International Journal of

Sociology and Anthropology

Volume 4 Number 4 April 2012

ISSN 2006-988X
ABOUT IJSA
The International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology (IJSA) is published monthly (one volume per year) by
Academic Journals.

International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology (IJSA) is an open access journal that provides rapid
publication (monthly) of articles in all areas of the subject such as Socialization, postcolonialism, kinship and
descent, Culture, ethnography etc.
The Journal welcomes the submission of manuscripts that meet the general criteria of significance and scientific
excellence. Papers will be published shortly after acceptance. All articles published in IJSA are peer-reviewed.

Submission of Manuscript
Submit manuscripts as an e-mail attachment to the Editorial Office at: ijsa@acadjournals.org. A manuscript
number will be mailed to the corresponding author shortly after submission.

The International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology will only accept manuscripts submitted as e-mail
attachments.

Please read the Instructions for Authors before submitting your manuscript. The manuscript files should be
given the last name of the first author.
Editors
Prof. Roland Armando Alum Dr. Amani Hamdan
Senior International Research consultant, Ottawa University
ICOD Associates of New Jersey, 1440 Heron Road APT 710
Trustee: DeVry University (New Jersey Campuses), Ottawa, ON
USA. K1V 0X2
Canada

Dr. Roseline M. Achieng

Private Bag X17, Bellville, 7535 Dr. Brian Milne
South Africa. 106 Glen Road, West Cross, Swansea SA3 5QJ, Wales,
UK.

Dr. Fidelma Ashe

School of Policy Studies Dr. Stephen Vertigans
University of Ulster Applied Social Studies,
Newtownabbey Faculty of Social Science
BT37 0QB Robert Gordon University,
Northern Ireland Aberdeen,
UK

Prof. Silvia Ciotti

Department of Environmental Science, Dr. Md. Emaj Uddin
St. John International University Department of Social Work,
Italy. University of Rajshahi,
Rajshahi-6205,
Bangladesh.
Dr. C. I. David Joy
United Theological college,
Benson Town P.O. Dr. John Horace Enemugwem
Bangalore-46 Department of History & Diplomatic Studies,
India. Faculty of Humanities
University of Port Harcourt,
Port Harcourt,
Dr. Kewal Krishan Rivers State,
Department of Anthropology Nigeria.
Panjab University
Chandigarh-160 014
India. Prof. Eleonora Kormysheva
Director of the Golenishev Egyptological Center,
Russian State University for Humanities Moscow,
Prof. Isabella Crespi 157265
Ph.D Sociology and Research Methodology Miusskaya square 6
Professor of Cultural Sociology Department of the History of Orient,
Department of Education The Institute of Oriental Studies,
University of Macerata Russian Academy of Sciences,
Italy. Moscow 103031
Russia

Prof. M. Isabel Garrido Gómez

Professor of Legal Philosophy
Faculty of Law
University of Alcalá
Spain.
Editorial Board
Dr. Hyun-Chin Lim Dr. Rukhsana Gazi
President, Korean Association of Political Sociology Associate Scientist & Head,
Dean, College of Social Sciences Health Systems and Economics Unit,
Seoul National University Health Systems and Infectious Diseases Division,
Seoul 151-742, ICDDR, B
Korea Mohakhali C/A
Dhaka 1212
Dr. Nels Paulson Bangladesh
Assistant Professor of Sociology
University of Wisconsin-Stout Dr. C P S Chauhan
332E Harvey Hall Professor of Education & Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences,
Menomonie, WI 54751 Aligarh Muslim University,
USA Aligarh
India
Dr. Samuel Law
MD FRCP(C) Dr. Sunita Bose
Assistant Professor, Assistant Professor
Department of Psychiatry, Department of Sociology
University of Toronto SUNY, New Paltz
New Paltz, NY 12561
Dr. B. B. Mohanty
Professor and Head Dr. Matthew M. Chew
Department of Sociology Assistant Professor
Pondicherry University Department of Sociology
Pondicherry 605 014, Hong Kong Baptist University
India Kowloon Tong, Kowloon
HKSAR,
Dr. Rashid Solagberu Adisa China.
Agricultural and Rural Development Specialist
Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Dr. Eswarappa Kasi, Ph.D
Development, Guest Faculty,
University of Ilorin, Department of Anthropology,
Ilorin, Kwara State, University of Hyderabad,
Nigeria. Hyderabad- 500 046,
Andhra Pradesh,
Dr. Joy Asongazoh Alemazung India
Lecturer and International Student Officer
Hochschule Bremen (University of Applied Sciences) Dr. Hoon Chang Yau
School of International Business (SIB) Assistant Professor of Asian Studies
Werderstrasse School of Social Sciences
Bremen, Singapore Management University
Germany Singapore

Dr. Julia Maria Wittmayer Dr. Stephen J. Hunt

Scientific Researcher & Consultant
DRIFT (Dutch Research Institute for Transitions),
Erasmus University Rotterdam,
The Netherlands
Department of Sociology and Criminology,
Faculty of Humanities, Languages and Social Sciences,
University of the West of England,
Bristol,
UK
 Instructions for Author
Electronic submission of manuscripts is strongly encouraged,
provided that the text, tables, and figures are included in a
single Microsoft Word file (preferably in Arial font).
The cover letter should include the corresponding author's
full address and telephone/fax numbers and should be in an
e-mail message sent to the Editor, with the file, whose name
should begin with the first author's surname, as an
attachment.
Article Types
Three types of manuscripts may be submitted:
Regular articles: These should describe new and carefully
confirmed findings, and experimental procedures should be
given in sufficient detail for others to verify the work. The
length of a full paper should be the minimum required to
describe and interpret the work clearly.
Short Communications: A Short Communication is suitable
for recording the results of complete small investigations or
giving details of new models or hypotheses, innovative
methods, techniques or apparatus. The style of main
sections need not conform to that of full-length papers.
Short communications are 2 to 4 printed pages (about 6 to
12 manuscript pages) in length.
Reviews: Submissions of reviews and perspectives covering
topics of current interest are welcome and encouraged.
Reviews should be concise and no longer than 4-6 printed
pages (about 12 to 18 manuscript pages). Reviews are also
peer-reviewed.
Review Process
All manuscripts are reviewed by an editor and members of
the Editorial Board or qualified outside reviewers. Authors
cannot nominate reviewers. Only reviewers randomly
selected from our database with specialization in the subject
area will be contacted to evaluate the manuscripts. The
process will be blind review.
Decisions will be made as rapidly as possible, and the journal
strives to return reviewers’ comments to authors as fast as
possible. The editorial board will re-review manuscripts that
are accepted pending revision. It is the goal of the IJSA to
publish manuscripts within weeks after submission.
Regular articles
All portions of the manuscript must be typed double-
spaced and all pages numbered starting from the title
page.
The Title should be a brief phrase describing the contents
of the paper. The Title Page should include the authors'
full names and affiliations, the name of the
corresponding author along with phone, fax and E-mail
information. Present addresses of authors should appear
as a footnote.
The Abstract should be informative and completely self-
explanatory, briefly present the topic, state the scope of
the experiments, indicate significant data, and point out
major findings and conclusions. The Abstract should be
100 to 200 words in length.. Complete sentences, active
verbs, and the third person should be used, and the
abstract should be written in the past tense. Standard
nomenclature should be used and abbreviations should
be avoided. No literature should be cited.
Following the abstract, about 3 to 10 key words that will
provide indexing references should be listed.
A list of non-standard Abbreviations should be added. In
general, non-standard abbreviations should be used only
when the full term is very long and used often. Each
abbreviation should be spelled out and introduced in
parentheses the first time it is used in the text. Only
recommended SI units should be used.
The Introduction should provide a clear statement of the
problem, the relevant literature on the subject, and the
proposed approach or solution. It should be
understandable to colleagues from a broad range of
scientific disciplines.
Materials and methods should be complete enough to
allow experiments to be reproduced. However, only truly
new procedures should be described in detail; previously
published procedures should be cited, and important
modifications of published procedures should be
mentioned briefly. Capitalize trade names and include
the manufacturer's name and address. Subheadings
should be used. Methods in general use need not be
described in detail.
Results should be presented with clarity and precision.
The results should be written in the past tense when
describing findings in the authors' experiments. Previously
published findings should be written in the present tense.
Results should be explained, but largely without referring
to the literature. Discussion, speculation and detailed
interpretation of data should not be included in the
Results but should be put into the Discussion section.
The Discussion should interpret the findings in view of the
results obtained in this and in past studies on this topic.
State the conclusions in a few sentences at the end of the
paper. The Results and Discussion sections can include
subheadings, and when appropriate, both sections can be
combined.
The Acknowledgments of people, grants, funds, etc
should be brief.
Tables should be kept to a minimum and be designed to
be as simple as possible. Tables are to be typed double-
spaced throughout, including headings and footnotes.
Each table should be on a separate page, numbered
consecutively in Arabic numerals and supplied with a
heading and a legend. Tables should be self-explanatory
without reference to the text. The details of the methods
used in the experiments should preferably be described in
the legend instead of in the text. The same data should
not be presented in both table and graph form or
repeated in the text.
Figure legends should be typed in numerical order on a
separate sheet. Graphics should be prepared using
applications capable of generating high resolution GIF,
TIFF, JPEG or Powerpoint before pasting in the Microsoft
Word manuscript file. Tables should be prepared in
Microsoft Word. Use Arabic numerals to designate figures
and upper case letters for their parts (Figure 1). Begin each
legend with a title and include sufficient description so
that the figure is understandable without reading the text
of the manuscript. Information given in legends should not
be repeated in the text.
References: In the text, a reference identified by means of
an author‘s name should be followed by the date of the
reference in parentheses. When there are more than two
authors, only the first author‘s name should be
mentioned, followed by ’et al‘. In the event that an author
cited has had two or more works published during the
same year, the reference, both in the text and in the
reference list, should be identified by a lower case letter
like ’a‘ and ’b‘ after the date to distinguish the works.
Examples:
Smith (2000), Wang et al. (2003), (Kelebeni, 1983), (Singh
and Chandra, 1992), (Chege, 1998; Bill, 1987a,b;
1987a,b; Tijani, 1993,1995), (Kumasi et al., 2001)
References should be listed at the end of the paper in
alphabetical order. Articles in preparation or articles
submitted for publication, unpublished observations,
personal communications, etc. should not be included in the
reference list but should only be mentioned in the article
text (e.g., A. Kingori, University of Nairobi, Kenya, personal
communication). Journal names are abbreviated according
to Chemical Abstracts. Authors are fully responsible for the
accuracy of the references.
Examples:
Papadogonas TA (2007). The financial performance of large
and small firms: evidence from Greece. Int. J. Financ. Serv.
Manage. 2(1/2): 14 – 20.
Mihiotis AN, Konidaris NF (2007). Internal auditing: an
essential tool for adding value and improving the operations
of financial institutions and organizations. Int. J. Financ.
Serv. Manage. 2(1/2): 75 – 81.
Gurau C (2006). Multi-channel banking in Romania: a
comparative study of the strategic approach adopted by
domestic and foreign banks Afr. J. Financ. Servic. Manage.
1(4): 381 – 399.
Yoon CY, Leem CS (2004).Development of an evaluation
system of personal e-business competency and maturity
levels Int. J. Electron. Bus. 2(4): 404 – 437.
Short Communications
Short Communications are limited to a maximum of two
figures and one table. They should present a complete study
that is more limited in scope than is found in full-length
papers. The items of manuscript preparation listed above
apply to Short Communications with the following
differences: (1) Abstracts are limited to 100 words; (2)
instead of a separate Materials and Methods section,
experimental procedures may be incorporated into Figure
Legends and Table footnotes; (3) Results and Discussion
should be combined into a single section.
Proofs and Reprints: Electronic proofs will be sent (e-mail
attachment) to the corresponding author as a PDF file. Page
proofs are considered to be the final version of the
manuscript. With the exception of typographical or minor
clerical errors, no changes will be made in the manuscript at
the proof stage.
Fees and Charges: Authors are required to pay a $550 handling fee. Publication of an article in the International Journal of
Sociology and Anthropology and Ecotoxicology is not contingent upon the author's ability to pay the charges. Neither is
acceptance to pay the handling fee a guarantee that the paper will be accepted for publication. Authors may still request (in
advance) that the editorial office waive some of the handling fee under special circumstances.

Copyright: © 2012, Academic Journals.

All rights Reserved. In accessing this journal, you agree that you will access the contents for your own personal use but not
for any commercial use. Any use and or copies of this Journal in whole or in part must include the customary bibliographic
citation, including author attribution, date and article title.

Submission of a manuscript implies: that the work described has not been published before (except in the form of an
abstract or as part of a published lecture, or thesis) that it is not under consideration for publication elsewhere; that if and
when the manuscript is accepted for publication, the authors agree to automatic transfer of the copyright to the publisher.

Disclaimer of Warranties

In no event shall Academic Journals be liable for any special, incidental, indirect, or consequential damages of any kind
arising out of or in connection with the use of the articles or other material derived from the IJSA, whether or not advised of
the possibility of damage, and on any theory of liability.
This publication is provided "as is" without warranty of any kind, either expressed or implied, including, but not limited to,
the implied warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose, or non-infringement. Descriptions of, or
references to, products or publications does not imply endorsement of that product or publication.
While every effort is made by Academic Journals to see that no inaccurate or misleading data, opinion or statements
appear in this publication, they wish to make it clear that the data and opinions appearing in the articles and
advertisements herein are the responsibility of the contributor or advertiser concerned. Academic Journals makes no
warranty of any kind, either express or implied, regarding the quality, accuracy, availability, or validity of the data or
information in this publication or of any other publication to which it may be linked.
 International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology
International Journal of Medicine and Medical Sciences
Table of Contents: Volume 4 Number 4 April 2012

Articles

Research Articles

Definitional ceremonies in Igbo Religion:

A test of Robin Horton’s Theory 116
Chinwe M. A. Nwoye

Attitudes to sexuality in individuals with mental retardation

fromPerspectives of their parents and teachers 134
Abbas Ali Hosseinkhanzadeh, Mahboobe Taher and
Mehdi Esapoor

Pattern of growth in height and weight among Gadaba boys and

girls of Bastar District, Chhattisgarh (India) 147
D. K. Verma
International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 4(4), pp. 116-133, April 2012
Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/IJSA
DOI: 10.5897/IJSA11.120
ISSN 2006-988x ©2012 Academic Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Definitional ceremonies in Igbo Religion: A test of

Robin Horton’s Theory
Chinwe M. A. Nwoye
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Dodoma, Dodoma, Tanzania.
E-mail: adabjc@yahoo.com.
Accepted 1 March, 2012

This study was initiated against the background of a challenge posed by Horton (1995), in which he
concluded that despite the enormous output in terms of research and writings in the area of African
Indigenous Religion, previous scholars have not been able to respond adequately to three chief
questions focusing on the basic tenets of the religion whose answers are important for a proper
understanding of the substance of African Indigenous Religion. These questions, according to him, are:
What are the focal objects or the key spiritual agencies of African religious thought? What are the
attitudes of the African worshippers to the spiritual agencies indigenous to their religion? What
constitute the fundamental aims of African indigenous religious life? Inspired by this challenge, the
researcher undertook the study of four definitional ceremonies in Igbo Indigenous Religion to gather
data for responding to these questions. In this regard, two communities, Nri and Ihiala, among the Igbo
culture area of Anambra State, Nigeria, were chosen for the study. The Culture Area Methodology (CAM)
as well as the Participant Observation Method (POM) were the principal design of the study. A select
group of elders from the two communities were interviewed for the study. The major findings show that:
“Igbo Indigenous Religion is a religion of many faiths or the type of religion in which the Supreme Being
is recognized and worshipped alongside other gods, spirits and ancestors”; “the attitude of the Igbo
worshippers to the spiritual agencies of their religion is egalitarian, and multi-partial, or rotational in its
sensitivity to the respect and worship accorded to the various agencies; each agency is assumed to
count in the economy of the welfare of the people”; “Igbo Indigenous Religion is grounded on the Igbo
worldview and assumption that attendance to the gods and ancestors of the religion bring good results,
while neglect leads to chastisement, bad harvest, physical illness, and various other sanctions on the
offenders”; and “there are multiple goals to Igbo Indigenous Religion, almost all of them this-worldly
and other (ancestral) worldly centered.” The study equally discovered that orientation to meliorism is a
major aspect of Igbo Indigenous Religion. These findings corroborate Horton’s theory of African
Indigenous Religion as entailing a quest for achieving control of events in the current world, and for
making an investment for eventual citizenship in the world of the ancestors; and therefore, essentially a
pragmatic religion. Implications of the study were closely examined and a number of recommendations
for further studies were made.

Key words: Igbo, Nigeria, African/Igbo indigenous religion, definitional ceremony, rituals, ceremonies.

INTRODUCTION

The problem of this study arose from the challenge posed
by Horton (1995), a distinguished anthropologist at the
University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria, and a renowned
authority in comparative religion. Horton’s basic
argument, put simply, in the context of the present study
is that despite the enormous output in research and
writings in the literature of African Indigenous Religion,
previous investigators have not been able to respond
adequately to three chief questions underpinning the
basic tenets of the Religion. The three questions
according to him are: What are the key spiritual agencies
of African Religious Thought? What are the attitudes of
the African worshippers to the spiritual agencies
indigenous to their religion? What constitutes the
fundamental aims of African Indigenous Religious life?
Horton, in raising these questions, had contended that:

The true nature and uniqueness of African Indigenous
Religion as a full-fledged Religion could not be
ascertained until scholars unbiased in favour of Christian
religion are able to generate answers for resolving such
questions.
Inspired by such a challenge the present researcher
decided to engage in the study reported in this article
which was undertaken (Nwoye, 2005) as part of the
requirements for a doctoral degree programme in
Religious Studies at Kenyatta University in Nairobi,
Kenya, and encompassing a field-based methodology
aimed at generating answers to the three questions
highlighted by Horton (1995). In implementing this aim,
the researcher chose as a topic of exploration, the study
of four definitional ceremonies in Igbo Indigenous
Religion, namely:
1) The Igbo naming ceremony (Iba Nwa Afa).
2) A component of Igbo marriage ceremony (Okuku-
Onye-Uwa).
3) The ceremony of taking-over of a homestead (Ikpocha
Obi).
4) The Igbo burial/funeral ceremony (Emume Enim Ozu).
The decision to target these ceremonies as a means of
generating relevant data for responding to Horton’s
questions was based on the view credited to Wilson
(1971), that the best way to understand the true nature of
a religion in terms of its basic tenets and contents is to
study its ceremonies. This is because, according to him,
the key ceremonies of a religion provide a fertile ground
and indeed a big access to a proper understanding of
that religion's belief systems, ritual objects, operative and
symbolic acts, music, artifacts, prayers and practices.
This arises from the fact that the ceremonies of a religion
represent the key sedimentation of the basic tenets of
that religion. Clarifying this point further, Wilson (1971:
52) observed that although “Religion is not confined in
ritual, but it is manifest in ritual, and in the smallest
societies chiefly manifest in ritual.” Unfortunately, this
vital access for a true understanding of the indigenous
religions of Africa has surprisingly not been sufficiently
addressed in the past, and if we are going to test the
accuracy of Horton’s views on this matter highlighted
earlier, it is through the study of definitional ceremonies
of an indigenous religion such as that of the Igbo.
Indeed, the scant attention given to the study of the
ceremonies of African Indigenous Religion as a means
for understanding the basic principles of the religion has
created its own problems, including those postulated by
Horton (1995) earlier highlighted. Ejizu (2001), for
instance contends that one chief limitation in the study of
African Indigenous Religion, within its first four eras, is
that such studies have largely been influenced by
external motives. In his view, in the first era, mere
curiosity of the explorers had been at the back of the
entire effort. During the second, third and fourth eras, the
Nwoye 117
dominant motive then shifted to the value of
understanding indigenous religions as royal roads for
easy Christian evangelization and hitch-free colonial
administration of Africa. He further contends that due to
these externally induced interests and objectives, certain
questions of less importance in the understanding of
African Indigenous Religion got over-flogged, while some
others of major significance like the one’s raised by
Horton which can most satisfactorily be answered
through the study of the ceremonies of such religion,
received little or no attention.
Some critics had actually pre-dated Ejizu’s indictment
of the field set previously (Bitek, 1970; Horton, 1995).
They had argued that the key error among African
Christian theologians and scholars of the indigenous
religion has revolved around their adoption of a lot of
Christian categories in their study of the elements of
indigenous religions. For Horton (1995) and Bitek (1970),
for example, the gravest error has been the resort by
scholars of African Indigenous Religion to the use of
Western theological schemes (such as emphasis on the
Supreme Being) in their study of the field. In that way
they failed in their researches and writings to respond
adequately to the three chief questions on the basic
dogma of African Indigenous Religion raised by Horton.
The purpose of the present study was to carry out an
investigation into the four definitional ceremonies of Igbo
Indigenous Religion earlier highlighted which entails the
study of the people in real life’s situations in an open
system. The principal aim was to draw attention to some
of the ritual elements and issues encompassed in these
ceremonies, and to generate informed answers to the
important questions about African Indigenous Religion
identified by Horton (1995). In accomplishing this aim, the
example of Indigenous Religion of the Igbo of Nigeria has
been used. This is because previous investigators in
spite of their efforts to improve our understanding of the
religion (Ezeanya, 1963, 1969; Arinze, 1970; Ezekwugo,
1973; Echeruo, 1979; Metuh, 1981; Ubah, 1982; Nwoga,
1984) did not direct attention to the study of the
definitional ceremonies of Igbo religion in their research.
Such studies have rather tended to direct their attention
on the notion of the Supreme Being and the cults and
rituals associated with it. And this, the present researcher
contends, constitutes a serious gap in the study of the
religion that needs to be attended to, if Horton’s
challenge is to be comprehensively resolved.
Based on the aforementioned, the study’s specific
objectives included the task of investigating four
definitional ceremonies in Igbo Indigenous Religion, with
the intention to discover:
1) The key spiritual agencies in Igbo Indigenous Religion
as reflected in the four ceremonies of the religion.
2) The attitude and view of the Igbo to the spiritual
agencies of their religion as can be ascertained from the
rituals and practices in the four ceremonies.
118 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
3) The chief purpose of Igbo Indigenous Religion as can
be deduced from the rituals and practices in the four
ceremonies earmarked for the study.
4) The principal belief systems, rituals and practices
encompassed in Igbo Indigenous Religion.
In pursuing these objectives, it needs to be mentioned
that this study was not interested in exploring the effect of
Christianity/theology on Igbo Indigenous Religion, nor
was it concerned with entering into the hair-splitting
debate of whether or not, the ceremonies of Igbo
Indigenous Religion are still in their pure form and shape
as they used to be. What is assumed is that some tenets
of the Igbo Indigenous Religion can be unearthed from
the study of the definitional ceremonies of Igbo
Indigenous Religion. It was also assumed that Igbo
Indigenous Religion can be studied as a religion in its
own right, without the need to bring in aspects of
Christianity into such a study.
Given the previous assumptions, the following research
questions were formulated to guide the study:
(1) What are the principal belief systems, rituals and
practices encompassed in the four definitional
ceremonies of Igbo Indigenous Religion?
(2) Who are the principal spiritual agencies addressed in
the operative symbolic acts and in the prayers and
practices encompassed in the key ceremonies of the
Religion?
(3) What is the attitude of the African people to these
agencies of the Indigenous Religion?
(4) What constitute the major goals of Igbo Indigenous
Religion as can be ascertained from a direct study of its
ceremonies?
The scope of the study did not extend to all the religious
ceremonies in Igbo culture area. The interest of the study
was restricted to the exploration, study, analysis and
interpretation of the four definitional ceremonies in Igbo
Indigenous Religion namely, the Igbo naming ceremony
(Iba Nwa Afa); Igbo take-over of a homestead ceremony
(Ikpocha-Obi); a component of Igbo marriage ceremony
(Okuku-Onye-Uwa); and the Igbo burial/funeral rites
ceremony (Emume Enim Ozu) among the Nri and Ihiala
people of Anambra State of Nigeria, West Africa.
In studying these ceremonies, attention of the
researcher was directed at gaining an understanding of
their religious meanings and implications in Igbo
Indigenous Religion.
METHODOLOGY
The survey research design was used in the study. This was
implemented through the Culture Area Methodology (CAM) as well
as the Participant Observation Method (POM) and the interview
technique. The CAM enabled the researcher to “look at the religion
in the raw” (Mbom, 1996: 177). The interview technique was utilized
to enable the researcher explore with the study participants the
religious import and symbolic meanings of the various elements
and rituals implicated in each of the definitional ceremonies
targeted for study. A purposive sampling technique was used to
target the four ceremonies in the two communities (Nri and Ihiala,
both in Eastern Nigeria) earmarked for the study. The geographical
location of these communities in the map of Nigeria is presented
(Figure 1).
A sample population of 200 elders (118 males and 92 females)
from the communities studied was drawn, sensitive to variation due
to gender and age of respondents. Snowball sampling technique
was adopted in locating the relevant ceremonies of interest to the
study and in reaching the sample elders. (The primary data on
which this report was based were collected as part of a larger
research undertaken for the present researcher’s doctoral study
(Nwoye, 2005) at the Kenyatta University in Nairobi, Kenya, East
Africa).
The study was planned to move away from the methodological
approaches of a number of previous investigators in Igbo
Indigenous Religion such as Ezeanya (1963, 1969) and Ilogu
(1974). These were criticized by Onunwa (1992), Horton (1995) and
Cox (1996) for their inability to attain a methodological conversion
or to leave their primary faith behind as much as possible in the
context of their work. By that limitation, according to these critics,
they had ended up seeing Igbo religious beliefs and practices
through the Christian theological ‘lenses’. Cox (1996) in this regard,
had suggested that the best way to move away from this common
limitation is to apply what he called the virtue of methodological
conversion. This, in his view, entailed the researcher stepping out
of the boundaries of his or her confessional faith to meet the
people/faith (religion) they are studying at the space between the
boundaries of the two faiths (religions).
Following the previous conceptual distinctions set by Cox (1992),
the attitude that guided the researcher in this study was that of
methodological conversion. In this way, the type of hermeneutics
that was exercised in this study was therefore the type which
Panikkar (1984) referred to as diatopical hermeneutics. He explains
diatopical hermeneutics to mean the thematic consideration of
understanding the other, without assuming that the other has the
same basic self-understanding as i have. Indeed, according to Cox
(1992: 163) “it is a place between confessions (religions) that
genuine dialogue leading to understanding can occur.”
Guided by the fact in the foregoing, the present researcher went
into the field with an enormous attempt made to ensure that she
allows the members of the Igbo Indigenous Religion to be selected
into the study sample to speak for themselves regarding aspects of
the definitional ceremonies of the Igbo under study; that is in such a
way that they could (for example, through their prayer texts, for
instance) communicate their traditional religious beliefs and
understandings to the researcher without fear or censure. There
was also further attempt made by the researcher to use various
aspects of the techniques of participant observation and
triangulation to enhance the authenticity and reliability of the
findings (Milroy and Milroy, 1985). Even the choice of definitional
ceremonies as the key elements of the religion for study was
influenced by this desire to allow the religion to speak for itself. This
was because, as Wilson (1971) has noted, the key ceremonies of a
religion provide a fertile ground and indeed a big access to a proper
understanding of that religion's belief systems, ritual objects,
operative and symbolic acts, music, artifacts, prayers and practices.
And this is mainly because the ceremonies of a religion represent
the key sedimentation of the basic tenets of that religion.
RESULTS
Based on the data (particularly the prayer texts presented
in Table 1) emerging from the field study of the four

Figure 1. The geographical location of Nri and Ihiala community in the map of Nigeria. From
Wikipedia: The free encyclopedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/ora_no_na_ime_Nigeria. The study
area is Anambra State labeled 2 in the diagram. This page was last modified on 27 January
2012 at 14:16.
ceremonies investigated, the following major findings
were made, organized around the principal themes of the
study.
Theme 1: The key spiritual agencies in Igbo
Indigenous Religion as reflected in the four
ceremonies of the religion
The results of the study under this theme show that: Igbo
Indigenous Religion is a religion of many faiths. The
sampled elders interviewed emphasized the view that
Igbo Indigenous Religion is a type of religion that gives
attention to many spiritual agencies encompassing not
only the supreme Being but also others gods. The results
show that Igbo religion is a kind of unique religion in
which the Supreme Being is recognized and worshipped
alongside other divinities, spirits and ancestors. In this
context, from the results of the present study, the spiritual
agencies of Igbo Indigenous Religion clearly emerged to
the fore, and were found to be more than a dozen in
number.
Thus, from the prayer formulas used in the ritualization
of each of the four ceremonies studied, it became clear
that the Supreme Being and some other deities (for
example, the earth goddess), spirits and ancestors were
Nwoye 119
worshipped in their own rights in Igbo Indigenous
Religion. This point can be found reflected in the
following sample prayer form unearthed in the course of
the present study under the theme of Igbo Naming
Ceremony in (Nri) one of the study communities. This
refers specifically to the prayer text collected under the
ritual of breaking the kola-nut and asking for blessings
and protections on the child. In getting ready for the
prayer in the presence of the rest of the Umunna (or
members of the child’s kin group), the officiant, Uzonna
Ike, the chief elder of the Umunna, took one of the kola-
nuts in his hand and lifting up his face towards the sky
prayed in the following words as shown in Table 1.
The members of the participants (the umunna) as
shown in Table 1 responded with the single fixed
expression: ‘Indeed thus we say’ or Isee, at strategic
intervals during the prayer ritual. This gesture shows that
this ceremony is one in Igbo Religion where the
participants do not operate as a passive audience but as
a participant community during the entire ritual process.
In particular, a close inspection of this prayer text
shows an inclusive recognition by the people of the
important contributions of not only the Supreme Being,
but also other gods, spirits, and ancestors, in the affairs
of their lives. Other principal elements embedded in the
120 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 1. Prayers in Igbo and English (Theme 1).

Officiant Officiant
Igbo English
A: A greeting and addressing God, spirits and ancestors
Chukwu abiaama Chukwu, He who was before all of us
Ezechitoke, The king of all creation
Omama amacha amacha The known but unfathomable
Isi nsiko gbalu Igbo ghalii The crab’s head that is a mystery to the Igbo
Eze bi n’ Igwe Ogodu ya nakpu nani He who lives above with his feet on the ground
Nwoke Oghologho anya A man with distended eyes that sees everything
Ndi muo di ba anyi Our gods and ancestors
Anyanwu na Agbala The sky and the sun gods
Anyi ekene We thank you
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

B. Begging agencies to break the kola-nut for them and make it a sacred meal
Nalunu anyi (Nararani anyi) ojia Receive this kola nut
Taanu n’otu k’anyi ta n’ibe Eat it whole, while we share the pieces
Bianu gozie ojia k’anyi si na ya itaya nweta ndu Come and bless this kola so that we will obtain life through eating it.
Partcipants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

C: Prayer of thanksgiving and for the Child’s welfare

Obi di anyi uto rinne na nwa We are very pleased
Enyere anyi For the child given to us
Anyi na ekene unu We thank you all
Afa ya bu Chukwuebuka His name is Chukwuebuka (God is great)
Anyi na ayo agam n’iru yaOkpokpo ndu, na aru isi ike We pray for his progress in the world, for his health, virile and strong life
Na ife eji ene ndu anya n’ebe ono. and the wealth with which his life will be enhanced
Paticipants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

D: Prayer to the ancestors to pave his way for him

Ndi muo di banyi Our gods and ancestors
Tivolu nu ya ezi, Make smooth his path of life
Ka otoo, so lu ulo ya mee ife ibe ya n’eme So he can grow without problems, able to take his seat among his mates
Paticipants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

E: Prayer for peace and joy

Udo no oghu Peace and Joy
Eje abata Successful going out and coming in
K’anyi nayo ebe nne na nna ya no We pray on his/her parents behalf
Paticipants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

F: Prayer for offspring

Na isi nne na nna nwaa anyi na ayo We pray on behalf of the parents of this child
Omumu nwoke na omumu nwanyi that you bless them with more children of both sexes
Paticipants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

G: Prayer for wealth to sustain life

Ife aku aku ife enwe- enwe For animals and possessions
K’anyi nayo n’isi fa (n’isi ha). We pray on their behalf
Ka elii taa, k’eli e ozo May we come again in this family for a similar celebration of joy
Paticipants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

Table 1 Continued
H: Prayer for the welfare of his entire Umunna
Ndi b’anyi, anyi ga adisinu Our people, we shall all live
Ya gazielu ununine May things go well for you all
Participants: Isee!!! Participants: Indeed thus we say!!!
same prayer text include: praise and worship,
thanksgiving, supplication for protection and support of
the child, and his parents and other members present. In
addition, a major contribution of this study from the
results set in the foregoing is that Igbo prayer ritual is
communally owned spontaneously generated and
focuses in its contents beyond concern for praise and
worship. The elements of the prayer place emphatic
stress toward making petitions relevant to the needs of
the participants. The whole ritual is not just God-
centered, but human-need centered (Horton, 1995).
The content of the prayer text (Table 1) further shows
that Igbo Indigenous Religion is not equivalent to
ancestor-worship. It is a religion of many faiths, including,
but not limited to faith in the existence and continued
relevance of the ancestors in the life of their living
descendants. The result of the present study is thus,
crucial in reminding those who equiparate African
Indigenous Religion with ancestor worship, to note that,
that point of view is inapplicable to Igbo Indigenous
Religion. This, in sum means that while, Igbo Indigenous
Religion involves some kind of ancestor-worship, it is not
synonymous with ancestor worship.
Theme 2: Attitude of the Igbo people to the spiritual
agencies of their indigenous religion
The result of the study under this theme showed that “the
attitude of Igbo worshippers to the spiritual agencies of
their religion is egalitarian, and multi-partial, or rotational
in its sensitivity to the respect and worship accorded to
the various agencies.” Indeed, according to the interview
data emanating from the study of the four ceremonies,
each spiritual agency in Igbo Indigenous Religion is
assumed to count in the economy of the welfare of the
people and is approached with a respectful fear. None is
underrated as a subordinate entity to the other. Each is
believed to be entitled to its dignity and worship as long
as they are able to reciprocate their roles. In particular, as
discovered during the interview process with some of the
elders included in the study sample, any of the agencies
that fail to perform will definitely lose its respect among
the worshippers and stands the risk of being discarded.
The aforestated findings should thus be interpreted to
constitute a departure from Mbiti’s (1969: 58) conclusion
that “God is the ultimate recipient of sacrifice in African
religion whether or not the worshippers are aware of
that”. The trend of the present study rather supports
Nwoye 121
Ubah’s (1982) position that the spiritual agencies he
studied are worshiped in their own right.
Theme 3: The chief aims of Igbo indigenous religion
as can be deduced from the rituals and practices in
the four ceremonies studied.
The findings of the study in Theme 3 showed that there
are multiple goals of Igbo Indigenous Religion; almost all
of them centered on the search for the reinforcement of
the present life and a basis to deserve admission into the
world of the ancestors after death. Indeed, from the data
arising from the study it was made clear that although
there are multiple goals to Igbo Indigenous Religion; the
dominant goal is “enhancement of life of the worshippers,
and their deliverance from all material misfortunes,
including their unrestrained enjoyment of material
prosperity in all its forms.” Thus, from the results of the
present study, five principal blessings were found to be
prayed for in Igbo Indigenous Religion: Offspring
(omumu), long life (Ogonogo ndu), health (aru ike),
wealth (aku na uba), and peace and joy (udo na oghu);
all of them are life-affirming values and this-worldly
centered (Ekwunife, 1997, 1990); a point indirectly
corroborated by Ukpokolo (2010). On the other hand, the
idea that the aim of Igbo Indigenous Religion is the urge
to gain communion with the Supreme Being intended to
foreshadow an eventual enjoyment of a certain future
paradise; a generalization from the works of Idowu (1973)
and Gaba (1978) was not corroborated in the present
study. Igbo Indigenous Religion was rather discovered in
this present study to be a means to an end and not an
end in itself. This is a point that corroborates Horton’s
view on the pragmatic nature of African Indigenous
Religion. Igbo worshippers from the ceremonies studied,
and from the views of the elders interviewed, attend to
their gods and ancestors to be in good terms with them
and to invest in their moral and spiritual support in times
of need. Igbo Indigenous Religion is thus found to be a
life affirming religion. It therefore differs from Christianity
and Islam which are understood as essentially ascetic
and non-life affirming (Metuh, 1981). It also differs from
Christianity and Islam, in that while both lay emphases on
meeting God at death in a heavenly or otherworldly
paradise, part of the idea of the good life in Igbo religion
as can be seen from the prayer text earlier presented is
that of deliverance from earthly misfortunes and
enhancement of the worshippers’ welfare in this world
and being accorded a meritorious membership in the
122 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
world of the dead ancestors. The concern for gaining
membership in the world of the ancestors just mentioned
was discovered in the investigation and analysis of the
ceremony of Igbo funeral rites or emume enim ozu.
Theme 4: The principal belief systems, rituals and
practices encompassed in Igbo indigenous religion
The results of the study in relation to Theme 4 show,
among other things, that: Igbo Indigenous Religion is a
systematized religion with notable and enduring belief
systems, religious myths, rituals and practices. In
particular, the trend of the result reveal that Igbo
Indigenous Religion could be said to be composed of four
principal elements: (i) a belief in a multitude of spiritual
agencies to whom worship is directed with this worldly
and otherworldly aim, (ii) a well structured ritual
component made of prayer, body movement, sacrifice
and commensality, (iii) presence of animal and placatory
gifts, and (iv) congregational participants. For instance, in
each of the ceremonies studied, all participants, male and
female, young and old, including the spiritual agencies to
which the ritual is directed, was understood as united in
taking part in sharing the meal indicating a unity of
intention and purpose. This conclusion is made evident in
one of the sample prayer texts collected during the ritual
consecration of the man for the priestly functions of the
homestead. In that prayer text (Table 2) the officiant, Mr.
Ohanaonu, taking a bowl of kola-nuts in his hand prayed
as shown in Table 2.
A close look at the prayer text in Table 2, drawn from
one Ikpocha Obi ritual ceremony conducted at Nri, shows
that it is composed of the following elements:
(1) An eclectic/egalitarian orientation to the spiritual
agencies of Igbo Indigenous Religion. The first lines of
the prayer text, for example, makes reference to the
multiple spiritual agencies of Igbo Religion: God, (Olisa,
another Igbo name for the Supreme Being; the gods of
the village and the community, the earth-goddess and the
ancestors (Olisa, Chineke, Ani/Ala, Nna anyi na
Nnanyifa, Ofo na Ogu)
(2) A prayer of consecration and petition for the man
undergoing the ritual. This is contained in the second
section of the text.
(3) Request for protection of the spiritual agencies on
behalf of the beneficiary. This is the subject matter of the
third stanza of the text.
(4) Request for participant’s well being, protection, and
blessings. This makes up the subject of the concluding
part of the text.
Such elements as these show that, prayers said during
this ceremony covered a variety of utterances and
intentions. They encompass the speaking of wishes for
beneficence; supplication for good things and, especially,
for the turning away of the wrath of a mystical agent.
They also include the calling down of blessings upon the
subject of the rite; and the explicit request for the
consecration, transformation/elevation and admittance of
the subject of the rite into his father’s headship of the Obi.
The trend thus presents the prayer text generated
under the Ikpocha Obi ceremony as taking the character
of a speech event, or a conversational monologue; with
the Supreme Being, and village gods and ancestors as
presumed listeners; all demonstrating the belief in Igbo
Indigenous Religion for the interconnectedness of the
universe. The same prayer text shows that both the
officiant and the participants are talking to the spiritual
agencies addressed as people near earshot, within and
around, although invisible to participants.
The same elements also show that prayers said during
this ceremony portray some recognizable attitude and
framework of the people to the spiritual agencies
addressed: God, the Supreme Being, the gods of the
village and the community, the earth-goddess and the
ancestors. The attitudes manifested include those of
respect, supplication, fear, regard, condescension and
humility, faith and trust in the capacity of these agencies
to intervene in their lives and in the life of the beneficiary
(the man undergoing the ritual), and certain
egalitarianism in making reference to their gods. Each
agency is being brought into the picture and having a
semblance of being given its due. They are each looked
at as those whose support the people need and whose
protection and blessings they crave for and value.
These indications can be interpreted to mean that Igbo
Indigenous Religion is not a haphazard religion; its
principal rituals are systematized in stages and their
contents rendered in high symbolic loadings in the
manner propounded by Turner (1967). In addition, a
number of myths, as mentioned by the elders studied,
were used to justify and clarify the bases for each of the
activities conducted and ritual objects implicated. For
example, the basis for the dominant presence of the
chicken was accounted for through the Igbo myth of the
chicken and the consequence of its failure to attend a
meeting called by its fellow animals to address the
problem of human proclivity for the use of animals for
their ritual practices. The final point of the story according
to the elders interviewed was that on account of its
absence in the said meeting, the other animals present
unanimously nominated the chicken as the dominant
animal of ritual in Igbo Indigenous Religion. In the naming
ceremony or Iba Nwa Afa for instance, it was discovered
that the reason for the delay to give a child a name
immediately the child was born is based on the Igbo myth
on the existence of the fore world of the unborn children.
The same trend was true for the institution of the Igbo
marriage ceremony or Okuko Onye Uwa ceremony. It
was discovered by means of the present study that the
ceremony was based on the Igbo myth and belief in the
existence of Onye-Uwa (a destiny spirit for each person).
Similarly, most of the rituals conducted during the Igbo
 Nwoye 123

Table 2. Prayers in Igbo and English (Theme 4).

Officiant Officiant
Igbo English
A: Greetings and homage to their spiritual agencies and to their ancestors
Olisa bu uwa aka The creator that carried the world in his hand
Ogbu ngada nga The great strength of the warrior
Chineke, Chiugo God, the giver of important things
Onye oma, anyi ekene gi The giver of good things, we greet you!
Ndi muo di b’anyi You, our beloved ancestors
Bianu welu oji Come and have your share of the kola
Ani bu anyi nine The earth-goddess that carry our weight
Bia taa oji Come and take your share of the kola
Nna anyi, na Nna anyi fa Our fathers, and great grandfathers
Bianu welu oji Come and take kola
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

B: Petition for his life

O Ndu Arinze k’anyi goo We pray for Arinze’s life
Ojidelu aka n’ojo Obi Nna ya His hands are at the father’s Obi’s doorsteps
N’ayo k’unu kwadolu ya He prays to be allowed into the father’s Obi
O’nwa n’eche be nna ya It is the son that watches over his father’s Obi
Amuta nwa, Omuta ibe ya Getting a child that gets another child
Bu ndu ebebe Is what gives rise to life everlasting
Kwenu ka obata n’obi a Allow him the right of access to his father’s Obi
Nye ya ofo na ogu nk’eji eche Obi Give him Ofo and Ogu with which Obi is protected
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

C: For His protection

Chupulunu Ya Akologheli Muo Protect him against the assault of evil spirits
Chupulunu Ya akologheli Mmadu Protect him against the assault of bad men
K’owee nokaa nka n’Obi a So that he will live long in his position
Obu ro ya bu onye mbu He is not the first to be allowed in here
Nke oga bu onye ikpeazu May he not be the last to be here too
Omumu nwoke May he be blessed with male children
Omumu nwanyi and female children
Ikilikiti okpa kanyi n’ayo n’Obi a We long for many children in this Obi
Nne zuchaa nwa ka nwa zuo May both parents gain from the toil of
Nne zuo Nna ya training the children
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

B: For blessings and long life for all participants

Anyi nwa no ebea We who are here
Anyi ga adisinu We pray for our own lives
Kwenu ka Obi ga na eti eti May this Obi be a blessed one
Anyi na ayo Oganiru, n’udo n’oghu We pray for peace and joy
Ogonogo Ndu n’aru ike We pray for long life and good health
Ifa aku aku, ife enwe enwe We pray for wealth
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

Onye nwee, Onye nwee ka anyi na ayo May each and everyone of us be blessed
Onye Obi a n’ewu anya oku May he who is not happy about the growth
Nya bulu Okuku uzo n’baa ula Go to sleep before the chicken
Onye obuna no ebea May each one of us here
124 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 2. Continued.

Ndu ya na ndi be ya o Be blessed, he and his family and children

Onye achobalu ndu ya May he who is threatened
Nya noo n’afo Hide his life away in the stomach
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

C: Peace and support for all participants

Ndemuo di ba na nna nna fa All our ancestors
Na ndo unu k’anyi no We hide under your support and protection
Bianu solu anyi n’atu elo Be part of our deliberative team
N’obia k’ife wee n’aga n’na udo while in this Obi, so that there will peace and joy

D: Concluding prayer
Ndi b’anyi, nwoke na nwanyi Our people, both male and female
Ya gazienu o We include the interest of all in our pleadings
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

death and funeral rites were noted to be based on the
Igbo myth of the difficult bridge or mmiri na asaa, agu na
asaa, mba na asaa (7, 7, 7) to be crossed before the
dead can reach the worlds/land of the ancestors. All
these show that Igbo Indigenous Religion is highly
influenced by the prevailing myths of the Igbo world and
its peoples, and therefore firmly grounded on Igbo
worldview.
Also, the findings of the study under the Theme 4
showed that there are both men and women officiants
(who play the role of ritual celebrants) in Igbo Indigenous
Religion. For instance, there are male officiants in each of
the ceremonies investigated whereas women officiants
only come into the picture during Igbo burial and funeral
rites. It is, however, significant to note that in Ihiala a
woman is responsible for dirge making. In particular, it
was discovered that women take a lot of ritual space in
most of the death and funeral rites concerning the death
of a woman. They (the women) officiate in the anklet
breaking ritual. The presence of maiden officiants in Igbo
burial and funeral rites was again noted and is significant.
These observations regarding the important role of
women in Igbo religion can be seen to be corroborated by
the following statement credited to Van Allen (1976: 68),
who noted that: “the umuada’s (daughters of lineage)
most important ritual function was at funeral of lineage
members, since no one could have a proper funeral
without their voluntary ritual participation … a fact that
gave women (among the Igbo) a significant measure of
power”.
Two principal ritual objects in Igbo Indigenous Religion
emerged from the study: Animal offering and placatory
gifts. The cock as was noted before remained the
dominant ritual animal in Igbo Indigenous Religion and an
Igbo myth to justify its dominant presence has also been
highlighted. The ram and the sheep as well as the cock
when they feature are found to be loaded with a lot of
symbolic meaning. Even the use of the cock in
preference to the hen was also noted in the course of the
study. Field (interview data) explanation shows that the
cock features rather than the hen because of its special
symbolic value. The cock in traditional Africa is an animal
of transition, an animal that helps to mark the emergence
of a new dawn in the life and day of the people. As seen
in the prayer text in Table 3, under the ceremony of Igbo
marriage or Okuku Onye-Uwa, this cockerel is a sign of
the dawn of a positive change in the life of the bride for
whom the ceremony is made. The relevant segment of
that prayer text is given in Table 3.
Of course, it needs to be mentioned in some other
ceremonies like in burial and funeral rites and in the ritual
ceremony of the take over of a homestead, other animals
like goats, rams and chickens, and in some cases even
cows, can be used.
The kola nut is noted to be a dominant ritual object
among the placatory gifts in Igbo Indigenous Religion.
This, according to Mr. Abunwune, one of the elder
respondents, comes from the fact that Igbo kola-nut or oji
(cola acuminate or atrophora) is seen as a sacred fruit,
with a visible exterior parts (that is, the separated but
united lobes) and an invisible interior head (the radix)
linking the lobes, signifying the presence and influence of
the spiritual order in the human world. Its presence in this
ceremony, according to Abunwune, is meant to reflect,
the idea of Okuku-Onye-Uwa ceremony, as a ritual of
dialogue between the brides’s Onye-Uwa or destiny spirit
and his guests, the bride’s husbands’ relatives. In this
way, the kola-nut is respected as the symbolic ritual
object that is held in hand by the officiant while
addressing the bride’s Onye-Uwa about the business of
the day.
Other respondents drew attention to the extended
social signification of the kola nut in this context. That is,
that its presence at the Okuku-Onye-Uwa ceremony under

Table 3. The relevant segment of Theme 4: Prayers in Igbo and English.
Officiant
Igbo
Egbene okuku a n'egosi
N'ife mgbanwo adigo
na ndu ada anyi
Na Okuata enwego di
N'oburozi agbogho
N'obulugo nwunye mmadu
reference represents a spiritual consolidation of a
marriage contract between two people (the bride and the
groom) in the presence of their relatives and the bride’s
Onye-Uwa. Another significance is to teach the new
couple to remember that as kola-nut is famous as a ritual
fruit with a double (sweet/bitter) taste, so too the
experience of human marriage: at one time it is sweet,
while at another time it is bitter, and that they must be
prepared to contend with such a complexity. The sweet
aspect of marriage, according to the interviewed
respondents, includes the children that can issue from it
and the promotion of in-law friendships that a human
marriage usually brings into being. The bitter aspects
include the possibility of rancor among the couples, death
of offsprings that may occur, causing grief, and the
challenging process of effective upbringing of children.
Some other respondents contributed the added view
that, the presence of kola-nut among the list of ritual
objects for the ceremony is designed to serve as a wish
by participants that the couple’s love for one another
should last long just like a kola- nut is believed to last
long in the mouth of the elders who know how to chew it.
Another dominant ritual object is the wine both local
palm wine and local hot drinks kai-kai (hot drink) and soft
drinks/soda. The basis for their presence has been
variously justified. But the principal explanation emerged
from interview with the sampled elders during the Iba
Nwa Afa and Okuku-Onye-Uwa ceremonies. For example
during the Okuku Onye Uwa ceremony participants
observe that wine is a valuable ritual object in
symbolizing the celebratory spirit of the Onye-Uwa to
whom the gifts are made (the meaning of these italicized
Igbo words have already been provided several times in
the introductory part of this report and should be
consulted where need be).
The presence of the alligator pepper in the list of ritual
objects for the Iba Nwa Afa ceremony is also worthy of
note. The symbolic meaning for its presence is highly
philosophical and culture specific. The explanation
unearthed during the course of the present study is that it
is embedded there to remind the parents of the
paradoxical nature of parenting as both sweet and
painful. This suggests that although there is no special
space for sermons in Igbo religious ceremonies, the
culture often uses ritual objects as symbols for educating
Nwoye 125
Officiant
English
This cockerel is a sign
That a positive change has come
In our daughter's life
That Okuata has got a husband!
That she is no longer a maiden
That she is now somebody's wife
and instructing its members.
The same didactic symbolization is noted in the value
of the kola nut in Igbo Indigenous Religion. Its presence
during the study is seen as a symbolic object for
reminding participants of the importance of human
friendship, communality, commensality, and family
solidarity or the linage (Umunna) spirit.
The idea of offering of animal blood and yam fou-fou or
porridge as diet for the gods reflect the anthropomorphic
nature of Igbo Indigenous Religion where it was
perceived that the gods and ancestors needed to eat and
be fed as humans do. Items for ritual practice in Igbo
Indigenous Religion such as goat, sheep, ram, chicken,
yam, palm wine, kola-nut, alligator pepper, white chalk
(nzu), and so on (emerging from the present study)
reflect the impact of the Igbo cultural environment in Igbo
Indigenous Religion. These items are the regular items of
livestock and farm produce available in West Africa. This
implies that Igbo religious ritual items are dictated by the
kind of items readily and locally available in the
community. The absence of wheat, millet, dog, and bull
and pig that are not part of the agricultural produce of the
people is noted. Igbo Indigenous Religion is therefore
essentially an ethnic religion. Its rituals are performed
and verbally in Igbo language: the language of the people
(Nwoye, 2011).
Similarly, key elements in Igbo ritual practices were
revealed in the present study to consist of four important
components: prayer, worship, sacrifice, and communal
meal. “The prayer component encompasses elements of
petition and supplication, as well as that of confession”
(Metuh, 1981: 125). It is always spontaneous and not
read from a prepared text. Thus, in all the prayer texts
collected, under the four definitional ceremonies studied,
a kind of conversational monologue appears to be
dominant. Such a trend confirms the position of Kopytoff
(1971) that prayer texts of the African indigenous
communities he studied exhibited the tone of
conversational monologues, in which participants tend to
make their petitions to the agencies of their religion as if
these agencies are within earshot. In addition, prayers
encountered during these four ceremonies are stylistically
distinct, and are couched in the language of everyday
discourse, easy to be understood and made to fit the
occasion at hand.
126 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
The worship component, as noted through the process
of participant observation by the researcher and her
research assistants encompassed the praise and
thanksgiving aspects of Igbo Religion. It also reflects the
Igbo attitude of deference and a spirit of gratitude and
thanksgiving to the spiritual agencies of their religion. The
wordings of such praises and thanksgiving rituals reflect
the principal attitudes of the Igbo to these agencies:
deference, democratic orientation, and the spirit of multi-
partiality and feeling of rotational sensitivity to the various
agencies of their religion. The prayer and worship
components of Igbo religious practice were noted to be
conducted through performative utterances. These two
went hand in hand with a sacrificial offering directed to
the agency or agencies focused on, on a given ritual. In
this context, Rappaport’s (1999) observation that the
formality of liturgical orders helps to insure that whatever
performatives they incorporate are performed by
authorized people with respect to eligible persons or
entities under proper circumstances in accordance with
proper procedures is applicable to the experience in Igbo
religious practice, as can be seen from the study of these
ceremonies.
In Igbo Indigenous Religion, as discovered from the
present study, the authorized ritual officiants that lead the
worshippers in the prayers and worship are elders, and
the consecrated first-born son of a given household (he
that has undergone the Ikpocha obi ceremony). Similarly,
because Igbo religious practice encompasses not only a
prayer/worship ritual, but also sacrificial processes and
worshippers’ participation in a communal meal, Igbo
religious ritual practices were observed in the present
study to incorporate both perfomative utterances and
operative acts (which often involves both music and
dance and therefore a lot of body movements like in the
ceremonies of Iba Nwa Afa, Okuku-Onye-Uwa and
Emume enim ozu). Performative acts or utterances, it
must be remembered, are those which have their
conventional effects completed in the gestures or
utterances themselves. Consequently, Igbo religious
practice is full of conventional utterances and acts that
achieve conventional effects. In the context of Iba Nwa
Afa ceremony, for example, because an authorized
person (the father of the child), following proper
procedure, names his child ‘Chukwuebuka’, (God is
great) the child is unquestionably taken as so named as it
is the conventional thing to do. Others such as his
classmates may, in the future if they like, nickname him
‘Ebuka’, (great) but his name is irrecoverably known to be
‘Chukwuebuka’ since he has already been so named.
In addition to the presence of performatives, a lot of
symbolic acts were seen to be implicated in Igbo religious
rituals. This is noted in particular, in the ceremony of Iba
Nwa Afa, when the child is carried up to the air, before a
name is given to the child. This, according to some of the
respondents interviewed, symbolizes a double
communication: on the one hand, to present the child to
the purview of the participants, and a prayerful wish for
the successful growth and greatness on the part of the
child. Other symbolic acts were also noted in the
ceremony of Okuku Onye Uwa where prayers are said for
the bride and the groom with the two kneeling down. The
same is true of what happens in the burial rites where
symbolic acts are noted particularly in the rituals of
incorporation effected through gun shot sounds, washing
of the dead, and laying of the dead in state.
The findings of the present study also showed that Igbo
names serve as storage of meanings in Igbo Indigenous
Religion. In this regard, the results showed that names
given to children act like texts on which most Igbo
religious creeds, cosmology and ethics are written. Some
of the names operate to advice on value of moderation,
team spirit; and the notion that we need to be sure before
we can judge. Others are used as texts for hanging their
hope and for surviving the pains and bruises of the
human experience. Others locate the principal beliefs of
the parents of those bearing them: Igwe-bu-ike (unity is
strength), Nwadiuto (having children gladdens the heart),
and Chinwendu (God is the source of life). Similarly, the
findings of the present study showed that there are both
social and spiritual elements in Igbo marriage process.
Igbo marriage ceremony encompasses not only a social
but also a spiritual component. The spiritual ritual that
seals the contract of a marriage is the Okuku-Onye-Uwa
ceremony. This means that for the Igbo, being married is
not merely a social process. It also entails a religious
undertaking, in which official permission for the marriage
is sought from the wife’s Onye-Uwa or destiny spirit, and
his blessings for the marriage formally enlisted.
The results of the study also showed that the Ikpocha
Obi ritual serves as a type of family headship/ priesthood
succession ritual. It was discovered that succession to
family headship/ priesthood among the Igbo is an
exercise that is ritualized in the Ikpocha Obi ceremony.
This means that before the eldest son to a dead father
could be recognized as successor to his father in the
headship and priesthood of the family, a traditional ritual
is called for. And this according to the findings of the
present study is what is understood among the Nri and
Ihiala people as the Ikpocha Obi ritual or the ceremony of
taking over of a homestead.
The findings of the present study similarly showed that
burial/ funeral ceremonies in Igbo Indigenous Religion
are geared at the transformation of the deceased.
Specifically, it was discovered that burial/ funeral rites in
Igbo Indigenous Religion are engaged in to enhance the
deceased’s capacity to grow from negative to positive
status and to transcend subsequently to the status of an
ancestor. The elders interviewed explained that through
such rituals the basic conditions for the deceased’s
spiritual transition from death to life are fulfilled,
contributing to his or her gaining a changed and elevated
status in the world of the dead. The present study
therefore corroborates the findings of Willet (1966) and

Abiodun (1976) in this regard. It also demonstrates the
strategic importance of burial/ funeral rites in Igbo
Indigenous Religion. They also corroborate Horton’s view
that African Indigenous Religion is a pragmatic religion.
The trend shows that being given a decent burial and
funeral rites at death is one of the major conditions of
possibility for one eventually going ahead to becoming an
ancestor in Igbo religious tradition.
The present study also revealed the influence of the
“principle of reciprocity” in Igbo religious rituals. Interview
data from the study of the four ceremonies show that the
placatory gifts of yam, cocks, palm wine, kola nuts, goats
and rams, offered to the agencies of their religion in
sacrifices of petition, atonement, appeasement,
thanksgiving, etc are offered guided by the Igbo “seed-
yam mentality” (Animalu, 1990). This involves the idea
that the earth (goddess) does not eat their yams for
nothing. It rewards them with good yam harvests after
eating their seed yam or awa ji. The same reward is
received after taking their maize seeds sown in the
ground. It rewards them with good maize harvests. And
when this is not the case, the Igbo believe that something
is wrong. In this way, an important deduction to be made
from this is that Igbo religious worshippers give gifts to
their gods, divinities and ancestors. They make their
sacrifices as a way of alluring these agencies to
reciprocate in kind. This finding tends to demonstrate the
placatory and pragmatic character of the religion and it
shows that they tend to engage in religious practices as a
kind of deal with their gods, divinities and ancestors (a
point in line with Horton’s proposition). Similarly, Igbo
indigenous religion was discovered to be a melioristic
religion. The prayer texts (like the one given in Table 4)
garnered from the study of the Okuku Onye-uwa
Ceremony (an aspect of the ritual cerebration of Igbo
marriage) show that the worldview underpinning the
religion is not one that reflects the spirit of naïve optimism
or excessive pessimism but of meliorism (Williamson,
1974; Animalu, 1990; Touche, 2009; Campbell, 1995;
Whyte, 1977). During a prayer session in one of such
ceremonies studied the officiant or the leader of the
prayer ritual is the eldest man from the bride’s father’s
kindred. He begins this prayer ritual by lifting up a bowl of
kola-nut in his hands, after picking up one of the kola-
nuts from the bowl, facing the participants. He starts with
the invocation and placation processes entailed in the
prayer. The entire prayer ritual as noted earlier, collected
among the Nri community is given in Table 4.
This is a long prayer text indeed (Table 4). But the
aspect of it in which attention needs to be directed is
sections C and D, a close look at which reveals that the
content of the prayers reflects and betray this-worldly
emphasis and the life-affirming and the melioristic nature
of the religion. From those two sections and indeed the
entire prayer text under reference, it could be deduced
that the spiritual agencies made reference to in
Okuku-Onye-Uwa ceremony are believed to be capable
Nwoye 127
of furthering human welfare, improving their lot in the
world, in conformity with the society’s desires and goals.
For example, they are seen to be addressed as agencies
that can make crops grow, increase fertility of soil, and to
protect beasts and humans. In all instance the wish is for
improvement of blessings and enhanced security in their
lives. This is reflected in the worshippers’ request for
these agencies to bless them with wealth and prosperity,
and with gifts of children, both male and female (ife akuku
ife enwe enwe).
In this regard, the use of Igbo Religion by Zuesse’s
(1979) classification belongs to the category of religions
of structure as opposed to Western Christianity. The
latter, according to him, belongs to the category of
religions of salvation. And Zuesse seems to be talking
particularly about the Igbo when he suggested that
African religions and other religions of structure are
oriented to this-worldly goals such as fecundity (omumu),
prosperity (ife akuaku, ife enwe-enwe), health (Ndu)
social harmony (Udo) and emotional contentment (onu),
all reflecting the entire five values of Igbo Religion as
seen highlighted in the prayer text collected in the field
study of this ceremony. In this way, Igbo Religion is to be
interpreted from the trend of these findings to be a
melioristic religion too.
Williamson (1974: 84) defines meliorism as “the
doctrine that improvement is at least possible” and John
Dewey cited by Campbell (1995: 261) referred to the
same perspective as “the belief that the specific
conditions which exist at any moment, be they
comparatively bad or comparatively good, in any event
may be bettered”. From the four ceremonies investigated
the possibility of improvement is what participants in Igbo
Indigenous Religion believe in, as can be seen from the
prayer texts emerging from the study (Table 4). Hope,
faith in a better future, and active engagement in matters
influencing their fate, inform their efforts and influence
their religious practice.
The previous observation, in particular, shows that the
present study has not only brought data that corroborates
Horton’s framework (that African Religion is a pragmatic
religion), but has also generated findings that have
extended that framework. This means that one of the
principal contributions of this study is that of discovering
the orientation to meliorism that characterizes Igbo
Indigenous Religion. This was found to be a pervasive
attitude of the Igbo religious participants both in
ceremonies of joy and celebration like in Iba Nwa Afa and
in those of grief and mourning like in Igbo death and
funeral rites.
DISCUSSION
The previous findings strongly demonstrate that the
principal premise of the study that one can gain a good
knowledge about the major components (beliefs, goals,
spiritual agencies addressed, ritual objects and officiants)
128 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 4. Theme 4: Prayers in Igbo and English collected among the Nri community.

Officiant Officiant
Igbo English
A: Greetings and invitation to the spiritual agencies to share in their kola-nut communion
Chi na Eke Chi and Eke
Anyanwu na Agbala bianu taa oji Anyanwu and Agbala come and eat kola
Chi Eke, Chi Oye, Chi afor, Chi Nkwo Eke's spirit, Oye's spirit, Afor’ spirit, Nkwo’s spirit
Bianu taa oji Come and eat kola
Chi ada anyi, bia taa oji Our daughter's spiritual father come and eat kola
Obu ubosi gi di ifea Today is your day
Ngi di n'isi ije uwa ya You are the source of her life in the world
Uwa iratalu ya bu uwa oma The destiny you carved out for her is good
Nya ka oji wee too rube isi, Bulu ezigbo mmadu, wee That is why she grew up an obedient child as well as well bred woman,
nwee di able to get a husband
Wele ekene o-o-o We salute you-o-o!
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

B: Gratitude, happy and fruitful marriage

Di ya bu oji na okuku bia Her intending husband is here with a gift of kola and cockerel
Oji na okuku nru gi The kola and cockerel of homage to you
Nke o ji egosi A gift by which to demonstrate
N' okwelu na nke gi That he respects and recognizes you
N'obu ada gi ka ona anu That it is your child he wants in marriage
N'obu gi ji mma jide ji That you are the last authority
N'ebe ada anyi no As far as our daughter is concerned
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

Obi di ya uto N'udi nwanyi ikpulu n'ime ya
Oji egbene bia, egbene bulu ibu
Egbene ugo n'egosi k'anwuli di ya 'obi di
N'ebe nwunye ya no.
Participants: Isee
He is very pleased with the quality and character you fashioned in her
He presents you with a giant cock
White cockerel signifying and attesting to the purity and size of happiness
He has for his intending wife, your ward
Participants: Indeed thus we say

Egbene okuku a n'egosi This cockerel is a sign

N'ife mgbanwo adigo That a positive change has come
na ndu ada anyi In our daughter's life
Na Okuata enwego di That Okuata has got a husband!
N'oburozi agbogho That she is no longer a maiden
N'obulugo nwunye mmadu That she is now somebody's wife
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

Oji oji bia, The kola nut he came with

Oji n'ano Four kola nuts
Bu oji ekene, A kola of thanksgiving
Oji nsopulu A kola of respect
Oji oji ayo gi A kola of petition and application
K'ikwe k'Okuata bulu nwuye ya So you can approve for Okuata to be his wife
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

C: Thanksgiving for spiritual support

Anyi na ekene gi Receive our thanks and gratitude
Maka nkwudo gi n'ebe Okuata Nwunye ya no For your continued support and protection of Okuata his betrothed wife
Ona ayo Ka ikwadolu fa Na anum di na nwunye fa He appeals for a similar support and protection in their marriage
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say
 Nwoye 129

Table 4 Continued

Tvolu fa ezi Smoothen their path of life

Chupulu fa ajo muo Do not allow evil spirits to harass them
Chupulu fa ajo mmadu Protect them from the machinations of evil people
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

D: For long life, wealth and good health

Ogonogo ndu We pray for long life
Na aru isike And good health
Na obi udo na oghu And the spirit of peace and joy
N'ebe fa no On their behalf
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

Di Okuata ga anoka nka Okuata's husband should live long

Buolu ya uzo, kpelu ya azu Shield him from front and back
Okuata ga anoka nka Okuata should live long
Nolu lie aka di ya To enjoy the support and wealth of her husband
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say

Chekweba di ya Bless her husband

K'onwee ife akuku ife enwe So he can have good wealth and riches
Fa ga amu izuzu eke n'izuzu oye Bless them with many children
Nwa bu ezi nwa Real good children
Omumu nwoke, omumu nwanyi Male and female children
Nwa ma uche nna ya Children that respect their father
Nwa ma uche nne ya And their mother
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

Ka oga abu So that

Fa zuchaa umu fa After training their children
Umu fa azuo fa Their children will support them in return
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

E: Caution and warning to all participants

Anyi nine no ebea ga adisinu We pray for the well being of all here present
Ndu olu Ndu Igbo We pray for the life of all and sundry
Ndu onye iru Ndu onye azu The life of young and old
Ndu nwoke ndu nwanyi The life of men and women
Onye na nke ya Onye na nke ya Everybody according to his or her needs
Onye achovalu ndu ya If anybody's life is threatened
Nya no na avo Let him or her hide it in the stomach
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

F: Concluding prayer
Ndi ba anyi, Anyi ga adisi nu o-o-o Our people we shall all live-o-o-o
Participants: Isee Participants: Indeed thus we say.

of Igbo Indigenous Religion through the study of its
ceremonies has therefore been validated. From studying
four definitional ceremonies of Igbo Indigenous Religion
we have come to know much about the religious belief
systems, the underpinning world-view, goals and
emphasis, a multitude of its spiritual agencies, ritual
practices, objects, and nature of its officiants.
The same is true of Horton’s framework which has
formed a major basis for this study. For instance, the
study of the naming ceremony or Iba Nwa Afa contains
convincing evidence that Horton’s theory of Igbo
Indigenous Religion, as a worldly affirming religion or a
130 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
religion of protection, which was taken up for
investigation in this study has been proved to be a valid
conclusion. This means that the study’s framework
subjected to an empirical test in this study did come back
confirmed as true to the facts.
From the Okuku Onye Uwa ceremony, for instance, it
was clear that Igbo Indigenous Religion is a means to an
end and not to an end itself. That ceremony was
instituted to invest in the spiritual support and patronage
of the bride’s Onye Uwa (destiny spirit). And the goal is to
ensure the success and peace in the bride’s marriage.
Even there, the participants’ needs are not ignored. The
prayer made takes into account the fact that the bride’s
Onye Uwa should always protect and support not only
the bride but also her husband, parents, and the
participants present. In each of the ceremonies the
prayer form focuses not only on giving of praise and
worship to the agencies addressed but in asking for
earthly blessings and protection from misfortunes for
those present. It is to be concluded that Horton’s theory
of African (Igbo) religion as a pragmatic religion is
therefore confirmed in this study.
Igbo Indigenous Religion, from the findings of this study
can also be confirmed to resemble the traditional
religions of the different peoples of Africa. The key areas
of possible resemblance include aspects of Igbo
worldview (for example, the common belief in the
interconnectedness between the material and the
spiritual universe), aspects of its goals (for example, its
emphasis of enhancing the welfare of the worshippers,
the presence of the double or simultaneous recognition of
both the Supreme Being and other gods in that religion
and certain aspects of the religion’s ritual objects and
practices (for example, the dominance of the chicken in
this venture). The dominance of the oral mode and the
presence of spontaneity of prayers used in Igbo religious
worship are also areas of assumed similarities between
its religion and the religions of other ethnic communities
in other parts of Africa.
Studies by Kirika (2002) on the role of sacrifice in the
Indigenous Religion of the Gikuyu; Kahindi (1988) on the
Agikuyu concept of Tahu (Harris, 1978) on the rituals for
casting out anger among the Taita people of Kenya
support this conclusion. The same is true of the study by
Gaba (1978) among the Anlo people of Ghana and those
by Turner on ritual practices among the Ndembu people
of Zambia.
Some areas of possible differences between Igbo and
other Indigenous Religions of Africa especially as can be
seen from the findings of the present study can also be
noted. The first is in regard to the place of the Supreme
Being versus other gods, spirits and the ancestors of the
religion. The result of the present study has shown that
the dominant, special and exclusive status said to be
occupied by the Supreme Being among the Kikuyu
(Kibicho, 1978), the Anglo of Ghana (Gaba, 1978), and
Yoruba of Nigeria (Idowu, 1973) is not the same in Igbo
Indigenous Religion.
Rather, it was discovered that other spiritual agencies
mentioned in the findings of this study receive special
attention in their own rights alongside the Supreme
Being. Another area of the possible difference lies in the
details of religious practices particularly as regards the
ritual objects of the religion. The present research shows
that choice of ritual objects in Igbo Indigenous Religion is
influenced by the kind of livestock rampant among the
communities studied, such as the chicken, and the kind
of food-crops that are valorized among the people such
as the yam and kola nut and palm wine. This being the
case, it is obvious that Igbo Indigenous Religion will differ
in this respect from other ethnic religions in other parts of
Africa due to local variations, such that instead of kola nut
or the yam being the regular material objects for rituals
other items such as milk, various beers other than palm
wine, meat, honey, and “the contents of the stomach of
certain ‘even-toed mammals (in practice among the
Bantu pastoralists)” (Zahan, 1970: 33) will come into
dominance.
IMPLICATIONS / RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
IMPROVED SOCIAL PRACTICE
In view of the preceding discussion the following
recommendations are made. First, there is need to
promote the spirit of solidarity and strengthening of filial
friendship among members of the kinship group in
modern Igbo families. The present study has shown that
one way this can be achieved is through repeated
participation in the traditional ceremony of naming the
new born. Knowing this to be the case, it is
recommended that a popular avenue be created perhaps
through the mass media for reminding people of the great
value of traditional naming ceremonies as a vital source
for community building.
Secondly, there is an urgent need for a workshop or a
public lecture on the Okuku-Onye-Uwa ceremony to
promote a cultural resolution of the conflict bordering on
its content and relevance. Through this, the crisis of
confrontation that had bedeviled the relationship among
practitioners of Igbo Indigenous Religion, Christianity and
Islam about the true meaning and relevance of the
Okuku-Onye-Uwa ceremony in some parts of Igbo land
would be closely addressed. Previous commissioned
research effort on this (Ezekwugo et al., 1978) by the
Catholic Church in Awka diocese, Nigeria, is a step in the
right direction but should in the future be done in
collaboration with members of the other religions in the
area. To improve on this, it is recommended that
authorities on community building, justice and peace from
the three religions in Igbo land be encouraged to devote
joint effort to give a serious attention to the study of the
traditional practices for validating marriages. In that way,
the tension that usually confronts people who ignore to

follow the traditional channels for ratifying entry into Igbo
marriages would be avoided.
Thirdly, data accruing from the Igbo burial and funeral
rites show that the Igbo have a philosophy of great depth
and are influenced by visions about the state of the dead
that reflect a spiritual view of things. This is a challenge to
the present emphasis on materialism that has gotten
deep into a greater number of Igbo people. Workshops
are needed to restore the spiritual image of life among
the youth and elites in Igbo land and the entire African
generally. In this way, Igbo elders should be able to
continue to impress on the young with the great values of
Igbo civilization embedded in its traditional burial and
funeral rites, which come together to make them what
they are.
Fourthly, there is need for avoidance of confessional
pressure in carrying out studies in African Indigenous
Religion. This is to prevent being tagged mere
confessional scholars (Onunwa, 1992), studying African
religion from Judeo-Christian spectacles (Bitek, 1971;
Horton, 1995) in the context of their work. To achieve
this, effort must be made by students of African
Indigenous Religions to take seriously, as was the case
in the present study, the proposal made by Cox (1996)
and amplified by Pannikar (1984) of the need to adopt the
attitude of methodological conversion in studying
(African) subjects with a faith different from theirs.
Following up on this mature attitude to the study of
other religions, Cox (1992: 163) points out that “it is in a
place between confessions that, genuine dialogue
leading to understanding can occur”. Unless this critical
attitude of leaving behind one’s faith in stepping into
another faith as a scholar without losing one’s faith and
without adopting the new faith being studied, it will not be
easy for one to achieve some report accuracy in the
study of the new faith. Resorting to culture area
methodology approach is important in order to respond to
the need to refocus on the use of the Culture area
methodology (CAM) in the study of African Indigenous
Religion. This methodology needs to be popularized in
that although it was first used by Christian Gaba in the
study of the Anlo people of Ghana in the late 1960s, not
many scholars have further exploited its use until
recently.
Having seen its value and importance in the context of
the present study, the present researcher therefore sees
it fit to recommend it as a choice methodology for
scholars in the field. Indeed the importance of the culture
area approach is that with it, it becomes easy to restrict
wild generalizations from findings made in one location to
experiences in other locations. At the same time the need
for translation of data about the religion becomes
unnecessary since essentially the culture area approach
encourages scholars of the religion to focus their study
on the religion of their own people with whom they share
not only a common language but also a common dialect,
proverbs and idioms. In that way no artificial barrier is
Nwoye 131
allowed to stand between the people being studied and
the researcher studying them.
Fifthly, there is need for improved exploitation of the
technique of methodological triangulation (TMT). This
arises from a crucial limitation of most previous
approaches to the study of Igbo Indigenous Religion
where reliance is put on the single case/space/time
methodology, such as the study of the Supreme Being,
Ozo title taking, Ofo, Chi, and Salvation, in a given
community. In this way, the benefit of trend analysis or
the correction factor that comes with the inclusion of
more than one location or community in a given study
design is lost. The result rather becomes a mere piece-
meal collection of data that makes the field lack a gestalt
in the information available concerning its nature and
content. To forestall this, it is recommended that the
research technique of methodological triangulation (TMT)
be popularized in the study of African Indigenous
Religion.
Conclusions
This researcher believes that the present study has made
an important contribution to a change in the direction of
scholarship on Igbo Indigenous Religion. By focusing on
the insufficiently addressed area of definitional
ceremonies of the religion, it has contributed towards
charting a new course and indeed an important step
toward redressing the scant attention given to such
ceremonies in the scholarship on Igbo Indigenous
Religion. The study is therefore of great benefit to
scholars who may wish to carry out thematic research in
Igbo Indigenous Religion. It also provides insight that
would enable researchers to learn to rotate attention to
neglected aspects in the study of the religion as seriously
complained against by Horton (1995).
In particular, data that emerged from the present study
have helped to clarify the basic aspects and religious
contents and meanings of these ceremonies. Through
the data emanating from a close study of such
ceremonies as undertaken in this study, we now see the
point being made by Horton, that it is only from studying
the religion and its practices directly can we be sure of
truly understanding the components of the religion in
terms of the goals of the religion, its spiritual agencies,
and the attitudes of the people to these agencies.
In conclusion, this study basically focused on the four
definitional ceremonies in Igbo Indigenous Religion. To
extend the findings of the present study to other regions
of Africa, the following suggestions for further research
are made:
1) A similar study like the present one is necessary in
Ghana among the Anlo, in Kenya among the Gikuyu and
in Nigeria, among the Yoruba. This will help to clear the
discrepancy between the findings of the present study on
the parliamentary or competitive place occupied by the
132 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
Supreme Being in Igbo Indigenous Religion as opposed
to the dominant and commanding status apportioned to it
in Idowu’s (1973) study among the Yoruba; in Kibicho’s
(1978) study among the Kikuyu of Kenya and in Gaba’s
(1978) study among the Anlo of Ghana.
2) Attention needs to be extended to other religious
ceremonies, for example, commemorative ceremonies in
the cultural groups of Africa, other than the definitional
ones studied in the present research. In this way more
facts about the nature and content of African Indigenous
Religion will emerge to augment the ones unearthed in
the present study. The results of the present study have
suggested that more about the Indigenous Religion will
be discovered when other aspects of the ceremonies that
could not be covered in this study are explored.
3) A larger and more detailed image of the nature and
content of African Indigenous Religion may emerge if a
more extensive study to cover culture areas drawn from
the whole of Africa is attempted. The result of such a
study may yield an interesting finding. In that way the
chronic debate about whether to use the term African
Religion in the singular or in the plural will become easy
to settle. In that case, it will be cheaper to see at a glance
the extent of the local differences between African
Indigenous Religion as practiced in one cultural location
and that practiced in another location.
4) Another research is also recommended on the study of
Igbo religious rituals of parturition (omugwo), and
scarification (Igbu Ichi) as a means for further gaining of
proper understanding of the core beliefs, symbols and
practices of the religion.
On the whole, however, by means of a close study of the
definitional ceremonies in Igbo Religion as accomplished
in this study the greatest pathway for the discovery of the
key belief systems, values, ritual elements and
procedures of the religion has been opened. Thus, the
results of the study have revealed that Igbo Indigenous
Religion is solidly grounded on a clear egalitarian belief
on the Supreme Being, the Divinities, and the Ancestors
and on well-demarcated values that inspire the life of the
worshippers in the culture of the religion.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The major academic work, my PhD thesis undertaken at
Kenyatta University in Nairobi, Kenya, from which this
article was taken, was completed in 2005, under the able
and excellent guidance and supervision of Dr. Michael
Thyaka Katola and Dr. Philomina Njeri Mwaura, my
doctoral supervisors. It is my honour and great pleasure
to thank them for their invaluable contributions in the
study; and to Kenyatta University for funding, and for
giving me the opportunity to carry out the research.
REFERENCES
Abiodun R (1976). A Reconsideration of the Function of ‘Ako’, Second
Burial Effigy in Owo in Africa, 1(46): 4-20.
Animalu AOE (1990). A Way of Life in the Modern Scientific Age.
Ahiajioku Lecture Series. Culture Division Ministry of Information,
Owerri. p. 43.
Arinze FA (1970). Sacrifice in Igbo Religion. Ibadan University Press,
Ibadan. 14: 77.
Bitek OP (1970). African Religion in Western Scholarship. East Africa
Literature Bureau, Nairobi.
Bitek OP (1971). The Religion of the Central Luo. East Africa Literature
Bureau, Nairobi.
Campbell J (1995). Understanding John Dewey. Open Court, Chicago.
p. 261.
Cox JL (1992). Expressing the Sacred: An Introduction to the
Phenomenology of Religion. University of Zimbabwe Publications,
Harare. p. 163.
Cox JL (1996). Methodological Considerations Relevant to
Understanding African Indigenous Religions; In Platvoet J, Cox J,
Olupona J (eds) in The Study of Religions in Africa: Past, Present
and Prospects. Roots and Branches, Cambridge. pp. 172-182.
Echeruo MJC (1979). A Matter of Identity. Ahiajioku Lecture Series.
Culture Division Ministry of Information, Owerri.
Ejizu CI (2001). Emergent Key Issues in the Study of African Traditional
Religion in Isizoh CD (ed). Christianity in Dialogue with African
Traditional Religion and Culture. Seminar Papers. Tipografica
Leberit, Rome, (1). p. 99.
Ejizu CI (1986). Ofo: Igbo Ritual Symbolism. Fourth Dimension, Enugu.
Ekwunife AO (1997). The Quinquagram of Igbo Traditional Religious
Cultural Values: An Essay in Interpretation in Nsukka. J. Humanit., 8:
69-97.
Ekwunife AO (1990). Consecration in Igbo Traditional Religion. Jet
Publishers, Nsukka.
Ezeanya SN (1963). The Place of the Supreme God in the Traditional
Religion of the Igbo in West African Religion, 1: 1-10.
Ezeanya SN (1969). God, Spirits and the Spirit-World in Dickson K,
Elingworth P (eds). Biblical Revelation and African Beliefs.
Lutterworth, London, pp. 38-39.
Ezekwugo CUM (1973). Chi: The True God of Igbo Religion. Ph.D.
Thesis. Innsbruck University, Austria.
Ezekwugo CUM, Nwazojie BK, Adigwe H (1978). The Okuku Onye Uwa
Episode. Veritas Press, Onitsha.
Gaba CR (1978). Contemporary Research in African Traditional
Religions. Ghana Bull. Theol., 3(40): 1-13.
Gaba CR (1978). Man’s Salvation: Its Nature and Meaning in African
Traditional Religion in Fashole L, Gray R, Hasting A, Tasie GT (eds).
Christianity in Independent Africa. Rex Colleings, London.
Harris GG (1978). Casting Out Anger: Religion Among the Taita of
Kenya. Cambridge University Press, London.
Horton R (1995). Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West: Essays on
Magic, Religion and Science. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge. p. 166.
Idowu EB (1973). African Traditional Religion. SCM Press, London.
Ilogu E (1974)). Christianity and Igbo Culture: The Interaction of
Christianity and Igbo Culture. Leiden, Brill, E. J. p. 41.
Kahindi LW (1988). The Agikuyu Concept of Thahu and its Bearing
on the Biblical Concept of Sin. M.A. Thesis. Kenyatta University,
Nairobi, Kenya.
Kibicho SG (1978). The Continuity of the African Conception of God into
and through Christianity: A Kikuyu Case Study in Cashole-Luke et. al.
(eds) in Christianity in Africa. Rex Collins, London. pp. 370-388.
Kirika G (2002). The Role of Sacrifice in Religion. Ruaraka Printing
Press, Nairobi.
Kopytoff I (1971). Ancestors as Elders in Africa. 40(1- 2): 129-142.
Mbiti JS (1969). African Religion and Philosophy. Heinemann Press,
London, p. 58.
Mbom FM (1996). Some Methodological issues in the Academic Study
of West African Traditional Religions in Platvoet J, Cox J, Olupona J
(eds) In The Study of Religions in Africa: Past, Present and
Prospects. Roots and Branches, Cambridge, p. 177.
Metuh E I (1981). God and Man in African Religion. Geoffery Chapman,
London. p. 125.
Milroy J, Milroy L (1985). Authority in Language: Investigating Language
Prescriptions and Standardisation. Routledge and Kegan Paul Inc,

New York.
Nwoga DI (1984). The Focus of Igbo World View. Ahiajoku Lecture
Series. Culture Division Ministry of Information, Owerri.
Nwoye MAC (2005). Transitional Ceremonies in Igbo Religion: The
Case of Nri and Ihiala People of Anambra State, Nigeria. Ph. D
Thesis. Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya.
Nwoye CMA (2011). Igbo Cultural and Religious World View: An
Insiders Perspective. Int. J. Soc. Anthropol., 3(9): 304-317.
Onunwa UR (1992). African Traditional Religion in African Scholarship:
An Historical Analysis in Uka EM (ed) in Readings in African
Traditional Religion. Peter Lang, Berlin. pp. 109-122.
Panikkar R (1984). The Dialogical Dialogue in Wgaling F (eds). The
Worlds Religious Traditions. T. & T. Clark, Edinburg.
Rappaport RA (1999). Rituals and Religion in the Making of Humanity.
University Press, Cambridge.
Touche D (2009). Worldview, Challenge of Contextualization and
Church Planting in West Africa, West African Worldviews, Published
in www.GlobalMissiology.org Contextualization. (3).
Turner V (1967). The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual.
Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London.
Turner V (1969). The Ritual Process. University of Chicago Press,
Chicago.
Ubah CN (1982). The Supreme Being, Divinities and Ancestors in Igbo
Traditional Religion: Evidence from Otanchara and Otanzu in Africa,
52(2): 90-105.
Ukpokolo C (2010). Ezigbo Mmadu: An Anthropological Investigation
into the Concept of a Good Person in Igbo Worldview. LUMINA, 21:2.
Nwoye 133
Van AJ (1976). Aba Riots or Igbo Women’s War? Ideology,
Stratification, and the Invisibility of Women. In N.J. E.G. Bay (eds),
Women in Africa. Stanford, University Press, p. 81.
Whyte SR (1977). Questioning Misfortune: The Pragmatics of
Uncertainty in Eastern Uganda. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Willet F (1966). On the Funeral Effigies of Owo and Benin and the
Interpretation of the Life: Size Bronze Heads from Ife in Man, N.S. 1:
34-45.
Williamson SG (1974). Akan Religion and the Christian Faith. Ghana
University Press, Ghana. p. 84.
Wilson M (1971). Religion and the Transformation of Society: A Study of
Social Change in Africa. Cambridge University Press, Great Britain.
p. 52.
Zahan D (1970). The Religion, Spirituality and Thought of Traditional
Africa. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. p. 33.
Zuesse EM (1979). Ritual Cosmos: The Sanctification of Life in African
Religions. Ohio University Press.
Online Resources: WIKIPEDIA: The Free Encyclopedia.
http://en.wikipedia.org/ora_no_na_ime_Nigeria. This page was last
modified on 27 January 2012 at 14:16.
International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 4(4), pp. 134-146, April 2012
Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/IJSA
DOI: 10.5897/IJSA11.123
ISSN 2006- 988x ©2012 Academic Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Attitudes to sexuality in individuals with mental

retardation from perspectives of their parents and
teachers
Abbas Ali Hosseinkhanzadeh*, Mahboobe Taher and Mehdi Esapoor
Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Guilan, Kilometer 6, Tehran Road,
P.O. Box, 41635-3988, Rasht, Iran.
Accepted 27 February, 2012

Sexuality is an integral part of adults’ life. In the past, ignorance and fear by others have prevented
persons with mental retardation (MR) from fully participation as members of society. Attitudes of
parents, caregivers and teachers to the sexual expression of individuals with mental retardation are
important factors in designing comprehensive programs. The aim of this investigation is to study the
attitudes of sexuality in individuals with mental retardation from perspectives of their parents and
teachers. This is a descriptive-survey study. A questionnaire was designed with analytical-comparative
review of literature and theoretical fundamentals for the study of teachers and parents viewpoints
regarding mental retarded sexual problems and their suggestions. After pilot study using convenient
sampling method 50 teachers and 48 parents were examined. According to the data analysis, teachers
and parents’ perspectives and their suggestions were: emphasis on sexual education, energy
discharges on adolescent through sport and other physical abilities, emphasis on genetic consultation
before marriage, emphasis on life skills education, emphasis on ability of mental retarded perception of
sexual needs and love assertion, and perception of relation with confidants and strangers.

Key words: Attitudes to sexuality, mental retardation, teachers and parents perspectives.

INTRODUCTION

Mental retardation (MR) disorder according to the 10th
edition of the American Association on Mental
Retardation (AAMR) is a disability characterized by signi-
ficant limitations both in intellectual functioning and in
adaptive behavior as expressed in conceptual, social,
and practical adaptive skills. This disability originates
before age 18 (Luckasson et al., 2002). This disorder has
affect on all developmental aspects. Individuals with
mental retardation have difficulties in cognitive abilities,
behavioral features, social skills and adaptation.
Various studies have found that children with MR have
more behavioral and sexual problems than normal
*Corresponding author. E-mail: Abbas_khanzadeh@yahoo.com
or Khanzadeh@ut.ac.ir. Tel: 0098-131-6690274-7.
children. Behaviors such as restlessness, hyperactivity,
stereotypes, self damaging and various emotional
disorders are more common in people with MR (Wolman,
1990).
Adolescent years are important period of human life
that is accompanied with prominent changes and deve-
lopments in individuals. These changes are concerned in
various functions of biological, cognitional, psychological,
social, and behavioral. Thus, adolescence and puberty is
not a physiological and sexual occurrence and it is not
limited to physical changes. The occurrence of these
changes in individuals with MR is accompanied with
greater problems and challenges. While sexuality is an
integral part of adult life, however, it has been relatively
inaccessible for adults with MR, because of limitations
such as lack of privacy in institutional living and family
ignorance (Servis, 2006).

In the past, ignorance and fear by others have
prevented individuals with MR from fully participating as
members of society (Davis, 1959). Moreover, preventive
health concerning sexuality of people with ID was
addressed through surgical sterilization as part of
nationwide eugenic programs in many countries (Servise,
2006). Because of false beliefs regarding inherent
criminality, promiscuity, perversion and sexual behavior,
individuals were punished to prevent further perpetuation
of "defective gens”. This practice was known as selective
breeding or eugenics (Davis, 1959). In fact until the
1970s some states still enforced involuntary sterilization
laws aimed at individuals with ID (Hergenhah, 1997). In
general, earlier studies have revealed two conflicting and
stereotypical views of the sexual nature of adults with
MR: the first is that they are asexual innocents who
should be protected (Blatt, 1987; Deloach, 1994;
Morgenstern, 1973), while the second is that these
individuals have no control over their sexual appetites
and are likely to be promiscuous (Antonak, Fiedler and
Mulick, 1989; Cuskelly and Gilmore, 2007). Historically,
individuals with MR have not enjoyed the sexual freedom
afforded to individuals without disabilities. Although,
progress has been made, there is much room for
improvement, and while advances have been made in
employment, housing and other aspects of community
integration, the sexual needs of these individuals have
been relatively ignored or strictly controlled by caregivers
and service agencies (Bambarea and Brantlinger, 2002;
Hinsburger and Tough, 2002). One important barrier that
has prevented individuals with MR from fully realizing
their sexual rights is the negative perceptions that others
have toward these individuals. Researchers have shown
that displays of affection and sexual behaviors shown by
individuals with MR are seen as less acceptable than the
same behaviors shown by persons without disabilities
(Scotti et al., 1998). Attitudes of parents and other cares
are clearly central to the type of information made
available to individuals with MR (Cuskelly and Gilmore,
2007).
Negative views regarding sexuality are particularly
detrimental as they serve as primary supports. It is not
uncommon for staff or family to deny that sexuality exits,
believing instead that an adult with MR is like an innocent
child (Kempton and Kahn, 1991; McCabe and Cummins,
1996). An important indicator of the inclusiveness of a
community, therefore, is parents and staff attitudes
towards the sexual rights of adults with MR.
Heyman and Huckle (1995) found that caregivers of
adults with MR feared unwanted pregnancy, inappro-
priate sexual behaviors, inability to comprehend or cope
with sexual relationships, and inability to understand and
adhere to social standards of public displays of sexual
behaviors. Cuskelly and Bryde (2004) compared the
attitudes of parents of an adult with MR, support working
adult staff with MR, and a general community sample.
Both age and education have been found to be
Hosseinkhanzadeh et al. 135
correlated with attitudes to sexual expression of typically
developing individuals, with younger and better educated
individuals having more liberal attitudes than those who
are older and less educated. Similar associations have
been found between age and educational level and
attitudes to the sexual behavior of individuals with MR
(Cuskelly and Bryde, 2004; Murray, 1999; Oliver et al.,
2002).
Cuskelly and Gilmore (2007) found that members of
general community accept that individuals with MR are
sexual beings, and are generally comfortable with these
individuals expressing their sexuality. There were few dif-
ferences in attitudes towards male and female sexuality,
and attitudes were only slightly less positive for
individuals with MR than for those without a disability.
Views about parenting by people with MR were more
cautious than for other aspects of sexuality.
Wolf and Zarfas (1982) reported that 67% of Canadian
parents of children and young adults with MR favored the
practice of voluntary sterilization, particularly for those
with sever MR. Patterson-Keels et al. (1994) reported
that 54% of parents of adolescent or adult women with
MR across severity levels insisted that the possibility of
pregnancy outweighed reservations about sterilization,
while 15% declared that it was difficult managing
menstruation.
Research has also shown that persons with MR face a
disproportionately high risk for sexual abuse. Estimates
of sexual abuse range from 25 to 80% for persons with
MR (Stromsness, 1993) compared to 16% of men and
27% of women without disabilities (Finkler, 1994). Craft
and Craft (1983) assert that sex education for adults with
MR is necessary for preventing unplanned pregnancies
and STDs and for fostering adherence to societal
standards of behavior. Kempton (1978) found that
individuals with MR that participated in a sex education
program did not demonstrate adverse effects as some
feared. Lumley and Scotti (2001) suggested a compre-
hensive approach to supporting the sexuality of adults
with MR. This approach includes individualized assess-
ment and programs, identifying the important people in
life of persons with MR including family and formal care
providers, and finally, the support role of agencies
providing services to individuals with MR.
Chamberlain et al. (1984) conducted interviews with
parents and caregivers and found that one-half of the
samples of 11 to 13-year-old U.S women with mild MR
attending a multiservice clinic and living in the community
had engaged in consensual sexual intercourse; however
the incidence was less for those with moderate (32%)
and sever (9%) MR. When adjustment was made for age
and race, the proportion of sexually active women with
mild MR was similar to the general population. Servais et
al. (2002) reported that 33, 5 and 0% of women with mild,
moderate and severe MR respectively, were considered
as having or to have had consensual intercourse. Gust et
al. (2003) surveyed a U.S sample of 168 State residential
136 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
facility directors. Consensual sexual relations between
people with MR was reported as occurring often (15%),
sometimes (48%), rarely (33%), or never (4%). Diederich
and Graecen (1996) surveyed caregivers and estimated
that 41% of French institutionanalized adults with MR had
engaged in sexual intercourse at least once.
Finally, in a retrospective study of parental attitudes
towards hysterectomies from 1950 to 1973, wheeless
(1975) reported that 96% of U.S parents or guardians of
women with MR would elect to have the same surgical
procedure performed if they had to repeat their decision.
The topic of nonconsensual sterilization has been
relatively unexplored in males, but a recent study
reported that surgical sterilization and drugs are used to
prevent reproduction and to decrease sex drive in men
with MR, although the practice is not well documented
(Carlson et al., 2000). Considering the numerous and
contentious discussions regarding sexual rights of people
with MR (Greenspan, 2002), there is surprisingly little
information on the frequency and nature of sexual
experiences in this group. Therefore, considering the fact
that no survey study has been conducted about parents
and teachers’ attitudes in relation with sexual problems of
persons with MR in Iran, the present study was designed
to find answers to following questions:
1) What are the most important sexual problems in
persons with MR from parents’ perspectives?
2) What are the most important sexual problems in
persons with MR from teachers’ perspectives?
3) What differences are there between perspectives of
parents and teachers?
METHODS
Participants
A sample of 50 teachers of students with MR and 48 parents of
these students took part in the study. The sample has been
selected using cluster sampling. All of respondents lived in the
Babol City, a northern city of the Iran.
Instruments
To identify the perspectives of parents and teachers of students
with MR, we design a questionnaire with an analytical-comparative
review of literature and theoretical fundamentals. The questionnaire
consisted of 32 items; responses are scored on a 5-point likert
scale: “completely agree, agree no comment, disagree, and
completely disagree”. The instrument includes items such as:
individuals with MR have less interest in sex than other individuals;
it is a good idea to use drug to suppress sexual desire in individuals
with MR; sex education for individuals with MR should be
compulsory; individuals with MR have the right to marry.
To determine of the psychometric properties of the questionnaire, it
was administered on the parents and teachers in a pilot study.
Psychometrics qualities with respect to test-retest reliability, and
internal consistency, face and content validity was found to be quite
satisfactory (Test-retest coefficients for teachers and parents
acquired respectively 0/74 and 0/88; alpha coefficient = 0.80 and /090).
RESULTS
Table 1 presents frequency and percentage of teachers’
response to each of items. Furthermore, the Kolmogorov-
Smirnov has been used to verify significant difference
between teachers response to each item.
According to Table 1, Kolmogorov-Smirnov test results
is significant for all items that shows there are significant
difference between teachers’ responses to each of agree-
ment degrees in all items.
According to Table 2, Kolmogorov-Smirnov test results
except for items 2, 9 and 20 that are not significant, it is
significant for other items that indicate there is difference
between responses of parents to each agreement
degrees.
To investigate the differences between teachers and
parents’ responses, t-test was used. These results with
Levin test results have been reported in Table 3. In items
that Levin test was not significant, t-test results with
variances were reported. Based on t test in Table 3, there
is significant difference between teachers and parents’
responses in items 2, 5, 7, 8, 13, 14, 21, 22, 23, 26, 27,
28, 29 and 30. But there is no significant difference in
other items. Also according to Table 3, teachers agreed
more with items 7, 8, 14, 21, 22, 28 and 29 than parents,
and parents agreed more with items 2, 5, 23, 26, 27 and
30 than teachers. To examine the difference between
perspectives of female and male teachers in response to
each of the items, t-test was used (Table 4).
According to Table 4, there is significant difference
between male and female responses in items 9, 16, 20,
21, 25 and 31. Also results of comparing means show
that female teachers have shown more positive attitude
than male teachers.
DISCUSSION
In the past, sexual health for individuals with MR largely
consisted of preventing reproduction as part of eugenist-
based practices designed to eliminate the perceived
societal burden of these individuals and to strengthen the
gene pool (Oliver and et al., 2002). Attitudes of parents
and teachers or other caregivers are clearly central to the
amount and type of information made available to
individuals with MR. An important indicator of the
inclusiveness of a community, therefore, is its attitude
towards the sexual rights of adults with MR. While, there
is numerous and continuous discussions about sexual
rights and individuals with MR (Greenspan, 2002), small
amount information about frequency and nature of sexual
experiences in this group is surprising. Moreover, efforts
should be directed towards best practices that facilitate
the ability of self-control and self-determination in these
persons.
The present study, therefore, was designed to study
attitudes to sexuality in individuals with MR from the
 Hosseinkhanzadeh et al. 137

Table 1. Frequency and percent of teachers’ response to each of the items, and results of Kolmogorov-Smirnov test.

Rate agreement completely No Completely

Agree Disagree Total z sig
item agree comment disagree
1. Sex education for individuals Frequency 22 24 2 2 0 50
with MR has a valuable role in
1/84 0/002
safeguarding them from sexual
Percent 44 48 4 4 0 100
abuse

2. Individuals with MR have fewer Frequency 0 6 1 30 13 50

sexual interests than people 2/55 0/001
without MR Percent 0 12 2 60 26 100

3. Discussion on sexual problems Frequency 3 13 6 26 2 50

promote promiscuity in individuals 2/30 0/001
with MR Percent 6 26 12 52 4 100

4. Masturbation in private for Frequency 3 20 13 11 3 50

individuals with MR is a an 1/72 0/005
acceptable form of sex expression Percent 6 40 26 22 6 100

5. Masturbation for individuals

with MR should be designed as an Frequency 1 15 13 16 5 50
1/44 0/03
acceptable form of sex expression
in sex education programs Percent 2 30 26 32 10 100

6. Masturbation should be Frequency 8 21 12 7 2 50

discouraged for individuals with 1/81 0/003
MR Percent 16 42 24 14 4 100

7. Individuals with MR more easily Frequency 16 23 4 6 1 50

stimulated sexually than people 2/14 0/001
without MR Percent 32 46 8 12 2 100

8. Individuals with MR have Frequency 15 16 7 12 0 50

stronger sexual feelings than 1/62 0/01
people without MR Percent 30 32 14 24 0 100

9. Medication should be used as a Frequency 7 25 3 10 5 50

means of inhibiting sexual desires 2/34 0/001
in individuals with MR Percent 14 50 6 20 10 100

10. It is best not to discuss issues Frequency 8 28 0 14 0 50

of sexuality with individuals with 2/59 0/001
MR until they reach puberty Percent 16 56 0 28 0 100

11. Sex education for individuals Frequency 15 17 7 10 1 50

1/71 0/006
with MR should be compulsory Percent 30 34 14 20 2 100

12. Exercise and physical Frequency 22 22 3 2 1 50

activities is a good idea to sexual 1/94 0/001
discharge in individuals with MR Percent 44 44 6 4 2 100

13. Individuals with MR have the Frequency 11 23 2 11 3 50

2/26 0/001
right to marry Percent 22 46 4 22 6 100

14. Individuals with MR should

Frequency 17 17 5 10 1 50
only be permitted to marry if either
1/79 0/003
they or their partners have been
sterilized Percent 34 34 10 20 2 100
138 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 1. Contd.

15. Individuals with MR that their

Frequency 7 29 9 3 2 50
disorder is an environmental
2/39 0/001
factor, have the right to marry
without sterilization Percent 14 58 18 6 4 100

16. Whenever possible,

individuals with MR should be Frequency 7 19 16 7 1 50
1/58 0/1
involved in the decision about
their being sterilized Percent 14 38 32 14 2 100

17. Genetic consulting for Frequency 31 16 1 2 0 50

individuals with MR should be 2/57 0/001
compulsory Percent 62 32 2 4 0 100

18. Life skills training for Frequency 32 14 4 0 0 50

individuals with MR before 2/78 0/001
marriage is very important Percent 64 28 8 0 0 100

19. Parents of individuals with MR Frequency 28 21 0 1 1 50

should be trained to prepare their 2/42 0/001
children for marriage Percent 56 42 100

20. Marriage should not be Frequency 17 17 3 10 3 50

encouraged as a future option for 1/92 0/001
individuals with MR Percent 34 32 6 20 6 100

21. Marriage of individuals with Frequency 7 16 2 20 5 50

MR present society with too many 1/96 0/001
problems Percent 14 32 4 40 10 100

22. Individuals with MR should Frequency 5 16 5 21 3 50

marry with mentally retarded 1/95 0/001
persons Percent 10 32 10 42 6 100

23. Individuals with MR have the Frequency 5 18 7 14 6 50

right to marry with individuals 1/60 0/006
without MR Percent 10 36 14 28 12 100

24. Advice on contraception Frequency 18 27 2 2 1 50

should be fully available to 2/23 0/001
individuals with MR Percent 36 54 4 4 2 100

25. Individuals with MR are unable Frequency 2 12 8 25 3 50

to develop and maintain an 2/20 0/001
intimate relationship with a partner Percent 4 24 16 50 6 100

26. Women with MR should be Frequency 0 8 14 20 8 50

permitted to have children within 1/68 0/007
marriage Percent 0 16 28 40 16 100

27. With the right support women Frequency 5 24 10 9 2 50

with MR can rear well adjusted 2/07 0/001
children Percent 10 48 20 18 4 100

28. If women with MR marry, they Frequency 9 9 7 20 5 50

should be forbidden by law to 1/86 0/002
have children Percent 18 18 14 40 10 100
 Hosseinkhanzadeh et al. 139

Table 1. Contd.

29. Individuals with MR should be Frequency 26 24 0 0 0 50

accessed to persistent support 2/47 0/001
after marriage Percent 52 48 0 0 0 100

30. Individuals with MR are able to Frequency 3 28 6 13 0 50

understand sexual needs of their 2/47 0/001
partner Percent 6 56 12 26 0 100

31. Individuals with MR are able to Frequency 11 29 5 5 0 50

2/38 0/001
engage in romantic feelings Percent 22 58 10 10 0 100

Table 2. Frequency and percent of parents’ response to each of the items, and results of Kolmogorov-Smirnov test.

Rate agreement Completely No Completely

Agree Disagree Total z Sign
item agree comment disagree
1. Sex education for individuals
Frequency 27 13 4 3 1 48
with MR has a valuable role in
2/22 0/001
safeguarding them from sexual
Percent 56/3 27/1 8/3 6/3 2/1 100
abuse

2. Individuals with MR have fewer Frequency 3 4 12 14 5 48

sexual interests than people 1/30 0/07
without MR Percent 6/3 29/2 25 29/2 10/4 100

3. Discussion on sexual problems Frequency 2 12 5 23 6 48

promote promiscuity in 2/14 0/001
individuals with MR Percent 4/2 25 10/4 47/9 12/5 100

4. Masturbation in private for

Frequency 5 7 20 9 7 48
individuals with MR is a an
1/45 0/03
acceptable form of sex
Percent 10/4 14/6 41/7 18/8 14/6 100
expression

5. Masturbation for individuals

Frequency 8 17 10 9 4 48
with MR should be designed as
an acceptable form of sex 1/59 0/01
expression in sex education Percent 16/7 35/4 20/8 18/8 8/3 100
programs

6. Masturbation should be Frequency 9 10 17 9 2 48

discouraged for individuals with 1/49 0/01
MR Percent 18/8 20/8 37/5 18/8 4/2 100

7. Individuals with MR more Frequency 0 16 21 7 4 48

easily stimulated sexually than 1/18 0/003
people without MR Percent 0 33/3 43/8 14/6 8/3 100

8. individuals with MR have Frequency 2 8 23 14 1 48

stronger sexual feelings than 1/75 0/004
people without MR Percent 4/2 16/7 47/9 29/2 2/1 100

9. Medication should be used as Frequency 5 12 13 13 5 48

a means of inhibiting sexual 1/19 0/01
desires in individuals with MR Percent 10/4 25 27/1 27/1 10/5 100
140 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 2. Contd.

10. It is best not to discuss issues Frequency 19 16 5 6 2 48

of sexuality with individuals with 1/78 0/003
MR until they reach puberty Percent 39/6 33/3 10/4 12/5 4/2 100

11. Sex education for individuals Frequency 17 15 9 2 5 48

1/65 0/009
with MR should be compulsory Percent 35/4 31/3 18/8 4/2 10/4 100

12. Exercise and physical Frequency 19 21 4 1 3 48

activities is a good idea to sexual 2/09 0/001
discharge in individuals with MR Percent 39/6 43/8 8/3 2/1 6/3 100

13. Individuals with MR have the Frequency 28 10 3 3 4 48

2/28 0/001
right to marry Percent 58/3 20/8 6/3 6/3 8/3 100

14. Individuals with MR should Frequency 1 6 20 12 9 48

only be permitted to marry if
1/65 0/009
either they or their partners have Percent 2/1 12/5 41/7 25 18/8 100
been sterilized

15. Individuals with MR that their

Frequency 8 16 15 6 3 48
disorder is an environmental
1/39 0/04
factor, have the right to marry
without sterilization Percent 16/7 33/3 31/3 12/5 6/3 100

16. Whenever possible,

Frequency 7 15 19 3 4 48
individuals with MR should be
1/52 0/02
involved in the decision about
their being sterilized Percent 14/6 31/3 39/6 6/3 8/3 100

17. Genetic consulting for Frequency 29 11 6 0 2 48

individuals with MR should be 2/39 0/001
compulsory Percent 60/4 22/9 12/5 0 4/2 100

18. Life skills training for Frequency 31 14 1 0 2 48

individuals with MR before 2/47 0/001
marriage is very important Percent 64/6 29/2 2/1 0 4/2 100

19. Parents of individuals with Frequency 24 21 2 1 0 48

MR should be trained to prepare 2/11 0/001
their children for marriage Percent 50 43/8 4/2 2/1 0 100

20. Marriage should not be Frequency 12 12 9 11 4 48

encouraged as a future option for 1/31 0/07
individuals with MR Percent 25 25 18/8 29/2 8/3 100

21. Marriage of individuals with Frequency 5 4 8 19 12 48

MR present society with too 1/87 0/002
many problems Percent 10/4 8/3 16/7 39/6 25 100

22. Individuals with MR should Frequency 2 5 13 19 9 48

marry with mentally retarded 1/65 0/009
persons Percent 4/2 10/4 27/1 39/6 18/8 100

23. Individuals with MR have the Frequency 15 18 12 3 0 48

right to marry with individuals 1/49 0/02
without MR Percent 4/2 10/4 27/1 39/6 18/8 100
 Hosseinkhanzadeh et al. 141

Table 2. Contd.

24. Advice on contraception Frequency 16 16 11 5 0 48

should be fully available to 1/44 0/03
individuals with MR Percent 33/3 33/3 22/9 10/4 0 100

25. Individuals with MR are

Frequency 7 3 15 20 3 48
unable to develop and maintain
1/67 0/008
an intimate relationship with a
partner Percent 14/6 6/3 31/3 41/7 6/3 100

26. Women with MR should be Frequency 9 17 18 2 2 48

permitted to have children within 1/37 0/05
marriage Percent 18/8 35/4 37/5 4/2 4/2 100

27. With the right support women Frequency 18 20 5 2 1 48

with MR can rear well adjusted 1/93 0/001
children Percent 37/5 41/7 10/4 4/2 2/1 100

28. If women with MR marry, they Frequency 5 4 7 16 16 48

should be forbidden by law to 1/77 0/004
have children Percent 10/4 8/3 14/6 33/3 33/3 100

29. Individuals with MR should be Frequency 18 20 5 2 3 48

accessed to persistent support 2/02 0/001
after marriage Percent 37/5 41/7 10/4 4/1 6/3 100

30. Individuals with MR are able Frequency 9 29 9 3 2 48

to understand sexual needs of 2/16 0/001
their partner Percent 18/8 54/2 18/8 6/3 2/1 100

31. Individuals with MR are able Frequency 18 21 8 1 0 48

1/61 0/01
to engage in romantic feelings Percent 37/5 43/8 16/7 2/1 0 100

perspectives of their parents and teachers. In this group, with MR irrational.

with analytical-comparative overview of literature and
theoretical fundamentals, we design a questionnaire.
After pilot study and obtaining psychometric qualities,
the questionnaire was given to subjects. Finally, the
analysis of data revealed following results:
1. 92% of teachers and 83% of parents emphasized on
the role of sex education in safeguarding persons with
MR from sexual exploitation.
2. More than 60% of parents and teachers disagreed with
the idea that discussing about sexual problems will
increase promiscuity in individuals with MR.
3. Only about half of parents and teachers disagreed with
masturbation in individuals with MR. Moreover, about
50% of partners and teachers agreed that medication
should be used as a means of inhibiting sexual desires in
individuals with MR.
4. 64% of teachers and more than 66% of parents agreed
that sex education for individuals with MR should be
compulsory. This finding considers the more delay of
education system in providing sex education to persons
5. More than 80% of parents and teachers believed that
exercise and physical activities would be helpful in sexual
discharge in individuals with MR. Thus, educational and
rehabilitation authorities must allocate more weight to
sport hours in curriculum planning for individuals with
MR.
6. 68% of teachers and more than 78% of parents
believed that individuals with MR have the right to marry.
Therefore they cannot be deprived from their natural
right. Another interesting point is that most of the parents
and teachers believed that when the cause of mental
retardation disorder is not genetic, the person with MR
passing through the necessary educations (such as life
skills) and without sterilization can marry.
7. 94% of teachers and more than 82% of parents
believed that genetically consulting before marriage
should be compulsory for individuals with MR.
8. More than 90% of parents and teachers emphasized
that life skills training for individuals with MR before
marriage is very important. Moreover, designing training
programs for parent of these individuals is very important.
142 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 3. Means, S.D., Levin test and t test for comparing perspectives of parents and teachers.

F Levin Standard
Item Sig Group N Mean S.D t df Sig
test error of mean
Teacher 50 3/32 0/74 0/11
1 3/51 0/06 0/16 96/00 0/87
Parents 48 3/29 1/01 0/15

Teacher 50 1/00 0/88 0/13

2 9/53 0/00 -4/48 88/95 0/00
Parents 48 1/92 1/13 0/16

Teacher 50 1/78 1/08 0/15

3 0/07 0/80 0/79 96/00 0/43
Parents 48 1/60 1/13 0/16

Teacher 50 2/18 1/04 0/15

4 0/00 1/00 1/37 96/00 0/17
Parents 48 1/88 1/16 0/17

Teacher 50 1/82 1/04 0/15

5 1/43 0/24 -2/25 96/00 0/03
Parents 48 2/33 1/21 0/17

Teacher 50 2/52 1/05 0/15

6 0/13 0/72 0/95 96/00 0/35
Parents 48 2/31 1/11 0/16

Teacher 50 2/94 1/04 0/15

7 0/35 0/56 4/65 96/00 0/00
Parents 48 2/02 0/91 0/13

Teacher 50 2/68 1/15 0/16

8 11/17 0/00 3/75 89/99 0/00
Parents 48 1/92 0/85 0/12

Teacher 50 2/38 1/24 0/18

9 1/00 0/32 1/64 96/00 0/10
Parents 48 1/98 1/18 0/17

Teacher 50 2/60 1/07 0/15

10 0/02 0/90 -1/39 96/00 0/17
Parents 48 2/92 1/18 0/17

Teacher 50 2/70 1/17 0/17

11 0/05 0/83 -0/29 96/00 0/77
Parents 48 2/77 1/28 0/18

Teacher 50 3/24 0/89 0/13

12 0/17 0/68 0/79 96/00 0/43
Parents 48 3/08 1/07 0/15

Teacher 50 2/56 1/23 0/17

13 0/08 0/78 -2/30 96/00 0/02
Parents 48 3/15 1/29 0/19

Teacher 50 2/78 1/18 0/17

14 1/17 0/28 5/56 96/00 0/00
Parents 48 1/54 1/01 0/15

Teacher 50 2/72 0/93 0/13

15 3/55 0/06 1/47 96/00 0/14
Parents 48 2/42 1/11 0/16

Teacher 50 2/48 0/97 0/14

16 0/14 0/71 0/50 96/00 0/61
Parents 48 2/38 1/08 0/16

Teacher 50 3/52 0/74 0/10

17 3/04 0/08 0/94 96/00 0/35
Parents 48 3/35 1/00 0/14
 Hosseinkhanzadeh et al. 143

Table 3. Contd.

Teacher 50 3/56 0/64 0/09

18 0/72 0/40 0/38 96/00 0/70
Parents 48 3/50 0/90 0/13

Teacher 50 3/52 0/61 0/09

19 0/53 0/47 0/79 96/00 0/43
Parents 48 3/42 0/68 0/10

Teacher 50 2/70 1/30 0/18

20 0/19 0/66 1/31 96/00 0/19
Parents 48 2/35 1/31 0/19

Teacher 50 2/00 1/31 0/19

21 2/30 0/13 2/33 96/00 0/02
Parents 48 1/40 1/25 0/18

Teacher 50 1/98 1/19 0/17

22 3/26 0/07 2/49 95/36 0/01
Parents 48 1/42 1/05 0/15

Teacher 50 2/04 1/25 0/18

23 10/24 0/00 -4/09 89/69 0/00
Parents 48 2/94 0/91 0/13

Teacher 50 3/18 0/85 0/12

24 3/27 0/07 1/52 92/42 0/13
Parents 48 2/90 0/99 0/14

Teacher 50 1/70 1/04 0/15

25 0/00 1/00 -0/51 96/00 0/61
Parents 48 1/81 1/14 0/17

Teacher 50 1/44 0/95 0/13

26 0/01 0/93 -5/96 96/00 0/00
Parents 48 2/60 0/98 0/14

Teacher 50 2/42 1/03 0/15

27 3/37 0/07 -3/58 95/39 0/00
Parents 48 3/13 0/91 0/13

Teacher 50 1/94 1/32 0/19

28 0/36 0/55 2/45 96/00 0/02
Parents 48 1/29 1/30 0/19

Teacher 50 3/52 0/51 0/07

29 4/77 0/03 2/96 65/02 0/00
Parents 48 3/00 1/11 0/16

Teacher 50 2/42 0/95 0/13

30 3/28 0/07 -2/11 95/95 0/04
Parents 48 2/81 0/89 0/13

Teacher 50 2/92 0/85 0/12

31 0/26 0/61 -1/49 96/00 0/14
Parents 48 3/17 0/78 0/11

It is noteworthy that life skills education can be entered in
formal curriculum for individuals with MR. Moreover,
educating parents should be considered in various
workshops.
8. The need for individuals with MR to be supported after
marriage, with emphasis on the ability of these persons to
understand the sexual needs and lovely feelings of
marriage, and so on, were other points that parents and
teachers agreed and emphasized on.
Examining the difference between parents and teachers
perspectives in response to each of the questionnaire
items are reported in the study’s results. The results have
shown that two groups emphasized on the
aforementioned strategies. Also, comparison between
women and men teachers’ responses has shown that
female teachers have shown more positive attitudes than
male teachers generally.
Some of the most important results of this study such
144 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 4. t-test results for examining the difference between perspectives of females and male teachers.

F Levin Standard
Item Sig Group N Mean S.D. t df Sig
test error of mean
Male teachers 23 3/30 0/88 0/18
1 1/02 0/32 -0/14 48 0/89
Female teachers 27 3/33 0/62 0/12

Male teachers 23 0/87 0/81 0/17

2 0/27 0/60 -0/97 48 0/34
Female teachers 27 1/11 0/93 0/18

Male teachers 23 1/65 0/93 0/19

3 3/42 0/07 -0/77 48 0/44
Female teachers 27 1/89 1/19 0/23

Male teachers 23 2/04 1/22 0/26

4 3/16 0/08 -0/85 48 0/40
Female teachers 27 2/30 0/87 0/17

Male teachers 23 1/78 1/04 0/22

5 0/06 0/80 -0/23 48 0/82
Female teachers 27 1/85 1/06 0/20

Male teachers 23 2/70 0/88 0/18

6 3/06 0/09 1/09 48 0/28
Female teachers 27 2/37 1/18 0/23

Male teachers 23 3/22 0/85 0/18

7 2/94 0/09 1/78 48 0/08
Female teachers 27 2/70 1/14 0/22

Male teachers 23 2/52 1/27

8 3/97 0/05 -0/88 42 0/38
Female teachers 27 2/81 1/04 0/20

Male teachers 23 1/91 1/50

9 29/66 0/00 -2/47 32 0/02
Female teachers 27 2/78 0/80 0/15

Male teachers 23 2/57 0/99 0/21

10 0/86 0/36 -0/21 48 0/83
Female teachers 27 2/63 1/15

Male teachers 23 2/78 1/17 0/24

11 0/00 0/97 0/46 48 0/65
Female teachers 27 2/63 1/18

Male teachers 23 3/04 1/15 0/24

12 3/94 0/05 -1/38 31 0/18
Female teachers 27 3/41 0/57 0/11

Male teachers 23 2/78 1/00 0/21

13 7/79 0/01 1/22 47 0/23
Female teachers 27 2/37 1/39 0/27

Male teachers 23 2/52 1/20 0/25

14 0/92 0/34 -1/44 48 0/16
Female teachers 27 3/00 1/14 0/22

Male teachers 23 2/87 0/63 0/13

15 6/46 0/01 1/10 42 0/28
Female teachers 27 2/59 1/12 0/22

Male teachers 23 2/17 0/89 0/18

16 0/12 0/73 -2/12 48 0/04
Female teachers 27 2/74 0/98 0/19

Male teachers 23 3/35 0/88 0/18

17 3/09 0/09 -1/55 48 0/13
Female teachers 27 3/67 0/55 0/11
 Hosseinkhanzadeh et al. 145

Table 4. Contd.

Male teachers 23 3/43 0/66 0/14

18 1/08 0/30 -1/28 48 0/21
Female teachers 27 3/67 0/62 0/12

Male teachers 23 3/48 0/73 0/15

19 1/44 0/24 -0/44 48 0/66
Female teachers 27 3/56 0/51 0/10

Male teachers 23 2/26 1/48 0/31

20 16/15 0/00 -2/23 37 0/03
Female teachers 27 3/07 1/00 0/19

Male teachers 23 1/26 1/14 0/24

21 0/30 0/59 -4/29 48 0/00
Female teachers 27 2/63 1/11 0/21

Male teachers 23 1/83 1/27 0/26 0/40

22 0/51 0/48 -0/84 48
Female teachers 27 2/11 1/12 0/22

Male teachers 23 2/13 1/14 0/24

23 0/88 0/35 0/47 48 0/64
Female teachers 27 1/96 1/34 0/26

Male teachers 23 3/09 1/00 0/21 48

24 0/25 0/62 -0/71 0/48
Female teachers 27 3/26 0/71 0/14

Male teachers 23 1/30 0/97 0/20

25 0/10 0/75 -2/64 48 0/01
Female teachers 27 2/04 0/98 0/19

Male teachers 23 1/48 0/99 0/21

26 0/24 0/63 0/26 48 0/80
Female teachers 27 1/41 0/93 0/18

Male teachers 23 2/57 0/95 0/20

27 0/56 0/46 0/92 48 0/36
Female teachers 27 2/30 1/10 0/21

Male teachers 23 1/57 1/31 0/27

28 0/01 0/92 -1/91 48 0/06
Female teachers 27 2/26 1/26 0/24

Male teachers 23 3/52 0/51 0/11 0/02 48 0/98

29 0/00 0/96
Female teachers 27 3/52 0/51 0/10

Male teachers 23 2/43 0/99 0/21

30 0/12 0/73 0/10 48 0/92
Female teachers 27 2/41 0/93 0/18

Male teachers 23 3/22 0/74 0/15

31 0/16 0/70 2/38 48 0/02
Female teachers 27 2/67 0/88 0/17

as emphasis on sex education, sexual discharge through
sport and other physical activities in adolescence,
emphasis on genetic consulting before marriage,
emphasis on life skills training, emphasis on ability of
persons with MR in understand sexual needs and lovely
feelings, and understanding of relations with confidants
and strangers are consistent with research results
(Cuskely and Bryde, 2004; Oliver et al., 2002;
Chamberlain et al., 1984; Cuskely and Gilmore, 2007;
Servise et al., 2002; Craft and Craft, 1983; Kempton,
1978; Lumley and Scotti, 2001). With respect to the
negative stereotypes and prejudices about sexual issues
and problems in individuals with MR and suppression of
the sexual desires in them by their parents and teachers,
therefore, the following suggestions are offered, based on
the obtained findings in this study:
1. Sex education should be entered in formal and
146 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.
informal curriculum of individuals with MR.
2. Life skills education should be entered in educational
programs as one of the mean topics of lessons for
individuals with MR.
3. With free genetically consulting, genetic information
identity is prepared for individuals with MR.
4. Parents of individuals with MR are trained about sexual
needs of individuals with MR.
5. Continues, long term person-centered planning and
support is designed.
6. It is possible that the attitudes of parents and teachers
may differ depending upon the level of disability, however
further investigation is needed to verify this subject.
7. There is a need to move beyond descriptive research
and use experimental designs to exchanges of parents
and teachers attitudes.
8. As a result, a great deal of research is needed to (i)
provide a more comprehensive picture of parents and
other caregivers attitudes about sexual needs in
individuals with MR, (ii) develop effective evidence-based
practices designed to facilitate individual self-control over
sexual intercourse.
REFERENCES
Antonak RF, Fiedler CR, Mulick JA (1989). Misconceptions relating to
mental retardation, Ment. Retard., 27: 91-97.
Bambarea LM, Brantlinger E (2002). Toward a healthy sexual life: An
introduction to the special series on issues of sexuality for people
with developmental disabilities, Sever. Disabil., 27: 5-7.
Blatt B (1987). The conquest of mental retardation. Austin TX Pro-Ed.
Carlson G, Taylor M, Wilson J (2000). Sterilization, drugs which
suppress sexual drive, and young men who have intellectual
disability, J. Intellect. Disabil. Res., 25: 91-104.
Chamberlain A, Rauh J, Passer A, McGrath M, Burket R (1984). Issues
in fertility for mentally retarded female adolescents: Sexual activity,
sexual abuse, and contraception, Pediatrics, 73: 445-450.
Craft A, Craft M (1983). Sex education and counseling for mentally
handicapped people, Tunbridge Wells. UK: Costello. p. 68.
Cuskelly M, Bryde R (2004). Attitudes towards the sexuality of adults
with an intellectual disability: Parents, support staff, and a community
sample, J. Intellect. Dev. Disabil., 29: 255-264.
Cuskelly M, Gilmore l (2007). Attitudes to sexuality questionnaire
(individuals with an intellectual disability): scale development and
community norms, J. Intellect. Dev. Disabil., 32(3): 214-221.
Davis SP (1959). The Mentally retarded in society. New York: Columbia
University Press. p. 43.
DeLoach CXP (1994). Attitudes toward disability: Impact on sexual
development and forging of intimate relationships, J. Appl. Rehabil.
Consult., 25: 18-25.
Finkler D (1994). The international epidemiology of child sexual abuse,
Child Abuse Negl., 18: 409-417.
Greenspan S (2002). A sex police for adults with mental retardation?
Comment on Spiecker and Steute, J. Moral Educ., 3: 171-179.
Gust DA, Wang SA, Grot J, Ransom R, Levine WC, Scotti J (2003).
National survey of sexual behavior and sexual behavior policies in
facilities for individuals with mental retardation/developmental
disabilities. Ment. Retard., 5: 365-373.
Hergenhah BR (1997). An introduction to the history of psychology (3rd
Ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. p. 65.
Heyman B, Huckle S (1995). Sexuality as a perceived hazard in the
lives of adults with learning difficulties, Disabil. Soc., 10: 139-155.
Hinsburger D, Tough S (2002). Healthy sexuality: Attitudes, systems,
and policies, Res. Pract. Persons Sev. Disabil., 27: 8-17.
Kempton W (1978). Sex education for the mentally handicapped, Sex.
Disabil., 1: 137-145.
Kempton W, Kahn E (1991). Sexuality and people with intellectual
disabilities: A historical perspective, Sex. Disabil., 9: 93-111.
Luckasson R, Borthwick-Duffy S, Buntinx WHE, Coulter DL, Craig EM,
Reeve A, Schalock RL, Snell ME, Spitalnick D, Spreat S, Tasse M
(2002). Mental retardation: Definition, classification, and systems of
th
supports (10 Ed.).Washington DC: American Association on Mental
Retardation. pp. 5-19.
Lumley VA, Scotti, JR (2001). Supporting the sexuality of adults with
mental retardation: current status and future directions. J. Posit.
Behav. Interv., 3(2): 109-119.
McCabe MP, Cummins RA (1996). The sexual knowledge, experience,
feelings, and needs of people with mold intellectual disability, Educ.
Training Ment. Retard. Dev. Disabil., 31: 13-22.
Morgenstern (1973). The psychosexual development of the retarded. In
.F. de Ia Cruz, & G.D.LVeck (Eds.). Human sexuality and the
mentally retarded Oxford: Brunner/Mazel. pp.15-28.
Murray JL, MacDonald RA, Levenson VL (1999). Staff attitudes towards
the sexuality of individuals with learning disabilities: A service- related
study of organizational policies. Br. J. Learn. Disabil., 27: 141-145.
Oliver MN, Anthony A, Leimkuhl TT, Skillman D (2002). Attitudes toward
acceptable socio-sexual behaviors for persons with mental
retardation: Implications for normalization and community integration.
Educ. Training Ment. Retard. Dev. Disabil., 37: 193-201.
Patterson-Keels L, Quint E, Brown D, Larson D, Elkins TE (1994).
Family views on sterilization for their mentally retarded children. J.
Reprod. Med., 39: 701-706.
Scotti JR, Slack BS, Bowman RA, Morris TL (1996). College student
attitudes concerning the sexuality of persons with mental retardation:
Development of the perceptions of sexuality scale, Sex. Disabil., 14:
249-263.
Servise L (2006). Sexual health care in persons with intellectual
disabilities. Ment. Retard. Dev. Disabil., 12: 48-56.
Servise L, Jacques D, Leach R (2002). Contraception of women with
intellectual disabilities: Prevalence and determinants, J. Intellect.
Disabil., 108-119.
Stromsness MM (1993). Sexuality abused women with mental
retardation: hidden victims, absent resources, Women Ther., 14: 139-
152.
Wheeless CR (1975). Abdominal hysterectomy for surgical sterilization
in the mentally retarded: A review of parental opinion. Am. J. Obstet.
Gynecol., 122: 872-876.
Wolf L, Zarfas DE (1982). Parents attitudes toward sterilization of their
mentally retarded children, Am. J. Ment. Defic., 87: 122-129.
Wolman, B (1990). Handbook of treatment of Mental Disorders in
Childhood and Adolescence. N.j, Prentice Hall Inc, New York.
International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 4(4), pp. 147-154, April 2012
Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/IJSA
DOI: 10.5897/IJSA11.149
ISSN 2006- 988x ©2012 Academic Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Pattern of growth in height and weight among Gadaba

boys and girls of Bastar District, Chhattisgarh (India)
D. K. Verma
Department of Anthropology, Govt. J. Y. Chhattisgarh College, Raipur, India.
E-mail: dkverma25111960@gmail.com.
Accepted 21 February, 2012

The present study was conducted among the Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar District in order to
evaluate the pattern of growth in height and weight among them. The data comprises 581 children (297
boys and 284 girls) ranging in age from 6 to 16 years, measured cross-sectionally. The present study
reveals that the girls attain peak height velocity (PHV) and peak weight velocity (PWV) somewhat earlier
than boys with greater magnitude of weight and lesser magnitude of height. The 50 th percentile of the
present sample indicates their status between 50th percentile of Indian Council of Medical Research
(ICMR) and National Centre for Health Statistics (NCHS). The trend of physical growth as observed in
height and weight may be expected to serve as the growth standards of Gadaba children of Bastar.

Key words:Physical growth, distance curve, velocity curve, Gadaba tribe, percentile.

INTRODUCTION

Anthropometric measurements such as height and weight
are useful not only for growth and nutritional studies but
are useful also for adaptation studies. Poor growth of
children of low income groups in the technically under
developed countries is to a large extent believed to be
due to malnutrition. However, apart from malnutrition
genetic, environmental factors may also be expected to
play an important role, though their exact role in this
respect is not very well understood (Singh, 2005). The
differences in growth between Indian children and those
living in developed countries were ascribed till recently to
possible environmental, genetic and socio-cultural
factors.
However, empirical studies indicate that the growth
pattern can be explained in terms of genetic as well as of
socio-economic environmental variables and that the
latter are responsible for one share of the variance
among different populations (Eveleth and Tanner, 1990;
WHO, 1995). Jelliffe (1966) observed that the
environment and especially nutrition affects growth more
than any other factors. Whereas Dugdale et al. (1970)
showed that genetic factors act on growth but become
effective only when the nutritional and other factors reach
an optimal level. Physical growth of Indian children is
based mostly on cross-sectional studies and most of the
earlier studies pertaining to growth velocity are confined
to the pre-school ages (Bharti and Basu, 1990; Bharti et
al., 1992; Kaul, 1975; Singh, 2005). Several studies of
physical growth in rural population suggest that with the
increase in age, there is a tendency for acceleration in all
metric traits (Singh, 2005). Singh (2005) showed that
mean values of metric traits vary one ethnic group to
another.
The Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR, 1992)
reported the anthropometric data of Indian Children and
adolescents of different age groups on all India bases
with respect to socio-economic classes, but empirical
data on the growth pattern and nutritional measurement
on tribal population have been most scant. No such
studies have been carried out among the Gadaba tribe of
Bastar.
In the present study, an attempt has been made to
examine the trend of growth in height and weight among
Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar and also to compare
these data with other population in order to find out their
physical status.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
The Gadaba, a scheduled tribe population is economically poor and
distributed in some of the villages of Jagdalpur tehsil of Bastar
district. Their population as per 2001 census is 6317 and
148 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

Table 1. Mean and Standard deviations of height and weight at different ages of Gadaba boys of Bastar, Chhattisgarh along with
annual increment.

Height (cm) Weight (kg)

Age in year No. Mean Mean
S.D. Increment S.D. Increment
6 25 108 .65 5.28 - 16.85 4.53 -
7 29 114.45 4.36 5.80 17.84 4.18 0.99
8 35 122.38 7.17 7.93 19.94 5.38 2.10
9 25 126.48 5.43 4.10 23.59 6.75 3.65
10 25 128.75 4.85 2.27 24.31 4.55 0.72
11 25 132.63. 5.28 3.88 26.69 5.35 2.38
12 30 136.15 7.30 3.52 28.73 6.85 1.74
13 28 148.57 8.59 12.42 36.14 5.12 7.41
14 25 151.28 4.90 271 38.67 4.95 2.53
15 30 153.13 8.52 1.85 45.48 6.45 6.81
16 20 154.26 3.78 1.16 46.80 6.39 1.32

180
160
(cm) (cm)

140
120
Height

100 boys
Hight

80 girls
60
40
20
0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (Years)

Figure 1. Mean height (cm) of Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar.

constituted about 0.73% of total tribal population of Bastar. The
Gadabas of Bastar district are predominantly cultivators; though
some of them are engaged as labourers. Rice and Pez are their
staple food. Marriages among Gadabas take place after puberty.
They follow the rules of patriarchal and patrilocal.
The material for the present study was based on a cross-
sectional data collected on 581 individuals (297 boys and 284 girls)
of Gadaba tribe drawn from different village of Jagdalpur tehsil of
Bastar district, Chhattisgarh (India). The present study considers
those individuals whereas birth records were available and all the
individuals of both sexes aged 6 to 16 years were measured cross-
sectionally for weight and height following the methods as
suggested by Weiner and Lourie (1969). Accurate data of birth
were recorded for all individuals, who were ascertained first from
subject and latter verified either from school records or birth records
of panchyat. Height was measured to the nearest 0.10 cm, with an
anthropometric and body weight was measured to the nearest
0.05kg, with weighing machine. The data on height and weight
were analyzed separately for both sexes and considered each age
group to assess annual growth in respective measurements.
Growth patterns for height and weight were graphically
represented by distance curve however velocity curve is also used
to examine the height peaks of annual increments in both sexes.
The 50th percentile value of the present sample has been
considered for comparison with other data as presented by ICMR
and National Centre for Health Statistics (NCHS).
RESULTS
The mean and standard deviation for height and weight
along with annual increment among Gadaba boys are
presented in Table 1. The mean height increases with
age with the maximum increase occurring during 12 to 13
years. The velocity of growth of height is relatively high
during 7 to 8 years and decreases until 12 years and then
increases until an adolescent peak is reached (12.42
cm/year) at an average of 13 years. The rate of gain in
height after the peak decreases and is <1.50 cm/year at
16 years.
The distance curve for height in the present sample
shows (Figure 1) a gradual increase from 6 to 16 years,
while the velocity curve (Figure 3) indicates the highest
 Verma 149

50
45
40
Weight (kg) 35
30
boys
25
girls
20
15
10
5
0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (Years)
Figure 2. Mean body weight (kg) of Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar.

14

12
(cm/yr)
increment (cm/year)

10
Heightincrement

8 boys
6 girls
Height

0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (years)
Figure 3. Mean height velocity (cm/year) among Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar.

Fig. 3. Mean height velocity (cm/yr) among Gadaba boys & girls of Bastar.

rate of increment at the age of 13 years (12.42 cm/year)
among the Gadaba boys of Bastar.
The mean weight varies from 16.85 to 46.80 kg among
Gadaba boys aged 6 to 16 years. The velocity of growth
of weight increases until 9 years and then increases until
a adolescent peak is reached (7.41 kg/year) at an
average of 13 years. The rate of gain in weight after the
peak decreases and is <1.5 kg at 16 years.
The distance curve for weight in the present sample
indicated (Figure 2) a gradual increase from 6 to 16
years. While the velocity curve (Figure 4) shows the
height rate of increment at the age of 13 years (7.41
kg/year) and next peak of growth at 15 years (6.81
kg/year) among the Gadaba boys of Bastar.
The mean and standard deviation for height and
Weight along with annual increment among the Gadabas
150 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

increment(kg/year)
(kg/yr)
6

5
increment

boys
4
girls
3
weight
Weight

0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (years)
Figure 4. Mean Body weight velocity (Kg/year) among Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar.
Fig. 4. Mean Body weight velocity (Kg/ yr) among Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar.

Table 2. Mean and Standard deviations of height and weight at different ages of Gadaba girls of Bastar, Chhattisgarh along with
annual increment.

Height (cm) Weight (kg)

Age in year No. Mean Mean
S.D. Increment S.D. Increment
6 30 106.25 5.78 - 15.80 4.37 -
7 30 113.84 8.65 7.59 18.30 3.87 2.50
8 25 118.45 7.45 4.61 21.83 4.65 2.53
9 30 126.58 8.47 8.13 23.85 6.48 2.02
10 34 130.35 6.28 3.77 24.44 5.29 0.59
11 26 138.86 8.35 8.51 30.63 6.35 6.19
12 25 139.55 7.67 0.69 31.92 4.75 1.29
13 29 142.85 6.48 3.30 32.96 5.65 1.04
14 20 146.67 5.85 3.82 36.14 5.22 3.18
15 15 148.39 6.15 1.72 39.75 4.79 3.61
16 20 150.65 5.65 2.26 40.98 5.98 1.23

girls age 6 to 16 years are presented in Table 2. The
mean height varies from 106.25 to 150.65 cm. The
velocity of growth of height is relatively high during 6 to 7
years (7.59 cm/year) and 8 to 9 years (8.13 cm/year) and
decreases until 9 years. Then increase until and
adolescent peak is reached (8.51 cm/year) at an average
of 11 years. The rate of gain in height after the peak
decreases and is <1.5 cm at 12 years.
The distance curve for height in the present sample of
Gadaba girls shows (Figure 1) a gradual increase from 6
to 16 years. While the velocity curve indicates (Figure 3)
the highest peak of growth at 11 years (8.51 cm/year)
with next peaks at 9 years.
The mean weight varies from 15.80 to 40.98 kg and its
maximum increase occurring during 10 to 11 years. The
velocity of growth of weight is observed steady up to 9
years becoming faster after 10 years until and adolescent
peak is reached (6.19 kg/year) at an average of 11 years.
The rate of gain in weight after the peak decreases and is
<1.30 kg at 12.13 and 16 years.
The distance curve for weight in the present sample of
Gadaba girls indicates (Figure 2) a gradual increase from
6 to 16 years, where as the velocity curve shows (Figure
4) the height peak of annual growth at 11 years with next
peaks at 15 years (3.61 kg/year).
Table 3 exhibits the 50th percentile values for height
and weight among the Gadaba boys and girls of Bastar.
A steady increase is observed from one age group to the
th
next in both sexes of present sample. The 50 percentile
values of height indicates its higher value in boys than
 Verma 151

Table 3. Median value (50th Percentile) of height and weight at different ages of Gadaba boys
and girls of Bastar, Chhattisgarh.

Height (cm) Weight (kg)

Age in year
Boys Girls Boys Girls
6 107.78 105.76 16.45 15.60
7 114.13 113.39 17.15 18.95
8 121.95 118.19 19.54 21.05
9 126.27 125.94 22.93 23.36
10 128.38 129.96 23.97 24.87
11 132.37 135.99 26.28 29.46
12 135.87 139.43 27.98 30.58
13 147.94 142.87 35.79 32.94
14 151.09 146.17 38.35 35.68
15 152.78 148.48 45.17 38.95
16 153.83 150.29 46.33 40.27

180
160
140
120
Height (cm)

NCHS
100
ICMR
80
Gadaba girls
60
40
20
0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (years)
Figure 5. 50th percentile of height of the Gadaba boys compared with data from literature.

girls from 6 to 9 years and then from 13 to 16 years while
th
in case of weight the 50 percentile value is observed
higher in boys than girls from 13 to 16 years.
The 50th percentile values of height of the Gadaba boys
of present sample are observed greater than those
reported by ICMR (1972) at ages 7, 8 and 9 years,
whereas the 50th percentile values of weight are observed
higher at 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14 years. However, in
all ages the 50th percentile values of height and weight
th
are observed lower as compared to the 50 percentile of
National Centre for Health Statistics (NCHS, 1987)
(Figures 5 and 6).
The 50th percentile values of height of the Gadaba girls
are observed greater at 7 to 12 years and weight also at
7 to 15 years as compared to values reported by ICMR
(1972)[7]. However, Gadaba girls indicate smaller
magnitude of height and weight as compare to the 50th
percentile of NCHS (Figures 7 and 8).
DISCUSSION
In present study, the 50th percentile values of height and
weight observe among Gadaba boys are lower than the
values obtained for Indian boys ICMR (1972) at ages 6,
11, 12, 15 and 16 years and Gadaba boys are about 1 to
152 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

180
160
140
120
Height (cm)

NCHS
100
ICMR
80
Gadaba girls
60
40
20
0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (years)
Figure 6. 50th percentile of height of the Gadaba girls compared with data from literature.

70

60

50
Weight (kg)

40 NCHS
ICMR
30 Gadaba boys
20

10

0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (years)
Figure 7. 50th percentile of weight of the Gadaba boys compared with data from literature.

6.00 cm shorter and about 0.50 to 5 kg heavier than their
th
Indian counterparts at 12 to 16 years. The 50 percentile
values of height are observed greater at 7, 10, 11 and 13
years among Gadaba girls as compared to the values
obtained for Indian girls and they are about 0.25 to 2.50
cm taller than Indian girls as reports by ICMR (1972).
However, Gadaba girls are observed about 0.20 to 3 kg
heavier at 7 to 15 years than their Indian counterparts.
Comparison of the present sample with 50th percentile
of NCHS, the Gadaba boys and girls are observed shorter

60
50
40
Weight (kg)
30
20
10
0
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Age (years)
Figure 8. 50th percentile of weight of the Gadaba girls compared with data from literature.
and lighter than their U.S. Counterparts. Gadaba boys
are about 2 to 14 cm. shorter and about 4 to 13 kg lighter,
while girls of the present sample are observed about 3 to
10 cm shorter and about 3 to 15 kg lighter than NCHS. It
is important to note that the children of present sample
came from lower income group families and the
differences in both parameters may be due to differences
in gene pool and environment. However, the genetic
potential for growth in population can be realized only in
the most favorable living condition.
Conclusions
The mean value of height and weight among both the
sexes of Gadaba children indicate positive correlation
with age. The boys of present sample are about 1 to 5 cm
taller than that of girls. While Gadaba girls belonging to
age groups 7 to 12 years are about 0.11 to 3.00 kg
heavier than boys of the present sample.
The age of peak height velocity (PHV) is an important
indicator of tempo growth of a population and the Gadaba
girls in the present study attain PHV, somewhat earlier
than of boys and the same trend can be seen for peak
weight velocity, although the magnitude of peak height
velocity is greater in boys than the girls. While the
magnitude of peak weight velocity is observed greater in
girls as compared to boys among the Gadabas of Bastar.
The Gadaba boys attain an overall increase of 45.64
cm in height (Stature) from 6 to 16 years in contrast to
44.40 cm among Gadaba girls. However, in body weight
the Gadaba boys indicate an overall increase of 29.95 kg
Verma 153
NCHS
ICMR
Gadaba Girls
from 6 to 16 years in contrast to 25.18 kg among Gadaba
girls.
REFERENCES
Bharti P, Basu A (1990). Growth pattern of Mahishya children of
West Bengal by socio-economic status. In : Rao KV, Radhaiah G,
Narayan V. eds. Statistics in Health and Nutrition, Hyderabad.
National Institute of Nutrition. Indian Counc. Med. Res., pp. 146-155.
Bharti S, Mukherjee D, Bharti P (1992). Patterns of growth among the
Bengali Brahminand Mahishya caste of Howarah, district West
Bengal, India. Ind. J. Phy. Anth. Hum. Genet., 27: 163-174.
Dugdale AE, Chen ST, Hewitt G (1970). Pattern of growth and nutrition
in childhood. Am. J. Clin. Nutr., 23: 1280-1287.
Eveleth PH, Tanner IM (1990).Worldwide variation in human growth
nd
2 . Ed Cambridge; Cambridge University Press.
Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) 1992. Growth and Physical
development of Indian infants and children. Technical Report series
No.18, New Delhi.
Jelliffe DB (1966). The assessment of Nutritional status of the
Community, Monograph Series No.53. Geneva: World Health
organization, p. 8.
Kaul S. (1975). Growth of three anthropometric measures in Kashmiri
Pandit School going boys with some observations on the efficiency
of mixed longitudinal analysis of growth. Ind. J. Med. Res., 63: 509-
596.
National Centre for Health Statistics (NCHS). Anthropometric
reference data and prevalence of overweight. United States. 1976-
1980. Hyattsville MD National Centre for Health Statistics, Series 11
No. 238, 1987.
Physical Status : The use and interpretation of anthropometry report
of a WHO Expert Committee, Geneva, WHO Technical report series.
854 Geneva : WHO; 1995.
Singh R (2005). Time trends in height and weight of college boys
and girls in Delhi and relationship between menarcheal age and body
size in college girls and adult women, Ind. J. Phys. Anthrop. Hum.
Genet., 24(2): 243-252.
Tanner JM, Whitehouse RH, Takaishi M (1966a). Standards from
154 Int. J. Sociol. Anthropol.

birth to maturity for height, weight, height velocity and weight velocity: Weiner JS, Lourie JA (1981). Practical Human biology Oxford: Blackwell
British Children, 1965, Part I Arch. Dis. Child., 41: 454-471. Scientific Publications. New York Academic Press, pp. 1-245.
Weiner JS, Lourie JA (1969). Human Biology - A Guide to field
Methods, IBP Handbook no 9. Oxford and Blackwell Scientific
Publications : Edinburg. pp. 1-623.
 UPCOMING CONFERENCES

3rd International Conference on Education & Educational Psychology (ICEEPSY), Istanbul,

Turkey, 10 Oct 2012

Jaipuria Annual Management Conference, 2012 on Managing Under

Uncertainty: Paradigms for Developed & Emerging Economies” October 11-13,
2012
 Conferences and Advert

November 2012
International Research Conference on Social, Indigenous and Sustainable
Entrepreneurship, Vienna, Austria, 7 Nov 2012

International Conference on Management Cases (ICMC), Greater Noida, India, 29

Nov 2012

December 2012
42nd Conference on Philosophy of Education Society of Australasia (PESA), Chiayi,
Taiwan, 7 Dec 2012
 International Journal of
Sociology and Anthropology

Related Journals Published by Academic Journals

■ Journal of Economics and International Finance

■ Journal of Hospitality Management and Tourism
■ African Journal of Business Management
■ Journal of Accounting and Taxation
■ African Journal of Marketing Management
■ Journal of Public Administration and Policy Research