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All parts of the body (muscles, brain, heart, and liver) need energy to work. This energy
comes from the food we eat.
Our bodies digest the food we eat by mixing it with fluids (acids and enzymes) in the
stomach. When the stomach digests food, the carbohydrate (sugars and starches) in the food
breaks down into another type of sugar, called glucose.
The stomach and small intestines absorb the glucose and then release it into the
bloodstream. Once in the bloodstream, glucose can be used immediately for energy or
stored in our bodies, to be used later.
However, our bodies need insulin in order to use or store glucose for energy. Without
insulin, glucose stays in the bloodstream, keeping blood sugar levels high.
As glucose moves from the bloodstream into the cells, blood sugar levels start to drop. The
beta cells in the pancreas can tell this is happening, so they slow down the amount of
insulin they're making. At the same time, the pancreas slows down the amount of insulin
that it's releasing into the bloodstream. When this happens, the amount of glucose going
into the cells also slows down.
Using glucose for energy and keeping it balanced with just the right amount of insulin —
not too much and not too little — is the way our bodies maintain the energy needed to stay
alive, work, play, and function even as we sleep.
Insulin does this by turning the extra food into larger packages of glucose called glycogen.
Glycogen is stored in the liver and muscles.
Insulin also helps our bodies store fat and protein. Almost all body cells need protein to
work and grow. The body needs fat to protect nerves and make several important
hormones. Fat can also be used by the body as an energy source.
For example, glucose cannot enter the cells where it's needed, so the amount of glucose in
the bloodstream continues to rise. This is called hyperglycemia (high blood sugar).
When blood sugar levels reach 180 or higher, the kidneys try to get rid of the extra sugar
through the urine. This makes a person urinate more than usual. It also makes a person feel
thirstier because of the water he or she is losing by urinating so much.
When a person loses sugar in the urine, it's the same as losing energy because the sugar isn't
available for the cells to use or store. When this happens, a person might feel tired, lose
weight, and feel hungry all the time.
Other problems caused by high blood sugar include blurry vision and skin infections or
injuries that don't heal. Women might have vaginal yeast infections more often.
When the body doesn't have enough insulin to help convert sugar into energy, it often starts
burning body fat instead. This sounds like it might work well, but burning too much fat for
energy produces a byproduct called ketones. High levels of ketones can lead to a condition
called diabetic ketoacidosis (DKA), which can be life threatening if not treated quickly.
DKA is more common in type 1 diabetes because the body has stopped making insulin.
People with type 1 diabetes need insulin shots as part of their care plan to control their
blood sugar levels. Some people with type 2 diabetes can control their blood sugar levels
with a healthy diet and exercise. However, many people with type 2 diabetes will need to
include diabetes pills, insulin shots, or both in their diabetes care plans.
People with either type 1 or type 2 diabetes need to pay close attention to how blood sugar
levels change at various times throughout the day in order to keep them as close to normal
as possible. When blood sugar levels are close to normal, it means the body is getting the
energy it needs to work, play, heal, and stay healthy.
Sin embargo, nuestros cuerpos necesitan insulina para usar o almacenar glucosa para
obtener energía. Sin insulina, la glucosa permanece en el torrente sanguíneo, manteniendo
altos los niveles de azúcar en la sangre.
La insulina es una hormona producida por las células beta en el páncreas. Las células beta
son muy sensibles a la cantidad de glucosa en el torrente sanguíneo. Normalmente, las
células beta controlan el nivel de glucosa en la sangre cada pocos segundos y detectan
cuándo necesitan acelerar o disminuir la cantidad de insulina que producen y liberan.
Cuando alguien come algo alto en carbohidratos, como un trozo de pan, el nivel de glucosa
en la sangre aumenta y las células beta activan el páncreas para liberar más insulina en el
torrente sanguíneo.
Cuando la insulina se libera del páncreas, viaja a través del torrente sanguíneo a las células
del cuerpo y le dice a las puertas de las células que se abran para dejar entrar la glucosa.
Una vez dentro, las células convierten la glucosa en energía para usar en ese momento o la
almacenan para usarla más tarde. .
A medida que la glucosa pasa del torrente sanguíneo a las células, los niveles de azúcar en
la sangre comienzan a disminuir. Las células beta en el páncreas pueden decir que esto está
sucediendo, por lo que disminuyen la cantidad de insulina que están produciendo. Al
mismo tiempo, el páncreas reduce la cantidad de insulina que está liberando al torrente
sanguíneo. Cuando esto sucede, la cantidad de glucosa que ingresa a las células también
disminuye.
Equilibrar la insulina y el azúcar en la sangre para obtener energía
Usar la glucosa para obtener energía y mantenerla equilibrada con la cantidad justa de
insulina, ni demasiado ni muy poco, es la forma en que nuestros cuerpos mantienen la
energía necesaria para mantenerse con vida, trabajar, jugar y funcionar incluso mientras
dormimos.
La insulina hace esto al convertir la comida extra en paquetes más grandes de glucosa
llamados glucógeno. El glucógeno se almacena en el hígado y los músculos.
La insulina también ayuda a nuestros cuerpos a almacenar grasas y proteínas. Casi todas las
células del cuerpo necesitan proteínas para funcionar y crecer. El cuerpo necesita grasa para
proteger los nervios y producir varias hormonas importantes. La grasa también puede ser
utilizada por el cuerpo como fuente de energía.
Cuando los niveles de azúcar en la sangre alcanzan 180 o más, los riñones intentan eliminar
el azúcar extra a través de la orina. Esto hace que una persona orine más de lo normal.
También hace que una persona se sienta más sedienta debido al agua que está perdiendo al
orinar tanto.
Cuando una persona pierde azúcar en la orina, es lo mismo que perder energía porque el
azúcar no está disponible para que las células lo usen o almacenen. Cuando esto sucede,
una persona puede sentirse cansada, perder peso y sentir hambre todo el tiempo.
Otros problemas causados por un nivel alto de azúcar en la sangre incluyen visión borrosa e
infecciones de la piel o lesiones que no sanan. Las mujeres pueden tener infecciones
vaginales por hongos con más frecuencia.
Cuando el cuerpo no tiene suficiente insulina para ayudar a convertir el azúcar en energía, a
menudo comienza a quemar grasa corporal. Parece que podría funcionar bien, pero quemar
demasiada grasa para producir energía produce un subproducto llamado cetonas. Los altos
niveles de cetonas pueden conducir a una afección llamada cetoacidosis diabética (CAD),
que puede ser mortal si no se trata rápidamente. La CAD es más común en la diabetes tipo
1 porque el cuerpo ha dejado de producir insulina.
Para una persona con diabetes, el enfoque principal del tratamiento es controlar la cantidad
de glucosa en el cuerpo para que los niveles de azúcar en la sangre se mantengan lo más
normales posible.
Las personas con diabetes tipo 1 necesitan inyecciones de insulina como parte de su plan de
atención para controlar sus niveles de azúcar en la sangre. Algunas personas con diabetes
tipo 2 pueden controlar sus niveles de azúcar en la sangre con una dieta saludable y
ejercicio. Sin embargo, muchas personas con diabetes tipo 2 necesitarán incluir píldoras
para la diabetes, inyecciones de insulina o ambas en sus planes de atención para la diabetes.
Las personas con diabetes tipo 1 o tipo 2 deben prestar mucha atención a cómo cambian los
niveles de azúcar en la sangre en varios momentos durante el día para mantenerlos lo más
cerca posible de la normalidad. Cuando los niveles de azúcar en la sangre están cerca de lo
normal, significa que el cuerpo está obteniendo la energía que necesita para trabajar, jugar,
sanar y mantenerse saludable.
Carbon Tax
Under a carbon tax, the government sets a price that emitters must pay for each ton of
greenhouse gas emissions they emit. Businesses and consumers will take steps, such as
switching fuels or adopting new technologies, to reduce their emissions to avoid paying the
tax.
A carbon tax differs from a cap-and-trade program in that it provides a higher level of
certainty about cost, but not about the level of emission reduction to be achieved (cap and
trade does the inverse).
Taxes on greenhouse gases come in two broad forms: an emissions tax, which is based on
the quantity an entity produces; and a tax on goods or services that are generally
greenhouse gas-intensive, such as a carbon tax on gasoline. We explore how to set a federal
carbon tax more in depth in Options and Considerations for a Federal Carbon Tax.
A number of countries, regions, and local governments around the world have a carbon tax
or a something similar like an energy tax related to carbon content. For example, British
Columbia, has had carbon tax since 2008. More recently Alberta, Canada, implemented a
carbon tax in 2017 on emissions not covered by its existing carbon pricing program. In
2006, the city of Boulder, Colorado, became the first U.S. city with a directly voter-
approved carbon tax, and other cities are exploring the idea.
In the United States, at both the state and federal levels, interest in an economy-wide
carbon tax has been gradually growing. Debate often centers on how to use the revenue
generated by a tax. One idea is to use the revenue to reduce taxes on productive activities,
like payroll or corporate taxes. Other ideas include giving it back to all consumers, in the
form of a carbon dividends, or using it to pay for infrastructure improvements. A 2017
study estimates a tax of $49 per metric ton of carbon dioxide could raise about $2.2 trillion
in net revenues over 10 years from 2019 to 2028.
Carbon tax proposals have been introduced in Congress for several years without success,
but supporters hope that the need for new revenues to pay for tax reform or infrastructure
will make it more politically appealing. The economic implications of taxing pollution are
well understood, but political viability is the primary challenge.
Scope – The scope of the carbon tax depends on substances covered. For instance, a carbon
tax could be levied on the carbon dioxide content of fossil fuels.
Point of Taxation – A carbon tax can be levied at any point in the energy supply chain.
The simplest approach, administratively, is to levy the tax “upstream,” where the fewest
entities would be subject to it (for instance, suppliers of coal, natural gas processing
facilities, and oil refineries). Alternatively, the tax could be levied “midstream” (electric
utilities) or downstream (energy-using industries, households, or vehicles).
Tax and Escalation Rates – Economic theory suggests a carbon tax should be set equal to
the social cost of carbon, which is the present value of estimated environmental damages
over time caused by an additional ton of CO 2 emitted today. The tax rate should also rise
over time to reflect the growing damage expected from climate change. An increasing
price over time also provides a signal to emitters that they will need to do more and that
their investments in more aggressive technologies will be economically justified. One of
the challenges of a carbon tax is forecasting the resulting level of emissions reduction from
a specific tax rate. Building in review and opportunity for adjustment can help, but also
reduces the one of the values of a carbon price – price certainty.
Revenues – A carbon tax can raise significant revenue. How that revenue is used will
ultimately be a political choice. Some or all of it could be returned to consumers in the form
of a dividend. Alternatively, it could be reinvested in climate purposes, such as advancing
low-carbon technologies or building resilience. Economic research suggests that using the
revenues to reduce existing taxes on labor and capital—also known as a tax swap—can
minimize the economic costs and may result in net economic benefits.
Bajo un impuesto al carbono, el gobierno establece un precio que los emisores deben pagar
por cada tonelada de emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero que emiten. Las empresas y
los consumidores tomarán medidas, como cambiar de combustible o adoptar nuevas
tecnologías, para reducir sus emisiones y evitar pagar el impuesto.
Los impuestos a los gases de efecto invernadero se presentan en dos formas generales: un
impuesto a las emisiones, que se basa en la cantidad que produce una entidad; y un
impuesto sobre bienes o servicios que generalmente son intensivos en gases de efecto
invernadero, como un impuesto al carbono sobre la gasolina. Exploramos cómo establecer
un impuesto federal al carbono más a fondo en Opciones y consideraciones para un
impuesto federal al carbono .
Varios países, regiones y gobiernos locales de todo el mundo tienen un impuesto al carbono
o algo similar, como un impuesto a la energía relacionado con el contenido de carbono. Por
ejemplo, Columbia Británica ha tenido un impuesto al carbono desde 2008. Más
recientemente, Alberta, Canadá, implementó un impuesto al carbono en 2017 sobre las
emisiones no cubiertas por su programa actual de fijación de precios del carbono. En 2006,
la ciudad de Boulder, Colorado, se convirtió en la primera ciudad de los Estados Unidos
con un impuesto sobre el carbono directamente aprobado por los votantes, y otras ciudades
están explorando la idea.
En los Estados Unidos, tanto a nivel estatal como federal, el interés en un impuesto al
carbono en toda la economía ha ido creciendo gradualmente. El debate a menudo se centra
en cómo utilizar los ingresos generados por un impuesto. Una idea es utilizar los ingresos
para reducir los impuestos sobre actividades productivas, como la nómina o los impuestos
corporativos. Otras ideas incluyen devolverlo a todos los consumidores, en forma de
dividendos de carbono, o usarlo para pagar las mejoras de infraestructura. Un estudio de
2017 estima que un impuesto de $ 49 por tonelada métrica de dióxido de carbono podría
recaudar alrededor de $ 2.2 billones en ingresos netos durante 10 años entre 2019 y 2028.
Impactos distributivos: los hogares de bajos ingresos gastan una mayor parte de sus
ingresos en energía que los hogares de mayores ingresos. Como resultado, un precio del
carbono que aumenta los costos de energía puede tener un mayor impacto en las personas
de bajos ingresos. Dirigir un cierto porcentaje de los ingresos de un impuesto al carbono
hacia los hogares de bajos ingresos para compensar el aumento de los costos de energía
puede ayudar a garantizar que el impuesto no afecte desproporcionadamente a los pobres.
Ingresos: un impuesto al carbono puede generar importantes ingresos. Cómo se utilizan
esos ingresos será, en última instancia, una elección política. Parte o todo podría devolverse
a los consumidores en forma de dividendo. Alternativamente, podría reinvertirse en fines
climáticos, como avanzar en tecnologías bajas en carbono o desarrollar resiliencia. La
investigación económica sugiere que el uso de los ingresos para reducir los impuestos
existentes sobre la mano de obra y el capital, también conocido como intercambio de
impuestos, puede minimizar los costos económicos y puede generar beneficios económicos
netos.
ECONOMIC GROWTH
Agriculture is an important conduit for Africa to move out of poverty, and African
countries need to make changes from within if they are to improve their economies through
agriculture, according to Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf.Agriculture is an
important conduit for Africa to move out of poverty, and African countries need to make
changes from within if they are to improve their economies through agriculture, according
to Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf.
Speaking recently at the Africa and the Agriculture for Development Agenda session of the
2007 World Bank Annual Meetings, Sirleaf said being an agrarian society, Africa should
“give agriculture its rightful role if it wants to move on to an emerging economy.”
The session was a follow-up to the launch of the 2008 World Development Report:
Agriculture for Development. The report’s main message: agriculture is fundamental to
sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa where 417 million rural people live in
agriculture-based countries. The report identifies agriculture as a lead sector for overall
growth, observing that Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth originating in agriculture is
about four times more effective in reducing poverty than GDP growth originating outside
the sector. The report identifies three functions of agriculture: a trigger of overall growth, a
source of livelihoods, and a way of better managing natural resources and the environment.
According to Sirleaf, there is a need for clear and transparent policies to help effect change
in agriculture, citing such areas as land tenure, and shifts in education to emphasize the
sector.
She applauded the WDR as providing “positive indicators on how to effect change for
positive development.”
The report calls for an ‘agriculture for development’ agenda for Africa that will improve
the investment climate as well as make optimal use of markets, technology, sustainable
water and soil management, and institution services. In addition, countries must deliver on
such issues as a level playing field for trade, while farmer organizations and other local
groups need more say in setting policies. “Policy still matters,” said Karen Brooks, the
World Bank’s Africa region sector manager for Agriculture and Rural Development.
Speaking at the same session, Brooks said improving public expenditure management
which affects agriculture is one area where the Bank will put more emphasis as it works
with governments. Brooks lamented that both African governments and donors have not
adequately invested in agriculture.
The 2008 WDR notes that governments in sub-Saharan Africa spend far less on agriculture
compared to the 11-14 percent share of national budgets invested in agriculture that fueled
the Asian green revolution.
The report also notes that the share of official development assistance going to the sector in
developing countries is only four percent.
While Sirleaf urged poor countries to make the necessary changes within, the WDR calls
on rich countries to amend policies that harm the poor, an indication that complementary
efforts are needed to help Africa sail out of poverty through agriculture.
For rich countries, the report says it is vital to reduce subsidies that hinder African cotton
exports, and as major contributors to global warming, rich countries need to do more to
help the poor farmers adapt to climate change.
La sesión fue un seguimiento del lanzamiento del Informe sobre el desarrollo mundial
2008: Agricultura para el desarrollo. El mensaje principal del informe: la agricultura es
fundamental para el desarrollo sostenible en África subsahariana, donde 417 millones de
personas rurales viven en países agrícolas. El informe identifica a la agricultura como un
sector líder para el crecimiento general, observando que el crecimiento del Producto Interno
Bruto (PIB) que se origina en la agricultura es aproximadamente cuatro veces más efectivo
para reducir la pobreza que el crecimiento del PIB que se origina fuera del sector. El
informe identifica tres funciones de la agricultura: un desencadenante del crecimiento
general, una fuente de medios de vida y una forma de gestionar mejor los recursos naturales
y el medio ambiente.
Según Sirleaf, existe la necesidad de políticas claras y transparentes para ayudar a lograr un
cambio en la agricultura, citando áreas como la tenencia de la tierra y los cambios en la
educación para enfatizar el sector.
Aplaudió al WDR por proporcionar "indicadores positivos sobre cómo efectuar el cambio
para un desarrollo positivo".
El informe pide una agenda de "agricultura para el desarrollo" para África que mejorará el
clima de inversión y hará un uso óptimo de los mercados, la tecnología, la gestión
sostenible del agua y el suelo y los servicios institucionales. Además, los países deben
cumplir con cuestiones tales como la igualdad de condiciones para el comercio, mientras
que las organizaciones de agricultores y otros grupos locales necesitan más voz para
establecer políticas. "La política sigue siendo importante", dijo Karen Brooks, gerente del
sector de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural de la región de África del Banco Mundial.
Hablando en la misma sesión, Brooks dijo que mejorar la gestión del gasto público que
afecta a la agricultura es un área en la que el Banco pondrá más énfasis a medida que
trabaja con los gobiernos. Brooks lamentó que tanto los gobiernos africanos como los
donantes no hayan invertido adecuadamente en la agricultura.
El WDR de 2008 señala que los gobiernos en África subsahariana gastan mucho menos en
agricultura en comparación con el 11-14 por ciento de los presupuestos nacionales
invertidos en la agricultura que impulsó la revolución verde asiática.
El informe también señala que la parte de la asistencia oficial para el desarrollo que se
destina al sector en los países en desarrollo es solo del cuatro por ciento.
Si bien Sirleaf instó a los países pobres a realizar los cambios necesarios, el WDR hace un
llamamiento a los países ricos para que modifiquen las políticas que perjudican a los
pobres, una indicación de que se necesitan esfuerzos complementarios para ayudar a África
a salir de la pobreza a través de la agricultura.
Para los países ricos, el informe dice que es vital reducir los subsidios que obstaculizan las
exportaciones africanas de algodón, y como principales contribuyentes al calentamiento
global, los países ricos deben hacer más para ayudar a los agricultores pobres a adaptarse al
cambio climático.
They belong to the Zapotec (from the Sierra), Mixe and Chontal ethnic groups, and founded
UCIRI in 1984, which is now legally registered to export coffee and other products. To sell
coffee always has been difficult for the producers. Before the establishment of Inmecafe,
they had to sell to middlemen at low prices, due to the lack of transport roads to Ixtepec.
Soon after some logging companies arrived, made some roads, and were driven away by
the communities in 1977, they were visited by other coffee buyers and Inmecafe, which
opened coffee reception centres and slightly improved the price. Their problems continued
with Inmecafe, where they suffered continuous discounts on their payments because of
strict requirements, and with the bank, where they became indebted due to high interest
rates (Vander Hoff and Galvan, 1998: 129-130).
With the assistance of a Catholic missionary team, they reconsidered their problems as
producers, and started searching for other buyers which offered better prices. They found in
Misantla, Veracruz a third level producers organization (ARIC[ii]) which was already
exporting coffee, and during the harvest 1982-1983, together with people from Veracruz,
Puebla, and Chiapas they founded a National Level ARIC, based in Mexico City.
Although the price increased considerably, the payment arrived long after the coffee was
sold, and at times they thought about returning to selling to the Institute. Nevertheless they
kept trying because they were learning how to weigh and taste the coffee, to make receipts
and to mobilize resources; they still needed to learn how to toast coffee and access the
market (Vander Hoff and Galvan, 1998:131).
In 1983, the ARIC turned in UCIRI, which was already a legal organization with
membership of about 17 communities, and after an intense struggle, they were allowed to
export. By 1985, a group of Dutch and German agronomists and representatives of the Fair
Trade Market, invited by some grassroots church activists, visited UCIRI, and became
interested in supporting their struggle (Vander Hoff and Galvan, 1998: 131). During this
visit they discussed the economic potential and ecological benefits of organic coffee. This
resulted in UCIRI’s decision to shift to organic production and to sell to the German and
Dutch markets by establishing a relationship with two ATOs: Gepa and Max Havelaar.
Today UCIRI sells to over 10 organizations from seven countries (Mace, 1998: 22). Porter
points out that Oaxacan missionaries ‘…have established linkages between the organization
and ATOs and this has been vital to UCIRI’s success’(1987, quoted from Mace, 1998: 22).
According to Mace, of 773, 000 kilograms of coffee produced in the 1996/1997 harvest, 90
percent went to the alternative market, while the rest remained in Mexico.
Communities belonging to UCIRI do not rely solely on coffee to meet their livelihoods
needs. Along with coffee, they grow for self-consumption corn, beans, chili, vegetables and
tree fruits including oranges, lemons, bananas, avocados, chicozapotes, black zapote,
mamey, mangoes, etc. They prefer to improve their coffee land and production systems,
instead of enlarging the crop area (Vander Hoff and Galvan, 1998: 129,132).
UCIRI consider that the main achievements of their form of organization are: a) the ability
and experience of exporting, making contracts and offering coffee to a wide range of clients
nationally, and selling at better prices across the world through the Fair Trade Market; b)
the construction of infrastructure like roasters, warehouses, transport, food supply systems,
health services, and youth peasants training in organic technology; c) the creation of
networks of organizations of independent small producers; d) the establishment of a
cooperative Solidarity Fund for the acquisition of consumer goods and equipment; and e)
the provision of credit support (Vander Hoff and Galvan, 1998: 135-136).
Important elements of the infrastructure set up by UCIRI include a hardware store, which
gives access to appropriate low-cost equipment; a warehouse for storage and preparation of
coffee for export, where they are also preparing to begin roasting coffee, to get higher
profits and eventually to export according to European tastes; and finally a Centre for
Peasant Education (CEC[iii]), to provide training for organic production skills, through 13
month courses (Vander Hoff and Galvan, 1998: 135-136).
Mace observed that UCIRI members’ opinion of the Fair Trade Market was widely
favourable. They underlined aspects such as the ATO’s ability to export coffee, their
support towards the production of organic coffee and the premium obtained (5 to 10 pesos
per kilo) by producing and selling organic, the stability in the prices, and the support for
projects. They generally agreed that the Fair Trade Market was really fair (1998:31). Since
their participation in the Fair Trade Market, the incomes of the 53 member villages and
3000 farmers have doubled (Equal Exchange, 2002), or even tripled (from a yearly income
of US$ 280 in 1983 to US$ 860 in 1999) (UN, 2000).