should
convey information to the potential guides as clearly and truthfully as possible and
stress that all information collected will be held in strict confidentiality. Moreover,
some supporting evidence can be provided such as a letter of introduction or permis-
sion from the formal gatekeeper, a photo id, and official contact information in case
the guides may want to verify the sources (e.g. sponsoring institution). Additionally,
the researcher should emphasize that the data obtained will be extremely valuable.
But this should be conveyed in a sincere manner and not sound like flattery. The
main idea is to make people realize that their cooperation is worthwhile so they can
attain a feeling of importance from being observed or interacting with researchers.
The most important part here is to build and gain mutual trust and respect. These are
delicate issues that can be quite varied in different cultures. For example, task-based
cultures (e.g. US, Denmark, Germany) develop bonding from cognitive trust that is
based on confidence in another person’s skills and reliability. But relationship-based
cultures like many countries in Asia value affective trust built through a personal
bond (Meyer 2015). In this case, a researcher must be prepared to spend more time
socializing before getting down to the relevant tasks at hand.
Next, after gaining the trust and agreement to collaborate of the guides, the
researcher can then ask to spend time hanging around the setting with the guide so
when encountering potential informants, the researcher can ask the guides for some
initial information about the informants. Moreover, they can ask the guides to help
introduce them to people in the setting. The guides can help reassure newcomers of
the legitimacy of the ethnographers. Here, the researcher may identify the network of
people and also some key individuals who represent the central figures. In the Asian
market, these may be the community leaders who are respected by group members,
or those who maintain frequent contacts with the others such as local traders, or shop
owners. Similarly to approaching the gatekeepers or the guides, researchers must
work with these influential persons and gain their confidence. This will help them
attain deeper penetration into the lives of the group members. Additionally, they can
become the key informants who help provide insights about what is happening and
why. The key informants are normally those who are knowledgeable and articulate
about the inquiry setting.
After establishing relationships with the people, researchers can start tracking,
which means following the people around during their usual routines and watch-
ing their activities and how they interact with other people. An example from the
ethnographic study of Vikas et al. (2015) in a small village in North India explained
the researcher’s following the villagers to different religious sites where informants
explained their consumption rituals during marriages, betrothals, and festivals such
as Holi and Chath. Besides these sites, the researcher visited various places such as
sports grounds, the burial ground, the school and small shops as well as nearby vil-
lages over the course of the one-year field research study. Attaining comprehensive
data requires routinizing the fieldwork, which means to keep exploring the research
setting with ever broader and deeper perspectives. This stage requires concentrated
effort and immersion in gathering data in the field. While the data collection process
must be done with good discipline and well-organized systems, it should remain
flexible to new paths of inquiry as new data and understanding emerge. During this
time, it is important to stay open to multiple possibilities and try to gather various
perspectives.
As ongoing observations can take on a variety of aspects and directions,
researchers may start to use sensitizing concepts to orient their fieldwork and orga-
nize the multiplex data obtained. These concepts represent some focuses based on the
specified research questions and some meanings prevalent among the people being
studied (Blumer 1954). But these must not be restricted to some preconceptions
otherwise it defeats the purpose of ethnographic study. Moreover these sensitizing
concepts are meant to be starting points of thinking or initial guides to further obser-
vations rather than defining specific classifications of data. As the researchers inquire
into the way of life in a particular setting, their observations as well as preliminary
conceptions are continually shaped and modified by the way in which people identify
and give meanings to various phenomena in their lives. Sometimes researchers may
have a strong feeling of connection with the people being studied to the extent of
identifying with their lives. While this can support development of native insights,
it can entangle the researchers in the political dynamics of the setting and cause
researchers to find themselves in the middle of tensions or conflicts between sub-
groups that may have conflicting perspectives. Moreover, in Asia it is likely that
people whom researchers have built trust with will expect a shared belief and support
from researchers due to a collectivistic culture. Besides the possibility of encounter-
ing some conflicts, when researchers develop specific local views it can hinder the
opportunity to remain objective. Therefore, researchers must be able to switch back
and forth between their etic understanding and the emic perspectives of the observed
people. They must be able to engage with the people without losing objective per-
spectives of the situation. Such observations continue until researchers can observe
some patterns of regularities (Denzin 1978) and the findings reach repetition and
redundancy.
In addition to observation, during the course of field work researchers may over-
hear (or in some cases eavesdrop on) some random conversations which are consid-
ered part of a naturalistic inquiry. However social norms must be taken into consid-
eration. Particularly in the Asian culture, it can be considered rude to bring up such
information to discuss in more detail with the people who were in the conversation
or other people later. Normally this sort of information is quite insightful because it
is naturally emerging. Sometimes researchers may not completely understand what
they hear and find it important to learn more. In that case, they may ask the guide
at a later time or perhaps arrange another meeting with participants in the conver-
sation and pursue this question later. It should be noted that ethnographic research
180 7 Ethnography
puts more emphasis on listening and less on talking with the aim of humanizing the
research process and maintaining naturalistic inquiry.
However, sometimes there may be opportunities to conduct informal, unstructured
individual or small group interviews in situ. These should be done in a conversational
manner so as not to be intrusive or interrupting the natural setting. Data derived
from the informal interview can help suggest meanings elaborated from people’s
perspectives which can be different from what is being observed. This helps enhance
emic meanings derived from informants’ narratives, clarify some relationships of
cultural patterns, and illustrate some meanings which may be taken for granted while
their behavioral referents may be unarticulated and unexamined.
Additional sources of data are documents and artifacts which constitute a large
part of the social systems and can play important roles in people’s lives. For example,
in the study of household consumption, these items may include family photos, chil-
dren’s schoolwork, or books kept on the shelf. Ethnographers can try to have access to
these potentially important resources which may not be visible through simple obser-
vation. Such archival strategies and techniques (explained in Chap. 9) can support
learning about things that might have happened before, goals and decisions made,
and some private interactions. Besides observing directly from the archives, they can
serve as stimuli for further inquiry and elaboration of data (whether by observing or
interviewing). Also researchers can perform observation from artifacts present in the
market context which represent consumption and marketing activities. An example
is Sherry and Camargo (1987)’s study of English loanwords used on product labels
and promotional materials in Japan. The authors collected or photographed local
artifacts (focusing on beverage cans), observed consumption instances, and spoke
with consumers in naturalistic settings during their two-month field research. With
a semiotic interpretation, they explored the diffusion of cultural elements such as
language and lifestyle and their adaptation to local systems of meanings.
The prolonged engagement during this data collection process can help promote
trust as researchers demonstrate their sustained interest in and cultivate more famil-
iarity and relationships with the people (Wallendorf 1987). Moreover, as researchers
learn more about people and their interactions with others in the specified setting,
they can develop detailed appreciation of the situation and the ability to distinguish
between genuine or deceptive information or distortion of the data (Wallendorf and
Belk 1989). Such extensive engagement is crucial, particularly with some sensitive
subjects that require formulating of trust as a basis to reveal some truth. Wherry
(2015) referred to his research at the local craft markets in Thailand (Wherry 2008)
and reported that sellers tended to under-report their sales performance fearing the
need to pay full tax. Yet after a period of time spent in the field, he was able to gain
the actual information. Such prolonged engagement is also important with a team
of researchers who may be unfamiliar with the culture. While researchers who are
familiar with the research contexts may have an advantage in this aspect, there is a
concern of being too familiar because some occurrences may be taken for granted as
they are too immersed in the routines (Wirth 1964). In any case, persistent observa-
tion is encouraged though in some research program the duration of observations and
fieldwork can be short. This depends on the research objective and the nature of the
subject of interest. While it is not necessary to live at the research site, researchers
can frequent the setting and maintain ongoing contacts with the informants (Manning
1987). In fact this continuation is expected by the Asian groups who value long-term
relations.
As for the duration of fieldwork, it can be determined by research objectives and
research questions. In addition, it depends on the cycle of which the phenomenon of
interest manifests itself, for example tourism markets over the high and low travelling
seasons, or shopping behaviors in the mall during normal and festive times. Given
these perspectives, local cultures must be taken into consideration. For example, the
way of life during the Muslim’s Ramadan is completely different from that at normal
time. Understanding this facilitates learning about observation over time and some
explanations of change. Like other qualitative methods, ethnographers continue their
data collection till their major findings reach repetition. By this time, researchers may
have already developed some preliminary analysis and interpretation and thus the
final part of the research program is mainly to fine-tune the observed patterns and
emergent conceptualizations. Further data collection can become more strategic.
After completion, researchers can also return to the field when changes are expected
in order to see if these may affect the phenomenon studied or if the prior theories
require any adjustment. The revisit can help attain a deeper understanding of the
phenomenon of interest.
Recording Data
The central component of ethnography is the ethnographic account which is a narra-

tive account of what is happening in the lives of informants. Normally this is recorded
in the fieldnotes which include details about the setting, the physical environment,
the people (e.g. their physical appearances, observed demographic profiles), their
activities, reactions and interactions with the other people in the field, their moods
and feelings, meanings they assign to the phenomenon, and more. When observing
the physical environment, researchers look at the size and allocation of space, how
it is being used, and sensory ambience. When observing the social environment,
researchers observe the pattern and frequency of people’s interactions, their commu-
nications, decisions, and organizations into groups. Moreover the sequence of events
should be recorded. These illustrate how the inquiry has progressed over the course of
the research and suggest variations and changes of occurrences. However, it is noted
that in the Asian culture there may be no clear demarcation of time and sequence
of events. Thus, the researcher must be able to capture such holistic phenomenon.
When recording, each unit of observed activity can be treated as a self-contained
event. As the activity may have a beginning and ending, the researchers should
record these signals of the occurrences, and their relations to the other activities as
well as future plans and events. In some cases, the record may include what has not
occurred though by typical nature of the phenomenon it was supposed to happen. It
can be important to note the absence of certain activities too. Overall, these detailed
182 7 Ethnography
narratives can help elaborate the phenomenon and its context within which people
interact. Such observation is essential to develop an insightful perspective. Moreover
the notes should incorporate the place and time at which the observed phenomena
take place. These can assist the process of systematically organizing data according
to a temporal sequence.
When observing and recording data, researchers must bracket their own personal
feelings, and preconceived notions, and refrain from imposing their own views or
taking stands on the issues. For instance, the fieldnotes should report descriptive,
concrete, and detailed data (e.g. a store with bright lights and loud music) rather
than interpretive notions (e.g. a store with exciting ambience). However, because
researchers’ perspectives are also considered legitimate entries in the fieldnotes and
they can support the data analysis and interpretation, they should be recognized and
recorded but in separate parts of the fieldnotes or using symbols (e.g. brackets) so
they will not be mistaken as actual observations or perceptions that the informants
make. Format of the fieldnotes should be standardized with specified spaces to write
about certain elements of observations e.g. time and place, a brief topic label that
illustrates the essence of the session, the detailed observation, and the researcher’s
personal feelings, initial thoughts or emerging interpretations, and reflections. This
systematic recording can support data retrieval and ensure comprehensive recording.
When taking notes, it is crucial to make it as close to the phenomenon as possi-
ble. The idea is to make the readers visualize exactly what the researcher saw and
heard during the field session. Such vivid description requires attention to details.
Additionally, conversations should be recorded verbatim or the researcher may jot
down some key words or phrases and try to reproduce conversations with identified
sources as soon as possible. The recorded notes should incorporate not only what was
said but how it was expressed. The other particularized observations such as facial
expressions, body gestures, and phonemic sounds should be noted. These nonverbal
cues must be carefully observed since they can be quite easy to misinterpret, espe-
cially with cross-cultural research. For example, in many Asian cultures when being
punished or reprimanded one should look down to show acceptance and respect.
But in other cultures, like in the US, in a similar situation one should look at the
person to show careful attention to what is being conveyed. If possible, confirmation
of understanding should be made with people in the setting. In addition, the specific
terms and language must be recorded as they clearly represent the emic perspectives.
Understanding the language is quite crucial because, besides being a way for people
to communicate their feelings and viewpoints, the language can shape their percep-
tions and experiences. For instance, analysis of the Chinese language indicates that
communication requires encoding detailed information about one’s relationship with
a person. For instance, when calling someone an uncle, one must also identify which
side of the family, whether he is related by marriage or by birth, and whether he is
older or younger than one’s father.
Moreover, the language can signal developments and changes in the environment
and activities. For example, Indian’s history of colonialization, specifically during
the British rule, has brought changes in various aspects including the communication
system. Reddi (1985) suggested that the modern elites tend to employ mixed use of
English to signify more liberal concepts, individual rights, and aspirations for the
future. Moreover, they make it quite distinctive as observed in the Indian English
speech and writing’s being rather verbose and using ambitious words. This practice
of combining modernization still remains intermingled with conventional viewpoints
and practices, creating quite unique rituals and cultures in India. For instance, amidst
the desire to be independent there is a strong division of caste and class (Kapoor
1985). Realizing the importance of language as a means not simply to communicate
but also to reflect history and culture, ethnographic fieldwork must find ways to
involve learning the native language of the setting and its variations in connotations
and uses (Patton 2002).
When to take fieldnotes depends on the situation. Generally, it should be com-
pleted immediately or promptly in order to promote accuracy and completeness of
data collected. However, researchers may be asked not to do it openly in certain
setting such as a retail space because it might appear to intrude on the natural setting
or become awkward for other people. The ethnographic research conducted in the
House of Barbie in Shanghai reported this case but explained that the management
encouraged instead visual documentation in addition to observing and interviewing
in and around the store, as well as conducting in-store shopping expeditions (e.g.
having meals in the café, viewing the shows, and browsing displays of products) with
consumers (McGrath et al. 2013). These other activities including photo taking were
allowed because they were viewed as being quite common from the other patrons’
perspectives and could be seen as a positive gesture in this experiential servicescape.
The visual materials can be used not only as supporting data but also as reminders
when writing up further fieldnotes.
If allowed and appropriate, researchers can also take cryptic notes covertly on a
small piece of paper, or an index card while in the field and translate these into full
notes later. They may find short intervals and discreet places in the field for writing
up the notes so they can recall details or they may write immediately after exiting the
field. In Kwek and Lee (2015)’s ethnographic research following Chinese tourists on
trips, they learned that the presence of a tape recorder and notetaking could reduce
the spontaneity of their informants’ responses and their willingness to participate.
Thus they decided to do most of the note-taking when the informants were having a
rest on the coach. In any case, researchers must allocate time for this task which can
take even longer than the observation itself. It is suggested that the notes be written
first before sharing observations with the other research team members to prevent
any case of embellishing events.
To attain a full account of the observation, researchers may combine other tools
such as voice, photo, and video recordings. The integrated data collection meth-
ods can help promote triangulation (discussed in Chap. 4). Besides comparing the
data, they can add perspectives into the data analysis. For example, pictures can
represent something that may not be fully explained by verbal descriptions such as
the beauty of some objects. Though these may be considered obtrusive methods,
open and honest recording has several benefits such as ensuring research credibil-
ity and promoting trustworthiness of the research. Moreover, in some situations,
184 7 Ethnography
these can be applied quite naturally. For instance, at social events people may prefer
to take pictures or videotape in order to capture the moment.
With the possibility of having massive amounts of data and many pages of field-
notes from the ethnographic data collection, it can take time to organize them. Thus,
it is better to maintain a systematic structure of recording and storing the data. The
digital records of a full note and voice are preferred because it is compatible with
the software programs developed to support the data analysis and interpretation
(explained in Chap. 10). In addition, it can enhance the ability to quickly identify
and retrieve textual materials, reproduce the data for further use, and perform coding
to support data analysis and interpretation.
Getting Out
Lastly, getting out is considered one of the important stages in ethnographic research.
As human relationships are established during the continued field work, it is not as
easy as with the other research methods to simply complete the data collection and
quit the setting. Departing the field demands some preparation, not only in terms
of physical separation but also emotional disengagement. This stage is considered
important in the Asian culture where long-term relationship is stressed. Getting out
can bring distress to both researchers and the community. As researchers develop deep
feelings for informants, they may feel uneasy to depart. In many cases, informants
develop some expectations that researchers will maintain commitments to the group
even though it is quite impossible to continue the relationship once the research is
completed. Realizing the researcher’s diminished interest in their lives and situations
may make informants feel they are being used or manipulated in the research process.
This can be considered an emotional faux pas, specifically in Asia with the strong
culture involving reciprocal obligations. For instance, in Japan there is a concept of on
which refers to one’s doing a favor for another which makes the receiver compelled
to return the favor to the granter (Lebra 1974). In China, bao (to repay) is considered
a similar obligation (Gao 1996). In Korea, uye-ri suggests a long-term obligatory
relationship (Yum 1987). In the Philippines, utang na loob suggests a debt of gratitude
which guides people’s interactions (Kaut 1961). Similarly, in Vietnam there is a
proverb Am man tra dao which means “if one receives a plum, one must return a
peach” (Rutledge 1992). These insights suggest the need to manage relationships
between researchers and informants, particularly with the ethnographic study where
researchers depend on help or support from local members of the community during
the process of data collection.
Normally after finishing the project, researchers can continue to take some interest
in the lives of informants and maintain some form of informal contact. Particularly
in the Asian context, this represents a way to demonstrate willingness to return a
favor if needed. The prolonged interest, despite the physical departure, can help
facilitate smooth research completion. Sniadecki (2014) discussed his ethnographic
study (i.e. media anthropology) using filmmaking technique in a demolition site
in Chengdu, China. After turning it into a film, he sent copies to informants (i.e.
construction workers) and later met up with some of them. Similarly with another
study involving filmmaking in Ping’an and Upper Jidao, China, Chio (2014) adopted
the shared anthropology approach to show the film to every person whose interview
was used in the final cut and eventually made copies and distributed the film to village
residents.
Though a prolonged exit may help smoothen relationships, in some cases a quick
exit can work better because it helps suggest a clear completion of the research.
Actually in some task-based cultures (e.g. US, Germany), the recognized ending can
be a preferred method because it conveys effectiveness and efficiency of the research.
But in relationship-based cultures like many Asian countries, the long departure can
be more suitable. In many cases, the relationship can be put into a dormant stage so
it can be reactivated later when new opportunities arise (Havila 1996).
In summary, this chapter explains ethnography as one of the key data collec-
tion techniques for qualitative consumer and marketing research. Because this tool
requires researchers to be in the field, it must take into consideration complex details
of different cultures, specific perspectives and local practices as well as combined
interactions of values and orientations between those in the local setting and what
ethnographers may carry with them. Such understanding can help bring balance
between the etic and emic perspectives, which is the most crucial aspect of ethno-
graphic research.
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Chapter 8
Netnography
Since the emergence of internet technology, it has continuously grown and expanded
multiple opportunities from communications to social media, entertainment, e-
commerce and many more. This development has led to increasing interest in online
consumer and marketing research. Prior chapters described methods such as conduct-
ing individual interviews and focus group interviews via online channels. However
these represent only an extension of the current data collection techniques using new
channel of communications. But as people today spend a lot of time interacting in the
online world, the online social setting has become another important area to explore,
particularly with extensively rich qualitative data such as people’s conversations,
blogs, comments, photos and video sharing. Moreover, it has provided a platform
for people around the world to connect and form a new type of community.
The online community represents a growing group of people, or consumers in
this case, who gather online. Rheingold (1993) defined it as the social aggrega-
tion of people who come together and interact through the internet connection or
through computer-mediated communication. Here, they may use various communi-
cation tools ranging from text to audio, visual, and video in order to exchange and
share information and perspectives. Moreover, they develop some ongoing, repeated
interactive contacts and relationships over time. This enables the online commu-
nity to develop a sense of human contact with authentic feelings towards others in
the community. The affiliation and reciprocal support can promote trust within the
group while the commitment can extend beyond online context to other aspects of
their lives.
In Asia, the emergence of online communities is escalating. This is partly due
to the rapid growth of emerging markets which has driven penetrating effects of
internet communications together with intense demand among people who have keen
interest in exploring the boundless world economy. Restrictions in face-to-face social
interactions have also played an important part in this expansion. An example is from
the research on Chinese female tourists’ blogs (Zhang and Hitchcock 2017) which
proposed that the conventional ideology of women’s being domestic and submissive
has put limitations on their physical travel while at the same time driving strong desire
to participate in the cyberspaces involving travel activities (Jing and Ho 2011). Qui
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_8
190 8 Netnography
and Chan (2004) indicated that many contemporary Chinese women, mostly young,
educated, urban groups, use social networks as a platform to exchange information,
while many of them have become passionate bloggers. Accordingly, Schaffer and
Song (2007) explained that blog sites facilitate opportunities for modern Chinese
women to challenge male-dominant traditions.
With the increasing expansion of online communities, Kozinets (2010a, b) has pro-
posed to categorize them into four major types. The first type, ‘cruising community’,
has weak social relationships and low centrality of particular activity. This includes,
for example, some chat rooms and web boards discussing various and general top-
ics. Such a community may satisfy the relational and recreational needs of people.
The next type is the ‘bonding community’ which has strong social ties resulting in
quite entangled relationships. Here, members may not focus on a specific activity but
rather their associations. Examples are the social networking sites or social forums
which can fulfill people’s relational needs. Third, the ‘geeking community’ is when
people come to share information, news, activities. For instance, there are news-
groups, website forums, or social content sites that offer detailed information about
specific subjects. Yet, the community is mostly informational and members may not
be deeply engaged in social relationships. This is different from the last group, ‘build-
ing community’, which has both a strong sense of community and offers detailed
information about subjects of interest. Examples are website forums or open source
communities where members, normally devotees who have interests and skills about
certain subjects, come to interact, and therefore make the community become both
informational and relational.
The online community is not fixed in form and structure but dynamic, and it is
always being negotiated by existing and new members of the group. Kozinets (1999)
delineated the overall processes of people’s interaction in the online community. Ini-
tially, people may have some goals such as to find specific information, to locate the
best product or service, or to learn about others’ opinions before making a decision.
Hence, most people tend to begin their relationships with online communities by
lurking. This refers to attempts to learn about a site by initially watching and read-
ing messages and other communications over a period of time but not participating
yet. Though this stage is mainly to find information according to the goal or task,
the lurkers will also gain some knowledge of the online community’s setting such
as the overall concepts and practices. At the next stage, they may begin to provide
some information (e.g. personal identity, background stories) in order to join in the
group. Here, the relationship is tightened and participants gradually become insiders
of the community. The activity is more social and consumption focused, with some
skills and connections performed. This interaction can be furthered to the extent
of becoming central to the community. Here, participants may actively engage in
building the online communities and related social spaces. Next, participants start
interacting with the other group members and learn about the group structure, iden-
tified power and status of the different members and their relationships. Throughout
this exchange of information and interaction, they may develop further commitment
to the group. Moreover, they simultaneously acquire and cultivate the community’s
cultural norms via the processes of exchange, enforcement, and adoption. This can
8 Netnography 191
lead to further cultural cohesion among members of the online community. Finally,
the networking relationship is to reach out to members of the community to build
social ties, and also to interact with members of other communities to create larger
interaction networks.
It is noted that the influence of cultures can play a significant role in the formation
of relationships in online communities. Abosag et al. (2002) suggested that different
cultures have different perspectives toward relationships, and as a result the devel-
opment and maintenance of relationships vary across cultures. They proposed that
the Europeans mostly focus on the cooperative aspects of the exchange, the North
Americans emphasize power management, and the Asians highlight connections.
This may have an effect on relationship creation and network formation in the Asian
online communities. Some cultural elements prevalent in the physical world can be
witnessed online too. For example, Chen et al. (2012) proposed that users of Weibo,
the leading Chinese social media platform, are likely to follow people of higher or
the same social levels while they are less likely to follow those who are perceived to
be lower than themselves. Moreover, Hu et al. (2012) indicated that users are more
likely to become friends on Weibo if they demonstrate some shared social tags (e.g.
attending the same schools, coming from the same city).
Studying the online community and culture can be quite insightful for the devel-
opment of consumption and marketing topics because it represents the way in which
people interact in social settings which seemed to be continually expanding, and
thus marketers must learn about how to connect with them online. In fact, some of
these online communities may be developed by a company to engage consumer’s
interaction such as a brand community to build relationships between the brand and
the consumers, and relationships among consumers who have similar preferences.
Box 8.1 illustrates an example of the study of Xiaomi which has successfully man-
aged the online brand community in China. Additionally, the online community can
be an open source platform to gather ideas from consumers (i.e. consumer-generated
contents) which can indicate new trends or become input for a new business concept.
Box 8.1 Xiaomi Online Brand Community

Xiaomi is a cellphone brand established in 2010 by Beijing Xiaomi Technology
Company Limited. The brand has an impressive record and is becoming the
number one brand among domestic brands with sales volume of 7.1 million sets
in 2015 and revenues of 78 billion RMB. One of the brand’s key success factors
is its effective strategy to develop and manage its online brand community. With
the brand concept, “Born for enthusiasm,” Xiaomi has fostered a fan culture
whereby the members have proudly proclaimed themselves to be “MI fans”.
Besides regularly organizing events such as “MI fans festivals” and many more
activities, Xiaomi has developed an online site, MIUI forum. Here, members
post different information ranging from technological advice and solutions to
sharing relevant resources, updating group activities, talking about daily life,
current updates, and other interesting topics.
192 8 Netnography
Guan and Kohlbacher (2016) conducted netnography to study consumer

behaviors on the Xiaomi online community and found the five major cate-
gories of identities that people adopt. First, the “MI fans” identity is when
members clearly express their belonging in the group and identify themselves
as “MI fans”. Secondly, the expert identity refers to consumers who are will-
ing to share professional knowledge of the products, which can enhance their
self-esteem. Third, the patriot identity denotes the consumers who take pride
in Xiaomi as the leading Chinese brand and they tend to compare the suc-
cess of the brand with Western ones. At the same time, they express anxiety
about the development of Xiaomi and the country, China. Fourth, the life lover
identity refers to the people who are looking to have a happy life, which is
related to the brand concept emphasizing colorful life and activities. Members
express enjoyment through their mention of joyful activities and memories
of the community. Lastly, the family and friend identity is expressed when
consumers are willing to support other members and feel supported in return.
Here, the members tend to have a sense of reliance on the group and perceive
their participation in the community to be part of their lives.
In terms of the identity expression, members use a variety of ways to express
their thoughts, feelings, preferences, comments, ideas, desires, complaints,
interests, etc. The Xiaomi online brand community supports multiple media
functions including words, pictures, videos, and emoticons. Further consumer
engagement enhances a sense of communal identity. Particularly with the Asian
culture, the feeling of membership is highly pronounced, as demonstrated in
many positive comments toward the brand, Guan and Kohlbacher (2016) fur-
ther suggested that the MI fans identity encourages positive comments about
the brand. The expert identity makes consumers want to share more knowledge,
volunteer to give advice to the company, and help test the products. Moreover
they offer to support developing the brand community. The life lover identity
stimulates members’ interest in joining the group activities both online and
offline. The family and friend identity is expressed in the consumers’ willing-
ness to spend time and energy to keep company with other members.
These findings demonstrate the success of the Xiaomi online brand com-
munity in gaining consumers’ support to communicate positive aspects of the
brand, contribute insights and knowledge, cooperate with the company and
interact with the other members.
Source: Guan and Kohlbacher (2016).
Besides bringing benefits to the company and consumer relationships with the
brand, previous studies also suggest that the increasing influence of online commu-
nity can bring significant changes to individuals’ consumption behaviors. Duan and
Dholakia (2015) studied postings on Weibo microblogging tool in China and learned
about its role in transforming Chinese consumer values. Consumers use Weibo to dis-
play their personal consumption experiences to the public. The authors observed that
8 Netnography 193
this has caused diminishing effects on the traditional values of suppressing indul-
gence, delaying gratification, and thriftiness, with people expressing instead their
desire for immediate pleasure with growing materialism and hedonism. The other
study by Lee (2013) about young Koreans’ use of Twitter suggested that the plat-
form which allows for more egalitarian or open communications has transformed the
traditional norms of society which are usually restricted with the hierarchies.
Realizing the significant expansion of online communities and their impact on
the development of consumption and marketing, netnography has been proposed as
a research method to study this rather unique sociocultural environment as well as
people’s power and interactions. van Dijk (1993) suggested that studying the online
setting can demonstrate the way in which reality is being created, normalized, main-
tained, resisted, replaced, and transformed. This chapter explains netnography and
its key developments as well as the different approaches, followed by key proce-
dures to conduct netnographic research. This ranges from planning and preparing
the research to collecting and recording data, and getting out of the field.
Description of Netnography
Netnography, or online ethnography, considers the social media and online commu-
nities as new cultural phenomena. The method studies online behaviors and people’s
interactions including their meanings, values, languages, rituals and other signs and
symbols. Though in principle, netnography has been aligned with ethnographic meth-
ods, there are some different characteristics of the phenomenon that must be taken
into consideration. Understanding how online social interactions differ can support
the development of online ethnography accordingly.
Kozinets (2010a, b) explained the distinctive nature of online interactions. First,
there is a high dynamics of alteration for online behaviors and interactions due to
the fast-changing nature of the technological interface. Moreover the alteration can
lead to completely different human experiences such as new norms and netiquettes
which may require specific procedures to explore and analyze. Secondly, anonymity
and pseudonymity can significantly influence online social interactions. While it
has become more difficult to connect online behaviors with people’s sociodemo-
graphic backgrounds, researchers can try to explore instead the behaviors in relation
to online identities which can be more various and complex because of the possibility
to create multiplex personalities and relationships online. Next, the wide accessibility
allows people to participate in a variety of online communities with varying degrees
of interaction. Moreover, online communities are quite open to people who may
speak different languages but share some common interests. This platform facilitates
opportunities to communicate and exchange viewpoints with a mixed use of com-
mon language, specific community language, and support of language translation.
The openness of online interactions may demand specific research tools to explore
the variety of sociocultural meanings and linkages generated through the intercon-
nected information network. Lastly, the automatic archiving of conversations and data
194 8 Netnography
represents another unique characteristic of the online interactions. This immediately

converts the social interactions into textual contents and artifact records. Moreover,
the technology has facilitated opportunities of tracing and tracking the data as well as
the relevant persons. Such approach can result in extended forms of qualitative data
collection and the archiving may bring changes to the data recordings. In addition,
it suggests the need for techniques to prepare data analysis and interpretation given
the enormous sets of data.
With clear opportunities of conducting research online, many researchers have
mentioned the implications of ethnographic methods in the online setting (see for
example Grossnickle and Oliver 2000; Miller and Don 2000; Hine 2000; Sterne 1999;
Fernback 1999; Escobar 1994). Such methods infer many clear benefits, especially
when compared to in-person ethnography, such as lower costs of computer-mediated
communications, less time and resources spent in entering the field and collecting
data, and timelier approach to the specific subject. However, these previous con-
ceptions mainly suggested adaptation or extension of the in-person ethnographic
research to the unique online environment. Different from the prior suggestions,
netnography has been proposed with specific principles, guidelines, and procedures
to engage in the research practice (Kozinets 1999, 2002, 2006, 2010a, b).
Netnography is ethnography in online social spaces to study cultures and com-
munities emerging through computer-mediated, human-to-human communications.
The initial focus was on online communities of consumption with the objectives to
explore and analyze online consumer groups, their demands, decision influences,
meanings, and interactions. Therefore, researchers had to immerse themselves in the
online setting while they communicated and connected with the community mem-
bers through the social media. Data may emerge real-time via some online chat
programs and/or archived on some software platforms. The method can help reflect
dynamic relationships within a multiplicity of time and space. Besides engaging in
the online setting, netnographers observe the way in which people interact and influ-
ence each other and analyze their meanings, values, as well as underlying contexts.
This focus on understanding online cultural complexity differentiates netnography
from the other online research studies such as data mining which aims to uncover
patterns or knowledge from the gathered database, or social network analysis (SNA)
that studies the structure and network linkages of online social relationships. Unlike
the other online research techniques which may utilize some software programs or
computational instruments to help analyze the structures/patterns or identified net-
works, netnography largely depends on the researcher’s skills to observe, interact,
and analyze the phenomenon.
In essence, netnography aims to study naturally occurring behaviors online and
to derive both emic and etic perspectives (like those highlights of the ethnography
technique). The emic perspective represents a subjective involvement with the online
community, specialized language and expressions consumers use in certain social
circumstances, their rituals, motivations, values or meanings employed by people
in the community. The etic perspective provides an objective, abstract view of the
phenomenon. Netnographers must tackle back and forth between the emic and etic
perspectives to develop balanced views of insider’s insights and outsider’s analysis.
Description of Netnography 195
They must continuously operate between investigating as an outsider, seeing space or

set of interactions from a distance, and then moving inside of the setting to explore as
insiders before moving out again to explain what is happening. The iteration between
native perspectives and conceptual/theoretical understanding facilitates some prelim-
inary, emerging data analysis which can support further processes of data collection.
Netnography Approach
The approach to conducting netnography can be varied according to the multiplic-

ity and fragmented characteristics of online communities and cultures. Therefore,
the approach begins with locating online social spaces. These can differ by their
objectives (e.g. to provide information, to promote social interaction, to play), their
interpersonal connections (e.g. individual posts, one-on-one direct communication,
group interaction), and formats of representation. Kozinets (2010a, b; 2015) identi-
fied the key categories of online social spaces such as ‘chat rooms’ whereby people
interact synchronously in real time, ‘web boards’ and ‘blogs’ which are forums
organized according to specific interests with typically asynchronous interactions,
‘play spaces’ such as game environment where players come to perform role playing
and game playing, ‘lists’ that contain people’s exchanges of information normally
via emails about a particular topic, and ‘web pages’ which provide resources for
consumer-to-consumer exchanges as well as ‘web rings’ with links of related web
pages. Each of these online settings may contain specific characteristics and con-
siderations. For instance, blogs are developed by individuals who want to express
their views and identities. Hence, the information may be influenced by the blogger’s
social desirability and narcissism, while the newsgroup or public forum seems to be
more communal and democratic because it is aimed at engaging various people and
collective participation. However, given the fast changing technology, these online
settings are always emerging and evolving. Therefore researchers must be able to
catch the new trends and developments in order to study new, updated forms of online
consumer communities and cultures. Moreover, though most social spaces have uni-
versal common characteristics, there can be some distinctive elements attributed to
specific cultures. Box 8.2 describes features of Weibo which is considered one of the
most popular social networking platforms in China.
Box 8.2 Weibo Social Networking Platform in China

Weibo is the Chinese word for microblog. The service was launched by Sina
Corporation in 2009 and has grown in popularity ever. Though there are other
firms launching Weibos (e.g. Tencent Weibo, Sohu Weibo, Netease Weibo),
the term is generally used with reference to the Sina Weibo. By features, it is
similar to the United States’ Twitter with basic functions such as messaging,
comments, hashtags, and re-posts. However, there are some unique attributes
196 8 Netnography
made suitable to the Chinese customers. These include, for instance, user iden-
tification. Besides having a verification program to indicate the known indi-
viduals and organizations (like that of Twitter), next to the verification badge
Weibo has added a VIP badge with the use of a little crown icon. This is for
users paying a monthly fee in order to obtain some privileges. The extra bene-
fits include services such as exclusive customer care, exclusive templates, and
special badges. Additionally, there is a group called SCC which stands for
Sport Cars Club. Typically these are the urban, rich, upper-class youngsters
who live a high standard way of life (such as owning prestigious super cars).
They pay premium membership fees to be a member of the group. Besides
getting to distinguish themselves from the masses, the SCC members have
a distinct appearance on Weibo where they add “SCC” to their username to
be recognized. In addition, there is a dedicated page on Weibo, namely “Hall
of Celebrity”, to specify the lists of celebrities divided into several categories
such as entertainment, finance, technology, sport. These are people who are
identified to have many followers. The unique features of Weibo demonstrate
people’s emphases on face value which is highlighted in the Chinese culture.
Besides the reputation gained from social acceptance, Weibo users can earn
recognition through the medal reward system in which Weibo users can earn
points and rewards from their participation on Weibo. The points are calculated
from the amount of days users have been accessing Weibo and the duration.
Basically the more active, the higher and faster levels users can attain. Further-
more, there is a user level badge specified as part of the user identification. The
function also allows businesses to create programs to interact with customers
and gain more promotions.
In terms of social relations, Weibo has a unique feature that allows users to
secretly follow others. This can answer to the Asian cultural value in which
one should be careful in expressing interest toward the other person. Also there
is the newly added feature “Weibo Events” which allows people to not only
see what other people are talking about but also join events of own choice as
well as other events that other people are joining. Here users can earn points to
win some prizes and meet new friends. Interestingly this service opens more
chances for people to interact online while they might be more reserved to
mingle in physical, face-to-face settings.
Lastly, messages on Weibo are censored and users are aware of that. Criti-
cism of the government or posts that are politically sensitive can be deleted and
there can be blocking of some keywords. However, many journalists and Chi-
nese citizens use this platform to discuss news and issues that mainstream media
cannot report (e.g. corruption, local conflicts, controversies). Thus Weibo is
perceived to be a catalyst for social change by encouraging more public polit-
ical participation in China (Lu and Qiu 2013).
Netnography Approach 197
Besides identifying the online social spaces, the netnography approach must con-
sider the options of overt or covert research. Similar to in-person ethnography, overt
netnographic research suggests researchers’ disclosing of their identities, affiliations,
and the research objectives where appropriate. This can ensure the legitimacy of data
collection and further use of data in the analysis and interpretation. Specifically in
the private online spaces, researchers must have permission to post and obtain data.
Alternatively, netnographers can conduct a covert research study as it is argued that
most people remain undisclosed or anonymous in the online setting. Particularly with
the public spaces, people may post, respond, or interact with others as they wish.
At the same time, it is claimed that they should already know that their sharing of
opinions can be accessed by other people, and thus it is almost like published or
broadcasted information (Langer and Beckman 2005).
However, research ethics suggest that when some data obtained is being used
or referred to (specifically with direct quotes or idiosyncratic stories), it demands
permission or informed consent (Sharf 1999) though the data may eventually be
exhibited anonymously or using a pseudonym in the report. As for the use of arti-
facts such as photographs or videos, permission must be granted by the copyright
holders and in some cases they should be provided with proper citations and credits
to the contributors. With the increasing sensitivity of online interactions and infor-
mation, there are more institutional and legal concerns that netnographers need to
pay attention to. These include, for instance, the Terms of Service (ToS) and End
User Licensing Agreements (EULAs) that govern some commercial sites (Boellstorff
et al. 2012). Moreover, in the online setting the statements and archival records can
be easily traced back for the origins. Additionally, there can be sensitive information
which people believe they are sharing among their closed groups and which can bring
harm or embarrassment if distributed to the general public. Such cases would demand
the IRB approval. However there are many online studies that could be exempt from
IRB concern. Kozinets (2015) mentioned, for example, studying anonymous per-
sons’ normal everyday online behaviors and not collecting data that could lead to
their revealed identities. Moreover, researchers can try to obtain general consent
by communicating about the research purpose and scope (in a simple, understand-
able way) and presenting consent-related information including researchers’ contact
details to the prospective informants in some unobtrusive manner. After reading an
electronic message, informants can signal their consent by clicking an accept button.
Then researchers can process to the next stage of studying people in the online com-
munities. In cases where researchers need to have direct conversations with specific
people, bounce ideas about data, and verify preliminary interpretations, they must
communicate with informants about the research and obtain their formal consent.
Given these concerns, overt research is encouraged and researchers must take into
account the research ethics guidelines discussed in Chap. 4 such as emphasizing con-
fidentiality of data, privacy and anonymity of the informants. Moreover, the practice
of member check to seek feedback from members of the online community can help
address some ethical concerns discussed earlier while also providing opportunities
to include more insights. This can be done from the data collection stage through
to the data analysis and interpretation, as well as the presentation of the research
198 8 Netnography
report. In addition, the member check helps establish ongoing relationships between
researchers and consumer groups which can enhance further development of the
research study.
Next, the netnography approach must take into consideration the roles and par-
ticipation of researchers in the online setting. Kozinets (2006) indicated there is
‘observational netnography,’ with low to no participation of researchers. Here, netno-
graphers remain distant from the online community and they do not enter or interact
with the community members. Researchers observe the community with no actions
taken, read messages, and follow links to learn more about the interests of the group.
However, some research topics require researchers to engage in actions to obtain fur-
ther data. In this case, ‘participant-observational netnography’ whereby researchers
participate in the online community is suggested. Here, netnographers can inter-
act with the other community members, practice the group activities, and exchange
ideas and information. This approach enables researchers to present the research
from the perspective of a member of the group. Third, ‘autonetnography’ involves
researchers’ intensive participation such as reflecting on their own online experiences
and using fieldnotes and observations to develop insights about online consumer
cultures and meanings. This approach involves the use of introspection, reflexivity,
self-observation, autobiographical attention, and first-person narratives (Gould 2012;
Kozinets and Kedzior 2009). Autonetnography can illustrate relationship between
the research topics and researchers’ own perceptions of reality and personal identity.
Lastly, the netnography approach must consider the timing of conducting the
research. It can incorporate more extensive cross-sectional research because the plat-
form facilitates opportunities to explore different online spaces at the same time. It can
also engage multiple researchers who may be situated in different regions because
they can easily connect online given the technology accessibility. Moreover, the
research can even include some members of the community to be part of the research
team to observe and report on the group’s interactions as well as their own comments
and concerns. Such an approach can add new and rich insights into the development
of research and promote trustworthiness of the findings. Finally, netnography can
also integrate the longitudinal research approach because this method can foster
ongoing relationships between researchers and members of the online communities
via the computer-mediated communications. Thus, the research can follow through
the change of the online group as well as individual consumers in order to experience
and investigate the advancement of the community and culture.
Netnography Procedure
The last section explains the netnography procedure which involves planning and
preparing for conducting research, data collection, recording data, and field exit.
Unlike the in-person ethnography procedure that requires researchers to enter the field
and become invisible in order to be unobtrusive, netnography operates on the more
open social space and hence researchers can locate the sites and initiate their research
Netnography Procedure 199
engagement with members of the online communities. Data collection incorporates

the archival strategy with abundant textual contents and artifacts available online. In
addition, netnographers can obtain elicited data from posting and receiving comments
and interviews. The fieldnote is the other important source to collect data from
researcher’s observations of the phenomenon and his own reflections. The next stage
discusses recording data. Finally, because ethnography and netnography involve
prolonged engagement within the research sites, exiting the field must be managed
to ensure smooth completion of the research project.
Planning and Preparing for Conducting Research
Despite the more open procedure for researchers to begin the netnography research
due to no physical placement strategies needed, it still demands good planning and
preparation. This includes firstly preliminary studies of the different online social
spaces to locate the relevant research sites. To search and select the sites, netnog-
raphers can begin with research objectives and research questions and break them
down into keywords and their variations. Researchers can refer to these keywords
when using search engines to explore the different online communities and social
media categories (including, for example, chat rooms, newsgroups, bulletin boards,
blogs, forums, social networking sites and feeds). Here, researchers must take time
to investigate the relevant sites. It is recommended to start writing up preliminary
findings and reflections in fieldnotes and/or capture annotated shots. At this stage,
netnographers remain anonymous while lurking because they have not decided to
study the sites yet. The process continues with different and new combinations of
keywords to search for related sites. Researchers can try both general and specific
terms according to the different levels of the topic concept and abstraction.
After some preliminary investigation, the next step is choosing the online social
and cultural spaces to focus on. Kozinets (2010a, b, 2015) proposed the key criteria
to evaluate the research site such as its relevance to the research focus. While the
specified sites may not provide direct answers to the research questions, they may
engage different ideas and issues combined to explain the subject of interest. Next,
the sites should be active. That is, they should contain recent and regular communica-
tions among members of the community. The sites should be interactive, facilitating
dialogue among people with a flow of questions and answers, or some postings and
comment responses. The selected settings should be substantial, having a critical
mass of social actors who participate in the sites, generating a circulation of different
messages in a dynamic environment. The sites should be heterogeneous, containing
a variety of different participants and/or similar types of participants but with various
perspectives. Furthermore, the research sites should aim to produce rich, informa-
tive, detailed data such as having well-crafted postings and elaborated blog entries.
Finally, the sites should be experiential, offering and engaging experiences among
people who participate.
200 8 Netnography
Though the abovementioned criteria can help determine the sites to focus on in
the study, researchers must also recognize more dynamic changes of the online com-
munity formation and less structured identities. This results in the more fluid and
unpredictable characteristics of online communities. Therefore the selected research
sites may be in a process of change and researchers must continuously assess the
settings. Moreover, because of the fragmented and proliferated growth of intercon-
nected online communities, it is suggested that studying one specific online site may
not be enough as people always move around the different online locales (Weijo et al.
2014; Kozinets 2006). Therefore, netnographers must identify to which other sites
the specified research settings may connect and try to search and select these other
relevant sites.
Having selected promising sets of online sites to explore for the research, netnog-
raphers begin to explore and map the overall landscape of the settings and their social
interactions. With the multiplicity of data across the connected sites and variety of
details and small subsets of sites within the chosen locales, such process requires
deeper investigations of the contents. When studying the sites, netnographers must
read through all current messages, archives, and community rules. They may trace
back the group and site history in order to become familiar with the settings and back-
ground information of the online communities. Throughout the process, researchers
make notes about certain important things such as key members of the groups, their
roles and relationships in the community.
Normally in the online communities, there are people who may assume different
roles ranging from key persons (e.g. conversation starters, opinion leaders), to advo-
cates of the discussed topics, supporters, followers, and more passive participants.
Members of the group have multiple motivations regarding their enthusiasm, knowl-
edge of specific activities, and shared interests in the community. Kozinets (1999)
described the four major types of people. First, the ‘tourists’ are those who do not
have strong social ties to the group yet, and they maintain only a surface interest in
the focused activity of the community due to their relatively weak abilities and skills
regarding the subject. Secondly, the ‘minglers’ are those who prefer to socialize in
the setting. While they maintain strong personal ties with others in the community,
they are only lightly interested in the group activity. Opposite to the minglers, the
third group, ‘devotees’, are those who have relatively weak social ties with the other
members but they have a focal interest in the activity in the community. This group
tends to have good skills and knowledge about the subject. Lastly, the ‘insiders’ are
those who have strong social ties to the community and also intensive interests and
deep identifications with the core activity. Learning about the different roles and
relationships of people in the online community can support planning and prepara-
tion of the netnographers to engage in the specified research sites which can enhance
further analysis. While these may be roughly identified as researchers have not made
a full entry into the research sites yet, it is quite important to develop preliminary
understanding of different characteristics of online community members.
Specifically there are influences of cultures in the development of human relations
online. As an example, Yoon (2016) studied Cyworld, a form of social media in
Korea, and learned that in this small group platform users create their own homes
where online friends become their family members. The classification levels are
according to chon (unit of kinship), with the first level contact called ilchon (parent-
children relationships), and second level contact called ichon (grandparent-children
relationships). Earlier Yoon (2015) found some Korean facebook users mention that
they tried not to update individual lifestyles and interests on facebook because it is
perceived as showing off while they saw Cyworld as a more intimate community
where they feel comfortable to share their personal stories. Nevertheless, this more
affective, collective space involves a strong sense of attachment whereby members
are obligated to interact and respond all the time. Such a phenomenon was observed
also in the other platforms such as Facebook. Yoon (2015) explained that young
Koreans struggled to deal with un-friending on the social media and increasingly
experience digital fatigue from having to manage relationships with a variety of
friends on Facebook. These examples demonstrate the need to obtain preliminary
understanding of people’s roles and relationships in the cultural context of the online
community.
As for researcher identification, unlike the in-person ethnography, there are fewer
concerns about how to enter the field and become invisible so not to interfere with
the naturally occurring behavior. This is because the nature of the online social
space is more open and thus the researcher’s engagement can be perceived as less
obtrusive to the setting. However, netnographers must consider how to create their
online identities and prepare to make initial contacts within the social sites. While the
online world facilitates the ability to develop multiple accounts of the researchers’
roles (e.g. from the distanced observation to participant observation), netnographers
must never fake their identities such as pretending to be imaginary personas in order
to join the particular, closed group and get specific information. It is important that
researchers uphold the research integrity and disclose honest, important information
such as their affiliations and the research objectives. In fact, it is not uncommon
to find researchers revealing their online statuses as researchers or ethnographers,
or posting information about their study projects on their profiles and web boards.
Moreover, netnographers must stay true to their self-awareness and understanding,
especially in the autonetnography approach whereby netnographers must perform
introspective self-observation and self-reflection.
In this beginning stage, netnographers should try to record some initial insights
and first impressions of the online settings which can support planning and preparing
to enter and connect with the research sites. This includes the time, duration, and
frequency of engagement. Though this plan can be flexible to change as the research
continues and netnographers gather further findings, it is useful to have an initial
plan to conduct systematic, persistent observation, particularly with the multiplicity
of online sites available as well as opportunities to incorporate different people (both
researchers and informants) into the research team.
202 8 Netnography
Collecting Data
After planning and preparing to conduct the research, the next stage is to collect data.
This begins with netnographers’ introduction to the research sites. Unlike in-person
ethnography in which researchers need to find some contact persons (e.g. gatekeepers,
guides) who can help them enter the setting, netnographers may simply introduce
themselves and the research program to the social spaces and ask permission to
conduct the research. This may be performed in a loose, naturalistic form such as
making a general request or in a strict, formal way to get consent (e.g. by asking
informants to click accept buttons as discussed earlier). The most important part here
is to convince the informants about the credibility and benefits of the research and
also to maintain research ethics.
Then, as with in-person ethnography, netnographers must immerse themselves
into the cultural setting and familiarize themselves with the people’s experiences,
their routines, rituals, languages and the embedded culture. This can be done by
reading through the messages and other forms of artifacts and communications regu-
larly and in real-time, exploring the archives of data, following shared links to other
pages and communities, and tracking relevant postings on the other social sites. It
is important to take some time in this stage so netnographers can understand the
intricate, underlying meanings of the social spaces and feel part of the culture and
community. Additionally for the autonetnographic approach, researchers must be
accepted as members of the group to obtain information as they absorb and live the
specific culture so they can communicate about the topic with authorities. Moreover,
people will communicate and discuss some issues with insiders of the group only.
While netnographers may choose to perform distanced observation, participa-
tion observation can promote richer and deeper insights. However, the researchers’
participation must be authentic so as not to induce people’s reactive effects and to
remain unobtrusive. The interactions may include, for example, sharing links to news
articles, rating or replying to other members’ inputs, making comments on public
communications, assessing and reviewing some provided information, and taking
action or contributing to activities of the community. These activities can be in vari-
ous forms such as the idea gathering forum and the open source platform, and they
can take place online or offline. Here, netnographers should try to contribute to the
community such as by providing useful comments and interesting perspectives. To
further their participation, netnographers can start taking some leadership roles such
as initiating conversations, asking questions and interacting with feedback, becoming
an organizer of specific activities or an expert or recognized voice in the community.
Such engagement can lead to the next possible stage of creating linkage from the
community to the interaction research site. This is to invite people to come learn about
the research program while researchers can initiate some communications and infor-
mation exchange with them. The research site allows opportunities to connect with
people who can potentially become key informants and help in the member check
process. Moreover, the site helps emphasize the research ethics with information
about research descriptions and researchers’ identities being provided. It can help
gain full and informed consent for participation. Furthermore, the site can support
disseminating of the research reports.
During the process of data collection, netnographers pay attention to various
information that involves the development and continuation of online community
and culture. This includes overview of the social environment pertaining to the
research question, community members’ interactions, a network of connections and
its dynamic change, as well as the researchers’ introspective views (Kozinets 2015).
In netnography, there are three key methods to obtain data i.e. the archives, the elicited
data, and the observation fieldnotes.
First, due to the abundant resources of archival data online (e.g. textual contents,
photos, videos, and the other forms of communications), netnographers can engage
with a variety of selective collections. Due to the nature of internet modalities, most
information is automatically recorded while netnographers can have access to data
such as the message and conversation threads on the public sites or be permitted to
participate in private spaces. This archival data is claimed to be naturally occurring
as it is mainly created and shared by community members while the researcher has
not been directly involved in creating or prompting it. Thus, the main task of data
collection here is to find and gather meaningful data. Unlike in-person ethnography,
acquiring this archival data may not require special access or permission but simple
downloads of pre-existing records. The most challenging task lies in filtering and
sorting the numerous, fragmented data. Referring to a specific topic of study or the
research question regarding a particular community can help specify focused areas
of data sets. Also netnographers may apply the criteria discussed earlier about ways
to choose the research sites (Kozinets 2010a, b, 2015) such as gathering the threads
that are rich in content, have relevant topics and extensive participation by a range
of community members. To filter the collections, netnographers should try to detect
and screen out some self-promotion, commercial messages, particularly those that
are not relevant to the focal interest and activity of the community because they
can obscure understanding of the naturally occurring behaviors among the members.
Yet, it is noted that in some research it is also possible to study business-oriented
communities.
The next major approach is to obtain elicited data co-created through the netno-
grapher’s online and social media communications. This method is initiated when
researchers want to elaborate on specific areas that may not be demonstrated in
depth or with enough insights provided in the online social spaces, or to interpret
and probe meanings behind some phenomenon (Kozinets 2015). This data collection
technique includes the researcher’s postings and comments that can engage responses
from other people. Examples are Twitter feeds, Facebook status updates, and posts on
blogs and forums. The topics can be formulated from prior investigations of archival
data or according to the research questions which can be more directed to the research
objectives. This process can be initiated quite naturally in the netnography research
whereby informants can choose to respond or not without feeling obligated or being
imposed on. Here, key considerations would be in presenting clearly-worded, under-
standable, and engaging questions. Researchers can use early feedback to revise their
later questions developed in order to add clarity. When initiating questions or topics
204 8 Netnography
of discussion, netnographers must take into account the rules and norms of online
communities which may not be clearly stated. For instance, in China most online
users are aware of the state’s control over cyberspace. In general, people are relatively
free to discuss local issues but must stay away from expressing comments or ideas
that can be considered an attack against the central government (Hughes 2000).
When interacting online to gain elicited data, researchers must avoid inappropriate
postings or forcing members to reveal sensitive information, especially that which
they would not want to share with the public. While the posts are intended to add
richness to the research, they should also be of interest to members of the community
or contribute to their interactions. The questions can be targeted at a specific subgroup
of the members or feature general questions or topics to engage anyone.
In addition to posting on social, public forums, netnographers can choose to
approach selected informants and generate other forms of direct conversations or
interviews. This can be done via email, online chat, instant messaging programs, or
video interviews depending on the participants’ convenience and comfort. The inter-
view can also be conducted on the research webpage, blogs, and social networking
sites which have options to generate direct contacts. The interviews can be with
individuals or with a group of informants, and they can be in the form of structured,
unstructured, or semistructured interviews depending on the research objectives.
While the unstructured or depth interview is often preferred because it facilitates
opportunities to uncover naturalistic behaviors, it can be difficult to perform, par-
ticularly in social networking sites where members interact with several people on
several subjects so they may be too busy to concentrate on a long conversation. With
specific topics that require careful consideration of answers, an email channel can
be considered because it conveys a sense of privacy though it may take time to build
rapport. Moreover, interviewing via emails suggests a more formal interaction with
higher engagement and commitment than those conducted in chat rooms or social
networks.
While the general process to obtain elicited data may follow procedures of the
individual and focus group interviews discussed earlier (in Chaps. 5 and 6), char-
acteristics of conversations online can be quite distinct from the other conventional
forms. Therefore it demands some modifications of the research practices. Because
many of the online discussions are publicly available, it should be recognized that
their contents may be influenced by concerns about social representations or images
projected. Specifically in Asia, prior studies proposed that consumers are concerned
about their faces and other people’s faces resulting in some distinctive online behav-
iors (Lim and Basnyat 2016). For example, while mechanisms such as like, comment,
and retweet, are being used to express interest or appreciation, their omissions can
cause loss of face due to public visibility because it implies failing to achieve approval
from the other people in the social network. Accordingly, consumers try to show their
concern for others’ faces by giving faces to them (e.g. reacting positively to validate
the posts or messages online) while simultaneously expecting reciprocal treatment.
Moreover, as research informants can remain anonymous in online interactions,
they may communicate some random ideas which are not consistent with their con-
crete, actual identities. These require techniques to verify responses on the same
subjects but in various instances. The other factors that may influence the online
behaviors are the netiquettes (codes of etiquette) and the social pressures among
members of the community. Understanding these conditions can help suggest if
researchers should employ group interaction or individual contact in this data col-
lection process.
Because the discussions online are generally occurring in written text format, it
may be cumbersome to have a long, depth interview unless researchers have already
established good relationships with informants. Nevertheless, an interview on the
social media platform tends to be concise, with the purpose of attaining some brief
insights or specific clarifications. To smoothen the interaction, netnographers must
learn specialized language and terms used in the online community as well as other
support tools (e.g. uses of pictures or icons) to help generate a naturalistic dia-
logue. Prior studies indicated popular uses of stickers, accessories, and avatars in the
online communications in Korea and other East Asian countries (Hjorth 2009; Lim
2015; Russell 2013). Such tools help convey affective, humanized, intimate feelings
enhancing closeness among people (Yoon 2016). Because the indirect, high-context
communication in Asia often involves non-verbal cues, the use of stickers can trans-
late those cues in visualized forms to be communicated online. Realizing this, netno-
graphers doing research in Asian online context should be prepared to incorporate
these tools in their messages where appropriate.
Though the online conversations tend to be short and abrupt, they can be less
restricted and more flowing (Shoham 2004). As a result, it is likely to find more
vocal, extreme comments online, than when interacting face to face, especially in
a more reserved society like many countries in Asia. This must be taken into con-
sideration when evaluating if the collected data represents mainstream or marginal
opinions. Prior study in South Korea suggested the tweets that seemed to catch
attention at large through the reinforcement of mass media tend to be those that con-
flict with hierarchical norms or stereotypical gender expectations (Lee 2016). Thus
researchers must take this effect into account which can mislead representatives of
the general online messages. In spite of the possibility to draw more extreme com-
ments, open communication also allows opportunities to find counter viewpoints
from the other members in the community which should be included to support fur-
ther analysis. Such data is normally difficult to obtain from Asian consumers using
other conventional research techniques.
The third data collection technique is observation fieldnotes. As with ethnogra-
phy research, netnographers should be writing their reflections of the phenomena
throughout their fieldwork process. Fieldnotes can provide key insights beyond sim-
ple recording and description of the phenomena (e.g. who is doing what, when and
where it takes place) which can be automatically recorded into the online archives.
Observation fieldnotes include impressions and observations of the community inter-
actions, conditions and meanings which may explain why and how such interactions
happen. Also, netnographers can incorporate observations about what was supposed
to happen but was not found in the observed community and culture. It must be
noted that these observations can be less complete than those in face-to-face contacts
because they only represent distant, online communicative acts. Furthermore, the
206 8 Netnography
fieldnotes should incorporate researchers’ own participation, interactions and expe-

riences, learning and involvement, personal emotions, thinking, and self-awareness
based on the self-examination of some implicit presuppositions, theories, ideologies,
beliefs and normal practices (Arnold and Fischer 1994). Realizing these introspective
assumptions can enhance better understanding of subjective viewpoints and devel-
opment of objective conceptions. Moreover, explaining netnographers’ standpoints
in the report can assist readers in evaluating the research.
Recording Data
Next, with regard to the recording, netnographic data can be captured in various
forms. It can be gathered and saved into a computer-readable file such as saving
textual data derived from newsgroups, forums, or bulletin boards. Yet this does not
include recording of the context on screen. The other form of data record is to capture
data as a visual image of the screen, aka screenshot, which comprises the other
elements of the context such as web page design, visuals, images, links. These can
be taken into consideration when analyzing data. Moreover, motion can be recorded
in audio/video form to explain sequential moments of what appears on the screen.
With the multiplex characteristics of data, netnographers will need to select which to
save for analysis based on the focal interests of the research while keeping as many
details of the context as possible. Currently there are many software programs that
can support different functions of recording e.g. scanning narratives on screenshots
and converting to text files, or separating a video record into moment-by-moment
screens. Essentially, the recording is aimed at attaining richness of the research data
by encompassing all relevant linguistic, symbolic communications that can facilitate
contextualized understanding of the online setting.
Besides computer-generated records, there is another form of data recording i.e.
filednotes that is mainly produced by the researchers. As explained earlier, fieldnotes
include data beyond the occurrences on screen such as observations of the people,
their different roles and relationships in the community, and interactions within and
across groups. From the observed topics raised and a flow of online discussions,
netnographers can record people’s interests, values, subjective meanings, and history
of development. Moreover, they can write about their own participation and perceived
experiences in a separate space (so it is not mixed up with the observed phenomenon).
The fieldnotes may also include some public statistics such as number of members and
their transactions (e.g. likes, shares, posts, comments) as well as characteristics and/or
limitations of the studied spaces (e.g. informants can pursue multiple identities,
setting induces controlled self-image). These additional data can be useful in the next
stage of data analysis and interpretation. While researchers are engaged in the process
(e.g. following links and discussions online, saving files or taking screenshots), they
may be jotting cryptic notes first before elaborating them into a complete record. This
should be done immediately or as soon as possible because the ongoing observations
in the fast-changing online environment can attenuate quite quickly. Besides writing,
netnographers can also integrate some online artifacts (e.g. photos, songs) and make
a digital scrapbook containing textual fieldnotes and other related materials.
Format-wise, since the netnography is already conducted online, it is better to sync
the data records with computer programs which will be employed in the following
research stages. Despite the lack of application of software programs in the data
analysis, the digital records are mostly used because they can assist in the processes
of organizing and storing the data. As the data obtained in the netnography can be
large and fragmented, the data records should be continually categorized, sorted and
resorted while more data is being collected. Throughout the process, researchers may
make new files and reclassify the records according to some ongoing preliminary
analysis of the data. Having a large bulk of data grouped into smaller datasets can
enable researchers to begin identifying some key concepts and themes, i.e. perform-
ing a preliminary coding.
Getting Out
Like the other qualitative research techniques, netnography continues as long as it can
produce distinctly new and different findings related to the topic of research. Netno-
graphers may keep tracking down more details and references to enrich the data
collection. When the process reaches saturation of key concepts, netnographers can
then finish the discovery. If possible, though it can be difficult in practice, researchers
should try to keep records of the number of visits to the online settings, their partic-
ipation (e.g. postings of topics and comments), and number of participants involved
or responses generated.
Similar to the in-person ethnography, researchers should also manage their exits
though there can be less trouble in managing the online departure because there is
no physical presence and linkage. Especially if there has been prolonged engage-
ment in the setting, netnographers should make members of the online community
understand about the completion so they do not feel like they have been used only to
achieve the research objectives. In some settings and especially with established rela-
tionships, researchers may want to continue some contacts or at least to keep in touch
with specific members of the community. This can be handled easily with online con-
nections unlike face-to-face visits. Most importantly, researchers must show genuine
appreciation, emphasize contributions of the research findings, and exit gracefully.
Moreover, netnographers can suggest some reciprocating efforts such as offering to
share the research insights which may help strengthen people’s interactions in the
community, or providing services to some communal activities.
In summary, netnography represents recent developments in data collection tech-
niques in qualitative consumer and marketing research. The main purpose is to study
online communities and the way in which their members interact and manifest their
cultures. Such a method can respond to technocultural change and the liquidity of
social interactions in modern times (Kozinets 2000). Though it may share some char-
acteristics of ethnography research, netnography has many unique elements such as
208 8 Netnography
fewer constraints on specific location, and more diverse connectivity and flow of tem-
poral and spatial dislocations (Kozinets 2015; Hine 2000), which demand specific
principles, guidelines, and practices of the research. Nevertheless, it is quite possible
to mix the two closely related methods, particularly in the studies of phenomena
regarding contemporary society and social interactions which involve both online
and offline communities and cultures.
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904845
Chapter 9
Alternative Techniques
The previous four chapters explained the major data collection techniques which
targeted consumer’s direct responses such as answers to the questions (in individual
and group interviews) and observed behaviors and interactions (in ethnography and
netnography research). The methods are generally reasonable and productive, partic-
ularly if consumers can elaborate their perspectives and have quite communicative
(verbal and nonverbal) expressions. Yet in many cases, people do not remember cer-
tain situations, they may not be aware of their behaviors and deeper concerns, or they
may try to shut off and avoid talking about or reacting on certain sensitive subjects.
The various levels of people’s expressiveness may diminish the intensity of responses
obtained from the direct research methods such as interviews or observations. These
require the support of other tools to study the complexity of behaviors.
This chapter illustrates three alternative techniques of archival strategy, participant
produced materials, and projective technique, which can be employed in combina-
tion with the other methods. The archival strategy, also mentioned in the ethnography
and netnography chapters, is aimed at studying the archives of empirical data such
as organized contents (e.g. advertisements, magazines), and personal materials (e.g.
letters, collected artifacts). The technique represents an unobtrusive strategy to learn
about aspects of social settings and how people live their lives. The next technique,
participant produced materials, also places emphasis on the archives but asks con-
sumers to generate data such as by creating autobiographies, writing diaries, taking
photos and/or keeping video records. This empowers consumers to reflect their own
viewpoints of situations and their decisions to interact with other people. Lastly,
because it is believed that people may not have comprehensive awareness and abil-
ity to articulate their behaviors while there are some other tacit, hidden influences
on their consumption, the projective technique is suggested to explore and elicit
impressions of deeper meanings. This method, borrowed from clinical psychology,
enhances consumers’ introspection and self-disclosure without asking direct ques-
tions about the subject of study so it can eliminate biases of self-presentation or social
desirability.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_9
212 9 Alternative Techniques
Archival Strategy
Archival strategy is the technique of collecting archival data, which includes a wide
array of materials ranging from those produced by organizations (e.g. press releases,
annual reports, news articles, advertisements) to those created by consumers for
their own purposes (e.g. diaries, family photos, online blogs, videos). This data in
the past was perceived as a secondary data source used to help understand the research
context and support design and development for conducting primary research (e.g.
collecting direct responses of informants). However, now with the proliferation of
communication technologies and specifically the online archives that can engage and
reflect changing situations as well as the way in which people pursue their everyday
lives, it provides significant opportunities to conduct systematic, insightful research
on specific data.
Particularly with the research topic that involves people’s sensory experience,
studying the archives such as visual or sound media can be of great use. For instance,
the study of ritual performances in India has been done by looking at the archival
records of singing and recitation of mantras (Manuel 1993) while there are also other
studies of visual, olfactory, and gustatory practices from similar sorts of archives
(Pinard 1991). The anthropology of multisensory experience is highlighted in the
study context of urban South Asia which is characterized as being rich and com-
petitive in sensory exchanges (Matzner 2014). Recent development of consumption
and marketing also suggest that the audiovisual media can be easily transferred and
adopted across countries. Examples are shown in the cases of Japanese (J-pop) and
Korean pop cultures (K-pop) being widely promoted in several countries in Asia.
Thus studying an archive of this data source can facilitate understanding of the cross-
cultural influences like Nakano (2002)’s study of the influence of Japanese television
series in Asia.
Additionally, with the study of specific events that only take place once in a while,
archival records such as video ethnographies can provide wider access to a mediated
form of naturalistic observation (Belk and Kozinets 2005). An example is the study
of publicly available video records of the Pee Ta Khon festival in Thailand which
incorporated visual semiotics to analyze how the hungry ghost mythology reconciles
materialism and spiritualism in death rituals (Hackley and Hackley 2015). Such data
can help illustrate presentations of many cultural symbols such as the mimic models
of ghost figures in a carnivalesque parade with people joining in dancing, drinking,
enjoying food and fun followed by the merit-making ceremonies at local temples to
feed the hungry ghosts with foods and offerings to and via the monks.
By nature, archival research is considered unobtrusive (or non-intruding) because
it provides opportunities to study about aspects of social settings in which people’s
interactions are not reactive to the presence of researchers (Webb et al. 1981). This is
quite important, specifically in some areas of Asia where people are living in a small,
close-knit society and hence can be sensitive to interacting with strangers. However,
records mostly represent traces that people or organizations may intentionally or
unintentionally leave behind. Yet, as Wolf (1991) examined short stories in popular
Archival Strategy 213
Tamil-language magazines, she suggested that stories can represent constructions of

reality. Thus, the main idea here of studying stories, as represented in the archival
records, is not about finding or verifying objective truth but learning from reflections
of collective values and cultural reproductions (Imada and Yussen 2012).
While records tend to be made according to specific topics reflecting a specific
time, some archival records are designed to include overall aspects of lives across
the time. For example, the Recording the Future (RtF) project in Indonesia was
initiated in 2003 to produce an audiovisual archive of scenes from everyday life in
Indonesia over a period of 100 years. No rigid topics were set because everyday life
has multiple perspectives and new themes are constantly emerging. The technique
here includes having fixed cameras on one and the same spot, filming from moving
objects (e.g. cars, boats), featuring interviews, and performing the so-called “RtF
walks” involving walking and talking to people on a fixed route repeatedly every
four years to explore the continuities and changes. Additionally, there are studies of
other types of archives which are involved with everyday life consumption such as
trade association records and museum exhibitions from ancient Shanghai to study the
development of consumer culture (Kuo 2007; Dikötter 2006; Gerth 2003), images
of antique Korean quilts to trace stories of their female makers (Belk 2006), and
greeting cards to analyze Chinese emotional conventions (Erbaugh 2000).
Archival Strategy Approach
Denzin (1978) divided archival records into public and private records. Public
archives tend to be produced in standardized form and archived systematically (e.g.
chronologically indexed) with a filing system. These include a variety of commercial
media produced for mass consumption (e.g. newspapers, magazines, television pro-
grams) but these sources may contain editorial bias. Media in several Asian countries
have been largely controlled or monitored by the government. Moreover, there can
be a media sentiment towards some incident. For instance, a series of studies of the
Tank Man image, which is a picture of a young protester confronting armored tanks
in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, proposed that photographs like these can
not only represent in situ meanings (e.g. individualistic heroism) but suggest some
ascribed values to shape viewer’s responses of Communist China and state-society
relations. In addition, this particular image has been repurposed or reappropriated
in many other publications (e.g. Western political cartoons, posters, magazines) to
suggest new meanings in new contexts such as the relative position of China and
the West (Hubbert 2014). Therefore, when analyzing this kind of archival source,
researchers must take into consideration concerns about possible underlying agenda.
With a focus on tracing transition, newspaper represents a major source of archival
data partly due to its wider availability since the olden days (compared to the other
sources like radio, television, billboards) and also its larger collections, as newspaper
records have been preserved in many libraries. In consumption and marketing, there
have been many studies of newspaper advertisements. Box 9.1 explains about this
approach with examples of prior research in the Asian context.
Box 9.1 Studies of Newspaper Advertisements in Asia

Newspaper advertisements represent a good source of archival data for research
on consumption and marketing because these materials are directly related to
the domain of study (e.g. advertising appeals, brand and product communi-
cations). This data source can illustrate the impact of cultural differences as
demonstrated in, for instance, how global brands are being featured in various
local newspaper advertisements. Because newspapers are produced daily (or
weekly), they can be used also in comparing findings across cultures over the
same time period.
Moreover, theories suggest that contents of advertisements mirror a soci-
ety and can reflect the values that their intended audiences place emphasis on
(Belk and Pollay 1985; Holbrook 1987; Pollay 1983, 1986). Therefore, study-
ing archives of advertisements can help explore social change over time. An
example is Zhao and Belk (2008)’s study of newspaper advertisements in China
to explore the transition from communism to consumerism. They explained that
during the period of research interest from 1979 to 2003, newspaper advertise-
ments were a consistently influential medium. In the process, they also specified
their choice of the People’s Daily which is the oldest and largest newspaper
with widest access to the general public. The authors noted that it has been
the official newspaper of the Chinese government since 1949 so the People’s
Daily is more conservative and sensitive to ideological changes than the other
commercial publications. This example suggests the use of newspaper adver-
tisement as an archival source to analyze social change and the need to explain
also about conditions of the archival source to facilitate better understanding
of the research findings.
Lastly, because most advertisements try to connect with people’s lives, their
contents may illustrate other important topics beyond what was considered ear-
lier in the research development. Specifically there are many subtle meanings
communicated in Asian advertising. For example, Frith and Cheng (2009)
uncovered uses of sexual subtext in more recent Chinese advertising. Minowa
et al. (2011) illustrated from a historical record (1958–2007) of newspaper ads
and texts during Japanese Valentine’s Day that women were encouraged to give
gifts strategically to men with the aim to get gifts of more expensive value from
men on White Day a month after. Hence researchers are encouraged to explore
this archival data in depth. Sometimes the meanings are embodied in the use of
symbols. An example is Zhao and Belk (2008)’s study that employed a semi-
otic approach to study symbols from Chinese communism used in advertising
in the post-Mao economy.
The other archival study of newspapers by Chen (2016) analyzed 314 newspaper
articles related to cultural exports of South Korean popular music into global markets.
Here, news articles were selected because they are regarded highly for authenticity of
information (Golder 2000). The articles were derived from the source, www.allkpop.
com, which was a leading news site that reports marketing activities of various tal-
ent agencies. The aim of this study was to examine modes of entry and positioning
strategies used by media producers which could contribute to understanding of inter-
national marketing for cultural products, particularly in this case with the growing
popularity of the hallyu (the Korean wave). It is noted that with the topic that involves
a recent phenomenon such as the popularity of South Korean popular culture in other
Asian countries (Ryoo 2009), the channel to obtain news archives was shifted to the
online source which could provide easier and more systematic access to the data.
Referring to the newspaper articles also has extra benefits as contents of interest have
already been analyzed to some extent (by writers of the articles) so they may provide
some preliminary insights (as a reference point rather than a conclusive finding) that
can promote research effectiveness and efficiency.
Moreover, because the use of public archives allows access to incidents of the past
that may have lasting impact on the present, it is worth studying such phenomenon
though it may not be directly relevant to the research topic. In this case, with the focus
on consumption and marketing, researchers may try to understand some defining
moments that involve issues in politics or technology which seemed to have great
impact on people. For instance, the study of Indonesian society may be looking at
documentary films about the anti-communist mass killings (1965/1966) which even
today remain haunting to most people (Alexandra 2015; Falls 2015). The authors
suggested that studying the films can enhance understanding of people’s memory.
Moreover, the archival record provides access to the past incidents such as disasters
that must be explored promptly. As an example, Viswambharan and Priya (2016)
studied the documentary, Final Solution by Rakesh Sharma, which is about the post-
Godhra riots in 2002 in India and the survivors’ experiences of suffering and healing.
By referring to the audio-visual materials that can depict intricate issues or problems
of people, researchers can gain better perspectives of the situation.
In addition to the general commercial records (e.g. newspapers, magazines,
movies), the other kind of public archive is actuarial records produced for specific
audiences but typically available to the public under certain circumstances. These
include, for example, demographic records (e.g. birth, death, marriage, divorce),
household statuses, and application information. Official documentary records are
those produced by organizations mainly for limited purposes e.g. sales records
and financial performances. Additionally, there are other forms of communications
e.g. emails, memos, newsletters. Though these data sources are considered public
archives, they may contain some identifiers such as customer names on sales slips
or recipient email addresses. Thus, researchers must be cautious when referring to
such records.
Besides the public archives, there are private archives which form a collection of
materials created mainly for personal purposes (e.g. journals, diaries, letters, home
movies, artifacts like drawings, crafts). These may be solicited (e.g. requested) or
unsolicited (e.g. discovered) by researchers. The private archive represents the way
in which informants define circumstances, how they encounter experiences, and
make sense of their lives. Thus the data sets allow researchers to explore the infor-
mants’ viewpoints and perspectives. Currently there are more means for people to
record their lives such as the smartphone to capture and store photos and videos.
Besides being able to record spontaneous moments, the artefacts can be viewed and
shared easily. These photos and videos produced from mobile phones incorporate
more everyday, mundane activities with anecdotal characters than those produced by
traditional photography which tend to be more occasion-focused (Goggin 2006).
Studies have shown these activities of recording and sharing personal stories have
been broadly and popularly practiced by Asian consumers. Schwarz (2009) studied
the self documentation of Israeli teens who were engaged in recalling their personal
past through the photos and videos they have taken with their mobile phones. The
author suggested this was a popular leisure activity, especially among young girls in
Israel, and the records could be accessed through their blogs or the artifacts published
online (e.g. in video-sharing sites, online albums, social networks). Nevertheless,
researchers should keep in mind there could be some differences between products
produced for self consumption and those made for sharing with others. Such records
can be personal but not private and the culture can play an important part here. In the
study of Haryanto et al. (2017), when the authors asked 11 informants in Indonesia to
post their photos with the selected product on Facebook so they could track the flow
of comments made, they learned that only six informants were willing to cooperate
while the rest denied the request because they did not want to be perceived as arrogant
or trying to show off (since the featured product is very expensive).
Archival Strategy Procedure
In terms of data collection, finding archival data has become much easier now with
the expansive use of communication technologies. The challenge however lies in
how to set scope of the collected data in order to support further analyses. To identify
which archival sources should be kept, researchers may refer to specific research
questions and identify relevant stakeholder groups, their characteristics and cultures,
consumption practices and processes, and time durations from the emergence to
termination of the phenomenon. These help suggest the range of research contents
and selection of the archival data sources. Next, researchers can begin examining the
overall collection and contents of potential data sources. The goal is to familiarize
themselves with the phenomenon of interest and to start developing a data inventory
that allows easy access and systematic evaluations. Classifications of data can be
according to the research context, the people’s needs and concerns, the processes
involving some causes and consequences of the phenomenon, and future trends. It is
advised that researchers go through all data in one whole round to gain a preliminary
understanding before going through the archive more times to understand the context,
perspective of producer, and the broad themes of the research findings. Also when
collecting and organizing data, researchers may evaluate the physical traces including
erosion and accretion of data materials (Berg 1998a, b). The erosion measure refers
to different degrees of data usage indicated by some replacement or restoration of
the data materials. These may suggest the records are frequently attended by many
people. The accretion measure represents data deposits over time such as additions
of new objects into the research setting. These analyses can serve as social clues to
understanding the phenomenon.
Clearly the archival strategy can be fundamental to most research studies because
it provides multiple benefits (e.g. being unobtrusive, engaging big data) with less
time and resources consumed. Though analyses of archival records can add new
perspectives or suggest better revision of the study, there are some concerns regarding
the use of this data collection technique. These include the ability to filter and process
the large sets of data, particularly when they originate from different contexts. It is
important that researchers must try to understand their implicit domains when making
use of the archival data (Scott et al. 2006). Researchers must take into account the
materials’ conditions such as underlying beliefs, cultures, values, and viewpoints
regarding the creation of archival sources. Nguyen and Belk (2007) studied archives
of photographs taken during the Vietnam War whereby the authors examined both
personal and group web pages of Vietnam veterans. Their visual analysis started with
general questions of what and how subjects were photographed before examining
detailed images of the scenes and people as well as the specific camera angles which
can represent the power distance. Moreover, the researchers studied the narratives and
captions put in the pictures and the way in which the photos are shared or displayed
on websites. All of these are to help attain better understanding of the contexts. In
essence, seeing beyond presented meanings of the data sources can broaden scopes
of understanding. The use of visual archives support the authors’ analyses of the
research question about how the veterans seek community and construct identity
in remembering. Given this focus, the authors emphasized that this technique helps
illustrate the history, society, and culture of consumers’ representational practices.
When collecting and analysing archival data, it should be noted that the efforts
may be filtered by researchers’ personal views. Moreover, the preexisting data may
have already been processed by other people who have other biases. Additionally,
the data may contain other problems such as improper sampling, validity and reli-
ability. Figueroa (2008) explicated the audio-visual data as an object of analysis,
namely the AVO-approach, and suggested the first and fundamental step is to have
researchers clarifying their epistemological standpoints and interpretive frameworks
before approaching the data as a whole for initial analysis. The other important
consideration is realizing that archival data originated for other purposes. There-
fore, it may not directly address the specific research question or provide enough
details about the focused research topics. Realizing the benefits and limitations of
the archival strategy, it is suggested that this can be used as a method to complement
the other major data collection techniques that intend to gather informants’ perspec-
tives such as individual and group interviews, and ethnographic observations.
Participant Produced Materials
Similar to the private records of the archival strategy, participant produced materials
include materials created by consumers, but in this case requested by researchers
according to the specified research topics. Participant produced materials empower
consumers to provide an individual account of explanations rather than having to
wait for data to be elicited by researchers. This key benefit is highlighted in the
research with some marginal or neglected consumer groups (Pavia 1993; Hill and
Stamey 1990) and with respect to some sensitive issues (Pavia and Mason 2004;
Mason and Pavia 1998). This section elaborates on the three major techniques of
creating autobiographies, writing diaries, and taking photos and/or video records.
Such techniques encourage consumers to communicate from their views with less
reliance on researchers’ questioning or observing their behaviors. The suggested
tools with a multisensory set of materials can facilitate consumers to express and
elaborate a wide range of conceptions from cognitive knowledge to more affective
emotion (Sherry and Schouten 2002). The techniques can stimulate active participa-
tion of consumers in producing research materials while it redistributes social power
and positions to promote understanding of the phenomenon from the consumers’
perspectives. Nevertheless, participant produced materials may include some reac-
tivity effects as consumers might be conscious about telling their stories. Moreover,
the behavior may become less than natural with the interference of devices such as
cameras and journal records. However, these issues can be addressed by integrating
data derived from this tool with data obtained from the other research methods to
achieve the triangulation.
There are two major approaches involving the use of participant produced mate-
rials. First, researchers can ask informants to use diaries, photos, or videos to record
their current practices and experiences encountered. This can complement data gath-
ered from the other research methods because it may incorporate things that are
typically not discussed in interviews or expressed in observed behaviors. Asian peo-
ple in particular tend to moderate their expression of emotions, so combining these
alternative methods of communication can help incorporate the emotional or expe-
riential intent of the informants. Secondly, the participant produced materials can be
used to recreate unexamined, taken-for-granted perceptions. Here, researchers ask
informants to interpret some identified topics (e.g. defining situations, recounting
memories, describing histories) and present them via the requested activities. This
technique can reflect on informants’ focuses and distortion as well as elaborate on
consumers’ lifeworld from the phenomenological view.
Autobiography
Autobiography represents a detailed description of events that happened in a person’s

life from the person’s point of view. This is organized in the form of storytelling rather
Participant Produced Materials 219
than a mere representation of past occurrences (Harré and Langenhove 1999). By

referring to the life story, the method does not emphasize elaboration of discrete
events but processes in which they are linked together (Hopkinson and Hogg 2006).
The autobiography empowers informants to bring closure to the incidents instead
of reporting from the researchers’ interpreted viewpoints. Here, they can provide
contextual details of specific life events according to their preferences and comfort
without being probed. This retrospective method can be used in investigating causes
of past events because informants are expected to assess and reveal the nature of
events (Otnes et al. 2007). Moreover, by asking informants to reflect on their iden-
tities and relationships with other people, the method illustrates the way in which
consumers develop their values and behaviors. Gould (2013) observed that the med-
itation, which is widely practiced in Asia, can enhance better self-observation due
to its focus on self-awareness.
Frequently, the informants appreciate the participation because the method pro-
vides them some eye-opening experiences while they get to connect with deeper
meanings of lives (Noland 2006). Yet there are some challenges to be considered as
the tool may require profound contemplation of individuals to retrieve and recall the
past events, and also high levels of literacy to articulate the story. Moreover, when
writing the autobiography, informants may remove themselves from their lived expe-
riences and try to convey their perceived life stories (Goodson 2001). They may distort
some elements of the story to manage their social image. This social desirability is
the key issue in the Asian research context. Thus, researchers must be aware of these
limitations and find ways to address them such as by integrating them with the other
research methods.
Berg (1998a, b) proposed that there are three main types of autobiography. First,
the comprehensive autobiography covers a span of a lifetime from the earliest recall
to the current time and it includes detailed descriptions of life experiences, personal
insights, and anecdotal reminiscences (Smith 1994). Second, the topical autobiog-
raphy focuses on certain events or a certain time in life (Denzin 1978). Researchers
may identify a key phenomenon of interest and ask relevant informants to explain
their personal meanings. This approach can support comparisons between the other
informants’ autobiographies given the specified topics, and the multiple stories can
support unfolding of the histories as it explains how different people’s experiences
were interwoven over the course of time (Otnes et al. 2007). Third, the edited autobi-
ography is a report in which researchers work as editors (e.g. shortening or eliminat-
ing repetitions) and sometimes commentators to bring clarity to the pieces. This is
needed particularly when informants are not familiar with or competent in narrating
the stories.
Key procedures to collect data begin with researchers’ identifying the event of
interest from the research questions. Next, researchers try to provoke a story by ask-
ing informants to recall and describe events in as much detail as possible, and then
write a story about how they experienced such events. This may include antecedents
and consequences of the events depending on how informants may like to elaborate.
Thus, the autobiography can reflect on the salience of events from the informant’s per-
spective and identity. When Haryanto et al. (2017) conducted research on consumer
perception of future brand management with Indonesian consumers, they referred

to this autobiographical approach to understand branding from the consumer’s mind
(including personal experiences, emotions, mental imagery of brand image, symbol,
and identity) and they used this as a basis to connect with the future of brand. It is
observed that this technique could help engage consumers in the developing market
to discuss complex subjects like futuristic anticipation. The authors illustrated that
the autobiographical memory about brand experience has a profound impact and
consequence on future thinking about the brand.
In doing autobiography, informants are free to select and combine any incidents
to formulate a story without researchers’ involvements in prompting or probing
on certain subjects (Hopkinson and Hogg 2006). Informants can be selective in
what they attend to and what concepts they would like to implicate (Polkinghorne
1987). These are quite crucial in gaining insights from Asian consumers because
the method reduces the effect of interacting with strangers (such as researchers).
However, because in the autobiography, informants have to become the key nar-
rator of the composed story and sometimes the lead actor in certain events, some
consumers (particularly in the Asian context) may feel uncomfortable or unfamiliar
with the practice due to the culture of shying away from being the center of attention.
Moreover, prior research with South Asian women explained that the informants’
focal interest was mainly their family (i.e. children) rather than themselves so it was
recommended that the method should not be limited to only personal lifecourse but
to include perspectives on family trajectories (Kolar et al. 2015). Finally, in the data
collection procedure, researchers should try to ensure that the narrative is clearly
elaborated so that it provides solid data for further analyses.
Alternative to the written narratives, researchers can apply the oral history tech-
nique to let informants recall and recount on their life stories in verbal form as part
of the depth interview (Elliott and Davies 2006). Moreover, they can present the
autobiography by drawing a timeline which may appear in different shapes from
the simple straight lines to nonlinear (e.g. swirl, spiral) representations (Patterson
et al. 2012; Berends 2011). The combined use of some visual methods can not
only engage informants but also promote common understanding while helping to
overcome some cultural and language barriers, particularly between researchers and
informants of different cultures (Belk 2013). When Kolar et al. (2015) conducted
research with South Asian immigrant women and street-involved youth who expe-
rienced violence, they asked informants to draw a timeline to depict key events in
their lives. The method allows informants to unveil experiences with less pressure.
The authors suggested the timeline can be in the form of a list-like timeline (with
many texts to describe the events and symbols like + or − to signify positive or
negative events), or a continuous-line timeline which can comprise many symbols
and pictures (e.g. dashes, dots, dips, waves, or angles) to represent different kinds of
experiences or the way in which informants perceive their lives during those times.
In addition, the duration span of timelines can be varied as there are some times in
life when there are not many things happening or life is rather straightforward while
there are other times that contain multiple complex, winding issues. The use of a
timeline in telling a life story can engage interactivity and create a sense of direction
of what informants want to share. They can use the timeline as a map where they
become the navigator of the critical events. This technique can be helpful in having
a dialogue with Asian informants who, according to the theory discussed earlier in
Chap. 3, tend to refer to polychromic time where multiple interactions at different
times are intertwined. Having a visual timeline can assist informants in lining up the
key events while it remains open for various temporal logic (e.g. straight, loop, spiral)
and informants can still jump back and forth when illustrating their story according
to their perspectives.
The use of autobiography is normally combined with the interview method to
allow informants to elaborate on some viewpoints and researchers to ask questions
about some specific topics. This can be in either a sequential approach such as asking
informants to create the autobiography and then participate in interviews or in a
parallel approach such as iteratively constructing the autobiography (e.g. drawing
timelines) during the course of interview. This participant produced material serves
as a reference and allows informants to navigate the discussion. It can help enhance
confidence of informants in sharing descriptive experiences because the tool becomes
a medium of understanding between researchers and informants and therefore it helps
avoid putting informants on the spot.
Diary
The next participant produced material is the consumers diary. Researchers ask infor-
mants to write about what happen in their everyday lives which includes a wide array
of subjects from settings to practices, processes, and relationships. The length of time
depends on the research objective, and it is usually followed by an interview con-
ducted to gain further insights. It should be noted that this is different from the other
type of consumption diary research, which is more quantitative in nature, in which
participants are asked to record their consumption such as items consumed during a
specified time like foods eaten for each meal per day, or types and duration of media
used per day. Because a diary is a personal record of activities, events, moments, and
thoughts, it can reflect on informants’ learning about themselves and their interactions
with other people. Moreover, it can reveal a person’s frame of thinking, references,
and purposes which can be quite insightful in collecting the data. Different from the
autobiography, the diary technique can be employed repeatedly to examine ongo-
ing experiences and sociopsychological processes occurring in everyday situations
(Bolger et al. 2003) and it can be recorded right after the event in its natural context
(Patterson 2005). With the support of new technology, consumers who are familiar
with the use of smartphone, can find many alternative platforms to complete a diary.
Interactive Experience Sampling Method (iESM) was used in Japan as a tool for
informants to capture their everyday activities as data in progress with the use of
a smartphone system that can incorporate text and image which can be wirelessly
transmitted to a database ready for real-time analysis (Hosoe 2005). Currently, the
mobile diary is being promoted with its key benefit to save informants’ records (via
text, photos, audio) of events instantaneously so they will not forget about details of
activities (Sun et al. 2013).
Because writing a personal diary (either on paper or computer) is considered quite
intimate and the records represent private documents, it is crucial to firstly empha-
size the voluntary participation and anonymity of informants and relevant persons
mentioned in the writing. Then key procedures to collect data involve asking infor-
mants to allocate time to perform this task everyday. This can become a burden to
some people because it demands a systematic, daily recording. Thus, such commit-
ment must be highlighted from the beginning of the research project. When writing,
the informants are free to express their thoughts and feelings with no set guidelines
or requirements from researchers. It is common to find confusing contents because
informants may have competing ideas and opinions about what happened in their
everyday lives which may not be resolved yet. Unlike a story narrated in the auto-
biography, the personal diary can be quite fragmented. The style is up to a person’s
preference as some people may like to attach photos, draw pictures, write poems,
or make a scrapbook. These can also represent the different ways in which people
perceive and express their lives.
The personal diary as a data collection technique has many benefits in engaging
consumers to create research materials which are not too complicated for most people
and can be easily obtained because it is about what happens in everyday life. More-
over, consumers have complete control and freedom in expressing their views without
having to respond to researchers’ questions. Thus, the data can demonstrate prevail-
ing ideologies and intensity of feelings as they are elaborated at various lengths
according to the informant’s perceptions. Nevertheless, the method also presents
some difficulties, specifically in engaging informants’ commitment to write a diary
on a regular basis with dedicated interest and attention. The act of repetitive writing
can be tiresome and it can be cumbersome for some people to translate their thoughts
into written words. Hence, there was an introduction of the spoken diary as an alter-
native tool for young consumers to verbally record their entries using their phones
(Schaffner 2011). The tool was proposed to be more teenage-friendly.
Moreover, the recent development of online communications suggests that people
have become more used to illustrating and reporting their everyday lives (e.g. via
weblogs, chat apps, social media networks, etc.) Yet there is a difference between a
personal diary and a diary to share with friends and/or the public. Box 9.2 illustrates
an example study of Sie et al. (2016) using the new tool WeChat as a remote diary.
Box 9.2 Diary Research using WeChat in China

WeChat is one of the most popular social media and messaging apps in China.
The service is free and easy to use. Therefore it has been adopted by a wide
range of Chinese consumers. Besides offering a messaging service, the tool
allows users to post updates of their lives to their friends who are connected via
their accounts. Acknowledging these benefits, Sie et al. (2016) designed their
studies of Chinese consumption of financial and banking services using WeChat
as a remote diary. With the popular use of WeChat, the authors were able to
recruit a diverse group of informants ranging in ages (from 25 to 57 years) and
residences (from Tier 1 cities to Tier 3 provinces). They asked informants to
post everyday for 30 days in a private chat room with researchers their daily
activities involved with financial transactions (including paying for meals),
the environment where the activities took place, reasons why the transactions
were made, and reflections. The authors proposed the benefits of using the
mobile diary as informants were encouraged to add photos and videos which
could bring further richness to the data. Moreover as WeChat normally involves
constant communications, it can encourage informants’ commitment to deliver
consistent diary report.
During the data collection, the authors observed that informants were
initially quite reserved and formal in their sharing of personal stories with
researchers, who were considered strangers. Thus the researchers invented the
avatar of a friendly-looking alien (namely Little Red Sprite) who is curious
to learn about ‘Earthlings’. This was to build a better interpersonal relation-
ship, an element quite crucial in the Asian context, leading to better chances
to obtain more detailed accounts of daily activities. The avatar was created as
customized WeChat stickers (with various emotions e.g. gratitude, curiosity,
happiness) to be used in communications between researchers and informants.
These included reminders of daily posts, answering informants’ queries, or
asking questions for clarification. Results of the diary research were quite pos-
itive as some informants continued their posts even after the conclusion of the
study. Most importantly, the researchers were able to obtain high quality data
with elaborated details posted regularly.
Later in the process, the WeChat conversations were generated to help scope
areas for further interviews and gain some clarification of data. The authors
indicated that the trust established via the use of the WeChat diary approach
could facilitate more open, detailed dialogues in the follow-up telephone inter-
views.
Source: Sie et al. (2016).
Pictures and/or Videos
As the abovementioned techniques, autobiography and diary, mentioned some diffi-

culties in engaging informants to write about their lives, this section elaborates on the
alternative tool of asking informants to take pictures and/or make video recordings.
This has become more important in the current society of spectacle where visual
images are highly influential. Belk (2012) suggested that the Asian consumer cul-
tures are quite rich in visual details as can be observed in the use of visual symbols in
writing systems (e.g. Chinese and Japanese characters), and other media communi-
cations (e.g. wide uses of stickers and emoticons in online messages). He indicated
that photography and videography have become increasingly pervasive in Asia as
they play important roles in many people’s lives and as visual literacy among Asian
consumers continues to expand.
Photos and videos provide information about individuals’ life stories and the con-
text in which they emerge (Schroeder 1998). The technology nowadays has empow-
ered many people to make the recordings quite easily. The prior chapters suggested
that photos and/or videos have been regularly included in the other research meth-
ods (e.g. individual interviews, focus group interviews, ethnography, netnography)
because they can provide more complete data recording. However, those tools are
used by researchers while this section proposes autophotography and autovideogra-
phy, with the records kept by informants with minimal involvement of researchers in
the creation. These techniques can help identify what people value in their lives, how
they define their situations and depict the representations. The visual method can help
address some issues of power relations, representation, and meaning. For instance,
in collecting videos produced by foreigners already in or travelling to China, the data
reflect their enchantment with the exotic culture, and at the same time demonstrate
their attempts to expose the local acts to counter unpopular policies to control the
media and free expression (Zito 2014).
In the autophotography, informants are asked to take pictures of what is involved
in their lives, items that are important to their consumption, or other subjects spec-
ified by the research topics. Informants may select and record the images they feel
represent something important. This technique can be quite useful, particularly for
marginalized groups or in conducting research with language barriers (like many
places in Asia) because it provides opportunities for them to elaborate their view-
points with less dependence on potentially biased research instruments such as the
interview or narrative records (Sheridan, Chamberlain, and Dupuis 2011; Noland
2006; Harper 2003). The visual method has been increasingly used in research with
the vulnerable groups (e.g. the youth, immigrants) because it can enhance building
of rapport, promote contextualization and incorporate non-verbal communication
(Kolar et al. 2015).
In the past, researchers provided camera (permanent or disposable) for infor-
mants to use, but now this can be easier performed using informants’ smartphones
and the digital photos can be sent to researchers on a regular basis. The method also
involves researchers’ asking informants to describe the photos taken, their origins
or reasons for taking such pictures, and ideas about the images and meanings. The
other important aspect is the background images. While these are generally taken for
granted, drawing attention to such images can engage informants in analyzing some
underlying contexts of their everyday lives. Particularly with the high-context com-
munication in Asia, such information can play an important part in understanding
consumer behaviors. Besides explaining about what appear in the pictures, infor-
mants can also talk about elements that may be missing from the scenes (Harper
1986). This can promote deeper insights of the way in which informants select or
take experiences into consideration.
To gather further illustrations of the pictures, the autophotography technique is

typically combined with the interview method. The use of photographs to prompt
further discussions is called photo-elicitation (ibid). This is claimed to help relieve
the stress that some informants feel during their research participations or tension
from being asked about personal subjects (Collier and Collier 1986). The photo
elicitation is considered to be less invasive in probing specific subjects because it
facilitates informants to portray their views in pictures or discuss the photos from the
third person’s perspective (Noland 2006). This can be helpful in discussing topics that
many Asian consumers find strange or awkward to explain in words such as consumer
identity or intimate relationships. The technique also helps empower informants to
become leaders of conversations about the pictures. It allows them to tell stories
spontaneously while it can partially detach people from the consumption process
resulting in more free association (ibid.). Samuels (2004) conducted both word-only
and photo-elicited and interviews in Sri Lanka and found the latter to last longer as
informants could elaborate on their experiences. When looking at pictures as data,
researchers not only analyze the picture’s contents but also interpret the context such
as informants’ positions and relationships in the social setting, the time and space
assigned to the photo taking, their subjectivity and identities (Thomas 2009). These
influence production of the pictures from selection of the subjects to be recorded to
the framing and shooting of experiences.
In the autovideography, informants are asked to record footage, shoot videos
about their slice of life, or produce a long edited film depending on the research
objectives and informants’ preferences. The goal of this self-directive method is to
show informant’s perspectives in action with no interference from the researcher so
they can be more spontaneous and open in explaining their viewpoints and behaviors
(Belk and Kozinets 2005). Informants are asked to provide a narrative flow of their
experiences via the use of multisensory representation tool that can offer a strong
testimony to explain about many facets of life. Unlike autophotography, which pro-
vides a variety of fragmented materials, autovideography needs some skills to put
together a coherent story. Here, informants need to determine details to be included
in order to make a complete account of phenomenon while not distracting or con-
fusing the flow. Moreover, informants may need to learn some basic techniques such
as zooming, moving the cameras, transitioning the scenes, and editing. Neverthe-
less with the support of modern technology, these skills can be taught and learned as
demonstrated in research by David MacDougall with children in India whereby small
cohorts of boys and girls aged between 10 and 13 years were taught basic filming
skills over the course of eight- to ten-week workshops to produce short films as part of
the overall five-year research project, “Childhood and Modernity: Indian Children’s
Perspectives” (Potts 2015). Here, children could express their views that reflected
the fast-changing transformation in India. It is noted that the produced videos may
be influenced by the participants’ familiarity with their consumed visual media. For
instance in this case of children’s filming, Bollywood movies acted as a reference
and therefore there were some films made with staged song and dance.
Now with the expansive growth of the candid videos available online (e.g.
YouTube), many people are familiar with the making and viewing of self-made mate-
rials. Pace (2008) suggested that YouTube has become the channel to engage public
intimacy whereby people agree to let others see their own lives. This can enhance
a wider use of the autovideography technique. Moreover, the updated technologies
available on smartphones and personal computers allow informants to produce and
edit videos with good quality.
Overall, this technique of asking informants to create photos and/or videos is
quite compelling because it can not only represent consumers’ native perspectives
but also enable researchers to look at consumers’ worlds through their lens. To
some extent, the method is claimed to produce more authentic data because the
representation is less reliant on people’s abilities to translate their viewpoints into
writing (Noland 2006). Moreover, the records can communicate insights into some
rituals or practices that may be difficult to discuss in words, and more experiential
and emotional contents can be better captured with this method (Belk and Kozinets
2005). As for the presentation and dissemination of research, having photo and
video materials can engage wider groups of people who prefer to view the presented
pictures or interactive media rather than reading textual scripts. This method can also
reach beyond the language boundary of informants, researchers, and audiences of
the research.
Despite many benefits of using autophotography and autovideography, there are
some limitations to the method. These include the intentional portrayal of particular
moments and experiences as informants have to think about what to capture in the
photo and/or video recordings. Such data may contain distortions and biases regard-
ing reactivity effects and social desirability, the key impediments in doing research in
an Asian context. Moreover, the tools enable informants to detach themselves from
the encounter and stay behind the lens of the cameras instead. Thus, it must be noted
that the data also represents informants’ gazing out to capture the scenes. In many
cases, it represents a way to empower certain groups of participants to express their
perspectives, which in some cultures are likely to be suppressed. The previously dis-
cussed example of the children’s film making in India (Potts 2015) demonstrated that
typical Asian school education does not favor independent or imaginative thinking
and hence children were unsure in the beginning when being asked to perform the
task. However, through the workshops they became more confident in expressing
their views amidst the social forces to conform or subdue their individuality. To an
extent, the autovideography can become a sort of protest as there was a case of one
girl who made a film about how girls have to handle household duties and other lim-
itations placed on their education. As a result, they see their future as being limited
compared to the privilege given to boys.
Realizing that this production of autophotography or autovideography embodies
a way of seeing and it suggests some social powers of selecting and demonstrating
the representations (Berger 1972), researchers can try to address such concerns by
directly discussing with informants about their thoughts and choices behind the
recordings in order to learn about their views of the world and what they see as
important (Noland 2006). The approach can help informants look at things they may
take for granted and explore their underlying motives (Bogdan and Biklen 1998)
leading to some deeper insights.
In summary, participant produced materials represent the techniques that allow

informants to create research data based on their own perspectives rather than the
researchers’ elicited findings. It is noted that this type of data represents more than
what is being observed but also includes how informants perceive the world. Through
the use of different recording methods (e.g. creating autobiographies, writing diaries,
taking photos and videos), informants can elaborate their introspection and self-
disclosure. However, the techniques may demand informants’ self-knowledge, strong
motivations, certain skills and self-report capability (Belk et al. 2013). Quite often,
people are not aware of the situations or they may not remember what happened.
Given such limitations, the next alternative research method is proposed to uncover
the findings dealing with informant’s deeper concerns and tacit responses.
Projective Technique
Rooted in clinical psychology, the projective technique is aimed at uncovering the dif-
ferent layers of the human personality, underlying beliefs, inner feelings and thoughts,
fears, deep motivations or even unconscious perceptions that drive attitude formu-
lations and subsequent behaviors (Belk et al. 2013). These psychological instances
exist in everyone regardless of sociodemographic profiles, but many people prefer to
keep them in their private worlds, or try to control, defend, or hide rather than reveal
them, especially when they may not represent the consciously, well-defined thoughts
and emotions of individuals. It may also be the case that people do not recognize,
recall or cannot understand quite clearly about the nature of their inner psychology.
Hence, such data is generally unexpressed and not accessible by regular research
techniques. Like clinical psychology patients who struggle to understand or make
sense of their deeper problems, it requires specific tools that can work into the deeper
complex psychology and try to externalize them.
Since Earnest Dichter introduced the projective technique in the 1950s, consumer
and marketing researchers have been inspired by the potential of this alternative tool
to elicit impressions of the deeper meanings beyond surface levels of expression.
Quite often consumers do not have comprehensive awareness of their behaviors and
the potential causes and consequences of their actions. Moreover, it is believed there
are preconscious or unconscious influences on consumption behavior. These may
result in some tacit beliefs and hidden opinions. They may by default avoid or refuse
to react on difficult, painful topics. Robinson (1996) proposed that Asian informants
are reluctant to give honest views about their conflicting relationships with parents.
Also there may be some rituals which people cannot articulate and explain about.
Furthermore, people with different personalities have varied degrees of expressive-
ness. These require a designed method to facilitate self-disclosure and explore the
depth of people’s responses (Rook 2006). Rather than generating normal interview
dialogues or observing informants’ behaviors and practices, researchers must elicit
more intimate disclosure in order to understand the more complex phenomena.
Projective technique is a tool to enable a person to project self into designed

stimuli (e.g. task, object) not directly specific to the research question and ask for
their responses to imaginary situations. This method, according to Freud (1911),
helps to access primary motivations and needs lying in different levels of conscious-
ness. By nature, the projective technique is open and highly multidimensional as it
intends to evoke a wide range of responses. Prior studies asking researchers who
have experience using projective techniques in Taiwan, China, Indonesia, Thailand,
and Hong Kong found that Asian informants became more open to discussing their
personal desires rather than keeping their identities as part of a group (Boddy 2007).
Yet within the specified markets, there were differences in terms of openness. The
author commented that consumers from Chinese cultures in Asia (e.g. Taiwan, Hong
Kong) needed a little extra push to participate, while others (e.g. from Indonesia) are
quite happy to try the projective tool. This also depends on the local culture. Banks
(1997) reported that consumers in Myanmar were willing to undertake the tasks due
to the norm of trying to please the host (which in this case is the researcher).
Moreover, because the technique is nested in imaginary or playful situations that
can engage informants to elaborate their views with less awareness and accounts of
the specific research, this can help penetrate into deeper thoughts while eliminating
reactivity effects and social desirability. Though the stimuli are prepared regarding
the research objective or research question, they should remain quite neutral and
ambiguous to engage personalized interpretations and draw out unique personality
characteristics. The ambiguity reduces the chance that informants can connect them
with the research topics, which may result in some response biases. In Boddy (2007)’s
study, one researcher indicated that the projective technique was particularly helpful
when working with Taiwanese consumers because it could help get them to offer
opinions beyond the functional level, especially because they tend to believe in mak-
ing rational decisions. Development of the projective technique can be divided into
the four major approaches i.e. association, construction, completion, and expression.
Association
The association approach is to encourage association of ideas such as by linking

words together to express thoughts. The word association (or free association method)
is one of the oldest techniques used in clinical psychology. Here, researchers will
read a list of words (stimuli) and ask informants to respond with the first words that
come to their minds. When designing word choices, researchers should mix specific
items of interest and neutral items (included to conceal the purpose of study) and the
word list should be randomized in its order of items. This word association tool helps
reveal informants’ strongest attitudes toward the various stimuli. In fact, any word
chosen does not imply a right or wrong answer. The most important thing is actually
speed which reflects the very first thought connecting with the stimuli while reason
or rationalization is minimized. This technique can be continued with the following
tool, successive word association, that asks informants to give more first words in
Projective Technique 229
mind and derive more data from further elaborations. This technique can be applied
to other stimuli such as showing an object, picture, product, advertisement copy,
tagline and asking first word responses. In the interview research study in Vietnam
(Nguyen 2015), it was learned that asking informants to write down any words they
find relevant to the concepts can help lessen problems of restrained answers due to the
face saving culture and reluctance to offer ideas in face-to-face interactions. From this
technique, data collected is not only those selected words and further clarifications
but also observed behaviors such as gestures, facial expressions, phonemic sounds,
amount of time used, and gap or pause before responses (which can indicate feelings
like embarrassment, or uncertainty).
Besides the first word association, researchers can ask informants to associate
a specific brand or product with some specific category such as a person, or ani-
mal. This can support development of brand personality and product personification.
While consumers may find it difficult to define characteristics of the product, this
technique helps them to associate a brand or product with human or animal traits. In
addition, researchers can refer to the use of pictures. As most people’s thoughts are
image-based, the research tools that resonate with pictures or metaphors can facil-
itate insightful responses (Zaltman 1997). A frequently used technique is to show
some pictures and ask informants to make further comments (as with the photo elic-
itation). An example is when Sobh et al. (2014) studied the rather sensitive topic
of female adornment practices in the Middle East and the unique identity formation
that lies between Western modernity and Islamic conservatism. In order to facilitate
consumers’ free responses, the researchers asked informants to comment on pictures
of women wearing different types of abayas (traditional gown) with various tradi-
tional and modern fashions in different contexts. The discussions involved what the
informants think and feel about the wearers, their motivations, what they are try-
ing to communicate, and how they would be perceived by others (including males,
females, locals, westerners). This projective technique facilitates opportunities for
the informants to project their views while feeling less restricted by their current
roles and conditions. Additionally, the researchers asked informants to show up in
their favorite outfits and also bring photos of their other outfits and accessories used
on different occasions.
Normally, pictures showing familiar circumstances can trigger deeply felt emo-
tions among viewers. Accordingly, Heisley and Levy (1991) developed the autodriv-
ing technique, whereby informants are presented with their own images captured
from their natural behaviors and actions and asked to elicit some explanations about
what they were thinking or doing at that moment. These pictures can stimulate
introspection and foster multiple layers of thinking and feelings through repetitive
iterations about the captured moments. Furthermore, some topics demand the use of
pictures to support the discussion. For example, Sobh and Belk (2011) referred to
informants’ photos in their study of favorite clothing choices among covered Islamic
women in Qatar and United Arab Emirates. Martin and Woodside (2011), in their
netnographic research, referred to photographs of informants posted in blogs and
web pages to further probe their impressions of travelling to Tokyo. Though these
responses can provide a range of topics with depth of information, it is noted that
these cannot completely reflect the whole but only slice of life. Thus the tool should
be used as a complementary method to the other empirical and narrative efforts.
Construction
The next projective technique is to encourage informants to construct a story in

response to designed stimuli. This can be pictorial (e.g. picture, video) or narrative
(e.g. stories, words) but must be ambiguous (as emphasized earlier) so individuals
will organize the materials and formulate responses around their own personal expe-
riences and perspectives. The Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) is a tool developed
for personality exploration by clinical psychology researchers in which researchers
provide a series of pictures, photographs, or cartoons as stimuli and ask informants
to make up a story from their own imaginations. It can be about what event lead up
to the scene, how they feel about what they are doing, or what they think will be
happening next. Such a task requires informants to make various observations and
use their creativity in constructing a story. Then researchers may probe for details of
the descriptions to elicit a complete construction of subjects relevant to the study.
Besides narrating a story, informants can describe a dream involving the brand
or product. Such responses will be helpful in advertisement creation. They can also
construct visual responses such as drawings to express attitudes or beliefs that may
be hard to explain in words (Levy 1950). Construction is frequently employed in
research with children to study their perceptions, moods, expressions, cognitive
viewpoints, and visual memory (Jolley and Thomas 1995; Piaget and Inhelder 1969)
especially since nowadays children have become important consumers in the market
with their roles as influencers and sometimes decision makers in purchasing (McNeal
and Ji 2003; McNeal 1992). An example of research in Asia is Chan (2006)’s study
of children’s perceptions of material possessions, asking children aged 6–12 years
to draw what comes to mind about a child who has versus does not have a lot of new
toys. In the research, young children can express their viewpoints about materialism
and consumption. Sometimes the drawing can represent perceived impressions such
as in Sobh and Belk (2011) where they asked couples in Qatar to draw the floor plans
of their houses and found that they each drew their spaces as larger than those of
their spouses. This insight is crucial in understanding gender relations in the specific
Muslim culture. In the construction approach, informants can also make a collage
of various picture items (prepared for them to put together to form a picture). Such
a tool may aid those who do not feel comfortable drawing things. This visual con-
struction can offer useful suggestions for product or package design. It is noted that
in employing the construction technique, researchers must always ask informants to
explain their creations because the visual images and even the use of some words
can have different meanings from the informants’ perspectives.
Completion
This approach asks informants to react to some incomplete stimuli (e.g. a sentence,
story, picture) using sentence completion, having informants fill in a statement (e.g.
people who buy this product are…). A story completion is to have informants illus-
trate the before or after scenario of specified events. Here, researchers provide only
a portion of the stimulus and informants are free to use their imaginations and expe-
riences to interpret and express their views on the other parts in order to complete
the thought. This technique allows informants to explain about detailed context or
assumptions which lead to development of other elements. The designed stimuli
can be directed to the research topic as subjects of interest can be encompassed in
the incomplete sentence. However, the stimuli must remain neutral and ambiguous
to disguise the research intent and not cause response biases. In some situations,
researchers may refer to a third person sentence or story. This is more projective in
nature because in talking about others instead of themselves, informants (specifically
in the Asian context where people are aware of self identity) may be more willing to
reveal their deeper concerns and feelings.
As for picture completion, this technique uses incomplete illustrations such as a
picture of people in different settings but blanking their facial expressions or a picture
of people having conversations but with some empty speech balloons. Informants
are asked to complete the pictures according to how they may project their own
attitudes and beliefs in the given roles. It is emphasized again that the pictures must
be neutral such as having characters with no specific indications of their sociodemo-
graphic backgrounds or personalities. This allows informants to specify the contexts
themselves. The picture should be relevant to informants so they can identify with it
without giving too many details that will influence the neutrality of the setting. The
picture can be related to the research interest such as showing situations about the
use of some products. Essentially, the stimuli should give enough direction for infor-
mants to focus their attention and entice them to become actively involved. However,
previous research suggested that some groups of Asian informants, such as Chinese
from specific regions who have less exposure to the media, may take a longer time
assimilating stimuli (Steele 1990).
Expression
This approach is similar to the construction technique in that it asks informants to

produce a story (in verbal or visual form). However, the focus is not about the end
product (i.e. the story) but the process or manner in which informants are engaged
with the activity. For instance, the role playing technique has informants perform
some specified roles which can be imaginary and irrelevant to their current behaviors.
This technique allows informants to project their own feelings into another person’s
situation. The tool may have useful implications for service encounter design because
it involves people’s assuming different roles and interactions. Data derived from the
expression approach involves how informants operate or manipulate some speci-
fied tools. Thus, the designed stimuli should be understandable while the instruction
should balance between giving enough information for informants to take on the role,
but not too much to limit their imagination or make them caught up with details. The
stimulus may serve as a cue for broader responses but can actively guide the play
so informants can keep focused on the activity. The other relevant approach is psy-
chodrama, which encourages informants to perform in different roles and interact
with each other. This can be applied in a group interview to create dynamic dis-
cussions. In addition, the play technique, like that used in studying children, can be
employed with adult informants. Game playing can engage active participation and
stimulate creativity. Here, researchers obtain data about how they play (rather than
just what they play) such as their expressions, mannerisms, or conversations. The
tool enables informants to express themselves in a way that may be difficult to deliver
in the other situations.
Overall, the four approaches of association, construction, completion, and expres-
sion incorporate multiple tools to facilitate informants in elaborating their deeper
thoughts and feelings. Researchers can select which tools to work with depending
on the situation as the main objective is to stimulate individual responses. Infor-
mants can go in their own directions and provide their own unique reactions based
on the way in which they project themselves into the specified activities. In Asia
this can help manage the issue of people’s being submissive in their responses as
the projective tools encourage people to openly express their views with fewer prob-
lems of social desirability and self censorship biases. Normally, responses obtained
from projective research can be in various forms (e.g. oral, written, drawing) and
informants can combine their impressions to better articulate their views.
The projective technique is generally employed in combination with the other
research methods such as individual and group interviews, ethnography (Heisley
and Levy 1991), and netnography (Kozinets 2010; 2015). Particularly, it can induce
state and context elements that stimulate informants’ thinking and provide references
for profound discussions. In fact, it is not common to find the projective technique
being used alone. This combined use of techniques can help probe deeper concerns
and emotions to attain the inner level of personality which tends to be disguised to
the outer world by rationalization, to look for underlying motives, or to find any
predispositions that may cause people’s behaviors in given situations. For instance,
some people may not be able to tell why they like a certain brand or they cannot
think of any special, distinctive features of the product when being asked directly.
Also, prior research indicated there can be a courtesy bias among informants of some
Asian societies (e.g. Philippines) who try to please the interviewer (Banks 1997).
Thus, combining projective techniques can help uncover true, underlying feelings.
Moreover the projective technique helps provide an alternative process to interact
with informants and bring dynamics to their long engagement in research (Dalbec
2001) e.g. as part of the depth interview. Additionally, the method can make people
feel more comfortable when discussing sensitive issues involving their private self or
topics that can cause potential consequences or implications for informants. Particu-
larly in some cases when direct questioning can be perceived as an assault or offense
on a person’s feelings, using the projective technique can be more subtle and less
threatening because most procedures are disguised from the direct research objec-
tives. The rather playful and unstructured stimuli can promote active participation
while informants are free to express more natural and spontaneous behaviors. Prior
research found that with Asian informants, the projective technique can help free them
from the normal practice of self-censorship (Boddy 2007). The broader responses
derived from the projective technique can enhance open understanding of the phe-
nomenon of interest. Data analysis and interpretation involves holistic perspectives
of consumer responses which include not only rational, conscious awareness but also
other motives that may not be discernible or may be difficult to explain in regular
discussions.
Nevertheless, the projective technique has some limitations due to its approach
in inducing imaginary responses which may be inconsistent with people’s actual,
normal behaviors. Though their imaginations can be embedded in the inner self,
there can be a separation between private and public worlds. Hence, the data may not
be of practical use. Moreover, informants can be affected by their impulses and moods
which can result in less reliable, mixed responses or conflicting claims (Kassarjian
1974). For Asian informants, prior research suggests that informants may be more
reserved in letting their fantasy flow freely though they are willing to take up the
task (Boddy 2007). Other concerns about the use of the projective technique is that
the data analysis and interpretation can be quite fragmented and complex with no
concrete references such as to the question guidelines or domains of observation.
Thus, researchers must be able to work with a wide array of interpretations and be
able to tolerate ambiguity inherent in the design of projective tools and data obtained.
Finally, the technique may raise concerns about ethical research conduct because it
can be perceived as intrusive or trying to trick informants into giving personal data
that they would not typically offer in the other data collection methods (Rook 2006).
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Chapter 10
Data Analysis and Interpretation
Data collection techniques (in Chaps. 5–9) can lead to a compiled set of data ranging
from observation field notes to interview records and transcripts, documents, images,
and artifacts. These represent an aggregation of consumer perspectives, activities
and other relevant phenomena. Because qualitative research can produce a massive
amount of data, the next challenge is to make sense of it which may involve cutting
down the volume by separating trivia from significance, identifying the main pattern
of data, and developing concepts that denote the essence of what the data illustrate
(Patton 2002). This process demands the researcher’s skills, insights, and experience
to succeed rather than following any set procedure. There is no straightforward way to
measure the reliability and validity of the research findings. Realizing the challenges,
this chapter focuses on overall guidelines for data analysis and interpretation to
support the judgment and creativity of the researcher, and suggests some criteria for
evaluating qualitative consumer and marketing research.
From the largely fragmented data collected, the chapter begins with how to prepare
and organize data in order to make sense of the overall collections. Data analysis
involves coding to arrive at some thematic patterns of the data. Next, interpretation
refers to a more abstract, conceptual layer of meanings derived from the data with
reference to the research intentions. These processes are discussed in connection
with the focused subject of consumption and marketing in the Asian market and
combined with the Asian perspectives and practices of knowledge management. Liu
(2011) proposed that the Asian systems of knowledge development can enhance a
qualitative study of complex research phenomena due to the lack of dualism that
separates mind from matter and human nature from material nature. Moreover, the
Eastern traditions (e.g. Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism) generally engage
a holistic intertwined thinking which allows tolerance for contradictions such as
between logic, feelings, and intuition, between objectivity, subjectivity, and empathy,
or between mind, body, and spirit in the oriental systems approach (Polsa 2013; Zhu
1999, 2000). Such Asian epistemology combines different viewpoints into a creative
tension and hence suggests opportunities to employ alternative approaches in creating
and sharing knowledge.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_10
240 10 Data Analysis and Interpretation
Preparing the Data
Qualitative research data can be quite complex and varied. The different research
techniques can lead to multiple forms of data ranging from audio recordings or notes
from interviews to fieldnotes from observation, photos, videos, and other participant-
produced materials (e.g. journals, drawings, artifacts). Some raw data, such as audio
recordings, need to be transcribed for further use. Photos and videos must be logged
and catalogued. Thus, the first step is to prepare the data to be in a form suitable for
further analysis.
For audio recordings (e.g. from interviews), the researcher may transcribe directly
from what consumers say. It is preferred to keep the original language to best reflect
the true meanings. Currently there are many software programs that can assist in this
task, but it still requires checking and verification. Besides the verbal expressions,
transcribing may incorporate vocal expressions such as laughter and sighs. Other
manifestations such as verbal utterances (e.g. er, uh, hmm), pauses, pitch, volume,
flows, and fluency can be quite important in understanding consumer responses and
perspectives. These can be recorded also in the transcripts but with some indicat-
ing signs such as brackets. The extent of how much detail to include may depend
on the purpose of the research and the need to assess certainty. Researchers may
hire someone to do this task, providing clear guidelines. The transcribing should
be completed as soon as possible so they can be integrated with some data from
observations made during the interviews. This is quite crucial for research on con-
sumption and marketing in the Asian market where consumers tend to be careful
and selective in their verbal expressions. Hence, other nonverbal cues must be taken
into consideration and recorded. Though it is better to keep transcripts in original
languages because this can reflect true meanings, in case of having multinational
researchers who need to operate on data analysis, translation can be used but with
skilled interpreter. Additionally, in some cases, back translation is recommended to
ensure accuracy of transcribed data.
Alternatively to transcribing, there are some computer programs (e.g. NVivo,
Atlas.ti, OneNote) developed to accommodate data analysis (i.e. coding) directly into
the original audio-video materials. Here, transcribing is not needed but data trails
and materials must be prepared and organized. This approach has the advantage of
saving time and effort while preventing the loss of some verbal and nonverbal cues
from transcribing. However, due to the technical operation required, it is still most
common to find transcribing into written text.
Next, fieldnotes incorporate different aspects of observation from the infor-
mants’ behaviors to their interactions with the surrounding situations as well as the
researcher’s viewpoints and impressions. Some preliminary analysis can be included
in the fieldnotes, but in separate spaces (e.g. in the margins of a page). This can lead to
identifying some emergent themes which are quite useful in furthering the research.
Besides fieldnotes from the ethnography research, interviews can also combine field-
notes about the informants’ reactions in the other research methods (e.g. interview,
focus group) such as their body language and responses to the research setting. Often
Preparing the Data 241
the fieldnotes are in brief due to the time constraint during the observation. Moreover,
in some contexts, like in the Asian environment, taking extensive notes openly may
be perceived as threatening or inappropriate. Most importantly, it may disrupt the
normal behaviors and ongoing situations. It is suggested that the brief notes must be
elaborated to the full notes soon after in order to better attain recollections. These
collections may be first stored chronologically to keep consistent with the time of
occurrence. Later they may be rearranged according to the topics or social groups
being analyzed.
In collecting qualitative data, photo taking can help record visual details as part
of the observation and it can be used in triangulation with other data sources. These
photos are meant for capturing perspectives in action rather than perspectives of
action (Gould et al. 1974). That is, it should reflect parts of the people’s behaviors
which may not be captured in words, but it does not project total experience with
specific views and interpretation. Photos collected must be logged and catalogued
to correspond with the other data sources (e.g. audio-video recording, transcripts,
fieldnotes) so they can be combined with the other materials. In the analysis, it is
important to understand about the setting, people, and activities depicted to prevent
viewer’s speculation.
In some cases, researchers may design their research to incorporate participant-
produced materials such as asking informants to draw a picture, write a story, or
have them take pictures or videos. This approach can allow consumers to express
their worldviews and identity. Particularly with Asian consumers who may be more
reserved in their verbal expressions, this technique can produce quite insightful data.
Abraham (2015), who conducted action research with ESL and academic writing
students in Malaysia, explained the combined use of stories collected from diaries,
letters, and interviews. The research findings illustrate that students became more
open to express opinions given the status of the researcher as an instructor of the
class. The author mentioned the case when one student challenged his teaching while
normally students would simply follow what they were told to do. Such participant-
produced data can be utilized to engage further dialogues with consumers in the data
collection process, and it can be combined with the other data sources in the analysis.
Like in this case, the continued conversation led to the author’s admitting to the
student that he was right and finally deciding to adjust the teaching method. Because
of their connected uses, the participant-produced materials should be organized and
retrieved together with the other data materials.
A similar process can be used with supporting artifacts (e.g. leaflets, posters, cat-
alogues, product samples, or articles from the market), which can enhance better
understanding of the context. Moreover, they represent stimuli that may influence
consumer reactions. For example, Song and Hsu (2013) studied the image of Taiwan
as a travel destination for tourists from Mainland China and found the projected
images observed from articles published in leading travel magazines were different
from the perceived images revealed in the interviews. When referring to the support-
ing materials, it is important to also note the dates, places, and sources of this data.
An example of Song and Hsu (2013)’s research suggested that the projected image
communicated in the articles changed from the time before and after the opening up
of Taiwan’s tourism to Mainland China. Being a new destination, Taiwan received

more editorial attention and positive coverage in the magazines.
Data Analysis
Qualitative research analysis involves finding patterns within and across different
sources of data. These patterns may be derived based on research questions generated
during the research design process, they may be associated with some theoretical
frameworks identified in the literature reviews, or they may emerge out of the data
and researcher insights. There are no strict rules and steps to follow but rather general
guidelines about how to work with a complex whole and possibly divide it into
parts. Because of the open nature of naturalistic inquiry, data analysis may begin
with the process of collecting and preparing the data. This preliminary analysis can
support further development of research such as indicating new questions to ask the
next informants, revisiting and finding new sets of literatures, adjusting the research
questions, or suggesting new ways of using data. Park and Lunt (2015) mentioned
in their research with civil servants in South Korea that after their initial analysis
of the data collected they began to observe some distinctive viewpoints from their
female informants who were significantly underrepresented at senior levels of the
South Korean civil service. The researchers then explored the transcripts separately,
acknowledging gender as a fundamental category of analysis. Here they learned from
the new use of gender-partitioned transcripts that their female informants used the
interviews to express dissatisfaction and grievances. Such findings added insights to
the research that intended to explore the influence of Confucianism in the Korean
working culture.
In spite of some guidelines from the research questions, directions for data anal-
ysis typically emerge during the course of fieldwork as some patterns and themes
are identified. These analytical ideas would be recorded also in the data collection
(e.g. in the fieldnotes). However it should be noted that such preliminary analysis
should not interfere with the openness of the data collecting procedure and/or lead
to some premature conclusions. In that case, there is a risk of seeking additional data
to confirm the preliminary field analysis, which defeats the purpose of qualitative
research. Thus, in spite of some concepts identified earlier, the inquiry should always
look for alternative explanations and patterns.
To find thematic patterns in the data, coding is a fundamental step. It is an attempt
to identify meaningful units of data by separating data into small components that
can retain meaning in themselves despite no supporting context (Ely et al. 1997) or
condensing data into meaningful segments (Creswell 2007). The coding technique
can be applied to different types of data ranging from words to sentences, paragraphs
or compiled texts, visual materials, and artifacts. For text-based data, codes can
be drawn directly from the language used by the informants (namely emic code)
or scripts on the obtained materials. They can also refer to conceptual language
used within the field of interest (namely etic code). Both emic and etic codes must
Data Analysis 243
be simultaneously considered. Neal (2016)’s research on sex tourism in Thailand

found the emic terms “dirty work” and “dirty customers” useful in understanding
the relationships between work and moral systems. Yet the author learned that both
workers and customers actively resisted and tried to neutralize the stigma and shame
of the discourse. Here, the specified codes were considered useful in highlighting the
interaction within the etic moral systems, but they should be interpreted with caution
taking into consideration how the people try to morally justify their actions too.
As for visual-based data, coding can be combined with the semiotic analysis that
is aimed at studying signs (discussed in Chap. 1). Zhao and Belk (2008a, b)’s study
of signs under the communism and consumerism eras in China as represented in the
newspaper advertisements suggested the semiotic analysis of not only the verbal or
visual content of the ad but also the spatial composition, the way in which certain
objects were represented, and the styles. Another example of video ethnography
in India by Viswambharan and Priya (2016) illustrated, in addition to analyses of
the content, how the cameras work (e.g. zooming in and out, different scopes of
the two cameras used, one to cover the focal persons and the other to cover their
accompanying persons and surrounding conditions), which also represents varied
views of the world.
In essence, coding involves analyses of both content and form of the data pre-
sented. With a culturally specific setting such as the Asian market, researchers may
pay close attention to the emic codes such as metaphors used in the discussions as
well as the underlying contexts. Asian languages tend to be less specific than West-
ern ones. For example, Fletcher and Fang (2006) explained that in the Asian context
“yes” may mean “I hear what you are saying” and “no” may signify “I need to think
about it.” Moreover, they discussed Mandarin Chinese and Japanese as being more
ideographic and context dependent. Gao (1998) explained that Chinese do not spell
out everything in their communication but leave the unspoken meanings for the lis-
teners to figure out (aka implicit communication). Similarly Lim and Choi (1996)
indicated that Korean communication emphasizes noon-chi (“other awareness, or
situation sensitivity”) which involves various sources of knowledge and information
about others and the context, as well as the history of people’s interaction to sup-
port understanding. Koreans do not necessarily assume that the others will be able to
figure out their intentions. Such implicit, high-context communications demand ana-
lyzing of some embedded codes different from low-context communication where
the information is vested in the explicit code (Hall 1976).
Besides emerging from the data, coding may be indicated based on the research
purpose or research question. This can help align analysis of data collected with the
initial research design or in some cases suggest if the research question should be
adjusted. Additionally, coding can be influenced by concepts from prior literature.
This can support finding contributions from areas that can extend or challenge pre-
vious understanding. Yet this coding should not be too restricted because it may run
the risk of force-fitting the data into the established concepts, blinding the original
thoughts, or preventing emergence of new concepts.
Before coding, it is recommended that researchers go through the entire dataset
to become fully immersed in the context. Next, according to the grounded theory,
which represents an inductive approach to go through text and identify categories and
concepts in order to form substantive theories (Strauss and Corbin 1990, 1998), there
are different ways to perform coding such as open coding, axial coding, selective
coding.
Open Coding
Open coding intends to describe phenomena found in text. Therefore, analysis

involves a close look at the data sentence by sentence, phrase by phrase or some-
times word by word. Here, researchers may compare the data to find differences and
similarities across incidents. This comparison process helps formulate categories by
comparing each empirical instance in the data with other instances, and as the anal-
ysis continues, evidences in the data are then compared with the emerging category.
Though this procedure may be considered time consuming, such an approach can
often lead to thorough analysis. The video ethnography research of Viswambharan
and Priya (2016) explicated the analytic process beginning with the researchers’
watching the video contents (i.e. a documentary film based on post-Godhra riots in
2002 in India) several times, which led to their ability to observe the socio-political
context of hatred and violence during the time. The authors proposed the four initial
macropropositional categories (i.e. sources of distress, distress related to post-disaster
events, relational disruptions, and denial of justice). Next, they located sample inci-
dents for each category, and then compared and refined the macropropositions until
they eventually derived the final revised categories (i.e. overwhelmed by loss, living
forced identities, relational disruptions, and denial of justice and equity).
Open coding is essential at the beginning of the study because the produced codes
can support development of categories to be further analyzed. Categorization is to
classify and label a unit of data as belonging to, representing, or exemplifying some
more general phenomenon (Spiggle 1994). The names of categories should signify
the phenomenon clearly and quickly remind researchers of their implications so they
can be further developed or differentiated from the others. Sometimes the emic terms
used by informants can become useful labels, specifically those that involve distinct
local cultures with some inherent meanings that can not be easily transferred to the
other common terms. For instance, Nguyen (2015a, b) analyzed the different ways in
which Vietnamese talk about face (i.e. thê diên), which refers to the socially approved
image of a person or how one is viewed in others’ eyes. The author proposed that
this is frequently associated with terms such as “giũ, thê diên” (save face) and “mất
thê diên” (lose face) while there is a lack of terms for gaining face. This supports
the analysis about the need to preserve face rather than the desire to gain more of
it. The identified categories can be collapsed into more general, higher conceptual
constructs (aka the abstraction process), while some categories may be divided to
become subcategories. The dimensionalization process helps to identify properties
(e.g. attributes, characteristics) of categories and to see how they vary along their
dimensional ranges. An example from Nguyen (2015a, b) explained that the term,
Data Analysis 245
?
- ông (male face) was frequently referred to in most situations while the
thê diê. n dàn
?
- bà (female face) was rarely regarded. The author then suggested
term, thê diê. n dàn
there was a gender bias in the Vietnamese language in which the dàn - bà (womanly)
character usually connotes a negative judgment.
Axial Coding
The process of relating categories and their subcategories (or properties and dimen-
sions) to indicate a more complete explanation is called axial coding, that is coding
around the axis of a category. This could involve proposing a statement that denotes
conditions, actions/interactions, and consequences. Sometimes direct transcripts may
provide clues about this linkage but in most cases it takes place not descriptively but
rather at a conceptual level (Strauss and Corbin 1998). This is quite apparent in the
study of Asian consumption and marketing as prior theory suggested the logic of
thinking and communications could be less clear cut and more holistic (Fang 2003;
Choi and Nisbett 2000)
Such an analysis can help contextualize a phenomenon, that is to discuss a con-
ditional structure (e.g. a circumstance in which issues are situated) and identify the
process in which a category is manifested (e.g. actions/interactions of persons in
response to the issues). This is in essence to explain the why and how of a phe-
nomenon of interest which emphasizes the dynamic and evolving nature of events.
Normally this complex relationship is less concrete. Thus having a scheme or iden-
tified perspective to explore the emerging connections can be helpful, particularly
with fragmented data. An example is Boddy (2007)’s study using the brand mapping
technique to analyze relations between different brands based on a two dimensional
space of which the dimensions were identified from previously determined concepts
or informants’ perceptions. In the research, the author suggested that the dimensions
recognized as important for people in Confucian societies are things like “suitable
for use when with a group of friends” on one axis and “suitable to use when on one’s
own” on the other. From the specified axial dimensions, the author further elaborated
that brands considered not suitable for use in front of other people seemed to be those
that are less popular in the market.
When analyzing details of elements in the axial coding, researchers must take into
consideration unique characteristics of specific contexts. The previously discussed
case demonstrates the importance of brands’ being presentable to others recognizing
the influence of Confucian values in which people are conscious of their roles in
relation to others (Bond and Hwang 1986). Conditions of consumption and marketing
in the Asian market may incorporate culture, time, place, rules, beliefs, motives,
and social groups. These conditions tend to have significant impact on people’s
actions/interactions including their consumption behaviors, though they may not
be clearly stated. Actions/interactions to be considered can be the deliberate acts
taken in response to the conditions or the habituated way of responding, which
may have no specific purpose but to maintain social order. The latter is frequently
observed in Asia where social harmony is highlighted. Thus, the researcher should
pay close attention to details of the actions though they may not be coordinated with
the conditions. For instance, when Sobh and Belk (2011) collected data in Qatari
homes, they learned that women abide by the common rules to remain in specific
areas where they will never encounter male strangers/visitors. Despite the restricted
conditions, the researchers observed that the women in fact attain a domain of control
and freedom in their domestic spaces as they get to decide whom to allow in, while
the other male family members are expected to respect their decisions. Moreover,
the findings revealed that women have the final say in designing most rooms in the
house (except the majlis which represents a male public space). These observations of
detailed actions lead to different viewpoints regarding freedom. The authors proposed
that the freedom that women in Qatar experience in their homes is above and beyond
the commonly understood sense of individual privacy that Westerners derive in their
domestic spaces.
Consequences happen as a result of actions/interactions which may appear in
various forms from success to failure of responding to the conditions. Also, the con-
sequences can be categorized as intended or unintended, single or multiple, reversible
or nonreversible, immediate or cumulative. It is noted that by culture in Asia some
consequences are less apparent in the Asian market due to the need to uphold the tradi-
tion. Yet these may be observed in the research findings, particularly with qualitative
inquiry. As an example, Kimura and Belk (2005) conducted a video ethnography of
Christmas in Japan and found that it was perceived as a threat to potentially displace
traditional local holidays. As a result, there has been an effort to keep Christmas at
arm’s length so that it is perceived as imaginary and foreign. Specifically there is
the O-seibo holiday, which occurs during the same time of year, when people give
gifts to employers and business partners. The authors captured the partitioning of
the gift merchandises (for O-seibo and Christmas) in different parts of department
stores in Japan. Consequently, the interview discussion illustrated that people per-
ceive Christmas as a welcome relief from more hierarchical and obligatory traditional
celebrations.
The relations can change depending on the way in which different people assign
meanings to the conditions, their modes of action, and resulting consequences which
may affect the next decisions to take action. As a result, the axial coding should
be continually performed with comparisons of new data. If there are contradictions
given the similar phenomenon, researchers can investigate if the data are inconsistent
or there are variations of the relations which can extend the range of a category.
Particularly in Asia where the culture emphasizes importance of contexts, people may
develop multiple situational meanings for the same products or services depending
on different interpersonal relationships and consumption contexts (Eckhardt and
Houston 2008; Tu 1994). This is because there are both private and public selves
involved, while values in the society can be continually modified in order to maintain
social harmony (Chan and Rossiter 2003). Moreover, Asian consumers are able to
hold a variety of incongruent meanings by not having to resolve their conflicts because
of their psychological ability to accept conflicting beliefs and attitudes (Williams and
Aaker 2002; Aaker and Sengupta 2000). Fletcher and Fang (2006) referred to the
Data Analysis 247
concept of Yin Yang or “embracing paradox” in which a strong tendency towards one
dimension does not preclude its opposite. The authors proposed that this approach to
life is not clearly explained in the etic theory of culture and social behaviors. Box 10.1
explains Fang (1999)’s explanations of applications of the Yin Yang principle to the
six values of Confucianism.
Box 10.1 Yin Yang and the Six Values of Confucianism (Fang 1999)
1. Moral cultivation is both positive (lifelong learning, commitment, self reg-
ulation of behavior) and negative (rejection of law as rational, relationships
related to immediate context rather than to wider society).
2. Reliance on informal relationships is both positive (allows things to get
done) and negative (discourages establishment of strong institutions).
3. Family orientation is both positive (enables Chinese culture to endure and
survive hardships) and negative (creates nepotism, corruption).
4. Value of age and hierarchy is both positive (handing down wisdom to the
next generation) and negative (discourages the young from giving their
views).
5. Maintenance of harmony is both positive (assists dispute resolution) and
negative (considers individual rights as of low importance).
6. Face is both positive (a self regulating moral mechanism) and negative
(stultifies the demonstration of genuine feelings).
Sources: Fang (1999), Fletcher and Fang (2006).
Selective Coding
As multiple categories are being developed, selective coding can be performed by

relating many categories to one core category in order to attain a single storyline.
This core category represents the main phenomenon which quite often is stated in
the formulated research question. Yet, sometimes a new and different phenomenon
may emerge from the research process, and this may become more significant for
the research than the original focus of interest. For example, in the study of Schoen
(2015) who explored the folk legend of the runaway brides as an articulation of
the social control of women in rural Bangladesh, the author earlier focused on the
tensions between long-rooted cultural norms (i.e. arranged marriage and the notion
that good girls and good brides remain attached to families) and social change (i.e.
men leaving the village for jobs in cities and abroad and women becoming more
educated). Yet the legend being told by informants emerged in other ways too as
informants seemed to imply that women, being under social control, were apt to run
away. Informants then discussed strategies to prevent that such as women’s being
carefully monitored by husbands and mothers-in-law, asking women’s opinions and
consent in choosing a groom. This gives some new meanings to the storytelling
given growing acceptance of the social change regarding women’s education and
wider experiences beyond the domestic sphere.
Because qualitative inquiry can encourage new discoveries and may lead to a shift
in research perspectives, it is important to work out what is of central importance.
Researchers can try to derive it from the axial categories which tend to capture the
essential aspects of the phenomenon, or they can return to earlier sets of open cod-
ing. The core category can be characterized by its having formal relationships with
all the other important categories and therefore having a central position in the sys-
tem of analyses (Böhm 2004). Moreover, if looking at the axial categories, this core
category represents a phenomenon that can connect the different axial categories.
The study of Grinshpun (2014) illustrated the case of coffee consumption in Japan
whereby the relevance of a foreign product in the local context is determined by the
interchange between global and local, foreign and native descriptions. However this
core category, which is generally understood, is further explained with distinct details
of the axial categories (i.e. its conditions, actions/interactions, and consequences).
Here the author proposed that the foreign cultures (such as coffee and café in Japan,
as well as Christmas or Western cuisine) were somewhat modified to fit the local
demands but never disregarded its original flavor. At the same time, the use of tradi-
tional cultural icons, which largely symbolize the domestic locality, are also being
defamiliarized by way of disconnecting such cultural nostalgia from the local past.
The core category in relation to its properties and dimensions as well as the other
relevant categories can be identified as a proposition encompassing key conceptual
constructs which can lead to the next process of integrating and refining theory. In
this study of Grinshpun (2014), the specified proposition indicates that a sense of
cultural estrangement (either the foreign or local) is essential for the commodifica-
tion of culture as it helps reaffirm the authentic entities and enhance the consumer
appeal with the new meanings ascribed into the consumption. Such a proposition
emphasizes the concept that the global and local do not represent a dichotomy but
rather dynamic constructs in a culture move.
There are no rules to specify which type of coding precedes the others, and in
fact the nature of coding is iterative. The process typically begins with generating
an initial set of codes and as new codes emerge the old codes are reviewed and/or
previously coded data may be recoded. These initial codes will be further explored
to see if they can be collapsed into more abstract categories that integrate a set of
lower level codes or expanded into variations of phenomena. The iteration can be
between part of a text (or interview) to the whole, between each data instance and
the entire data set (Thompson 1990), and even between data collection and data
analysis. Zhao and Belk (2008a, b)’s study of yuefenpai (poster advertisements) in
China explained the iterative process beginning with immersion in previous literature
of the interested time of 1930s Shanghai to immersion in the historical, sociological,
and cultural environment. Next, individual yuefenpai were closely read in relation
to the social circumstances from both micro and macro perspectives. Finally, the
collection of yuefenpai was examined as a whole to identify common themes and
patterns, while individual yuefenpai were referred to as a particular case to illustrate
Data Analysis 249
the concepts. The iterative coding process continues until it is saturated: that is, no
new information seems to emerge during coding, and collecting more data could
be counterproductive. In some cases, refutation is performed with the aim to test
the emerging inferences (e.g. categories, constructs, propositions). This can be by
utilizing a negative case analysis: that is, to find a specific case that can disconfirm
the prior analysis, purposive sampling to produce data for comparison and contrast
of the concepts, or examining the developed concepts in different contexts (Spiggle
1994).
With the open nature of qualitative inquiry, there can be multiple codes applied
to the same data and the codes can be expanded, contracted, or revised later as
interpretation unfolds (Patton 2002). However, when proceeding through the data, it
should be done in a systematic manner to attain a complete analysis of all possible data
instances and prevent distortion from selective use of data. Currently some software
programs (e.g. NVivo, Atlas.ti) can support comparison, categorization, and linking
between categories. Nevertheless, researchers must do the analysis because they
need to decide what goes together to form a pattern, how to label a category with
associated meanings, what properties and dimensions constitute a category, how to
formulate conceptual framework and develop theory. Thus, computer programs can
facilitate analysis but not replace it because qualitative research requires the creative
and analytical skills of researchers to perform the rigorous analysis.
Lastly, records of data analysis include writing code notes which may be put in the
margins of printed materials (e.g. interview transcripts, fieldnotes), on cards during
the analysis, or put into memos. Computer programs can facilitate these tasks (e.g.
by coding on files, building codebooks, creating memos) which can ease the process
of organizing and retrieving coded materials, but this may depend on researchers’
preferences and styles. Furthermore, records can be made about the process in which
the data is being analyzed and the development of categories and concepts. These
may include memos about insights and ideas generated, directions to continue, and
practices performed at various stages of analyses. Such records can support the later
process when the researcher returns to the data for further development, or it can
help assess if the analysis conducted is solid and sound.
Data Interpretation
As the analysis divides a complex whole into parts by dissecting, reducing, sorting,
and reconstituting data, interpretation suggests meanings for the identified patterns.
The aim is to develop a more complete explanation or general account of the phe-
nomena. This may lead to a formation of theories or development of strategies. Data
analysis and interpretation is an iterative rather than a sequential process. Researchers
can always go back and forth between operating the data and understanding its mean-
ings. Moreover, the iteration permits alternation between immersing in and distancing
from the data (Wallendorf and Brucks 1993).
The interpretive process involves exploring additional connections to the data,

realizing there can be multiple layers of meanings embedded in the data. Spig-
gle (1994) proposed the general practices of studying the meanings that consumers
attach to their experiences and translating between their and researchers’ perspec-
tives derived from some previously formulated meanings. Here, it is important that
researchers have a good understanding of different research contexts and cultures
(e.g. the Asian market in this case) in order to stay true to the data rather than impos-
ing their own views. For instance, the abovementioned research of Zhao and Belk
(2008a, b) studying the yuefenpai (poster advertisements) of the 1930s Shanghai
observed the portrayal of General Yue Fei in the Commander Cigarettes poster ad.
Based on a semiotic analysis, the authors proposed that the use of General Yue Fei,
who is the famous hero who defended the Southern Song dynasty from the invasion
of the Jin, signified the beginning of the anti-Japanese war during that time and also
the decline of consumerism in Old Shanghai. This example demonstrates the need
to combine good understanding of the research context in order to achieve insightful
interpretation.
Realizing conditions of the context can facilitate researchers to interpret true
meanings underlying the data. These meanings are furthered to indicate some coher-
ent patterns by combining into larger wholes or by identifying unified themes by
which consumers construe their worlds and meanings shared with the others. The
process yields development of abstract constructs that represent the meanings of
consumption phenomena. Furthermore, Kozinets et al. (2002)’s study demonstrates
that this process can be connected with narratives of other disciplines (i.e. the study
has conceptualized the mythological appeals of a themed flagship brand store). In
addition, researchers can try to decipher some underlying cultural codes, rituals, or
traditions that can lead to reoccurrence of the phenomenon.
Interpretation emerges throughout the coding process in data analysis. When com-
paring different codes during the open coding, researchers may seek to answer why
there are similarities and differences. By exploring resemblances in meanings across
various incidents, researchers can identify some recurring elements and parallel struc-
tures. This interpretive process yields meanings of codes that are thickened into more
abstract, conceptual categories. As an example of interpretation, Chan (2000) studied
lifestyle and consumption of the middle-class in Hong Kong, identified from jobs
and levels of education, and learned in the data analysis about the overall expression
of distaste and disapproval of mass-produced clothing. Then she identified that there
were some degrees of difference between the middle-class who come from an inter-
mediate social origin who tend to show more contempt than those who come from the
higher, intergenerationally stable social origin. The author also indicated this similar
pattern in the other case of cinema-going in which the first group expressed their
strong rejection of mass blockbuster films. The author interpreted this as an urge
of this specific group of the middle-class to distinguish themselves from the lower
groups since they have just reached the level while the latter group is already assured
about their social identity. At the theoretical level, the author proposed that personal
history and mobility experiences must be added into consideration when analyzing
how the middle-class formulate social identity through taste and consumption. Such
insight is quite distinctive from the Asian perspective and practice where class is
Data Interpretation 251
defined by not only the current individual socioeconomic level but also past family
background.
When some identified categories are collapsed into higher conceptual constructs,
interpretation plays a role in the abstraction. Yet it is highlighted that the abstract
themes identified must remain connected to consumers’ perspectives. The hermeneu-
tic interpretation suggests that by paying close attention to consumers’ idiographic
experiences, researchers can find some patterns of their personal concerns and life
goals that constitute the frame of reference in their lives. These references are usu-
ally grounded in some shared cultural meanings whereby the interpretation can help
explain how they are incorporated or adapted into a person’s experiences (Thompson
et al. 1994; Ricoeur 1981). For instance, with an abstract theme such as creativity that
seems to be commonly understood, Leung and Hui (2014) found that this term has
been used in Chinese context with implications of modification, revision, renovation,
rearrangement, or reinterpretation of existing knowledge or previous concepts. The
authors explained this is because the society and individuals are greatly influenced
by traditions and respect for the past. On the contrary, creativity in the Western per-
spective commonly denotes novelty, originality, invention, and willingness to reject
tradition (Sternberg et al. 2005; Weiner 2000). Such implications are less familiar
in the Asian context because they can potentially disrupt the social harmony. This
example suggests that researchers must be responsive to different cultural meanings
when assigning conceptual labels.
In addition, the interpretation can suggest some mental structures underlying the
identified patterns. Lévi-Strauss (1963, 1976) proposed the structuralist approach
and explained that these structures, in part created by a system of binary oppositions,
represent the source of the social structures that allow people to make sense of the
world. Box 10.2 demonstrates an example of Nuttavuthisit (2005, 2007a, b, c)’s
study of Thailand’s brand meaning that employed the structuralist approach in its
data interpretation.
Box 10.2 Thailand’s Brand Meaning

Country branding refers to the identification of competitive positioning, or to
a promise to deliver a specific set of benefits and values of a country to the
global market. Realizing its importance, in 2001 the Government of Thailand
initiated a Branding Thailand project with the objective of finding out about
Thailand’s brand meanings from the perceptions of prospective consumers
towards Thailand and its major industries, namely cuisine, fashion and tourism.
The research for the Branding Thailand project was carried out over a one- year
period (April 2002–May 2003) on a diverse consumer base that may or may not
be users of Thai products or services. This was done to capture as many different
experiences and perceptions as possible and also to represent the true nature
of the market. Through one hundred focus group and in-depth interviews in
the United States, and 1000 online surveys with consumers in thirty countries
that yielded a 12% response rate, the Branding Thailand research provided
a detailed qualitative account of consumer perspectives toward the essential

qualities of the country.
The differing responses elicited the four emergent themes of Thailand’s
brand meanings: Fun, Fulfilling, Friendly, and Flexible. As an example, one
participant mentioned the notion of Thai-ness as being flexible: “I think Thai-
land is about freedom. Because I see a contrast between high-rising businesses
and very poor circumstances there” yet “people don’t seem to be that agitated”.
He stated, “I was pretty amazed with this relaxed attitude in Thailand. It seems
to me that they feel free to live as they like.”
Another participant remarked on the nature of Thai food which “can rep-
resent the warmth of Thai family” as “they have a meal together with a lot of
food in the center.” These four major themes of Thailand’s brand meanings
are somewhat represented in products or services, such as in tourism where
there is a variety of fun entertainment, fulfilling natural scenery, friendly home
stays, and a flexible spirit of adventurous discovery.
It should be noted that Thailand’s brand meanings appear in a “fusion” form,
rather than as rigid beliefs, opinions or attitudes, because of the multi-layered
meanings of Thai individuality, history, society, and culture. This juxtaposition
of fun, fulfilling, friendly and flexible illustrates a mix of the active and passive
traits of the Thai people’s lifestyles and places in Thailand. By using a “struc-
turalist approach”, similar to that of Hirschman (1987) or Levy (1981), this
article proposes a typology of “Thai- ness” that incorporates these interrelated
concepts of people (lifestyle) and places as the underlying structure of con-
sumers’ perspectives towards Thailand’s brand meanings. During the research
project, consumers mentioned the values that defined Thailand as a brand by
referring to the eclectic place (e.g. “a city of life”) and the peaceful place (e.g.
“a soothing vacation destination”). Moreover, they illustrated the lifestyle in
Thailand by describing the dynamic living (e.g. “a constant negotiation every-
where”) and the relaxed lifestyle (e.g. a “laid-back” people). Crossing these
two dimensions yields the four major themes of Thailand’s brand meanings.
Within this typology, the dynamic of Thailand’s brand meaning is empha-

sized, as consumers perceive the differences of values ranging from excitement
to tranquility and from tangible to intangible. Triandis and Gelfand (1998)
elaborated on the contradictions and tensions of the values seen to define Thai
culture, while Fieg (1976) and Gannon (2001) also associated Thailand with
being a land of diversity. Moreover, the dynamic of Thailand’s brand meaning
denotes the case where each consumer can perceive different values depending
on how they interact with each context (i.e. place and people). One participant
noted “Thailand is an amazing place. Amazing in a sense that you have this jux-
taposition of everything.” And he claimed “I can’t just pick one thing and have
that be representative of Thailand because that’s not. The notion of Thailand
is diversity. For me, that’s an amazing sensation.”
Sources: Nuttavuthisit (2005, 2007a, b, c).
When analyzing properties and dimensions of the categories (as stated in the
axial coding), the interpretation helps suggest distinct dimensions of the same cat-
egories or distinct elements of the same phenomena (or subcategories). By relating
codes as elements of the same phenomena, the interpretation helps to elaborate the
complexity of the phenomenon and the various ways in which it can manifest itself
in human experience (Belk et al. 2013). Arnould and Wallendorf (1994) proposed
different kinds of interpretive processes to refine the coded categories so that they
become identifiable themes. These include the paradigmatic relation to identify vari-
ants of a single concept, syntagmatic relation to signify a temporal or narrative
sequence, metaphoric relation to denote a figurative relationship of similar concepts,
and metonymic relation in which a part is taken as an emblematic representation of
the whole domain.
Next, the axial coding identifies relations between categories and subcategories.
This may indicate conditions, actions/interactions, and consequences of consumption
and marketing. Interpretive process can aid in this process as it helps provide expla-
nations of the sequence of events by identifying phases. Belk et al. (2013) explained
the interpretivism roles to facilitate comparisons between different conditions that
give rise to dynamics of the relations. This qualitative approach is not intended to
predict the process but rather to structure the categories. Thus, the interpretation may
suggest a multidirectional process with some feedback loops and mutual interactions.
The multidimensional interpretation is highlighted in some studies, particularly in
contexts where there may be external forces leading to some contradictions or incon-
sistencies of self narratives. Box 10.3 illustrates the KJ method invented by a Japanese
ethnologist to achieve such a case of complex interpretation.
Box 10.3 The KJ Method

A Japanese ethnologist, Jiro Kawakita, invented the KJ method in order to
tackle difficulties in analyzing his ethnographic data in Nepal (which are con-
sidered to be quite complex, idiosyncratic, and non-repetitive). The method
was adapted from Charles S. Peirce’s notion of abduction and relies on intu-
itive, non-logical thinking. Kawakita believes that this methodology can help
counter the imposed Western philosophy which tries to treat the world as an
assemblage of parts that can be manipulated by individuals. Though it has
been widely practiced in Japan, the implication, which is generally based on
the group-oriented model, is not limited to Japanese culture but can be applied
universally.
This method is similar to the grounded theory by Glaser and Strauss (1967)
to form connections between categories consisting of codes. But rather than
forming a logical integration of categories into a theory, the KJ method intends
to create new connections between new concepts that might be contradictory to
each other. Nochi (2013a, b) proposed that this method is suitable for analysis
of people’s self-narratives which tend to comprise many contradictions and
inconsistencies. The method involves the ringi-seido process, which refers to
how the Japanese build consensus through circulating a petition through various
levels of management, and the nemawashi process, which ties diverse opinions
together to form the collective decision-making (Lincoln and McBride 1987).
The KJ method involves four major steps. First, the “label making” is when
information based upon observations is written on note cards (one concept
each) and researchers randomize the concepts (i.e. shuffling the cards) and then
group the labels into “teams.” Kawakita highlights a non-linear, non-logical
process whereas feelings and intuitions are encouraged in this stage. Next, the
“label grouping” is to assign titles for all the teams of labels and subsequently
order the data into larger groups of “families” with titles assigned. The third
step, “chart making,” is to draw a sketch of configurations which reflect patterns
of the data also with arrows to show relations (e.g. cause and effect, sequence,
interdependence, contradictions). Lastly the chart is explained in written or
verbal form which should be concise and logical.
In sum, the KJ method is claimed to be more experiential and intuitive
than theoretical or restricted by formal criteria. It enables analysis that is less
restricted to assumptions, preconceived notions, and rigid dogmas. Kawakita
suggests that the method can facilitate group solidarity, and it has been
employed successfully in many socioeconomic development projects as well
as business practices.
Source: Scupin (1997).
Finally, to relate multiple categories into one core proposition (as stated in the
selective coding), interpretation supports mapping of different constructs or abstract
concepts and their connections to a broader consumer experience. The interpretation
helps indicate why certain consumer experiences are more or less prominent in
certain contexts, why they have specific characteristics, and why they can produce
certain consequences. By the explanatory faction, the interpretation suggests why
things happen the way they do or why they sometimes change to the other directions
(Belk et al. 2013). It is noted that this interpretive process is aimed at understanding
the conditions under which a phenomenon will or will not occur but not to suggest
that consumer experiences can be fully shaped by a set of factors. McGrath et al.
(2013), who studied the retail brand ideology of the House of Barbie in Shanghai,
suggested that this successful flagship brand store from the US market struggled in
Chinese market due to its discord with the local culture’s sensibilities, being not quite
Western and not quite Eastern in its format. The authors proposed the need to attend
to cultural propriety and create customer-centric meaning for the retail brand.
In essence, the interpretation can be quite intuitive, subjective, creative, and holis-
tic (Spiggle 1994). There are no clear steps and mechanics to develop interpretive
insights. In fact, such procedures tend to negate the essence of qualitative research
(Belk 1984). Researchers can learn to enhance their interpretive skills through alter-
nate practices of closely immersing in and distantly reflecting on the data until they
can grasp the core meanings. Moreover, working in interpretive groups (Thompson
et al. 1989) facilitates learning of multiple interpretations which can help strengthen
skills to interpret the data. In addition, this can engage triangulation across differ-
ent perspectives, leading to better research credibility (Wallendorf and Belk 1989).
Particularly with research in different cultural contexts, having researchers with dif-
ferent cultural backgrounds can promote greater insights into the data analysis and
interpretation. This concept was explained earlier in the Chap. 4 about the researcher
triangulation.
Because interpreting others’ experiences is inherently subjective, it is crucial to
stay connected with the data to minimize the possibility of researchers’ idiosyncratic
readings though it is not necessary to always agree with the informants’ descriptions.
The more abstract interpretation is likely to differ from individual consumers’ per-
spectives. Additionally, researchers may engage some objective theoretical stances
(Wallendorf and Brucks 1993) to help formulate systematic interpretation.
Evaluating Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research
Data analysis and interpretation produces research results that can lead to theoretical
building and strategy formulation. Yet these must be based on good quality research.
This section explains how to assess qualitative consumer and marketing research
regarding trustworthiness, usefulness, and innovation and proposes different ways
to enhance the quality of the research.
Trustworthiness
First and foremost, the research must be trustworthy to ensure further use of the find-
ings. Lincoln and Guba (1986) suggested four key criteria to assess trustworthiness
(i.e. credibility, transferability, dependability, confirmability). Later, Wallendorf and
Belk (1989) added the fifth criterion of integrity. “Credibility” denotes adequate and
believable representations of the phenomenon being studied which can help bring
confidence in the findings. This may be due to the data analysis and interpretation or
it may be ingrained in the quality of data presented. “Transferability” is the extent to
which the research can be employed in other similar contexts. Nevertheless, it should
be noted that the aim of qualitative research is not to achieve generalization but to see
the degree to which the results are applicable in other contexts. For example, Granot
et al. (2014) analyzed the concept of cute, the term frequently mentioned by Asian
female informants in the authors’ research on brand-driven retail decision making.
The authors studied the Japanese root of Kawaii cute, the other Asian-Pacific interpre-
tations, and the movement into American and Western mainstream consumer market
till it becomes a worldwide consumption phenomenon. The research suggested the
transferability of the concept as the term achieves diverse socio-cultural meanings
in different consumer cultures.
“Dependability” refers to the way in which analysis and interpretation are con-
ducted to avoid instability given that the phenomenon is inherently changing. This
means that the findings will be recurring if the study is replicated in the future. “Con-
firmability” is ability to trace a researcher’s formulation of interpretation from the
data and other records of analyses. This helps indicate if the findings emerge from the
data and not solely from the researcher’s viewpoints and if the researcher maintains
a neutral standpoint. Finally, the added criterion, “Integrity”, assures that data analy-
sis and interpretation are not weakened by informants’ misrepresentations including
lies, evasions, misinformation, fronts (Douglas 1976) or attempts to present them-
selves in more attractive ways (Nachman 1984). The latter case may be of specific
concern in studying Asian consumption where there may be attempts to provide
socially desirable responses given the face saving culture.
Evaluating the research’s trustworthiness may begin with the research design that
aligns the identified areas of study, the research purpose, the formulated research
question, and the planned research method. Next, the data collection should be
based on rigorous research techniques that can yield quality data (Patton 2002). The
research may incorporate triangulation across data sources, methods, and researchers.
Having multiple evidence gathered from interactions with several informants in vari-
ous settings, conducted with different research methods, and by different researchers
can help promote trustworthiness of the data. Moreover, a qualitative study conducted
over a suitable time span (e.g. to cover the cycle over which the phenomenon of
interest manifests itself) allows researchers to understand research contexts, acquire
sufficient data, and assess any distortion which may exist in the data obtained and
procedures performed. Additionally this supports the building of rapport and trust
among the informants so they feel open to share viewpoints or continue their nor-
Evaluating Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research 257
mal behaviors and practices (in case of observations). Stressing the research ethics
to manage possible issues of harm, consent, privacy, and the confidentiality of data
is claimed to help strengthen the relationships. Yet the degrees of implications can
be varied in the different research contexts. The research in Vietnam by Nguyen
(2015a, b) suggested that asking informants to sign a consent form could make them
feel intimidated as generally they agreed to participate based on trust and informal
relationship. Thus, in this case an informal way to obtain consent may be applied
such as asking permission to record them.
Lastly, the data must be thoroughly analyzed and interpreted with the aim to gen-
erate results given substantial explanation. To address concerns about some predispo-
sitions and biases, Patton (2002) suggested that researchers discuss them explicitly
such as by acknowledging the researchers’ orientations. An example from Liong
(2015) conducting ethnographic research about Chinese fatherhood in Hong Kong
explained his being in the position of a feminist researcher interpreting data obtained
from informants who held viewpoints on gender and family which he opposed.
Making it transparent in the research report can help readers form better understand-
ing of the data analysis and interpretation. Additionally, having a diverse array of
researchers’ perspectives and informants’ comments from the member check can
help assess and/or enhance trustworthiness.
Usefulness
In addition to evaluating trustworthiness, quality research should be useful for further

developments. These can be in various forms and levels such as promoting better
understanding of the phenomenon of interest, suggesting linkages with different
contexts, or assisting future research inquiry. The usefulness may lie in the initial
research design to cover valuable areas of interest, generate meaningful research
purpose, and formulate significant research questions. The process of conducting the
research can also be useful as it promotes closer connections and relationships with
consumers.
Fundamentally, the data analysis and interpretation should provide insightful
ideas, concepts, or frameworks that can answer to the research questions (as explained
in Chap. 4). Beyond the identification and assemblage of common themes in the data,
the research should provide a unified synthesis or a holistic integration of concepts
(Strike and Posner 1983) which are useful in supporting further theory and/or strat-
egy development. Moreover, the research should spur discussions about connections
between the research results and the central issues or debates in the field (Spiggle
1994) or about how they can be transferred to different research settings. In other
words, the research should be able to help extend perspectives beyond the specific
domain studied and enrich understanding about other similar and different phenom-
ena. Zito (2014), who studied writing calligraphy in water, proposed the traditional
Chinese visual aesthetics with xieyi (i.e. to draw or literally write the meaning of a
scene) could portray a different perspective from the way in which the European post-
Renaissance depicts the world visually. Xieyi work is quick, allowing no mistakes,
and the running-style calligraphy is picturesque featuring a sense of reality, surprise,
and the rhythm of ending and beginning again in the flow. Similarly Matzner (2014)
claimed that the study of visual culture was dominated by the prominence of the
visual in Western modernity. When exploring particularly the non-elite visual forms
and practices of South Asia, she suggested that this requires a culturally specific
mode of vision that seems to challenge Western Cartesian theories of visuality.
Besides finding connections between the data and analysis, researchers may also
try to generate and assess rival conclusions which can be useful in developing more
complete insights. Patton (2002) proposed finding other ways of analyzing and inter-
preting the data which would lead to different research results. This may engage
different logic of thinking and yield competing schemes and explanations for the
data. Here, researchers can try to understand reasons for the difference. For instance,
the previously discussed research study of Chan (2000) on middle-class lifestyle
and consumption in Hong Kong concluded with a possible change of findings. The
author stated that her interviews were conducted before the Asian economic crisis
in mid-1997 that significantly affected the Hong Kong economy. She proposed an
alternative view had the data been collected after the crisis that the recession could
ironically help untangle taste from money. In a booming economy, people were able
to possess goods masked as good taste. But in the slowdown when most people
became prudent, it became easier to observe taste as cultural capital separate from
economic capital. The author expected that a particular group of middle-class con-
sumers would utilize this opportunity to obtain social distinction separate from the
other groups of middle-class consumers. However, this conclusion was only made
as an assumption for further research. If in the future researchers are able to find
strong evidence for the proposition, the rival explanations could be considered an
alternative interpretation. If failing to find strong supporting evidence, it nonetheless
helps increase credibility and confidence in the original explanation.
Innovation
Lastly, quality research should encompass some aspects of innovation. This may be
by providing new and creative ways of looking at the phenomenon of interest, trans-
forming existing ideas and concepts, or projecting new conceptualizations (Hunt
1989). Innovation may lie in the research design to identify new areas or subjects of
study, set research purposes, research questions, and study methods different from the
usual practices. For example, Leung (2015) reflected on her experiences of conduct-
ing migration research given her co-ethnicity with the informants (Chinese migrants
in Germany). She elaborated that the impact of shared identity was highlighted in
the data collection process. Yet it needs to be further discussed in the process of
knowledge co-production involving both researchers and research informants. The
author rejected the previous theory of insider-outsider dichotomy and suggested that
the relationship is rather dynamic, continually negotiated, and contextualized in the
Evaluating Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research 259
space and time of interactions (which represents a key characteristic of the Asian
relationship). Probing on the reach of co-ethnic/co-national identities and uncover-
ing mechanisms underlying these can bring new perspectives on the research design
and practice.
Next in terms of innovation, the data collection can always incorporate innovative
procedures and techniques as the nature of qualitative inquiry emphasizes emergent
analysis along with the data collection, leading to the need to find some new ways to
gather and probe the data. Additionally, to enhance contributions of the research, it is
expected that data analysis can provide some new thematic patterns, and interpreta-
tion can signify some new meanings of the phenomenon of interest. Here, techniques
such as analysis of negative cases is suggested as they focus on the instances that do
not fit within the patterns (Lincoln and Guba 1986). Thus, they may help indicate
some new ways of looking at the data. Such an approach can help broaden or change
the prior analyses and interpretations, and in some cases they may serve as exceptions
to the explanations. For example, Anantharaman (2016), who studied bicycling as
a consumption practice in Bangalore, India demonstrated that in the highly hierar-
chical society the new middle-class consumers tried to distinguish themselves from
the low-status practice of cycling by claiming their uses as a way to be ethical and
ecological. Exploring the difference provides opportunities for new learning (Patton
2002). Furthermore, innovation may be demonstrated in the way in which results
of the research can extend to, or to certain degree alter, existing theory or strategy
frameworks. In some cases, it may even bring a breakthrough development or initiate
an originally new way of thinking.
In summary, this chapter explains ways to organize, analyze, and interpret empir-
ical data to attain broader conceptual meanings of consumer experiences. The inte-
gration of conceptual elements formulated in the research can facilitate theory con-
struction (Strauss 1987) and development of marketing strategy. The next chapter
explains the next stage, which is to disseminate research results.
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Chapter 11
Dissemination of Research
While data analysis and interpretation of qualitative research can yield conceptual
descriptions of consumption experience, sharing and presenting of this knowledge
may vary depending on the purpose i.e. academic or practical. For academic dissem-
ination, the aim is to make theoretical advancement and to continue development of
studies and theories. For practical dissemination, the aim is to address some prac-
tical situations or to find strategic programs in response to specific issues in the
market. The first half of this chapter explains approaches to achieve theory building
and writing reports or publications in leading academic journals. The second half of
the chapter describes implications for business practices. This includes understand-
ing of managerial needs and delivering meaningful research results to practitioners
focusing on consumption and marketing in the Asian market context.
Academic Dissemination
With the goal to achieve theoretical advancement, the first step of academic dis-
semination is to expand the data analysis and interpretation to highlight theoretical
contributions which could be done by extending or challenging existing theoretical
frameworks or building newly developed theories. To present this theoretical con-
tribution, it is crucial to also learn about how to prepare the academic report which
may lead to publications. Such approach is also applicable in the other channels of
academic outlets such as conference presentation, online posting, and other forms of
academic papers.
Theoretical Contribution
Theory, by Bourdieu (1977)’s definition, refers to a system of ideas or statements

explaining some phenomenon. Theory may be in various forms such as concepts,

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_11
264 11 Dissemination of Research
conceptual frameworks, or propositions. While data analysis and interpretation can

yield some conceptual meanings of the subject of interest, they may remain situ-
ated in the specific context. Further developing this to theory can facilitate a larger
understanding about consumer behaviors because theory stresses logic to provide
explanatory perspectives of human nature or societal processes (Whetten 1989). In
essence, it explains how or why something has occurred in a particular way (Wolcott
1994).
Dubin (1978), in his seminal work, proposed that a complete theory contains four
essential elements, namely the what, how, why, and the conditions including who,
when, and where. Firstly, a theory should incorporate what concepts or constructs
to be considered as part of the explanation of the phenomena of interest. Next, it
should suggest how these concepts are related. While the what and how elements
constitute the domain of subject of the theory, the third element, why, is crucial in
explaining assumptions underlying the identified concepts and their relations. This
helps support expectations of certain relationships in the data. Finally, a developed
theory contains some conditions regarding the who, when, and where that can help
indicate boundaries of relationships and theory generalization (Smith and Hitt 2006).
Emphasizing these temporal and contextual influences is quite important, particularly
for the theories based on consumer experiences where interpreted meanings are
derived from contexts (Gergen 1982).
While all of the four elements are essential in the development of theory, the
fourth part may be highlighted in research conducted in the distinct contexts such as
the Asian market in this case. The approaches may include identifying conditions in
which current theories have limitations in relevance and application and explaining
why such discrepancy exists, leading to some revision of the existing theories. Such a
process can yield a theoretical feedback loop—that is, by exploring initial theoretical
statements in new settings, it can evoke some new learning about the theory. Box 11.1
describes an example from e (2007) who called for a rethinking of the what and the
why of humanity in communication theory with consideration of an Asiacentric
reflection.
Box 11.1 An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias

in Communication Theory
Communication theory has been largely influenced by the Eurocentric per-
spectives, of which the core values involve instrumental rationality, individual
liberty, calculated self-interest, material progress, and rights consciousness (Tu
1996). This produced some major biases in theoretical development, particu-
larly in presenting the global significance of the Eurocentric theory. Miike
(2007) proposed that theories can be transformed to become more culturally
reflexive and sensitive by incorporating Asiacentric vision of humanity. This
includes the five major areas.
First, individuality and independence bias refers to the bias in Eurocentric
theory in which communication represents an expression of unique individ-
Academic Dissemination 265
uality and a means of signifying independence. According to Asian philoso-

phies and teachings (e.g. Confucius, Buddhism, Hindu, Taoism), one is always
intertwined with the others. Thus, from an Asiacentric view, communication is
rather a process that highlights the interdependence and interrelatedness of the
universe. Here theoretical revision is needed to suggest principles and practices
that reinforce collectivity and connection while not suppressing individuality
and independence.
Secondly, ego-centeredness and self-enhancement bias denotes that Western
theory tends to focus mainly on the self as the master and measure of things and
events while communication serves as a process to promote self-esteem and
protect self-interest. Realizing this self-centered nature of human beings, the
Eastern approaches try to emphasize overcoming selfishness and egocentrism
(Tu 1996). Here, communication is used to foster a sense of connection and
cooperation with others, yielding further impacts on self-discipline and self-
cultivation.
Third, reason and rationality bias refers to the Western communication prac-
tice that favors the ability to speak clearly and convincingly with the locus of
control on the speaker. However, the Asian concepts (e.g. renqing in Chinese,
ninjo in Japanese, cheong in Korean) imply that humans are not only rational
but emotional beings. From an Asiacentric perspective, communication is a
process to connect emotionally with others and hence the focus is on the lis-
teners. A revised synthetic and holistic conceptualization of communication is
proposed to emphasize being perceptive, receptive, and introspective.
Fourth, rights and freedom bias is rooted in the Western focus on rights con-
sciousness. The Eurocentric theory suggests that communication is a means of
asserting rights and expressing freedom. Yet Tu (2001) stressed that rights and
liberty must go together with responsibility and obligation. The Asian values
highlight the need to appreciate, be grateful, and repay favors received from
others. Accordingly, in the Asiacentric perspective, communication represents
a process to receive and return our debts to all beings. Thus, revision is recom-
mended to incorporate a sense of duty and responsibility in the communication.
Fifth, the pragmatism and materialism bias stresses goal attainment. Euro-
centric communication represents a process to manage self and others in order
to achieve specified goals. On the contrary, Eastern philosophies emphasize
the importance of seeking harmony in order to maintain social order rather
than focusing on individual self-interest. Thus, Asiacentric communication is
evaluated positively when it can actualize moral integrity and induce a sense
of cooperation. Examples are demonstrated in Buddhism’s conceptualization
of right speech and Confucius’s teaching of humble talk. It is suggested that
the revised theory of communication can also highlight moralizing and har-
monizing styles and strategies of communication.
In sum, Miike (2007) proposed a revision of communication theory by
highlighting the five key biases of Eurocentric theory and proposing areas to
incorporate Asiacentric vision. This attempt is not to twist and turn perspectives
as advocated in dualistic thinking but to generate theories that can resonate in
specific contexts (i.e. non-Western) while at the same time connecting with
global implications.
Source: Miike (2007).
Development of theory generally involves connecting the emergent concepts and

preexisting theories in order to explore some alignments, contradictions, and specify
the relationships between them (Whetten 1989). It is important to recognize prior
literature for theoretical contributions. Citing references begins with the research
design process to identify concrete research questions, during the fieldwork to assist
with further inquiries, and while performing data analysis and interpretation, so
researchers always move back and forth between theories and data. Academic dis-
course must be situated within the streams of related research and theory.
The initial review of the literature may indicate some gaps in prior theories leading
to a formulation of research questions. Thus, theory development may essentially
focus on this area by referring to preexisting theoretical perspectives that represent
a set of more fully developed theories that have been advanced by earlier research.
This can help provide a scope through which the comparison can be analyzed and
specify the focal areas to answer the research questions. Connecting with the prior
theories can help relate similar phenomena in different contexts which may not be
typically associated with each other. This method can be quite fruitful in the case
of studying Asian consumption and marketing. The literature reviewed may need to
incorporate other subjects which may not be directly related to the topic of study but
are useful for the contexts. Such development may facilitate theoretical contribution
by proposing some changes or adjustments in the concepts, identifying how they may
affect the accepted relationships in existing theoretical framework, and discussing
the way in which they may adapt or extend understanding of the phenomena. It
can also result in a higher level of theoretical advancement that can enrich current
conceptualization and elevate the relevance of the theory (Eisenhardt 1989). With
regard to studies of Asian consumption and markets, prior theories mostly focused
on the overall East-West cross-cultural differences and treated Asian cultures as
peripheral to the analysis of Western-centric theory (Chen and Miike 2006). Yet as
Chen (2004) proposed, referring to abstract Asian values to stress its uniqueness as
opposed to other cultures may risk the chance of neglecting the internal dynamics and
diversity of Asia to the extent of oversimplifying or overgeneralizing Asian cultures.
Thus it is important to take into consideration the commonality and complexity of
experiences as resources for theory building (Miike 2006). Further studies of intra-
Asia similarities and differences, which remain largely underexplored, can advance
theoretical development.
Furthermore, theory development may suggest exceptions to or challenge existing
theories. This is when the new research results can substantially alter the core logic
of the current understanding. Examining conflicts between the emergent and estab-
lished concepts can not only increase trustworthiness of the research but also create
new opportunities for theoretical advancement because this process must involve a
more creative mode of thinking to analyze the conflicting results. Such variance may
occur at different levels from the logical inconsistency of theories, to the divergence
of empirical data and invalid research assumptions. The analysis may lead to devel-
opment of an alternative theoretical viewpoint or a reconciliation integrating the con-
flicting results into a single higher-level theory. This approach may reconceptualize
or transform the extant theoretical concepts and alter current research practices, thus
promoting theoretical advancement. For example, the Orientalist frame of reference
in communication theory proposed that speech is downplayed in Asian traditions
recognizing Asian communicators as being passive, silent, and indirect. However, it
was argued from the revisits of Confucius’s observations about language and words,
ancient teachings, and Buddhist teachings that speech is indeed important, only that
it should be the right speech (Dissanayake 2003; Chang 1997). And rather than
assessing the impact of speech on the audience as mostly observed in prior theories,
Kirkwood (1997) suggested that from an Indian perspective, the focus should be on
impact of speech on the speakers themselves.
The other form of theoretical contribution is when development of theory can
produce profoundly new, unconventional understanding of phenomena. Davis (1971)
argued for ‘interesting’ research to create significant impact on the field. This refers
to theories that deny taken-for-granted assumptions and/or propositions that make
up current theoretical structure. Littlejohn and Foss (2005) mentioned some key
characteristics of Western theoretical formation and compared these to the Asian
emphases. First, Western perspectives tend to be preoccupied with determining and
assessing parts rather than putting them together to form a unified process, whereas
Eastern philosophies tend to focus on wholeness and unity. Secondly, many Western
theories are individualistic and highly cognitive while Eastern thought stresses emo-
tional and spiritual merging. Third, Western-style thinking is language-centered and
rationality-biased whereas Eastern theories put emphasis on intuition, direct expe-
rience, and silence. Fourth, Western thought presumes some forms of relationships
between individuals while Eastern perspectives suggest always changing relation-
ships depending on individuals’ social positions and relations. These observations
raise concerns about referring to typical Western-oriented theoretical formation that
may rely on certain assumptions and/or propositions different from the other (i.e.
Asian) emphases on theories and hence could potentially lead to a shift of theoretical
lenses and development of new perspectives. Miike (2006) indicated theories cannot
be revolutionized only by incorporating Asian participants into the research process
but by shifting theoretical lenses throughout the research process. In addition, the
counterintuitive approach may uncover radical distinctions between seeming and
being, i.e. what it seems to be and what it is in reality. Also sometimes what is gener-
ally accepted may be proven wrong. The contradiction may occur in characteristics of
a single phenomenon (e.g. its composition, abstraction, function) or relations among
multiple phenomena (e.g. their coexistence, variation, opposition, causation). In the
social sciences, it is uncommon to claim a breakthrough original idea, but there is
always a chance to extend some theory, to indicate an exception to what has been
established, or maybe to apply an existing theory in a new way.
In any case, the process of theory development is iterative between finding new
concepts and comparing them with previous theories, and between formulation of
theoretical concepts and data analysis and interpretation. The iteration may con-
tinue until reaching theoretical saturation which is the point at which incremental
improvement in its contribution is minimal (Glaser and Strauss 1967).
Academic Reporting
Academic reporting is presenting the research results and its theoretical contribution.
This can be in various forms such as a thesis, dissertation, conference proceeding,
or journal manuscript. These written reports seemed to share a common structure
consisting of a sequence of sections which are fundamental to all types of research
reports. These include an abstract, introduction, literature review, methodology, data
analysis and interpretation, discussion, and references, notes, and/or appendices.
An abstract is a brief description of the entire research study. It is placed at the
beginning of a report to provide potential readers with sufficient information about
the research so they can see if this study suits their interests. In some cases, an abstract
may help attract and promote new interest. Thus, an abstract must be carefully crafted
to capture the most important and interesting results of the research in a concise and
precise manner. Although placed in the first part of the paper, it is usually written
last after the other sections of the report have been completed. An abstract usually
contains a statement identifying the key focus of the research typically illustrated in
the research question. Then it may discuss key methodological approaches suggesting
the nature of the data generated and analyzed in the study. Next, an abstract explains
key results of the research leading to some highlighted theoretical contributions and
relevant implications (if applicable).
The next section is an introduction which provides the background of the research
and orients the reader to the study. It may discuss current situations from the literature
or observed events, involving areas of research interest together with some basic
research question or problem to indicate an overall direction and purpose of the
study (Leedy 1993). Moreover, an introduction may illustrate the structure of the
report with brief details about subsequent sections. This can help set key research
foci to be explored further within some specified theoretical and/or specific research
context.
The next section delves into the extant literature relevant to the research topic. The
aim is to identify opportunities for further research and formulate a clear and spe-
cific research question. A review of the literature must be comprehensive and include
references to both classic as well as recent works, particularly those that have exten-
sively examined the literature and identified research in similar areas. In addition,
it is also important to include literature that has covered theoretical and method-
ological issues the current study may overlook. Other sources in local languages
should be included, specifically those that involve the specific topic. For instance,
Miike (2006) suggested that referring to the Asian spiritual doctrines can be useful
in studying cosmological communications. Dissanayake (1988) proposed examining
rituals and folk dramas to explore culture-specific symbolic communications. Dis-
sanayake (2003) emphasized that these help explicate indigenous intellectual roots,
situated knowledge, and local modes of thinking.
Though there are multiple sources of information that can be claimed useful for
research, not all of them are con-sidered equal or can be legitimately used in writ-
ing literature reviews for academic reports (Berg 1998a, b). The sources that should
be emphasized are scholarly writings such as articles from academic journals and
dissertations. Other sources such as excerpts from recognized newspapers and mag-
azines may be considered as lower-order sources and could be used when referring
to some key events and trends.
It is noted that the literature review is not a simple listing of other studies but a
critical review which may follow the different processes as discussed in Chap. 4 (e.g.
demonstrating a progressive coherence, a synthesized coherence, a noncoherence of
previous information). The review should demonstrate how the previous literature
examined the subject of interest and indicate their limitations which could be by
spotting theoretical gaps (Alvesson and Sandberg 2011; Locke and Golden-Biddle
1997) or problematizing the previous studies (Davis 1971). Moreover, this section
should state why it is important to tackle the identified limitations. Then the report
discusses research questions to improve or extend the developed theories or methods
employed in prior research, or to challenge previously accepted ideas or theories and
find competing conceptual-izations. Hence, the literature review not only represents
prior studies related to the research topic but also suggests where the current study
fits into the stream of research and theoretical development.
The methodology section explains how the research was accomplished. This
includes selections of qualitative research methods to address the specified research
questions and descriptions of techniques and procedures used to collect data. Addi-
tionally, it is important to recognize the position of researchers in the research context
(Caelli et al. 2003). For example in Kwek and Lee (2015)’s ethnographic research
study with Chinese corporate tourists during their trips to Australia, they reported in
the manuscript that the first researcher, who has a Chinese ethnic background and
worked many years in the travel industry, conducted the participant observation and
in-depth interviews and she was well received by the informants. As an overseas
Chinese residing in Australia for over 10 years and being a university lecturer, she
was a good source of interesting information about Australian culture and the way in
which Chinese live in that country. Hence the informants could establish some mutual
exchanges of information. The research report also described that the second author
had expertise in East Asian cultural philosophies in tourism studies and thus she
could incorporate these insights into the design of research and interpretation of the
findings. Explaining details in the methodology section helps illustrate the nature of
data gathered and facilitates evaluation of the research study’s trustworthiness. More-
over, it can support further conduct of research specifically if problems that occurred
during the course of research can be disclosed together with some solutions taken.
Additionally, processes to prepare and analyze data should be discussed. Though it

may follow a generally accepted approach as discussed in the prior Chap. 10, this
section can elaborate on details of analytic practices such as transcribing, coding,
and iterating between the data and theoretical references.
Besides explaining what the data consists of, the section may provide details
about research samples, how they have been identified and how they have been
informed about their participation (Berg 1998a, b). Moreover, information about
research setting such as place and time to conduct the research is needed, particularly
when the context and trustworthiness of the qualitative research largely depends on
an appropriate setting for the study. This information is quite imperative in the case
of research in the Asian market which demands a reason for selecting the particular
context. The reason may range from being an extreme case to represent the unique
phenomenon to being prototypical of other cases (Pratt 2008).
Methodology also incorporates triangulation methods used in studying a specific
subject but with multiple approaches such as combining multiple sources of data,
multiple data collection methods, multiple perspectives or theories, and multiple
researchers (Denzin 1978). This can help minimize the degree of specificity and/or
possible biases associated with certain approaches to particular subjects. Finally, the
section may explain how to manage research ethics regarding the issues of harm,
consent, privacy, and the confidentiality of data (Punch 1994). In other research
contexts such as in many Asian markets, the practices and regulations can be different
from the standard due to cultural norms or religious practices. Hence, this part must
be clearly explained. For instance, when Belk (2014) conducted his visual research
projects in Qatar and UAE about female adornment practices, the researchers had
to manage how to show images of covered Arab women outside of their mahrem
(the circle of family who may gaze upon a woman) as it is believed that the images
could bring shame on a family. In this case, they agreed to show the images of the
abaya (gown) and shayla (headscarf) coverings if they were modeled by a non-
citizen resident or on a mannequin. Because different Muslim cultures have different
interpretations and practices of proper Muslim female dress, they managed to ask
guest workers such as maids to model. Belk (2014) also discussed another related
project in which the researchers were able to show pictures of female informants
only when they wore a full facial covering (burka).
The next section illustrates results from data analysis and interpretation. This
normally presents various thematic patterns with interweaving data from multiple
sources (e.g. excerpts from interview transcripts, observation fieldnotes) (Bing 1987).
It is often organized according to conceptual subhead-ings which may be derived from
the researchers’ analyses or sometimes from the direct terms and experiences of the
participants (Berg 1998a, b). These can be unique to the specific research study in the
particular local context. For instance, Fu et al. (2015) illustrated a Confucian analysis
of Chinese tourists’ motivations by referring to the major life domains (i.e. self,
family, social life, society, nature) which guided the data analysis and interpretation.
Moreover, the choice of words used in presenting the research may be due to specific
intention. For example, when Belk et al. (1998) conducted interviews in Thailand,
they acknowledged the problems that arose when the non-Thai researchers were
talking with the informants in English. The authors mentioned some restrictions of
thorough immersion and intimacy and chose to retain some broken English of some
informants to allow the reader to assess themselves some potential impediments
in the analysis. This section should provide enough data evidence to support the
interpretations. Yet this should not be confused with simply describing the findings
rather than articulating the analyses and interpretations. Sometimes parts of the data
can be included in the appendices but it is best to combine the main referenced data
within the stated text to help the readers follow the arguments.
In some cases of ethnographic reports, the data may be demonstrated first to pro-
vide an ethnographic narrative before moving into the data analysis and interpretation
(Berg and Berg 1988; Burns 1980). In this section, it is important to balance between
description of data and interpretation of the meanings. Sufficient description facili-
tates understanding of the situations, contexts, and thoughts of the people studied in
this research. Geertz (1973a, b) provided a thick description which included not only
a record of what was happening but details about feelings, emotions, experiences,
and relationships of the people and their living contexts. Yet some forms of research
presentation (i.e. film) may require an overarching coherent narrative argument to
engage viewers from beginning to end (Chio 2014). Specifically, a film audience
may be accustomed to consuming a story with characters, conflicts, and plot (e.g. a
causal sequence of events and actions) (Gillette 2014a, b). Hence, a researcher must
be able to manage a good balance providing enough, substantively significant data
while retaining the focus of the research.
The discussion section examines the research results and sees how they may have
an effect on relevant domains (e.g. a stream of research and theory development). This
may include a reiteration of key points and suggestions about how they relate to the
existing literature. Here, the theoretical development and contribution is elaborated to
highlight the advancement of knowledge and insight into the phenomenon of interest.
The discussion section may include researchers’ reflections on the procedures used
and results of the research which can lead to awareness of the study’s limitations and
some areas that have not been investigated. As a result, this can help indicate further
areas for research. Moreover, it provides the opportunity to point out some unique
characteristics of the research such as the use of combined qualitative methods,
innovative techniques to collect data, or researchers’ standpoints since qualitative
research largely depends on the way in which the study is being operated. In this
case of research in the Asian market, different researcher characteristics may lead
to distinctive analyses and interpretations. This can be acknowledged in the report,
particularly because in the qualitative research process researchers are recognized as
active tools and participants too (Hertz 1996). Hence, their roles and influences may
be elaborated together with their clarified identification of self (e.g. gender, race,
social class) and perspectives (Edwards 1990; Williams and Heikes 1993; DeVault
1995).
This can be quite important in research on Asian consumption and marketing
because people’s responses and participations can vary significantly by their interac-
tions with the researchers. Such discussion can make both the researchers and readers
become aware of how the researchers’ positions and interests may affect the research
and suggest less dis-torted accounts of the phenomenon reported in the study (Berg
1998a, b). An example is from the research paper of Sobh et al. (2014) with young
female consumers in Qatar and UAE and their adornment practices. The researchers
clearly explained that the first author who conducted the interviews in Qatar was
perceived as a foreigner. However, she is of Arab/Muslim descent and wore the head
scarf but not the abayas (traditional gown) which is part of the research interest. The
researchers suggested in the report that this status could provide both familiarity and
enough distance to allow open discussion of topics that are culturally sensitive. The
other researcher jointly participated in some interviews with the first author while
the third researcher who conducted interviews in UAE is a male Westerner. Such
clarifications promote transparency of the research process and allow the readers to
assess findings accordingly.
Finally, the last section provides references, notes, and appendices. As the report
normally illustrates claims, statements, and arguments from other sources, these
must be cited in the references. There are multiple styles (e.g. Harvard, APA, MLA)
depending on the requirements of the publishers. References can be indicated with
superscript numerals placed in the text or with source information including the
last name of a referenced author, the date of publication, and the page number in
the case of using in a direct quotation. Details of references may be put at the
bottom of the page where the references appear (in footnotes) or at the end of the
report (i.e. endnotes). A separate section of references may be listed numerically
or alphabetically by the first author’s last name. Moreover, further notes in relation
to the references or referenced concepts can be provided in addition to citing the
sources. Citations from local sources in local languages may be translated but with
careful attention to the generally accepted meanings and references.
Appendices may include figures which can be placed within the text or in this
separate section. Figures can help represent the thinking logic, depict development
and/or methodological processes, and organize the analyses of findings (Pratt 2009).
In addition, the appendices may include selected excerpts from transcripts, pictures,
tables and illustrations to provide evidence that support the research. When conduct-
ing an interview study, the interview question guidelines should be incorporated in
this section so the readers can determine the degree to which the findings are derived
from the questions asked or interpretations (Pratt 2009).
Publishing the Research
Beyond producing the report, normally academic research is also aimed at getting
publication, specifically in academic journals. Though this is not always the case,
it is important to consider this option to disseminate research among the academic
community. The first step involves selecting the journal because it has implications
for the extent of resources to put in (e.g. time, author team) especially as there is a
restriction against submission of the same research article to different journals at the
same time. The reviewing process can take some time, and the time lost if having to
redirect to other journals may affect the opportunity to have a timely relevant subject
published.
Today there are many journal outlets available with different degrees of quality
and complexity. Besides international journals, researchers may also consider local or
regional-specific journals which can be in both English or local languages. However,
these various journals may have different rankings and indicators. Researchers may
refer to these to help evaluate the suitability and possibility of getting published in
a more prestigious outlet. Though the indexes may not represent a complete picture
of the values of journals, it is helpful to have some guidelines when intending to
make contributions widely at the global level. To select the journal, researchers
must essentially make fair and unbiased assessments about the research quality. It is
generally recommended that the authors try to target the best possible journal given
the quality of their research. Finding the right match can be critical to prevent an
overestimation which results in longer time lags and an underestimation which may
help obtain publication but miss a chance to be in a more prestige journal.
Besides the different intensities and qualities demanded, journals in a given dis-
cipline may be directed to different groups of academic audiences who may come
from different schools of thought, have different underlying perspectives, or employ
different research principles. In fact, many journals explicitly publish quan-titative
research while others are open to, or to some extent devoted to, qualitative studies.
It is important to figure out this orientation towards certain types of studies. Some-
times there may be a preference for specific research settings (e.g. North America)
due to the belief in its dominant perspective (Pratt 2008) while research conducted in
Asia may encounter problems claiming broad acceptance. Such information may be
declared in the journal’s aim and purpose while many times it may remain obscure.
Hence, researchers will need to observe from previous publication records or discuss
with experienced authors in the field. Next, writing a manuscript can follow the gen-
eral approach explained in the earlier section. However, researchers should adhere
to the writing style and format that the journal requires.
After submission, the manuscript will typically go through the blind review pro-
cess whereby editors and/or associate editors invite two to four scholars who have
expertise in the subject to review and make recommendations to either publish or
reject the manuscript. The author’s identity is usually omitted. The main criteria for
judging the article are mainly based on contributions of the research. These include
assessment about some significant, new, value-added concepts contributed to the
current thinking. The findings may not need to be completely different from or con-
trasting with prior studies, but they should include modifications or extensions that
may alter the existing viewpoints in an important way. The level of contribution
may be considered by scope, or how much of the field will be impacted by this
research and how different this is from the current thinking (Whetten 1989). Next,
assessment may include theoretical implications (e.g. changes brought to the prac-
tice of research in the area, linkages to the other theories) and also the appeal and
interest of the topic, procedure, results, and discussions of the research among the
academic readers. Moreover, reviewers certainly evaluate the fundamental quality
of the research including solid underlying logic, comprehensive research methods,

compelling data, convincing arguments with reasonable references to prior litera-
ture and current understanding. Additionally, the writing style is considered in terms
of its flow, clarity, language, and presentation format. For the non-native English
speaker/writer, it is advisable to have professional support in editing the manuscript.
In spite of having generally accepted criteria for assessing publications, the pro-
cess may encounter some biases such as being reviewed by those who do not under-
stand the nature of qualitative inquiry, have a preference for quantitative research for
publications, subscribe to different theoretical standpoints, or are prejudiced against
some specific research settings. There has been some concern about a lack of con-
sensus around standards for evaluating qualitative work due to the various types of
qualitative research and the need to keep contextually based and inherent flexibility
in the methods (Pratt 2008). As a result, reviewers may have different and possibly
conflicting opinions about the manuscript which will eventually demand the editor’s
final judgment. Having the right group of reviewers can be crucial in the review
process. Though this is typically a blind procedure, some journals encourage authors
to suggest possible reviewers who are knowledgeable in the area of research as well
as to indicate those who may have conflicts about the study approach and analysis.
Getting published is not an absolute straightforward process, so the authors should
learn about the rules, guidelines, and techniques involved.
Realizing the qualifications and limitations of the publications suggests that there
are no strict rules for concluding whether the research is or is not worthy of getting
published. It is possible to find some good research that may not produce publications.
Each study is unique and should be judged on its own merits. However, being pub-
lished in well-recognized publications legitimizes the contribution given the overall
expectations in the area of study. Thus it is beneficial to be open to learning from this
publication process. Though it can be discouraging and tiring, especially for those
who have invested considerable effort into the research project, getting constructive
comments from sensible reviewers can be quite helpful as it may offer some evalu-
ation of the research quality, suggest ways to improve or further the research, or at
least provide different perspectives regarding the study.
Practical Dissemination
Qualitative consumer and marketing research can provide not only theoretical contri-
bution but also practical utility, especially when the subject involves formulation and
implementation of strategies to succeed in business. Chapter 4 illustrates the different
research purposes. Besides basic research to generate fundamental knowledge and
promote theoretical advancement, there are other types of research with more prac-
tical purposes such as applied research to address practical questions or concerns,
evaluation research to assess how well strategies or programs are being conducted
in the market, and action research to find measures taken in response to specific
problems in a specified context. Knowledge produced from basic research can also
Practical Dissemination 275
be applied to the strategic practices. In fact, more scholars are now advocating the
practical importance of theories (Corley and Gioia 2011; Hambrick 2007).
Practical dissemination of qualitative consumer and marketing research is aimed
at promoting detailed understanding about the context, the people, their feelings,
emotions, experiences (Davies and Harré 1990). This enables managers to have a
comprehensive, holistic perspective of the target consumers and their consumption
behaviors, leading to better opportunities to develop effective managerial strategies.
Such objectives are different from theoretical dissemination which intends to achieve
theoretical advancement. In the Asian market today, the practical contribution of
research is highlighted, particularly with the significant growth of the economy which
has promoted increasing interest among investors and businesses in the area and
around the world.
Practical Contribution
The practical contribution of qualitative consumer and marketing research essen-

tially includes development of consumer insights, specifying consumers’ psycho-
logical and sociocultural characteristics as well as their decision making process (as
explained in Chap. 2). Qualitative inquiry can provide narrative descriptions of con-
sumers in their living contexts and the way in which they act and interact in the mar-
ketplace. Additionally, it can offer explanations in the customers’ own words or close
to their contextualized perspectives (Griffin and Hauser 1993). Quite often qualitative
research can reveal different categories of social, emotional, and action—oriented
behaviors (Belk et al. 2013). This is crucial nowadays as increasing competition and
more complex market environments demand more multifaceted, nuanced conceptu-
alizations of consumer segments (Brown 1995; Day 1990). A detailed representation
of consumption and marketplace experiences can support managers to make more
impactful marketing strategies (e.g. branding, product development, pricing, channel
management, communications). Moreover, beyond business domains, the study can
contribute to social development (e.g. with social marketing). One example is the
research in Abu Dhabi (Chamaret et al. 2016) published in the online news chan-
nel under the heading “Why some Emiratis buy counterfeit goods when they could
afford the genuine product.” Box 11.2 illustrates the study and its proposed practical
contribution.
Box 11.2 A Research on Counterfeit Goods Buying and Proposed Policy

Interventions
As counterfeit products are becoming more common in the UAE, this research
series conducted by researchers from the Paris Sorbonne University Abu Dhabi
proposed to explain the phenomenon. Particularly it was mentioned that citi-
zens of the UAE, who have one of the highest per capita incomes, could easily
afford the real luxury goods yet about one third of them were believed to occa-
sionally buy counterfeit products. Therefore, the research question was “Why
do some Emiratis buy counterfeit goods when they could afford the genuine
product?”
First, the quantitative study of 104 Emiratis found that consumers see no
legal or financial risk (e.g. lack of guarantee) in the purchase of counterfeit
goods, and they perceive low ethical and macroeconomic risk (e.g. tax evasion,
job loss, trade deficit). Yet consumers see substantial psychosocial risk (e.g.
shame, guilt) and performance risk (e.g. poor quality) of buying counterfeit
products. Next, a series of 19 interviews were conducted and the findings help
explain the justification strategies used by Emiratis to cope with the perceived
risks. These include firstly selecting the best fake products (aka “AAA copy”,
“copy number 1”) though they can be costly. Secondly, using both real products
and copies depending on the occasion can prevent consumers from getting
caught because the genuine ones can help authenticate the counterfeits. The
third strategy is named “fashionista strategy,” which is to buy copies of very
recent or limited-edition products because they are less familiar to the general
public and therefore more difficult to detect. Last, the “believer strategy” is to
justify that buying counterfeits will help save some money that can be used to
help others in need.
The findings of this research study led to recommendations for public pol-
icy makers. The authors proposed anti-counterfeit action plans to highlight the
associated risks which were not clearly stated earlier. For instance, consumers
must be constantly reminded of the legal risks and the sanctions that could
be applied in this case. The ethical risk concerning use of child workers in
Asia to produce counterfeit goods could be stressed. Additionally, consumers
should be informed and educated about the macroeconomic risks such as pos-
sible harm to the UAE economy. Finally, a communication campaign can be
launched to counter the justification strategies employed among the Emiratis by
illustrating the reality of the psychosocial risk attached to counterfeit purchases
and connecting it with shameful behaviors.
Source: Chamaret et al. (2016).
In addition, research can provide new, richer, and deeper meanings of consumer
behaviors in relation to their perceived life circumstances (Sunderland and Denny
2007). This includes relationships between consumption and certain contexts (such
as individual, household, social, and environmental influences). Here, qualitative
inquiry can explicate the variability of consumers’ personal meanings that are formed
from diverse social and historical relations. These multiple perspectives stemmming
from a degree of variability (Belk 1975; Stayman and Deshpande 1989) and the
heterogeneity of consumers’ personal histories (Holt 1997; Thompson et al. 1994)
can lead to the development of strategies to manage consumer and market diversity
such as coming with a seemingly common product or service that can speak to the
fragmented consumer viewpoints or facilitate the construction of different personal

meanings. Such an approach can enable marketers to better engage the dynamic
change and address stated and unstated expectations of different consumers.
An example from the design ethnography research on farmers’ uses of smart-
phones in Myanmar (Mod 2016) revealed that though most of the farmers were
familiar with facebook, they had quite different perceptions and experiences inter-
acting with the platform unlike what the company might have thought and planned.
For them, facebook is a bandwidth-efficient way to read about news or topics that
interest them. How they became facebook members also depends on others (e.g.
smartphone shops, facebook gurus in the village) who set up accounts for them. The
findings showed that many farmers did not even have email addresses and did not
know how to log in. If they got logged out, they would simply ask someone to cre-
ate a new account. Their “friends” on facebook were simply by the apps definition,
basically some random avatars who happened to share an interest in news stories
they came across while they did not really interact. The researcher indicated that a
Myanmar farmer’s facebook experiences could have completely different meanings
and they tended to be more fluid that those of western users’ facebook expectations.
Results from the research suggested strategy developments (e.g. tool and product
designs) must be based on observed needs and uses rather than assumptions about
how an established technology might be adopted in local settings.
Analyzing the intricate consumer demands can facilitate more comprehensive
segmenting and sub-segmenting of consumer groups. Beyond the typical demo-
graphic, psychographic, and usage-oriented criteria of segment, qualitative research
can suggest subtler differences between groups based on a range of rich contex-
tual dimensions such as consumers’ inner lives, personas, everyday habits, and their
sociocultural worlds. The new qualifications and categorizations can enhance bet-
ter understanding of the existing consumer groups and may identify the emergence
of new consumer segments. For instance, the new millennials have been identified
as the key consumer group that most businesses must try to understand. Box 11.3
explains the seven codes that describe Asian millennials based on an ethnographic
study conducted by the Havas Media company.
Box 11.3 Seven Codes that Shape the Way Asian Millennials Think, Feel
and Act
Havas Media Singapore has reported findings from a two-year ethnographic
research on millennials living in 11 cities across eight countries in Asia Pacific
(i.e. Bangkok, Jakarta, Hong Kong, Shanghai, Beijing, Mumbai, Manila, New
Delhi, Sydney, Singapore and Kuala Lumpur). The aim was to explore the way
Asian millennials think, feel, and act within the context of Asian cultural values.
In this study, researchers spent a year with different millennials and observed
them in various places. Moreover, 1430 millennials were interviewed to enrich
the 130 millennial portraits developed, and 650 people in the millennial circle
of family or friends were also interviewed.
Research results suggested the seven codes that describe the Asian millen-
nials.
1. ‘Meta-Me’ refers to the aspiration to build, mold, or amplify a better me or a

greater self which incorporates multiple layers of interests and experiences.
2. ‘Take Pride in Passions over Profession’ suggests their fulfillments are not
tied to specific goals such as climbing corporate ladders as witnessed in the
prior generation. Rather it is about finding their interests and experiences
that can be developed into passions. Life choices are not made just by
monetary value but also personal satisfaction, meaningfulness and sense
of purpose.
3. ‘Negotiate Life’ is when millennials learn to interact and negotiate with
authorities (including parents, employers) in order to pursue their happi-
ness, realizing they do not solely run the world.
4. ‘Into the Comfort Zone’ occurs in the stage when Millennials are transi-
tioning in their lives. During this phase, they try to find outlets (including
travelling, gaming) where they can explore and go beyond boundaries.
They want to be able to gain freedom of expresssion as they attempt to take
on the challenges ahead.
5. ‘For Squad Eyes Only’ involves how millennials express their thoughts and
ideas via combinations of words, images, and sounds which can be placed
on multiple platforms, channels, and networks that they have navigated and
curated.
6. ‘Reformat, Reboot, Delete’ describes the nature of millennial relationships.
This is influenced by technology and the internet as they go through the
process from initiating and developing, to nurturing, and quite frequently
ending relationships.
7. ‘Trust in the Cloud’ denotes a shift from physical to virtual transactions.
Millennials store what is essential in the cloud while they gain access to
resources in life (e.g. money, services) through their mobile phones. The
transactions occur and get exchanged across the world.
The company claimed this study of millennial codes, merging ethnography
and strategic planning, can reveal the hidden patterns and cultural dynamics
by which Asian millennials make decisions and attain their life goals. The
findings will support further development of strategies to engage and create
meaningful connections with the millennials.
Sources: Lim (2017), Abodomagazine (2017) and Millennialcods.sg (2017).
Furtheremore, a thick description and naturalistic inquiry can indicate specific

areas of opportunities that may be overlooked or underexplored. These may include
accounts of consumers’ frustrations or unmet demands as well as their unarticulated
needs and other latent desires. Such untapped, unfulfilled opportunities can lead to
innovations. By observing or interviewing consumers in situ, the research results
can be translated into development of new business concepts, built into prototypes,
tested with selected samples, and reviewed to assess potential which may eventually
lead to the introduction of new products or services. Moreover, learning about some
unique consumer insights, such as their values, motivations, factors underlying the
appeals or actions, can help detect or forecast some cultural shifts and changes in
consumption and future trends in the market.
One example is from the case of Oreo in China (Beer 2012). Kraft Foods intro-
duced Oreo to the Chinese market in 1996, and until 2005 they were able to gain
only a mere 3% of the cookie market. Being one of the top global brands, Oreo
had to accept that what had defined their success so far might not be applicable in
this specific local setting. Drawing insights from extensive consumer research, Kraft
Foods decided to create an original Oreo particularly for the Chinese market altering
its size, shape, and flavor. They launched the Oreo wafer stick with the white crème
of Oreo coated in chocolate. Though this completely changed the image of Oreo, it
was able to make the brand more relevant to the local preference. Furthermore, the
company learned opportunities to grow from local cultural consumer insights about
heating foods for colder times and cooling foods for warmer times of the year. Cook-
ies were considered a heating food, and thus sales tended to drop during the summer.
As a result, in 2009 Oreo launched vanilla and green tea ice-cream-flavoured cook-
ies. The success of the new product led to launching more cooling variations such as
orange-mango and blueberry-raspberry flavors. Moreover, Kraft changed the Oreo
package size to become smaller with lower prices so the products could be sold via
smaller grocery stores and mom-and-pop stores and become more accessible for the
average Chinese consumers. These innovative strategies led the brand to hit a record
15% market share in a few short years.
Development of strategic practices, involves analyzing the business and identi-
fying areas for which some marketing decisions can be brought into support the
needs. Similar to the theoretical development which begins with a review of extant
theories and current understanding, the initial process is focused on finding strengths
and weaknesses in the nature of the company, its products and brands, its target
customers (existing and potential), and its resources. These could be mapped with
some analyzed opportunities and challenges the company is facing from the market
situation and competition, which will yield evaluations of the business issues and
directions. Beyond the company, this analysis may be conducted at the level of the
overall market, which also demands further action and decision making.
Next, the process develops strategies based on the research results. It is noted that
these strategies may emerge from the data analysis and interpretation (e.g. applying
knowledge produced from academic (or basic) research to generate implications) or
embedded in the design of the study (e.g. with applied research to address practical
questions, the evaluation research to assess the programs, and action research to find
pragmatic solutions). Box 11.4 illustrates an example research study that highlights
co-creative practice as a new consumer behavior in the contemporary market. This
leads to developments of research and proposed strategies to engage consumer co-
creation. The strategies can be formulated in many ways depending on the identified
business (or market) issues and directions. Connecting the often-unrelated consumer
and market insights (derived from the research) can support uncovering of new
developments. To find resolution to the issues regarding conflicts, the strategy may be
constructed from juxtaposing the contradictory insights. Among the various insights,
interrelating to find their meaningful links or exploring their discontinuities, can lead
to the development of strategies to engage with consumers.
Box 11.4 Consumer Co-creation: Research and Strategy Development

Consumer co-creation is the emerging phenomenon in which consumers
become engaged in activities to co-create value with companies. The over-
all concept of value co-creation was first mentioned by Kambil et al. (1999)
to emphasize the roles of customers in the production or distribution of value.
Prahalad and Ramaswamy (2000, 2004) furthered the concept to highlight
customer experience and consumption. Prahalad and Ramaswamy (2000) sug-
gested that consumers desire to seek and shape their own experiences, whether
individually or with others, and they resist overpowering marketing tools and
techniques in the market today. Moreover, in the postmodern economy, the
trend of marketing is moving away from the objective production of a sin-
gle offering towards one where various subjective meanings are encouraged
by way of empowering consumers to take part in the business processes (e.g.
co-design, open innovation) (Nuttavuthisit 2007a, b, c, d).
Recent research explains the way in which consumers are engaged in busi-
ness development to co-create value from production to consumption. For
instance, Nuttavuthisit (2014) views consumers as aesthetic subjects who co-
create their aesthetic experiences of the retail environment rather than simply
responding to aesthetic objects offered in the setting. This consumption phe-
nomenon is changed from the previously described role of consumers as passive
recipients of marketing stimuli and information. Recognizing this change, retail
developers and designers have worked towards a new retail design develop-
ment concept, shifting from invoking an overarching theme to providing con-
sumers with tools to create their own experiential consumption (Nuttavuthisit
and DeBerry-Spence 2003). Other research i.e. Kozinets et al. (2004) indicated
that despite the claim that a themed retail environment has limited freedom of
consumer agency, the new spectacular development (i.e. incorporating technol-
ogy and screens in this study of ESPN Zone Chicago) can offer a do-it-yourself
quality unrecognized in prior theory whereby consumers play in a fantasy and
thus consumption is negotiated dialectically.
The new participatory perspective highlights an iterative learning process for
both the company and the consumer. Such insights promote further research
in the development of strategies to foster consumers’ co-creative practices.
Nuttavuthisit (2010a, b) explained how (i.e. participation and creation) and
why (i.e. for self and for others) consumers co-create which leads to a proposed
typology of the four interrelated categories (participation-for-self, creation-for-
self, participation-for-others, creation-for- others) and the four Cs strategies of
choice, complement, cause, and communality to foster these different practices

accordingly. Pichyangkul et al. (2012) indicated how to engage extreme users in
the process of front-end innovation where companies are seeking new business
opportunities. The findings suggest this could lead to the discovery of radical
innovation considering unforeseen disruptive changes.
In sum, the strategies to promote consumers’ co-creative practices work to
enhance deeper consumer involvement leading to incubation of new and cre-
ative ideas, knowledge sharing, and advancement of a value network (Bharti
et al. 2014). Additionally, collaborative efforts between consumers and com-
panies can foster mutuality of benefits which leads to sustainable relationship
building.
The strategy development process is iterative in that it moves back and forth
between the research results (from data analysis and interpretation) and the situation
analysis. This helps marketers manage complexities posed by the current market and
multiplicity of consumption behaviors. The iteration also occurs between analyzing
consumer demands and realizing business opportunities. Moreover, proactive mar-
keters must be able to anticipate changes and project new strategy developments.
Research results that explain current understanding of the consumer and market phe-
nomena can help marketers anticipate problems that may impact future thought and
action (Corley and Gioia 2011). From there, marketers may act as if those issues have
manifested, try to make sense of the figurative events, and then infer a strategy. This
process represents another form of iteration between current and future practices to
engage further practical contributions.
Practical Reporting
Practical reporting is to present the research for the practical uses. It is different from
academic reporting which intends to make theoretical contributions. The main focus
on practical contributions may include demonstrating substantive research results
and connecting them with practical suggestions such as proposing strategies to better
understand consumer insights and advance market development (Passakonjaras et al.
2008), or to explore opportunities and challenges in the specified market situation
(Nuttavuthisit et al. 2010). The practical report can take various forms such as a
business report, managerial article, or presentation at a meeting, or seminar. Preparing
a report that can suit the interest and understanding of the audience is quite crucial,
particularly as many executives and/or practitioners may not be familiar with the
research process and many find the research findings intangible. Therefore they
tend to rely on or evaluate from the reported information. Thus, the report must be
delivered in a way that can clearly communicate the effectiveness and usefulness of
the research. This includes answering why this research would be of interest to other
people, what is good and/or new about it, how its benefit could be translated into
learning for others.
The practical report can follow a common structure like that of the academic
report consisting of an abstract, introduction, literature review, methodology, data
analysis and interpretation, discussion, and references, notes, and/or appendices.
This sequence of sections is fundamental to all types of research reports. However,
there may be some differences in the emphasis of detailed contents, specifically in
the discussion which, for the practical report, stresses how the research can address
the business issues.
The abstract, or in this case called the executive summary, can be considered the
most important part of the practical report since it is likely to be the only part that
many executives or practitioners will read. Therefore, this section should highlight
the summary of research results with a brief reference to research method and its
implications for further managerial decisions. Next, the introduction section illus-
trates some background information focusing on the business and market situations
leading to the need to gather more data to support decisions. Then, the broad goals
as well as detailed objectives of the research are explicated. Following, the liter-
ature review may incorporate studies relevant to the research topic. The aim is to
identify areas for conducting further research and formulating a clear and specific
research question. However, unlike that of the academic research to find limitations
(e.g. incompleteness, inadequacy, incommensurability) of prior studies, this review
of literature aims to present theoretical frameworks for applications. The method-
ology section explains techniques and procedures used to collect and analyze data.
This also includes research samples, research settings, triangulations, and research
ethics. The focus is on explaining how the methods and types of data gathered to
draw conclusions can support development of the business. It is noted that though
the methodology is highly important, most managers, unlike the academic audience,
will not pay close attention to its details. Thus this section should be succinctly
communicated.
The practitioner’s main interest will be in the following sections containing the
results of the research from data analysis and interpretation. This should not simply
reiterate facts but draw concrete conclusions based on the research findings to address
the research objectives and to call the reader’s attention to further decisions and
actions. These lead to the other imperative section to discuss practical contributions
as explained earlier. In this case of research in specific Asian markets, the section may
include discussion about implications across market contexts. Finally, as in of the
academic report, references, notes, and/or appendices must be properly presented.
Writing style for the practical report may vary depending on the audience. There
may be differences between writing for executives, managers, and the layperson.
Some outlets may target specific audience who may have some common back-
grounds, while others such as managerial journals or magazines may reach wider,
diverse groups. This audience group must be taken into account when choosing the
different types of reports and levels of language. In any case the practical report
should not be too complicated with overwhelming use of technical terms and jargon.
Moreover, many practitioners do not have the interest or time to spend on learning
about the research. Thus, the report should be succinct and appear in an easily dis-
tributed format. The key is to focus on the critical information while the other less
important issues can be put in the appendices. It is not the proof of time, effort, and
difficulties involved in the research project but the contribution towards the business
and market that are counted in the practical report. As Davis (1971) highlighted, the
research should not only be meaningful and truthful but also interesting.
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Chapter 12
Conclusion
After learning about the overall concept of qualitative consumer and marketing
research (Chap. 1) and the characteristics of Asian consumption and marketing
(Chap. 2) as well as the Asian market as a research setting (Chap. 3), research design
(Chap. 4), data collection techniques (Chaps. 5–9), data analysis and interpretation
(Chap. 10), and research dissemination (Chap. 11), this final chapter concludes with
key learning points from the perspectives and practices in Asia. Then, to broaden
understanding, the chapter provides viewpoints about linkage between qualitative and
quantitative consumer and marketing research. Finally, the chapter suggests how to
develop qualitative consumer and marketing research into the future.
Key Learning Points of Qualitative Consumer

and Marketing Research in Asia
The previous chapters have discussed multiple aspects of conducting qualitative con-
sumer and marketing research in Asia. While some key concepts remain largely uni-
versal, many aspects of research development have to be adjusted due to some unique
characteristics of the people and the market. Eckhardt and Dholakia (2013) reviewed
previous qualitative research studies in Asia and noted the mesh-like research set-
ting with layers of cultural complexities that make Asian consumption and market
inspiringly challenging to research. This session summarizes the key learning points
divided into four parts: interpretive research and the underpinning research tradi-
tions, research design, data collection techniques, data analysis, interpretation, and
dissemination of research.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6142-5_12
288 12 Conclusion
Interpretive Research and the Underpinning Research

Traditions
The development of qualitative consumer and marketing research is largely influ-

enced by the rooted perspective of interpretivism which emphasizes people’s diverse
experiences and the aim is to attain comprehensive notions of various perspectives.
Interpretive research tries to develop a deeper understanding of a phenomenon, par-
ticularly from the viewpoints of those who experience it (Miles and Huberman 1994).
Such an approach, with an emphasis on the context where the phenomenon is occur-
ring, is open to the discovery of new and different phenomena in the Asian market,
and it suits the kind of consumption that values interdependent relationships with
others and the environment. In essence, qualitative consumer and marketing research
in Asia can facilitate the researcher to explore new concepts, to reveal complex pro-
cesses and relationships, and to understand the influence of different social contexts
(Shah and Corley 2006). Yet there are some considerable challenges to conducting
interpretive research in Asia such as the norms of consumers to follow a common con-
clusion rather than expressing their own interpretations of the phenomenon, which
to some extent may defeat the purpose of performing the interpretive inquiry.
Next, the key research traditions underpinning qualitative research (i.e. postmod-
ernism, semiotics, existential phenomenology, hermeneutics, and critical research)
can enhance understanding of the new domain of Asian consumption and marketing.
Postmodernism recognizes the pluralities, chaos, instabilities, changes, and para-
doxes, and highlights the freedom of consumers to engage in multiple experiences
(Belk et al. 1982). Emphasizing these multiple perceived realities can support learn-
ing about diversity and empower the different groups of consumers and their con-
sumption practices. This helps counter the condition in which the Asian perspectives
and practices may be overpowered by Western dominance. Yet the researcher may
encounter situations whereby the Asian consumers adhere to group sensibilities.
The semiotics research tradition can support the study of both production and con-
sumption of symbols. This is quite apparent with regard to Asian consumption and
marketing where consumers are still engaged with many ritualistic beliefs and prac-
tices. The research can encourage extended uses of signs and symbols to associate
with consumers and promote better communication among different people. How-
ever, due to the rhetoric quality of symbols and some forces that control symbolic
meanings over time (Mick 1986), it is noted that semiotic research in an unfamiliar
context like Asia may yield misinterpretations.
Next, existential phenomenology can contribute to the study of consumer holis-
tic experience which includes identifying and describing implicit assumptions. This
approach to understanding consumers’ lived experiences requires researchers’ open-
ness and empathy. Yet, there may be some influences of market and social systems
that are not felt or experienced by consumers and therefore not expressed by way of
existential phenomenology.
The other research tradition, hermeneutics, encourages a study of texts which rep-
resent contextualized expressions of individual consumers. Moreover, with the goal
Key Learning Points of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research in Asia 289
to understand the understanding, a hermeneutical process can facilitate researchers to

attain self-reflection and self-understanding as they become aware of their own [pre-
]understanding (Rorty 1985). These are crucial in exploring different markets and
cultures, specifically in Asia where the local languages are quite distinct from those
in North America and Europe. Nevertheless, hermeneutic research can be subject to
pseudonormal understanding (Habermas 1980) because text and [pre-]understanding
may be imbued with dominant conceptions (e.g. ethnocentrism, classism), which can
be prevalent in Asia.
Lastly, applying critical theory to bring social change and achieve better quality of
life for consumers can be highly relevant in the emerging market. Additionally, it can
engage different stakeholders in resolving their possible conflicts while trying to free
people from constraints and domination. However, this process of social criticism
requires careful handling in Asia to make people accept and engage in open and free
dialogue since generally Asians tend to avoid conflicts and contradictions. Moreover,
the rooted influence of hierarchical society may make people accept authority and
therefore be less engaged in the critical theory movement.
Research Design
Realizing both opportunities and challenges from the rooted perspective of interpre-
tivism and the underlying research traditions, the next stage of designing qualitative
consumer and marketing research involves the need to first understand the unique
characteristics of consumption and marketing in Asia in order to identify clear areas
of research. These include the impact of sociocultural influences (e.g. culture, sub-
culture, social class, and significance on family) and their interrelations with the
relevant psychology (e.g. motivation to belong, face value perception, holistic learn-
ing, fatalistic attitude, social self). These are relevant to the decision processes that
place emphasis on social acceptance while they may agree to compromise or take
cautious options to avoid loss. These consumer behaviors are connected with the
prevailing practices of marketing which tend to highlight social values and identity,
refer to external stimuli and cues of product and service symbolism, and promote
interpersonal relations with recognized effects of opinion leaders. Also, one must
recognize the current trends and movements. For example, marketing strategies have
become less intrusive with the selling intention that is comparatively less explicit.
Increasing consumer power has led to their higher demands for freedom of con-
sumption and the new digital platforms allow them to express and engage more with
brands and the consumer community. For example, in China the affluent group from
the upper-middle to upper classes tend to be from the Millennial generation who
are better educated, well-traveled and tech-savvy. This customer group is shifting
away from a brand with strong name recognition to a focus on quality and novelty
resulting in a growing preference for local luxury products inspired by the new gen-
eration of Chinese talents (Horton 2016). Hence contemporary marketing strategies
have relatively less control over consumer responses, unlike traditional approaches.
290 12 Conclusion
However, at the same time marketers have access to wider and deeper data derived
from multiple touchpoints and channels and therefore further developments will need
to incorporate such market insights in devising strategies. These must be taken into
account when formulating potential areas to study consumption and marketing.
With a clearly specified area of research, researchers can set a concrete research
purpose. This may range from conducting basic research to generating fundamen-
tal knowledge and promoting theoretical advancement. While it is perceived to be
harder to convince readers of the generalizability of theory development when con-
ducting research about the Asian market, this concern may be less relevant in the
case of qualitative inquiry since its focus is on a deeper understanding of the specific
phenomenon. Another research purpose is applied research which intends to address
practical questions in the market. This is widely observed today due to the grow-
ing Asian economy which stimulates the desire to develop and implement strategies
suitable to the needs of this specific market. Next, evaluation research is carried
out to assess how well the strategies or programs being conducted. Such a purpose
would be emphasized given the new developments in the Asian market. However,
the researcher may need to find a way to handle reluctance to make strong judgments
among the Asian consumers and stakeholders. Finally, action research is focused
on finding measures taken in response to specific problems of the local settings and
therefore the findings are applied in certain context. Because this research depends
on local practices, it may be less seen in the emerging Asian market where there is
limited understanding and engagement, particularly among the local practitioners.
The next step in research design is to formulate a research question which will be
the cornerstone of the research study. This involves reviewing the current information,
both from academic literature and empirical observations, to identify areas in which
further research is needed. While there are numerous sources of information about
Asian consumption and marketing, they tend to carry some underlying assumptions
based on the dominant Western perspectives, particularly with the continued, abun-
dant cross-cultural studies. This highlights the needs to move from understanding the
broader images of consumer behaviors and marketing practices in Asia to studying
specific characteristics and phenomena occurring in the changing contexts of the
Asian market. Such emphasis is congruent with the essence of qualitative research.
When reviewing the different sources of information, researchers may adopt the
suggested approaches of finding a progressive coherence to continue and refine cur-
rent development, a synthesized coherence to further research into the areas that
are unexamined or underexplored, and a noncoherence approach to find resolution
of the disagreement. All of these review processes can contribute to the develop-
ment of research studies in Asia, but they may represent different opportunities and
concerns. For instance, progressive coherence can combine diverse sources of infor-
mation from studies in the Asian market and those of other markets and analyze them
according to some fundamental perspectives. This approach is highly plausible yet it
may demonstrate studies in the Asian market simply as part of the overall knowledge
and practice development. Synthesized coherence recognizes the distinction between
studies and suggests where to connect the diversity. Such an approach is frequently
used in cross-cultural research with the goal to compare and contrast the differences.
The noncoherence approach can better stress the unique characteristics of consump-
tion and marketing in Asia by way of challenging existing theories and practices,
but it may need to consider the unequal power of influences between studies leading
to a discord of theories and practices. The review of existing information can lead
to the formulation of a research question by identifying an opportunity for further
research that is important and relevant. This can be done by a simple “gap spotting”
(Alvesson and Sandberg 2011), the gap representing an underexplored area or an
area to supplement the current streams of research, or by problematizing the existing
information in order to call for further research. Both can be applied to the study of
the Asian market, though the latter may be harder to convince by the study of Asian
market.
After formulating the research question, the next stage is to indicate the research
method which incorporate different research traditions. These include, for exam-
ple, interview, focus group, ethnography, netnography, archival data collection, and
more. The different research methods can produce different types of data and in many
cases a research project may use them in combination. Examples of data collected
are interview transcripts, fieldnotes, diaries, historical texts and visuals, photos and
videos. These methods and data types are applicable in studying consumption and
marketing in the Asian market, but details may be adjusted according to the differ-
ent characteristics of consumers and the context. In addition, research samples must
be specified as qualitative research tends to rely on a purposeful sampling of cases
that may contain rich information about the topic. The cases may illustrate what
is typical or normal or, on the contrary, what is unique or extreme depending on
the research interests. The homogeneity of Asian society may demand an intricate
sampling technique that can identify some distinctive variations within the group.
Another technique to recruit informants is the snowball technique. This can be imple-
mented quite easily in Asia where people, if happy to participate in the research, are
willing to refer their acquaintances to participate in the research.
The research setting is the place to collect data. This could be in a natural set-
ting to obtain naturally occurring data or in a venue that can facilitate informants’
expressing of perspectives and interpretation of experiences (i.e. generated data). In
any case, it must take into account the Asian’s notion of place because people are
quite sensitive and can change their behaviors according to their environments. Thus,
the specified venue for collecting data may depend on the research topic, whether
to study consumers’ lifeworlds in their preferred private spaces or their interactions
in a social setting that can be highly influenced by the others’ opinions. Moreover,
research timing can be cross-sectional research, collecting data at one time or longi-
tudinal research, collecting data over multiple times. This also depends on whether
the focus of study is to gather a deep understanding of the current phenomenon
or to explore its process of change and dynamic condition. The Asian’s notion of
time can play a role here too. The sense of polychromic time may engage different
interactions simultaneously with no clear linear progress of events unlike that of the
monochromic time observed widely in Western societies. Thus, when planning the
research timing, it is possible to find series of events occurring in a cross-sectional
study while longitudinal research may not yield a clear sequence of phenomena.
292 12 Conclusion
Next, preparing a triangulation to work with a single subject of interest but with
multiple approaches can help refine, broaden, and strengthen the research. This may
include the use of multiple sources of data, multiple data collection methods, multiple
perspectives or theories, and multiple researchers (Denzin 1978a, b). As explained
earlier about the collectivistic culture of Asia, people’s perspectives are highly influ-
enced by others. Thus, a combination of data sources and data collection methods
can support attainment of consumers’ perspectives and meanings while reducing
their biases associated with certain subjects and approaches. Moreover, theory tri-
angulation can be useful in engaging different stakeholders within and across the
region who may have different ideas about the goals and means of attaining goals
in doing marketing in the Asian market. Finally, researcher triangulation is needed
to encourage independent positions among the Asian research community in order
to prevent biases from their hesitations to disagree with the group. Due to the rather
authoritarian culture, a research design must consider suitable profiles of researchers
who will interact with informants. Sending inexperienced, junior researchers to meet
with senior, high-ranking informants can be considered inappropriate or insulting.
Yet in some contexts, it can bring benefits by facilitating opportunities to ask naïve
and open questions because the young are believed to know less than their elders.
Lastly, research design includes how to manage research ethics, which in spite of
the universal standards, may be adjusted according to specific requirements such as
laws and regulations and the local cultures. Possible harm to informants can come
from violating their rights, particularly with the covert research. This issue is less
pronounced in Asia due to fewer legal restrictions, and thus researchers may find
an indirect way to declare their roles and positions. Moreover, being too formal in
introducing research (as in overt research) can risk weakening relationships built
with informants because Asians tend to rely on colloquial interactions and trust.
The next issue is consent which requires a suitable way to find informants who are
voluntarily involved and not manipulated into participating. While in some countries
a signed consent form is needed, this is not necessary in Asia, particularly as it can
make informants feel awkward. Relationships in Asia are normally built informally.
Maintaining privacy can be managed using implied consent such as asking permission
to engage them in some research practices (e.g. being tape-recorded). In this case,
a researcher may explain about the research project and some possible risks and
benefits and let them know that there is no need to keep records of the participants’
names. Lastly, the confidentiality of data is important, specifically with the high
concern about social identity in Asia.
Data Collection Techniques
After identifying an area of research, research purpose, and research question,

researchers can select appropriate tools to collect data. This is suggested rather
than the opposite because pursuing a method in search of a problem can restrict
the research areas and problems. Qualitative research can combine multiple methods
to support the study leaving open to adjustment or change during the process. Thus,
researchers must be flexible and creative in preparing to invent new research meth-
ods. Chapters 5–9 in this book discuss the key data collection techniques including
interview, focus group interview, observation and ethnography, netnography, and
other alternative tools (e.g. archival strategy, participant produced materials, and the
projective technique).
In Asia there are some cultural conditions which represent opportunities and others
which present challenges in data collection. For example, Eckhardt (2004) explained
that the interviewers in China typically received short responses to most questions
as people tended to be more reserved or careful in elaborating their perspectives.
Thus, a mixed use of different research techniques such as visual and projective
methods (Belk 2013), or photo elicitation in an interview (Venkatraman and Nelson
2008) are suggested to help overcome some communication and cultural barriers.
Jain and Schultz (2015) studied luxury brand purchase, employing focus groups in
major Indian cities followed by on-site customer observations in retail luxury stores,
and consumer interviews. Then the data was further supported by interviews with
luxury brand managers. The authors suggested the possibility that some personal
opinions and deep feelings may have been missed in the focus groups because Indian
informants may not be willing to share all their views in a pubic setting.
When collecting data, researchers need to remain neutral and not inject their own
views even though they may disagree with informants because it can bring bias to
the interviews or situations observed and because Asian culture emphasizes group
harmony. The dilemma is that this silence could be interpreted as agreeing with
the informants’ positions but when the findings are reported, they may find out the
opposite. Liong (2015) raised this concern in his ethnographic research in China. He
was concerned about risking the accusation that he deceived or betrayed the group,
especially those who shared their feelings and personal stories with him. He later
suggested the strategy of being “passively active” in expressing opinions through
stories and questions instead of direct discussion. This approach seems to suit the
Asian context better as it avoids direct confrontation.
Data Analysis, Interpretation and Dissemination of Research
After collecting the data, the next stage is to prepare it for further analysis. This
includes for example transcribing the interviews and organizing field notes from
observations. While most practices can be generally applied, there are some specific
details which require adjustment for research in Asia. For instance, it is better to
incorporate verbal cues (e.g. exclamations, pauses, pitches, volume, flows, and flu-
ency) in the transcripts, realizing that the Asian consumers can be quite cautious and
selective in their verbal expressions. These records, together with other sources of
data such as pictures and notes can help support analysis of consumer stances. For
the field notes, researchers may write only brief notes during the observation and
must spare some time right after to elaborate on them. This is because in some con-
294 12 Conclusion
texts, like in the Asian environment, taking extensive notes openly can be perceived
as threatening or inappropriate. Moreover, it may disrupt the current behaviors and
ongoing situations.
The next step in data analysis involves finding patterns within and across dif-
ferent sets of data. These patterns may be derived based on the research questions
generated during the research design process, they may be associated with some
theoretical frameworks identified in the literature review, or they may emerge out
of the data and researcher insights. Here, coding technique is crucial in identifying
meaningful units of data. Codes can be drawn directly from the language used by
the informants (namely emic code) or refers to conceptual language used within the
field of theoretical interest (namely etic code). With a culturally specific setting such
as the Asian market, researchers should pay close attention to the emic codes such
as metaphors used in the discussions. There are different ways to perform coding
such as open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. The process is performed
iteratively between each data point and the entire data set and also occurs between
data collection and data analysis. The coding continues until it reaches saturation,
when no new information seems to emerge during coding and collecting more data
could be counterproductive.
When the analysis has identified key patterns of the data, the next step is to develop
a more complete explanation or general account of the phenomena. Data analysis and
interpretation is an iterative process in which the interpretation emerges throughout
the coding process in data analysis and further coding is performed as researchers
continue the data interpretation. The meanings of the identified patterns are formu-
lated from studying the meanings that consumers attach to their experiences and
translating between their and researchers’ perspectives, which may be based on pre-
viously formulated meanings and some theoretical understanding. Therefore, it is
important that the researchers have a good understanding of the different research
contexts and cultures (e.g. the Asian market in this case) in order to stay true to the
data rather than imposing their own views. The interpretation may involve decipher-
ing underlying cultural codes, rituals, or traditions that may affirm the consumption.
Thus, researchers should acquire some cultural background but try to avoid biases
or pre-assumptions. Because interpreting the others’ experiences is inherently sub-
jective, it is crucial to stay connected with the data to minimize the possibility of
researchers’ idiosyncratic readings.
The data analysis and interpretation can lead to a formulation of theories or devel-
opment of strategies. Detailed discussions of these contributions may depend on the
type of research dissemination. For academic discourse, the aim is to make theoreti-
cal contributions and to promote the development of studies and theories. Thus, the
report focuses on explaining approaches to achieve theory building, which could be
by extending or challenging existing theoretical frameworks or by building newly
developed theories. Each approach has different opportunities and challenges in
making a claim. Subjective considerations and biases, particularly in the study of a
specific context like the Asian market, must be carefully managed especially if the
objective is getting published in leading academic journals. For practical dissemina-
tion, the aim is to address some practical situations or to find strategic programs in
response to specific issues in the market. The report describes the managerial needs
and communicates meaningful research results that can yield implications for busi-
ness practices. This is highlighted in the Asian market today due to the significant
growth of the economy that has promoted increasing interest among investors and
businesses who are looking to develop a comprehensive, holistic understanding of
the context, the people, and their consumption behaviors.
Linking Qualitative with Quantitative Research Methods
As discussed in Chap. 1, both qualitative and quantitative research represent a sys-

tematic process of discovering and explaining how social realities in the market arise,
operate, and impact consumers and relevant stakeholders. The two research methods
can provide rigorous and reliable data to support development of consumer and mar-
keting concepts. The difference lie in their characteristics of data and the objectives.
Qualitative research is aimed at exploring ideas or understanding phenomena, while
quantitative research intends to test hypotheses or specific concepts. Positivism, an
important perspective guiding quantitative research, highlights an objective view of
reality and the research is aimed at measuring or explaining it, creating generalizable
knowledge (Hudson and Ozanne 1988). Interpretivism, which underlies qualitative
research, embraces the multiple realities that are socially constructed while working
to understand them rather than predicting behaviors. Each method has strengths and
weaknesses and may suit different cases depending on the set research question.
In spite of their differences, it is possible and legitimate to achieve a mixing of
methods (namely blended research, integrative research, mixed method research)
which involves the combination of the elements of qualitative and quantitative
research approaches such as underlying perspectives, data collection, analysis, and
inference techniques (Johnson et al. 2007). There are multiple benefits associated
with the bridging of the two methods, ranging from research design to data analysis
and interpretation. Clearly a review of both research types can support the processes
of identifying areas of research, setting a research purpose, and formulating a research
question. This leads to an indication of appropriate research method and planning
of research samples and context. Apparently the multiple methods can enhance
the research triangulation which is not limited to combining procedures within the
same approach but expanded across approaches. Triangulation of research findings
can help develop a more comprehensive account of the phenomenon of interest as
the qualitative research provides contextual understanding and meanings coupled
with descriptions of generalizable, broad relationships among variables uncovered
through quantitative research. Fong et al. (2015) reviewed the recent tourism research
in the Asia Pacific region (deriving data from the Asia Pacific Journal of Tourism
Research) and found increasing use of the mixed method. The authors suggested
that the demand for rigor and comprehensive quality of research signifies the level
of maturity of tourism research.
296 12 Conclusion
In essence, the mixed method can leverage the strengths of both qualitative and
quantitative research and offset their weaknesses (Bahl and Milne 2006). With multi-
ple research, the earlier results may help redirect, reshape, or refine the other study or
both studies as they may be conducted at the same. The design of the mixed method
takes into account the stages in which the mixing may take effect and the prior-
ity given to which type of study or both. This is different from a simple collection
of research methods. The following section illustrates the four types of the mixed
method designs i.e. concurrent design, explanatory design, exploratory design, and
embedded design (Harrison and Reilly 2011; Creswell and Clark 2007).
First, concurrent design refers to the combining use of qualitative and quantitative
data at the same time during the analysis or interpretation. In this mixed method
technique, researchers collect both types of data simultaneously, analyze it separately,
and then mix the databases by merging the data. This approach is used to compare
results or to validate, confirm, or corroborate findings. By nature, this design, which
gives equal weights to both strands, demands quite rigorous research protocol.
Second, explanatory design is aimed to provide follow-up explanations. Thus,
unlike the concurrent approach, this process is sequential, beginning with the quan-
titative followed by the qualitative research. Researchers first collect and analyze
quantitative data, and then, building on the findings, qualitative research is used
to explain or expand the quantitative results. For instance, qualitative research can
be conducted to address particular issues derived from the quantitative findings, to
give details about unique relationships of variables, to describe the extreme or out-
lier cases, or to explore the unexpected findings and uncover the mechanism that
created them. Here, the emphasis is on the quantitative research to define general-
izable knowledge while the qualitative, given its focused topic, is more specific and
restricted in its conduct. The mixing mostly occurs during the interpretation stage
and is elaborated in the discussion section.
Contrary to explanatory design, exploratory design begins with qualitative
research followed by quantitative research. Researchers first collect and analyze
qualitative data, and then build on it for the quantitative follow-up study to achieve
generalization. This may involve identifying the items, variables, constructs, or scales
for instrument design, and generating a typology or classification to be tested and
refined (Creswell et al. 2003). Here, the emphasis is on qualitative research to achieve
a depth of understanding from analyzing the informants’ viewpoints and experiences.
This is particularly useful for a study of newly emerging phenomena where variables
are not yet identified or unknown. Box 12.1 describes an example of the exploratory
design with Nuttavuthisit and Thøgersen (2017)’s study of consumer trust in the
organic food market in Thailand.
Box 12.1 Example of Study with Exploratory Design

Consumer trust is a key prerequisite for establishing a market for credence
goods, such as organic food products. However, there is little empirical research
on how and to what extent trust influences green consumer decision-making and
Linking Qualitative with Quantitative Research Methods 297
behavior, and until now there has been no research that integrates understanding
of trust in a comprehensive behavior–theoretical framework. This study intends
to address this research gap. It identifies consumer trust as a distinct volition
factor influencing the likelihood that consumers will act on green intentions
and strongly emphasizes the need to manage consumer trust as a prerequisite
for the development of a market for green products.
To examine the importance of consumer trust for the emergence of a mar-
ket for green product, this study was conducted in Thailand where a market
for organic food product is currently emerging, using a mixture of qualitative
and quantitative methods in an exploratory design. First, qualitative data were
collected by means of two focus group interviews and ten individual in-depth
interviews (minimum one hour long) in order to obtain a rich, multifaceted and
unimpeded picture of Thai urban consumers’ perceptions of organic food. The
interview guide contained questions probing participants’ experiences with
buying or coming across organic food, their perspectives on organic food,
perceived advantages and disadvantages of buying organic food, knowledge
about relevant organic certification and labeling schemes, and trust in these
schemes. Such insights are quite crucial for a study of newly emerging phe-
nomena whereby key variables are not yet identified or unknown. Findings
from both group and individual interviews were used as a basis for planning
and designing the following survey research study.
Survey data were collected by means of a printed questionnaire outside
four supermarkets in Bangkok that sell organic food. In order to make sure that
they hold at least shared responsibility for their household’s decisions on food
purchases, potential participants were intercepted as they left the supermarket
after food shopping. In order to get a broad representation of shopper types,
data were collected at various times of the day and on both weekdays and
weekends. Hence, although this is obviously a convenience sample, the method
secured a broad representation of the relevant target group (Thøgersen et al.
2015; Thøgersen and Zhou 2012). In total, 187 shoppers agreed to participate.
Participants were screened for basic knowledge and awareness of organic food,
which led to 10 being excused after the screening questions.
Specifically, based on an exploratory design research, it was found that lack
of consumer trust is a barrier for the development of a market for organic food
in Thailand. Qualitative research revealed low knowledge about and low trust in
organic food, certification, control, and labeling. Further, a quantitative survey
revealed that lack of (especially) system trust reduces consumer expectations
about the benefits of buying organic food, and it makes them less likely to buy
organic food. Mistrust in the control system and in the authenticity of food sold
as organic has a significant negative impact on self-reported buying behavior.
From the research findings, the study discussed a strategy for increasing trust in
the short to medium term to focus mostly on increasing knowledge-based trust
about the products, the producers, and other involved partners and not least the
298 12 Conclusion
certification process and control (Thøgersen 2005). Together, trustworthy cer-

tification and control and effective communication are the most important keys
to further enhancement of consumer trust and thereby a sustainable expansion
of the emerging organic market in Thailand.
Source: Nuttavuthisit and Thøgersen (2017).
Lastly, embedded design is when one type of data is regarded as the main while
the other only plays a supporting role. In this approach, researchers collect both
quantitative and qualitative data either sequentially or concurrently. The analysis
and interpretation is based on the main research and the other analysis is used to
supplement or enhance the key research results. In other words, the supporting data
analysis may not be as important if it were not embedded within the other source of
data (Creswell and Clark 2007).
The four designs of the mixed method represent a systematic process of mixing the
two types of research in complementary ways. This is different from a simple collec-
tion of methods whereby the different research studies are not effectively integrated.
Furthermore, there are some superficial attempts to combine the two approaches
particularly to make qualitative research more palatable to a quantitative audience or
more specifically positivist reviewers (Pratt 2009). These include using quantitative
language or terms in presenting the qualitative report which may make it easier to
understand for reviewers who are coming from such approach, but it may run the
risk of triggering certain frames for evaluating the paper that were not intended.
The other mix-up is trying to quantify qualitative data, especially with small-sample
studies, which can be misleading. Most importantly, such confusing approaches may
overlook the underlying meanings of consumer experiences while inadequately and
inappropriately representing the voices of individual consumers.
To achieve the full benefits of linking qualitative with quantitative research meth-
ods, researchers must be able to bridge the philosophical boundaries and take a
metaparadigm view in order to develop a more complete understanding (Gioia and
Pitre 1990). With this approach, the research is driven by the research question, rather
than being restricted to certain paradigmatic assumptions (Johnson and Onwuegbuzie
2004) and the theoretical development is based on data analysis and interpretation
generated from different assumptions and methodologies. For instance, qualitative
research may employ the grounded theory approach which helps to understand some
theoretical concepts in the context in which it operates and facilitates opportuni-
ties of discovering new constructs added to enrich existing conceptual frameworks
(Strauss and Corbin 1990; Goulding 2002). In this case of the study of Asian market,
the mixed method can facilitate opportunities to uncover the unique perspectives
and practices and generalize the research to connect with the other studies across
different sampling and context.
For practical purposes, the mixed method can be quite useful because the inclusion
of both perspectives allows for a more holistic view of a specified problem or market
situation. Including the quantitative work can promote generalizable implications to
Linking Qualitative with Quantitative Research Methods 299
a larger population, while the qualitative research can provide deep insights about
consumers and market settings useful in a management context. This is relevant in
this case of the specific Asian market because many companies, particularly inter-
national ones, must study the generalizable approach (e.g. globalization), behaviors
and interactions specific to the context (e.g. localization), and the mix (e.g. glocaliza-
tion). In fact, the mixed method is claimed to be rather pragmatic in that it has gone
beyond taking a certain ideological stance based on a single system or philosophy
(Creswell et al. 2003) to look at the specific issue at hand and try to find possible
ways to address it given the use of various approaches.

Development in the Future
After reviewing the key learning points of qualitative consumer and marketing
research in Asia and its link to the quantitative research method, the last section
proposes some key highlights to support development of this research in the future.
Currently, consumption behavior and markets around the world are quite varied with
the influence of new technologies leading to a massive amount of data and tools
to gather, process, and disseminate it. Society has become more complex as peo-
ple interact across multiple channels, domains, times, cultures and communities.
Individuals have changing roles and lifestyles, and these can be flexible and fluid
depending on the context. These changes offer new possibilities for research devel-
opment in the future which may range from investigating further areas of research to
adjustment of the existing methods, connection with the other research disciplines,
and the emergence of new research studies.
Further Areas of Research
Current qualitative consumer and marketing research may be adjusted to incorporate

multiple aspects or various facets of more intricate phenomena. In the Asian market,
specifically the emerging countries, there has long been a high flux and flow of people,
goods, and ideas (Kratoska et al. 2005). Since the 1980s, the newly industrialized
countries (NICs) in East and Southeast Asia (e.g. Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea,
Singapore) have encountered major labor recruitments (Asis and Piper 2008). Tao
and Donald (2016) indicated Malaysian workers have been seeking jobs in Singapore;
Thai workers are largely drawn to work in Taiwan; South Koreans have frequently
moved to work and live in Japan. Besides the work migration, there have been other
forms of movements due to transnational marriage and education. Now with the new
technology and wider access to transportation together with globalization and cross-
country collaborations (e.g. the recent emergence of the ASEAN community), it is
300 12 Conclusion
expected that mobility will be dramatically increased and translocal and transnational
spaces will be expanded (Kloos 2015). In addition, Cruz and Buchanan-Oliver (2015)
stated that the mutual entanglements between Asian and Western consumer cultures
are becoming increasingly complex. Also within the country, specifically those with
emerging economies such as China, there has been a massive relocation of people
from outlying villages to seek jobs in specific cities. This phenomenon highlights a
transient stage as the society has been modernized and the country has undergone
rapid economic growth (Trimarchi et al. 2010).
According to the massive movements indicated above, rather than focusing on
a single, specific context, qualitative inquiry may need to engage wider and more
evolving contexts and analyze the entirety of issues as well as their relevance to other
subjects of analysis. Furthermore, as Asians have been moving around, this may result
in phenomena such as long-term immigrants or short-term visitors forming interac-
tions across cultures. As a result, future studies can focus on patterns of assimilation,
adaptation, resistance, and segregation in consumption behavior (Penaloza 1994), or
explore the idea of transnational culture and ability to move back and forth between
cultures in the cultural spaces (Askegaard et al. 2005). An example of research is the
Sutton-Brady et al. (2010)’s study of consumption among Korean migrant families of
different generations in Australia which showed the importance of studying cultural
in-betweens, negotiated consumption, cultural identities and socialization. A better
understanding of migration and its impact on the formation of consumption and
markets is needed (Askegaard and Ozçaglar-Toulouse 2011), particularly as it can
lead to more complex social dynamics in the evermore multicultural environment.
Box 12.2 illustrates an example of the case of overseas Filipino workers leading to
the identification of further areas of research.
Box 12.2 Overseas Filipino Workers and Identification of Future

Research
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) refer to people of Filipino origin who live
and work outside the Philippines, either as permanent residents or temporary
workers abroad for a certain period of time. OFWs represent an important
phenomenon, not only in the Philippines but globally. Domestically, it affects
society from their families to the overall economy. The central bank of the
Philippines (the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, BSP) estimated that remittances
from OFWs contributed to as much as 8.5% of the GDP in 2014. Besides
economic impact, there are other related issues such as employment condi-
tions, standard of living (for both OFWs and their families), and international
relations.
Realizing the growing scale of impact, there have been multiple research
proposals to study the relevant phenomenon including those in the area of con-
sumption and marketing. With its longstanding evidence, the topics become
more intricate adding richness to further development of theoretical insights.
As an example, Galam (2012, 2015) studied the imagined communion and inti-
Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research Development in the Future 301
macy of absence among the Filipino Seafarers’ wives. He explained though the
seafarers (i.e. OFWs in this case) and their wives were apart, they were able to
manage the imagined communion whereby they can reunite and attain the emo-
tional ties of a family despite the distance. The study explicates an extension
of research study that is not limited to exploring domestic and foreign, internal
and external locations, but an overlapping imagined sense of community (or
family).
Migration has led to research in acculturation (because migrants have to
adapt to mainstream culture), but there is now increasing evidence of a new
concept, reverse acculturation, given a recursive interaction between migrants
and locals (Luedicke 2011). This represents an opposite phenomenon in which
locals experience pressure to adapt to immigrant cultures (Sobh et al. 2012) as
well as situations whereby migrants and their descendants try to maintain or
re-adopt the practices associated with their culture of origin within their new
culture of destination (Kim and Park 2009). This change indicates further areas
of research to study Asian consumers not only in Asia but also in the other
contexts as well as the impact of Asian consumption on the other non-Asian
consumers as Cruz and Buchanan-Oliver (2015) indicated that the immigrant
consumers can become acculturating agents. With the flux and flow of social
dynamics, more research can be proposed to investigate how people negotiate
life (Zafari et al. 2015).
The global expansion of Asian consumer cultures has led to a juxtaposition of

consumer cultures. This opens up potential areas of research on, for instance, man-
ifestation of Asian consumption and marketing outside the region, transformations
influenced by foreign cultural exchanges and meanings, confrontations and negotia-
tions with their originated traditions in Asia (Seo and Fam 2015). An example study
by Kniazeva (2015) noted the various product categories containing symbols and
narratives of Eastern wisdom and spirituality available in the Western marketplace.
Such phenomena can lead to a study of the reverse movement of the Easternization
of the West. The interactions may also include some cultural tension beyond normal
realms of consumption and marketing to other domains such as rituals, geopolitics,
or morality. Here, ethnoconsumerism research to study the culturally constituted
practices of Asian consumption and marketing can further understanding.
The other area of research involves ethnocentrism whereby consumers become
more nationalistic, leading to an anticonsumption movement. Prior research indi-
cated that perceptions of the West are not always about modernity, social status, and
cosmopolitanism, but involve both admiration and hatred (Zhou and Belk 2004). An
example is Varman and Belk (2009)’s study of the nationalist ideology of swadeshi,
the notion that “indigenous goods should be preferred by consumers even if they are
more expensive and inferior in quality to their imported substitutes” (Sarkar 1973).
In this research study describing opposition to Coca-Cola in India, activists and sup-
porting villagers in Mehdiganj where the bottling plant is situated came together to
302 12 Conclusion
protest against the large global brand and the displacements in their local agricultural-
based settings. The authors proposed that the anticonsumption movement is related
to the experiences of colonialism, modernity, and globalization of India.
Adjustment of Research Methods
The more complex subjects of research explained above demand adjustment of

research methods. More integrated research strategies are recommended combined
with multiple methods. Examples of implementation include a sentiment analysis
based on twitter messages in addition to the traditional customer satisfaction study
(Misopoulos et al. 2014), brand association research mixing the nethnography and
text mining (Ranfagni et al. 2014), and experiential testimonial research to learn
about the market and people’s experiences (Albert and Couture 2014). From the ear-
lier example of Varman and Belk (2009)’s study of swadeshi in India, the researchers
examined various archives of information disseminated to promote the anti-Coke
movement such as brochures, booklets, media articles, and web sites. They attended
and observed protest rallies and followed public speeches and meetings. Addition-
ally, they conducted interviews with activists and villagers to obtain perspectives
and reasons for the protest movement. Moreover, the authors visited the Coca-Cola
bottling plant to observe the operation and interview officials about the focused alle-
gations made by the activists. These integrated efforts allowed the researchers to
attain a more complete perspective of the different and often contradictory facets of
experiences.
Furthermore, amidst the high uncertainty in the world today, consumers are look-
ing to gain some control in situations where their senses of identity are constantly
shifting and the sense of place and time have become more temporized. Given this
condition, research will need to put more emphasis on exploring processes in which
people navigate, negotiate, and renegotiate the changes. This requires adjustment of
research methods to be employed. One research technique that can be used to explore
phenomenon over time is the archival method. For instance, Zhao and Belk (2008)
did a semiotic analysis of advertisements over 25 years in the newspaper People’s
Daily to examine the ideological transition from communism toward consumerism.
Besides the advertisements, they also explored archives of official government state-
ments regarding advertising and related articles in the Chinese advertising trade press
to understand the evolving conditions and contexts during the different times. This
research demonstrates attempts to seek variations of archival sources that support
investigating changes over a long period of time. Another innovative example of
research involving temporal transition is by Kloos (2015) who studied an audiovi-
sual archive as part of the “Recording the Future” (RtF) project initiated in 2003 to
record scenes of everyday life in Indonesia (catalogued and indexed but not edited)
for a period of 100 years so people in the future can look back and understand how
life was in the past.
Connecting Research Across Disciplines
The more complex events and incidents happening today demand cross-disciplinary
perspectives to explain. Consumer and marketing study has been linking with sociol-
ogy, anthropology, linguistics, and history on multiple levels such as the contextual,
methodological, and theoretical. The focus of marketing education and practice today
is expanded beyond the economic focus to the social domain (Nuttavuthisit 2016),
and there have been increasing efforts to integrate the macromarketing perspective
that aims to manage the complex interactions between markets, marketing, and soci-
ety and the transformative consumer research (TCR) approach that highlights socio-
cultural and situational contexts (Figueiredo et al. 2015). Therefore, research across
disciplines in different contexts can help uncover a deeper perspective. This would be
particularly important in the study of Asian consumption and market whereby knowl-
edge from other areas beyond the consumer and marketing study can support better
understanding of some unique and different characteristics of the context. Moreover,
connectivity can yield better impact and mutually beneficial outcomes for the soci-
ety in general given that current businesses in the Asian market context today are
encouraged, with support of increasing multilateral resources and the world commu-
nity, to attain sustainable development (e.g. pursuing economic growth while at the
same time balancing environmental and cultural preservation, developing natural and
human resources, sharing knowledge and technology, respecting intellectual prop-
erty, protecting human rights, improving quality of life, etc.) (Shultz and Pecotich
1997). The concept of sustainable development can be further developed by way
of exploring the different disciplines in specific market contexts. For example, Nut-
tavuthisit (2010a, b) demonstrates the study of philosophy of sufficiency economy
that represents a Thai approach to achieve sustainability.
Across disciplines, the research process can be connected with new technology
(e.g. internet, social media) specifically with the new production and sharing of infor-
mation. Such new tools can also help intermix the different qualitative methodologies
or even qualitative and quantitative methods. Examples are the use of information
from the social media to analyze in terms of its quantitative aspects (e.g. number of
views, likes) and qualitative components (e.g. sentiments, judgments) and the hybrid
(qualitative and quantitative) analysis of online textual data (Raich et al. 2014). As
an example, Duan and Dholakia (2015) used interpretive content analysis to study
postings on the social media site, Weibo, in China. This is different from the gener-
ally quantitative-oriented approach of content analysis in that it takes into account
context and focuses on symbolic meanings of phenomena rather than treating codes
as if they exist independently from texts. Research findings explain the impact of
social media on reshaping, redefining, and transforming Chinese consumer values
from the past focuses on thriftiness, suppressing of desire and delaying of personal
gratification (Fan 2000; Pan et al. 1994) to increasing emphasis on hedonism and
materialistic values, particularly as consumption (as shown on Weibo) can be used
to communicate one’s social status and cultural capital. From this research example,
connecting consumption and marketing research with new technology can promote
304 12 Conclusion
the full benefits of research to collect a large set of data and analyze it from multiple
perspectives. Moreover, incorporating the new technologies can provide opportuni-
ties to gather data across the different markets and engage researchers who may be
living or working in different regions. Yet these are challenges in managing consis-
tency and standards of data generation due to the various ongoing influences.
Emergence of New Research Study
Adaptation to change can result in the emergence of new research designs and instru-
ments. Qualitative research is particularly open to creative development, and by
nature the study is embedded in researcher’s skills and experiences. Wolcott (1992)
has provided examples of the changes in qualitative research developments such as
nonparticipant observation research being encompassed in the development of non-
reactive/unobtrusive research, human ethology, and observer study and participant
observation research being extended to the development of ethnography and field
study. The interview technique has been extended to detective journalism, biogra-
phy, and oral history and archival strategy has been combined into the development
of literary criticism, history analysis, and content analysis.
Currently, the new global digital setting has brought about an enormous database
(quantitative and qualitative) with contents that are interactive, multilevel (e.g. includ-
ing explicit and implicit behaviors, expressed and obscured emotions), and multime-
dial (e.g. consisting of texts, images, audio and video). Therefore it is possible to see
research becoming more dynamic and integrated as demonstrated in the advance-
ment of big data analytics. Moreover, the new technology has promoted access to
the kind of data that might have been difficult to gather in the past. For instance,
consumers’ everyday activities can be traced via the new technology, Internet of
Things (IoT). This can lead to new techniques of data analysis and interpretation
based on an observation of people’s routines that can represent natural behaviors.
This is congruent with the strength of qualitative research to understand the context
and find underlying meanings and relationships between data patterns. The approach
can complement the normal data analytics based on the quantitative approach, which
is often guided by assumptions or hypotheses and the objectives to predict behavior. It
is noted that new computer and software development may help generate broader and
deeper data, but the analysis still demands sensible and open human views in deal-
ing with multi-faceted and non-linear phenomena, and understanding the complex
interaction between context and people’s behaviors.
Clearly the emergence of new research study requires more active participation
and engagement of both researchers and informants (Sridhar and Srinivasan 2012).
This is coupled with the current phenomenon where there are no strict boundaries of
roles and relationships between producers and consumers of products and services,
and between producers and consumers of data (e.g. the researcher and the audience).
Hence, the new research may engage consumers and practitioners as co-researchers
(Guercini 2004). This effort can help produce new content, often linked to the tacit
knowledge of consumers and entrepreneurs (Gummesson 2000). Such combining
efforts would be quite fruitful in the case of the Asian market given the lower profile
of the research community. Furthermore, this process may enable consumers to attain
self-discovery as they have opportunities to study subjects of interest, learn from the
others, and reflect on their viewpoints and experiences. It can help improve the
linkage between the identified research context and the practitioners’ work setting
(Guercini 2004), and as different stakeholders take part in the process, it can lead
to the development of shared language and shared context of the research study
(Guercini 2014).
In summary, the new development of qualitative consumer and marketing research
will lead to better opportunities to extract new consumer insights and provide richer
and more diverse perspectives of consumption and marketing. Moreover it can con-
nect with wider subjects, create more inclusive knowledge, and disseminate to the
broader research audience. This is particularly relevant in this study of consumption
and marketing in the Asian market as it can support consideration of some unique cul-
tural characteristics and conditions that can influence the conduct of research in Asia
as well as the concepts and knowledge produced from the study. This approach has
been stressed in earlier works about the need to “decolonize methodology” (Cochran
et al. 2008; Matsinhe 2007; Battiste et al. 2002). Park and Lunt (2015) also referred
to Smith (1999, p. 65) who indicated that “Most of the ‘traditional’ disciplines are
grounded in cultural world-views which are either antagonistic to other belief systems
or have no methodology for dealing with other knowledge systems”. Tadajewski et al.
(2014) proposed that the history of marketing is tied fundamentally to the axiological,
epistemological and cultural foundations of American historical identity.
Realizing such constraints however, this book does not intend to highlight gener-
alized differences and comparisons across cultural groups (e.g. Asian vs. Western,
and among the different Asian consumer groups). Instead it is emphasized that each
cultural group may exhibit unique characteristics based on their histories and prac-
tices. Therefore cultures should be treated in their own right, while at the same time
some common values and practices across different culture groups should also be
considered. Lastly, new research development can contribute to the reduced gap
between theory and practice (Guercini 2004) and specifically between knowledge
generation and dissemination. As a result, research could become more meaningful
in that it not only fills the gap of prior studies but also brings benefits to the larger
communities and societies.
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Qualitative Consumer and Marketing Research - The Asian Perspectives and Practices.-2019

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Krittinee Nuttavuthisit

ISBN 978-981-13-6141-8 ISBN 978-981-13-6142-5 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2019930576

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019

1 Introduction to Qualitative Consumer and Marketing

3 The Asian Market as Research Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

Recruiting Informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

10 Data Analysis and Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239

The Development of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing

Qualitative consumer and marketing research involves a range of methods and

Qualitative Versus Quantitative Consumer and Marketing

and quantitative analysis tools. Data collection could be by conducting experiments

Table 1.1 Qualitative versus quantitative research

A Brief History and Evolution of Qualitative Consumer

various qualitative methods such as ethnography, depth interviews, and videography,

Box 1.1 Example Practices of Qualitative Consumer and Marketing

In academia, despite some resistance in order to preserve quantitative research

Rooted Perspective and Research Traditions Underpinning

The development of qualitative consumer and marketing research is largely influ-

Interpretive Research Perspective

From the ontological, axiological, and epistemological assumptions identified

Research traditions refer to a set of philosophical discourses and associated research

Postmodernism has emerged as a philosophical and cultural movement (Vattimo

process of production and consumption, a loss of commitment, and a focus on self

Existential phenomenology suggest that the world cannot be viewed as an object

informants to thoroughly reflect on their experiences and provide richly detailed

port for proposed themes demonstrated in transcripts, while theoretical explanations

Hermeneutics is about the interpretation of understanding (Bleicher 1980). The phi-

scripts, verbal protocols, audiovisual recordings, photographs, artifacts and belong-

new modes of consumption and experiences, or new forms of marketing activities

Globalization has expanded boundaries of development from a dominant focus on the

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 23

The Asian Market Economy

Box 2.1 Countries in Asia: Economic Conditions and Characteristics

Central Asia comprises Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan

In addition to categorizing Asia into different subregions with varied economic

sector encouraged by the government because it constitutes a significant part of the

The Asian Cultural Context

primarily independent self-construal with perceived inherent separateness of dis-

Box 2.2 Generations in China

Consumption and Marketing in the Asian Context

Firstly, most consumption experience begins with needs recognition whether it is

based on the concept is observed in several campaigns to promote consumption of

The Economist (2015) Blood at the end of the rainbow. http://www.economist.com/news/middle-

Areas of Research in Consumption and Marketing

In the Asian market, the conduct of qualitative research is underrepresented. In fact,

First, marketing can be considered as an input in Schiffman and Kanuk (2007)’s

positioned as a low-priced people’s car targeting the middle to lower-middle income

Box 3.1 Ethnoconsumerism Research, Cultural Branding, and Designing

working middle- to lower-middle income group who own two-wheelers and

Consumer Sociocultural Influences

Sociocultural influences are considered as an input in Schiffman and Kanuk (2007)’s

Next, in the model of consumption and marketing, consumer psychology is consid-

Fig. 3.2 Maslow’s hierarchy

learning. Behavioral learning takes place as the result of observable responses to

Beliefs that the behavior

Beliefs that specific

Fig. 3.3 Theory of reasoned action

traditions whereby the self and identity is articulated based on an examination of

to comments about service delivery failure, informants would not be comfortable

Characteristics of Asian Informants

The Sense of Place and Time

Lastly, it can be perceived as rude to specify deadlines in Asian culture. To finish