International Journal of Speech-Language Pathology

ISSN: 1754-9507 (Print) 1754-9515 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/iasl20

Exploring the impact of living with dyslexia: The

perspectives of children and their parents

Suze Leitão, Peta Dzidic, Mary Claessen, Joanne Gordon, Kate Howard,
Mandy Nayton & Mark E. Boyes

To cite this article: Suze Leitão, Peta Dzidic, Mary Claessen, Joanne Gordon, Kate Howard,
Mandy Nayton & Mark E. Boyes (2017): Exploring the impact of living with dyslexia: The
perspectives of children and their parents, International Journal of Speech-Language Pathology,
DOI: 10.1080/17549507.2017.1309068

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Published online: 10 Apr 2017.

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International Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 2017; Early Online: 1–13

Exploring the impact of living with dyslexia: The perspectives of

children and their parents

SUZE LEITÃO1, PETA DZIDIC1, MARY CLAESSEN1, JOANNE GORDON1,

KATE HOWARD1, MANDY NAYTON1,2 & MARK E. BOYES1
1
School of Psychology and Speech Pathology, Curtin University, Perth, WA, Australia and 2The Dyslexia-SPELD
Foundation, Perth, WA, Australia

ABSTRACT
Purpose: A small but growing body of literature indicates that children with dyslexia are at elevated risk of internalising and
externalising mental health problems. However, little research addresses why this might be the case, particularly from the
point of view of the children or their parents. This study therefore aimed to explore the lived experiences of children with
dyslexia, and their parents.
Method: Drawing on a phenomenological approach, 13 children with dyslexia and 21 parents were interviewed. The semi-
structured interviews were analysed thematically.
Result: Dyslexia was seen to impact at the individual, family and community level. Children’s accounts of their experiences
were ecologically situated at both the micro and mesosystem levels of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, while parent’s
accounts extended to include the exosystem. Both also reflected on ‘‘difference’’, a theme related to cultural and attitudinal
views at the level of the macrosystem.
Conclusion: Presentation of the themes contrasts the experiences of children and parents, illustrating that the experience of
dyslexia is indicative of broader challenges associated with societal values and attitudes that privilege perceived ability and
shame difference. This study provides information that could be used to inform and educate families and teachers about the
impact of living with dyslexia.

Keywords: Dyslexia; mental health; children; parents; qualitative research

Introduction impact of dyslexia (Boyes et al., 2016). Children and

Children and young people with dyslexia may
experience persistent difficulties with accurate and/
or fluent word recognition, decoding and spelling,
despite adequate cognitive abilities and classroom
instruction (Dyslexia – SPELD Foundation [DSF],
2014; Hulme & Snowling, 2014). While the diag-
nosis of dyslexia is considered controversial by many,
the research shows that approximately 7% of chil-
dren and young people have significant and severe
reading difficulties for reasons beyond poor teaching
(Elliott & Grigorenko, 2014; Haft, Myers, & Hoeft,
2016). Research has focussed predominantly on
identifying risk and protective factors for dyslexia
and developing evidence-based reading interven-
tions (Carroll, Mundy, & Cunningham, 2014;
Hulme & Snowling, 2014). However, few studies
have investigated the impact of dyslexia from the
view of a young person and their parent/carer. This
is despite the mounting evidence of the psychosocial
adults with dyslexia have stated they often felt
‘‘. . .deeply humiliated when asked to read. They
reported being ridiculed and bullied because of their
reading difficulties’’. (Rose, 2009, p. 10).
Dyslexia and mental health outcomes
There is a broad literature on the links between
learning difficulties and mental health outcomes,
conceptualised as both internalising and externalis-
ing problems (Mugnaini, Lassi, La Malfa, &
Albertini, 2009). In contrast, there is less research
specifically examining possible relationships between
reading and mental health, and we are only recently
beginning to understand how reading difficulties
may affect children’s mental health (McArthur,
Castles, Kohnen, & Banales, 2016). This smaller
body of work (which considers internalising and
externalising problems in children with a diagnosis
of dyslexia or significant reading difficulties) is the

Correspondence: Suze Leitão, School of Psychology and Speech Pathology, Faculty of Health Sciences, Curtin University, GPO Box U1987, Perth, Western
Australia. E-mail: S.Leitao@Curtin.edu.au.
ISSN 1754-9507 print/ISSN 1754-9515 online ß 2017 The Speech Pathology Association of Australia Limited
Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
DOI: 10.1080/17549507.2017.1309068
2 S. Leitão et al.
focus of the literature review, providing the back-
ground to this qualitative study. Increased stress and
anxiety, depression, decreased self-esteem (i.e. a
global sense of well-being), bullying and poorer peer
relations have all been identified in this population
(Dahle & Knivsberg, 2014; Ingesson, 2007;
Maughan & Carroll, 2006). In fact, a recent review
concluded that dyslexia and reading difficulties are a
risk factor for increased internalising, anxious and
depressive symptoms (Mugnaini et al., 2009).
Reading difficulties have also been associated with
externalising symptoms such as behavioural prob-
lems and anger (Eissa, 2010; Maughan & Carroll,
2006; Snowling et al., 2007).
Dahle and Knivsberg (2014) compared the
prevalence of emotional and behavioural problems
in 26 children with dyslexia and 26 typically
developing (TD) peers, aged 9–110 years. The
children with dyslexia displayed more internalising
(withdrawal, anxiety and depression) and externalis-
ing (aggression, hyperactivity and delinquent)
behaviours than their TD peers. Teachers reported
more incidences of externalising behaviours, while
parents reported higher internalising behaviours,
indicating that children with dyslexia may use overt
behaviours as an avoidance or coping strategy when
faced with difficult tasks in public environments
(Dahle & Knivsberg, 2014).
Terras, Thompson and Minnis (2009) investi-
gated self-esteem, self-concept and psychosocial
adjustment in 68 children with dyslexia, aged 7–
16, using parent and child questionnaires and
interviews. While self-esteem is considered a global
sense of well-being, self-concept typically refers to
one’s perceptions of self in a particular domain
(McArthur et al., 2016). Lower self-concept in
regards to the domain of educational competence
was identified in participants with dyslexia com-
pared to TD peers, with emotional, behavioural and
social difficulties more common in the participants
with dyslexia. Negative attitudes or minimal under-
standing of dyslexia by a participant and their
parents were found to contribute to lower self-
esteem (Terras et al., 2009).
In one of the few studies to directly interview
children with dyslexia, Eissa (2010) explored the
impact of dyslexia on 35 adolescents with, and 21
without, dyslexia, on school success, well-being, self-
esteem (a more global measure of the sense of well-
being), and peer relations. Adolescents with dyslexia
had significantly higher internalising and externalis-
ing behaviours than their TD peers, and stated that
dyslexia had negatively impacted their self-esteem
and peer relationships, resulting in them ‘‘feeling
different’’ (Eissa, 2010).
Riddick (1995, 2010) reports on a programme of
research which sought to understand the process by
which children were identified as having dyslexia,
the individual perspectives of children and their
mothers of living with dyslexia, and explore the
possible social and emotional consequences of living
with dyslexia. Interviews were conducted with 22
mothers and their children aged 8–14 years.
Identification of dyslexia was generally a gradual
process, often driven by the mother and leading
overall to a sense of relief (mothers) and positive
reaction (children). Riddick found the majority of
mothers reported their child to have experienced
periods of distress related to their dyslexia and were
concerned about their children’s self-esteem. Both
children and their mothers identified individual
teachers as having a strong and positive influence
on their self-esteem and ability to cope with their
difficulties. The need for greater teacher training
about dyslexia across the education system was
identified.
A young person’s ability to deal with difficulties
can be attributed to individual factors, including age,
parents, peers and coping styles (World Health
Organization, 2002). Although it can be considered
that a diagnosis of dyslexia increases the risk of
negative socio-emotional consequences (Haft et al.,
2016), and research has identified reduced self-
esteem and well-being in many children with dys-
lexia, Ingesson (2007) reported individual factors
played an essential role in determining its impact
across a person’s lifespan. Interviews with 75 teen-
agers were conducted to determine how they experi-
enced school, including educational achievement,
well-being, self-esteem and peer relations. Low well-
being and self-esteem levels were identified at ages 7–
10 years, but by age 14–16, levels of ‘‘good’’ to ‘‘very
good’’ were reported for well-being, with self-esteem
also improving with age (Ingesson, 2007). Ingesson
(2007) hypothesised that the participants’ coping
ability and increased confidence were due to an early
diagnosis, acting as a protective factor by giving the
child more time to understand their dyslexia.
Interestingly, Riddick (2010) identified a diagnosis
of dyslexia to be helpful at a personal level, but less so
at the public level, ‘‘I find it helpful, but I’d rather
others didn’t know’’ (Riddick, 2010, p. 84).
Protective factors in a young person’s environ-
ment may include the ‘‘physical, social and attitu-
dinal environment in which people live and conduct
their lives’’ (World Health Organization, 2002, p.
10), including the attitude of parents and peers.
Terras et al.’s (2009) study of 68 children with
dyslexia, aged 7–16, concluded that parents who
displayed positive attitudes perceived their children
to be less hyperactive, with fewer peer and emotional
conduct problems, and more pro-social. Such posi-
tive emotional support was identified as a protective
factor (Terras et al., 2009). Given the influence of
parental criticism and support, the lack of research
considering parental perspectives (Norwich,
Griffiths, & Burden, 2005) is surprising.
Eissa (2010) suggests having friends at school is
a protective factor, with participants reporting
good friends made school more tolerable. Coffield,

Figure 1. Examples of content pertinent to levels of the ecological model as proposed by Bronfenbrenner (1979).
Riddick, Barmby, and O’Neill (2008) highlight the
importance of dyslexia-friendly schools, including
additional classroom assistance and dyslexia educa-
tion for teachers, as a protective factor for students
with special education needs, to improve students’
attitudes to learning, confidence and self-esteem.
Adopting ecological systems theory
Every child’s lived experience is unique and influ-
enced by their personal attributes and interactions
with their environment where the individual both
shapes and is shaped by their context. The ecological
systems theory proposed by Bronfenbrenner (1979)
(Figure 1) acknowledges the significance of a child’s
biology, their environments, interactions within
these environments, and community, culture and
political factors that influence their lived experi-
ences. This model places the child in the inner circle
of several, interacting layers of influence, considering
both objective properties of their environment and
how the child perceives them. The layer closest to
the child captures relationships with family, school
and peers and the environment in which they exist
(the personal and family levels). The outer layers
capture the contextual environment, including
school and community influences, followed by
cultural factors, policy and political influences. The
impact of interactions between layers and the young
person can be considered, with negative influences
Living with dyslexia 3
in one circle lessened by protective factors in another
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). We have adopted eco-
logical theory in this research to frame our inter-
pretation of participant data to allow us to capture
the complexity of themes that may arise.
Rationale for the current study
A recent senate inquiry was conducted into the
prevalence of speech, language and communication
disorders in Australia. A high prevalence of com-
munication impairment was identified in adults with
mental health diagnoses, and a high percentage of
individuals requiring mental health services were
considered to have undiagnosed language and com-
munication deficits. The inquiry highlighted the
need to investigate factors that contribute to an
individual’s mental health when they have commu-
nication difficulties in both the oral and written
language domains (Speech Pathology Australia,
2014). While there is mounting evidence of the
psycho-social impacts of dyslexia, to date there has
been little research that has provided children with
dyslexia and their parents an opportunity to express
their opinions and beliefs about their lived experi-
ences. This is particularly so for qualitative research
that provides rich experiential accounts from
participants.
The study presented here forms part of a larger
programme of research aiming to identify factors
4 S. Leitão et al.
deemed important in either contributing to poor
mental health or in promoting resilience in this
population (Boyes et al., 2016). The current study
also extends Riddick’s earlier UK based work, which
dates from the 1990s, by exploring the experiences
of parents (including some fathers) and their chil-
dren in the current Australian context. In keeping
with qualitative designs, a phenomenological
approach was adopted as it allowed exploration of
the ‘‘meaning for several individuals of their lived
experiences’’ (Creswell, 2013, p. 76), and thus
allowed children with dyslexia and their parents a
voice. Phenomenological research methodology is
characterised by identifying a phenomenon to study,
collecting data from several individuals who have
experienced the phenomenon, and analysing col-
lected data by reducing information into important
statements and combining these into themes
(Creswell, 2013).
This study therefore aimed to identify whether
the factors that have been noted in the research
literature, that may protect or place children with
dyslexia at increased risk of mental health problems,
would emerge from the perspectives of the partici-
pants themselves. Specifically, we aimed to explore
the lived experiences of children with dyslexia, and
parents of the children with dyslexia.
Method
Research design
A qualitative research design was employed, invol-
ving face-to-face (in person or via Skype) semi-
structured interviews. The interview protocol
allowed questions to be re-ordered, deleted or
added depending on participants’ responses, and
the language and wording to be altered to suit
participants. This approach allows greater flexibility
in data collection, affording participants greater
power in the interview process. This is particularly
important in research that engages vulnerable popu-
lations, in this instance, one of the participant
groups being children with dyslexia. A phenomeno-
logical approach uses criterion sampling to recruit
participants who have experienced the phenomenon
of interest (Creswell, 2013), in this case the lived
experience of dyslexia from the perspectives of
children and their parents.
Participants
Inclusion criteria for this study were that the adult
sample were the parents of children aged 10–17 with
a minimum of one year since diagnosis of dyslexia,
and were current members of a dyslexia organisation
in Western Australia. Child participants were the
children of the adult participants. Potential partici-
pants were notified of the study through electronic
mail to all members of the Dyslexia – SPELD
Foundation’s (DSF) database. As such, participants
were selected from a cohort of parents who are
members of DSF. The final parent sample consisted
of 21 parents (19 mothers, 2 fathers). On comple-
tion of their interview, parents were given the
opportunity to give verbal consent for their child to
be invited to participate in an interview to share their
experiences of dyslexia. The child sample consisted
of 13 participants, seven females and six males.
Participants were aged between 10 and 16 years,
were monolingual English speakers and had a
diagnosis of dyslexia from DSF WA (see Appendix
for diagnostic criteria). Median length of time post-
diagnosis was 30 months, with all participants being
at least 12 months post-diagnosis.
Procedure
Ethical approval was granted from Curtin University
Human Research Ethics Committee. Following their
participation, parents who expressed an interest in
their child participating in this study were contacted
via email to arrange a suitable interview location and
time for their child to meet with the interviewer. On
arrival, participants and their parents were provided
with consent forms, which were explained to both to
obtain informed consent.
For both parent and child interviews, participants
were informed of their right to withdraw from the
interview and study at any time, with information
remaining confidential. Interviews followed an inter-
view protocol and separate semi-structured inter-
view guides were developed for the child and parent
samples. The process of constructing the semi
structured interview guide was iterative, and induct-
ive. Open-ended questions allowed participants to
reflect on their personal experiences, and ensured
emerging themes were derived from participants’
reflections. This allowed for age and context appro-
priate questioning to be facilitated by the researcher
during the interviews. An example question
posed to parents was: How would you describe your
child/adolescent’s reading difficulties?, and for children
was: Tell me about your reading difficulties, when did
you first notice you were having trouble? With consent,
interviews were digitally audio-recorded and tran-
scribed verbatim. Interviews with children were
completed within 45 min and parents 45–60 min.
Data analysis
Thematic analysis was used to identify patterns
across the transcripts and explore the lived experi-
ences of the participants. The phases and processes
of thematic analysis, outlined by Braun and Clarke
(2006), guided the analysis. The researcher who
facilitated the interview was responsible for tran-
scription. This also served to assist the researcher in
data familiarisation; the first step in Braun and
Clarke’s (2006) approach to conducting a thematic
analysis. As thematic analysis focuses on what is
said, as opposed to how it is said, the transcript was

according to play script transcription (Forrester,
2010; a script-like transcription void of utterance
and speech notions). This step also involves reading
and re-reading all transcripts.
The second step of thematic analysis entails
coding transcripts according to descriptive codes
(summary coding of what participants uttered),
followed by the third step of identifying analytical
codes (more in-depth coding pertaining to the
nuances of participants’ comments); the phase
which marks the beginning of theme identification.
After the initial coding and preliminary identifica-
tion of themes, a review process occurs (the fourth
step), which entails re-reading transcripts to ensure
the interpretation of the overall nature of the lived
experiences was captured, and includes identifying
transcript extracts to illustrate and justify prospective
themes. Reviewing themes and sub-themes against
the data set for consistency and integrity, allows for
themes combined or discarded. Once themes were
refined, the fifth step is to name and define theme
and themes, and confirm the relevant extracts are
appropriate justification and illustration of the
theme. While this process is presented in step
form, it is important to note the process is usually
highly iterative, intensive and reflective. The same
process of analysis was conducted for both the child
and the parent data. While each data set was coded
and analysed separately, the themes have been
interpreted and presented collectively in this paper.
Quality
To maximise the credibility of the findings, reflexive
journals were used. Reflexive journaling supports the
integrity of the data through critical reflection of the
position of the researcher and explicitly states the
researcher’s contribution to the interpretive process
by documenting their personal experiences and
beliefs that may influence analysis and interpretation
of data (Liamputtong, 2013). A sample of coded
interview transcripts were exchanged within the
research team; the peer researcher then coded the
transcripts (to appraise coding consistency) and
discussed the meaning of themes (to appraise con-
sistency in the interpretation of codes), and made
any modifications at this stage of the data analysis.
This assisted in ensuring credibility in the thematic
analysis. An interview protocol was also adopted;
this detailed the interview process and preamble text
to be stated to participants. For example, the
protocol detailed the process of ensuring informed
consent, the semi-structured interview guide, final
messaging to the participant at completion of the
interview, through to post-interview practices (e.g.
journaling and transcription). Adopting protocols
assists in maintaining consistency in the procedure.
The multiple data sets (of children and parents)
enabled data triangulation.
Living with dyslexia 5
Result
The thematic analysis garnered rich findings regard-
ing how children with dyslexia and parents of
children with dyslexia describe their lived experi-
ences. The themes of each analysis are presented
according to each of the layers of Bronfenbrenner’s
(1979) ecological model. Presenting themes accord-
ing to the layers of the model allows not only for the
recognition of themes per sample, but also for
ecological comparisons to be made between sample
groups.
Microsystem
At the microsystemic level, the themes ‘‘pre- and
post-dyslexia diagnosis’’ and ‘‘impact on mental
health’’ emerged for the children; for parents a
single theme ‘‘my child’s mental health’’ emerged.
Child’s experience. Pre- and post-dyslexia
diagnosis. In this theme, children’s feelings pre-
and post-dyslexia diagnosis and reactions to diagno-
sis are described. Prior to a diagnosis of dyslexia,
children consistently reported negative self-percep-
tions centring on lack of academic skills and frequent
comparison to their peers. Participants considered
themselves as ‘‘lazy’’, ‘‘dumb’’ and ‘‘different’’ to
their peers as they were unable to grasp topics as
quickly and were unable to ‘‘figure anything out’’.
One participant described his feelings towards his
academic performance: ‘‘So the other kids, they
would get maybe something pretty easily one or two
lessons when it would take me about the whole topic
to get it’’.
Feelings of frustration are shared by other par-
ticipants who were able to answer verbal questions
but unable to read written questions, and were
overwhelmed by homework tasks. These difficulties
and frustrations demonstrate the negative experi-
ences participants reported before their dyslexia
diagnosis and prior to developing an understanding
as to why they were experiencing these difficulties
and feelings.
Following a diagnosis of dyslexia, participants
reported mixed reactions. Some participants
reflected feelings of relief, ‘‘I realised I wasn’t
actually dumb’’, and were positive about the under-
standing and support they would now receive, ‘‘I just
thought that it was actually a good thing ‘cause now
people know I have it. . .I might need a little more
time’’. Although most participants’ experiences
improved post-diagnosis, the realisation that dyslexia
may be a lifelong difficulty, as reflected by one
participant, ‘‘I was also upset that its um I’m gonna
be stuck with it forever’’, and feelings of being
different still emerged, ‘‘It was a bad thing because
like I was being treated differently to everyone else,
didn’t want to stick out too much’’. These negative
post-diagnosis experiences reflect the desire for
children to want to ‘‘fit in’’ and comparisons
6 S. Leitão et al.
pre- and post-diagnosis illustrate how the individ-
uals’ opinion of themselves can change.
For the majority of participants however, there
was a level of acceptance and acknowledgement
surrounding their diagnosis. Comments, including
‘‘ok I’ve got dyslexia, just means I’m gonna have to
try harder’’, and ‘‘um well just knowing that I’m
dyslexic, so now we can actually help a lot more’’,
indicate an acceptance and determination to
improve their situation. Such participants also
appeared to acknowledge dyslexia will have an
impact on their learning, but through perseverance
they are able to see improvements, for example
stating, ‘‘I can start helping myself, which I have
been starting to do, I’ve asked for tutors and I’ve
been asking for help in class’’. The positive attitude
and determination displayed by participants, in
addition to finding alternative ways of learning, has
contributed to growth in skills, evidenced by one
participants comment, ‘‘even though I have dyslexia,
I can still get a B in English, but I just have to work a
bit harder than everybody else, but I can still get it’’.
Impact on mental health. This theme includes behav-
iours and mental health concerns children experi-
enced. Internalising behaviours were more
commonly reported than externalising behaviours,
with only a few participants reporting instances of
anger, emotional outbursts, or disruptive behaviour.
Internalising behaviours expressed included feelings
of sadness, frustration, disappointment, annoyance
and stress, with the majority of these feelings
occurring within the school environment, when
comparing themselves to peers and reflecting on
their inability to perform academic tasks. Feelings of
frustration surfaced when ‘‘homework gets too
much’’, and they were unable to ‘‘figure things
out’’. Sadness and annoyance were expressed as a
result of other’s actions towards them. For example,
participants reported feeling sad when they were
bullied or ranked by teachers with the ‘‘really
annoying (kids) in the back of the class who sat
and played games and not learn’’. Annoyance and
sadness also occurred when participants realised
they were unable to perform tasks their peers could,
including writing letters and not being able to
remember information they may need in their
future.
Externalising behaviours, though reported less,
illustrate how internalising behaviours, when experi-
enced often, may lead to externalisation. For
example, participants who reported anger related it
to a build-up of frustration or an inability to cope
with their situation, ‘‘I was just angry all the time. . .I
couldn’t really cope with school at the time. . .little
things kind of tipped me over the edge’’. This quote
illustrates how difficulty understanding their experi-
ences and coping with their emotions, may have
impacted their mental health.
In addition to the negative emotions and behav-
iours reported by participants, many also reported
feelings of happiness and pride, centring on aca-
demic achievement and self-accomplishment.
Participants were proud of themselves when they
were able to spell difficult words and achieve grades
comparable to their peers who do not have dyslexia.
As one participant reported, ‘‘I learnt to read,
I learnt to spell, I learnt to catch up with kids in
my class’’, and be awarded merit certificates,
reflected by another participant, ‘‘I got smarter and
then I won like lots of awards for best student and
most improved. . . I felt really happy, like I could do
anything’’.
The responses from participants reflect the
thoughts and behaviours that may contribute to
feelings of self-doubt and lack of confidence, or
lower self-esteem and depression, while also illus-
trating the capacity for such negative feelings and
cognitions to be challenged with support, encour-
agement, and self-belief.
Parents experience. My child’s mental health. Parents
identified both challenges and opportunities in
supporting their child’s mental health. Specifically,
parents identified behavioural and emotional pat-
terns in their child such as a lack of confidence,
experiences of bullying, an unwillingness to try new
things, an established pattern of failure and an
inability to find an area of personal strength. For
example, one participant expressed their concerns
for their son, stating:
I am concerned about his mental health, now. . .
Because. . .he really applies himself and. . . I worry,
because I don’t know how much steam he’s got left,
because everywhere he looks, he fails. (I)t’s a learned
behaviour now, he just expects to fail.
This child’s continual extensive effort was
rewarded with low grades. Another parent explained
the impact of lack of success to their child’s esteem
and willingness to try new things.
(I)t took so long to get reading happening, she was
really aware from a young age that she was way behind
her peers. . .(I)t’s given her really low self-esteem. She’s
not confident, she really lacks confidence. (I)t’s really
hard to get her to try new things, if she doesn’t know
that she can do them.
Another parent reflected on their child’s effort to
find something she was good at.
The biggest challenge. . . she was severely depressed at
that point. Like, she would cry every night, she would
lack confidence in anything that she did. (H)er whole
world centred around trying to find something that she
was good at. . . So she’d put a lot of focus and effort on
that and when she couldn’t find something that made it
even worse.

Parents also identified a number of mechanisms
of strengthening their children’s mental health,
including the positive explanatory power of diagno-
sis for building self-worth, and identification and use
of children’s areas of strength. For example, for
some parents, identification of the dyslexia was a
mechanism to support the child’s self-esteem:
(H)aving that assessment which showed that he’s
intelligent, as well as having dyslexia and dys-
graphia. . .proving on paper that he’s intelligent went a
long way in getting him to accept the fact that he wasn’t
the dumbest kid, and that he has a learning difficulty,
which he’ll have to work with, but he’s as intelligent as
anyone else.
At times, parents used the diagnosis to help
contradict their child’s self-view of being ‘‘dumb’’
and instead build a more positive self-image of a
person as intelligent as their peers.
Mesosystem
At the mesosystem, children described the role of
their school environment in shaping their experience
of dyslexia and role of support networks. Parents
similarly identified the school environment and
support networks, but made explicit the character-
istics of people in their child’s environment per-
ceived to act as barriers or facilitators to their child’s
overall wellbeing.
Child’s experience. Influence of the school
environment. As children participating were of
school age, interactions within the school environ-
ment entailed engagement with educators and peers.
Participants reflected on how the attitudes and
personality of staff shaped their experience of living
with dyslexia. Positive experiences with educators
are captured within the following statements, ‘‘my
teachers have been really supportive’’, ‘‘since she’s
known that I have dyslexia, she’s let me do things a
bit differently, which helps me a bit and it’s become
more easier and I’ve learnt more’’ and ‘‘they knew I
had it in me. . .they told me that so I just went for it’’.
Here, it appears that participants, who had positive
experiences with educators, did so because the staff
had knowledge and understanding of dyslexia, were
encouraging, and had positive personality traits and
flexible teaching styles.
Comparatively, a lack of knowledge or belief
about dyslexia, and an inability to provide adequate
support were common amongst the participants who
reported negative experiences with educators. This
is captured in one participant’s reflection of school.
I would have been much happier if all my teachers from
my first school weren’t so mean and discouraging, and
then I got a bad teacher. . . more of a mean
teacher. . .she started to highlight how I kept failing
everything. . . teachers always being mean to me, they
Living with dyslexia 7
didn’t believe in dyslexia, so they sort of treated me
more hard.
Similar experiences were described by other
participants whose teachers did not have the know-
ledge or understanding to assist them, explaining
that teachers were ‘‘not understanding, and expect-
ing me to do the work when everyone else could and
at the same speed’’ while another recounted, ‘‘they
seem to kind of keep it in mind, but they don’t seem
to change too much’’ indicating that although
teachers were aware of his dyslexia, little was done
to support his development.
As with educators, interactions with peers can be
positive and negative, and significantly influence
participants’ lived experience. Participants who dis-
cussed interactions with peers reported mainly
positive and encouraging interactions, for example,
‘‘Some kids that I sit next to, just help me out a lot,
like when I’m spelling something, they won’t go like
‘oh you should know how to spell that or something’
they will always just spell it’’.
Non-judgmental assistance provides an environ-
ment where participants felt comfortable about their
dyslexia and in seeking assistance. Another partici-
pant suggested that the stigma surrounding the
diagnosis is diminishing, reflecting, ‘‘I don’t think
anyone really cares if you’ve got dyslexia or not,
cause every second person seems to have it these
days’’. This statement suggests an increasing
acceptance and normalisation of dyslexia in the
community.
Three of the child participants described episodes
of bullying. Bullying experiences were associated
with their diagnosis and impacted their self-esteem.
Bullying had a profound impact on one participant
who described the experience, as ‘‘. . . the hardest
part of my life I reckon so far . . . so he was bullying
me at the time when I was finding out I was dyslexic
or not’’. This participant describes how he was able
to use his experience to support others being bullied,
‘‘cause when people have been bullied and they feel
like they’re really stupid and stuff I’ve been there so
I can talk to them’’.
Support networks. The support networks theme
details the significant people who have helped
shape participants’ experiences and supported
them emotionally and academically and extended
beyond the immediate education context. Support
networks emerged from both the home and school
environment, and consist of parents, tutors and
friends.
All children attributed academic or emotional
growth to support provided by their parents,
including help with homework, motivation, encour-
agement and self-belief, as well as seeking a diagno-
sis and in funding treatment. The emotional care
was captured in statements such as ‘‘she [Mum]
supports me in whatever ways she can’’, and
8 S. Leitão et al.
‘‘knowing that um they just believed that I could do
it’’.
Parents were reported to display protective
qualities by shielding their children from negative
attitudes and inability to provide adequate support
from educators. For example, parents transferred
their children to schools that had dyslexia specific
programmes or were better equipped to provide
support classes and additional staff.
Experiences with tutors were mixed, though the
majority reported positive experiences. Participants
with positive outcomes on academic performance
described their tutors as caring and encouraging,
able to make learning fun and understood their
difficulties. One participant commented, ‘‘with my
tutor, it’s helped a lot and I’ve learnt all these ways to
solve problems and now I’m actually quite good’’,
while other participants described their tutors as,
‘‘nice and she understands me’’, ‘‘they are encoura-
ging’’, and ‘‘she came out as friendly, so you felt safe
around her’’, suggesting that in addition to the
academic guidance, participants also felt safe and
comfortable. The few participants who had negative
experiences with tutors reported unsuccessful
tutoring styles and unhelpful learning strategies.
One participant was unable to connect with their
tutors’ way of teaching, ‘‘I’ve had a lot of tutors
but they don’t always help much, like they help but
just their kind of way of teaching is a bit harder
for me’’.
In addition to the support children received at
school from their peers, friendships established in
the home environment also played an important role
in improving children’s experiences and mental
health. Common characteristics emerged when par-
ticipants described their friends: ‘‘caring’’, ‘‘willing
to help’’, ‘‘nice’’, ‘‘understanding’’ and ‘‘helpful’’
and ‘‘encourage me’’. Many participants also noted
how their friends treated them ‘‘normally’’ and have
no problem with their diagnosis or difficulties. The
support found in these friendships also contributes
to positive mental health outcomes, as participants
report feeling ‘‘happier’’ around friends, and leading
to positive academic outcomes, with one participant
stating, ‘‘[the] happier I am the better I am getting’’.
Parent’s experience. People as ‘‘inhibitors’’ or
‘‘facilitators’’. Parents identified the characteristics
in people who served as barriers and facilitators to
their child’s development. Inhibiting characteristics
included not working with the child, and rejecting
the diagnosis, for example, ‘‘(H)is teacher . . . is not
interested in helping children with any problems’’.
He said to us, ‘‘Oh, there’s always a place in the
world for someone like G., he’ll be fine’’. Pretty
much saying, ‘‘I’m not going to do anything with
him’’. It was apparent that a lack of interest in the
child, combined with low expectations of the child,
resulted in a failure to provide the support required.
Another parent discussed difficulty with teachers
accepting the diagnosis, stating
Their Special Ed teacher. . . refuted the diagnosis from
the child psych. . . she refuted the diagnosis of the XX,
basically just said, ‘No, look, this is – I don’t agree with
this. He’s not dyslexic.’ He was actually sent out of
Special Ed, back into the classroom.
Such refusals to accept the diagnosis were
perceived by parents as preventing their child the
opportunity to access support services and at times
rejection of their child.
In other instances, parents identified the charac-
teristics of individuals who provided their child with
support. Parents identified facilitating individuals as
those who communicated clearly with parents,
exhibited patience with their child and provided
support to their child. One parent described an
assistant principal: ‘‘He was very supportive. (H)e
assisted in negotiating and he pretty much advocated
on our behalf. . .That was exactly what we needed
and, as a result, was a success story. . .(W)e always
said thank you to him. . .’’
The assistant principal facilitated the child’s
access to education support, resulting in ‘‘a success
story’’.
Provision of support in the school setting. Many parents
also reflected on the extra support available to their
children, particularly through tutoring (privately and
at school) and professionals such as speech patholo-
gists. Parents identified issues of access, standing out
from peers, and costs to time and money as
challenges surrounding extra support. This parent
describes the cost of tutoring to both time and
money: ‘‘It was very intensive, like, one to one
tutoring, so it’s expensive, very time-consuming’’.
Another parent described her daughter’s experi-
ences of going to tutoring during school hours,
stating, ‘‘She was missing subjects that she loved and
she felt. . .that everyone was noticing that she was
getting taken out and it was a bit more of a
spectacle’’. The tutoring prevented classroom
engagement and made this child feel different.
Despite such impacts, parents also identified a
variety of successes resulting from extra support,
including improved literacy and confidence, and
benefits from informal counselling. For example,
one parent reflected; ‘‘So, as much as it’s been great
from an educational point of view, it’s been brilliant
too for [child’s name]. Just having someone to chat
to that understands.’’ Improvements to literacy
standards were also noted:
She’s been going to tutoring, a [XX] tutor, for the last
two and a half years. (W)hen she first went there she
was assessed as being like a, um, reading and writing
level of an eight year old. And now she’s at the class
level. . .. She’s, fifteen. So she’s really jumped ahead a
lot with that.

The school environment. Parents identified the school
environment as often being a challenging setting
whereby the school failed to meet the needs of their
child. Participants reflected that this resulted from
lack of flexibility in teaching approach, lack of
support and variability of teaching staff, for example,
a participant stated, ‘‘Obviously being dyslexic you
learn differently, and yet school only has one way
that teaches everybody’’. Variability of teaching
performance was also mentioned: ‘‘But when he’s
got, um, just a regular teacher that just doesn’t get it,
everything just falls apart, you know? So he’s lucky
he’s had a couple of good teachers’’. This parent
contrasts ‘‘regular’’ teachers with ‘‘good’’ teachers,
and is grateful for the ‘‘luck’’ that the child has had a
couple of good teachers.
Comparatively, parents identified successes at
school as facilitated by a child-centred focus, accept-
ance of diagnosis, and support tailored to the child.
For example, ‘‘(R)eally took the notion of independ-
ent learning, or child-focussed learning to that –
almost to that extreme level. . . (T)hese kids were not
just numbers. . .’’. This parent links success at school
with focussing on the child as an individual with
individual needs. Schools were identified as facil-
itating success when the school was proactive in
meeting the needs of the child. Another participant
stated,
(T)hey were very clear that once she’d been seen by
[clinical service] that if she was diagnosed although
they didn’t have extra funding, they would do their best
to implement whatever recommendations that were
given to the best of their abilities with the, sort of,
within the restrictions that they would have within the
school, sort of thing. But yeah, they were just, basically,
trying to do as much as they could, and they did. They
were fantastic.
This quote outlines what the parent valued
from the school, including an attitude to try to
do whatever it takes to support their child, and
an openness to a diagnosis of dyslexia. Successes
at school occurred when the school put the
child’s interests first and took on
recommendations.
Exosystem
At the exosystem level of analysis, there is a
noticeable absence of themes emergent in the stories
of the children who participated. The absence of
themes pertinent to this level can only be speculated,
but is likely a reflection of the way children view their
world. Specifically, perhaps children’s reflections of
their experience are bound by their immediate
intrapersonal experience (as illustrated at the micro-
system level), and their most immediate and per-
sonal relationships that occur in interpersonal
settings (as illustrated at the mesosystem level).
Parents however, perhaps convey a deeper level
Living with dyslexia 9
understanding of the systemic nature of their child’s
social context and have the experiential knowledge
to be able to comment on broader governance and
political structures that can shape factors that are
not a part of their child’s immediate experience. At
this level, the themes parents raised explicitly related
to teacher training and influences of governance
systems.
Parent’s experience. Lack of teacher training. Parents
raised challenges beyond school that impacted the
child in particular the lack of teacher training or
awareness, for example, ‘‘I think it’s just because it’s
all too hard. They’re not trained in the area and it’s
had such a flow-on effect. (B)ecause a lot of the time
his teachers will say to me, ‘I don’t know, I don’t
know how to teach him’’’. Another parent explains
broader concerns, claiming teachers are not taught
how to teach reading:
(T)here seems to be a real short-fall in the amount of
phonics that teachers are taught at uni(versity) before
they graduate. (T)hey don’t seem to understand really
the nitty-gritty of reading, how to teach someone to
read. And I guess a lot of it, probably, most kids will
learn, experientially and they’ll grasp it quickly. . .the
third of the class that really struggle and that actually
need explicit teaching, I think teachers really need to
know how to tackle those kids and how to give –
support them.
These examples illustrate parents’ concerns that
teachers do not have fundamental teaching skills, or
the ability to cater for diverse learning needs in the
classroom.
Lack of government recognition. Parents also raised
concerns regarding the government’s lack of recog-
nition of dyslexia. Parents argued an association
between teacher training and insufficient govern-
mental financial support. For example,
The government needs to provide teachers with
training on kids with dyslexia and learning difficulties
and the government needs to perhaps provide. . .,
I think it has to be recognised as a disability before
they provide funding to families to help with tutoring.
Another parent outlines the difficulty of accessing
funding to support her child:
(I)ronically, you don’t get extra funding for a diagnosis
of dyslexia but hey, you get it for depression and
anxiety. So you’ve got to get so bad that you do end up
with significant mental health problems before you can
actually get extra funding, well the school can get extra
funding.
Parents’ experiences at the exosystem illustrate a
systemic understanding of the broader cultural
context their child is embedded. It also illustrates
the additional considerations parents of children
with dyslexia may face. Parents appear to contend
10 S. Leitão et al.
with challenges regarding the provision of funda-
mental education outcomes; this is made more
complex with parents’ recognition of the systemic
issues that present as barriers to provisions of quality
education (such as funding). These sorts of issues,
although felt by children and captured in other layers
of the analysis, are not however conceptualised by
children as being a systemic issue, rather, they are
something that they contend with on a day to day
basis.
Macrosystem
Analysis at the macrosystem level presented complex
meta-narratives about the lived experience of dys-
lexia within Australian culture. For the children who
participated, their stories reflected their navigation
of being perceived and feeling ‘‘different’’ within a
broader cultural context that values and privileges
perceived ability and shames perceived inability. For
parents, their stories reflected the tension associated
with parenting a child that is constructed as being
‘‘different’’ and a ‘‘problem’’; parents who partici-
pated reflected on their role as being more than a
‘typical parent’ and having to adopt roles such as
tutor, fighter, counsellor and advocate for their
child.
Child’s experience. Dealing with being
‘‘different’’. Children mentioned their experiences
with feeling different after a diagnosis, with one
participant reporting:
in a way it was a good thing because like, I don’t know
I just, it made me feel better, cause like I was different
but I was being treated nicely still, um but in the same
way it was a bad thing because like I was being treated
differently to everyone else, didn’t want to stick out too
much.
This desire to fit in was highlighted by many
participants, as was the impact of both being and
feeling different, ‘‘cause like I feel special, cause I’m
equal er um, you know, different to everyone else but
in a bad way cause like struggle, like I have more
stress. . ..’’ Participants identified themselves as dif-
ferent and reported ‘‘wanting to be like with every-
one else’’ and the frustration they often felt in the
classroom.
Parent’s experience. Establishing a level playing field for
their child. The metanarrative that emerged from
participants’ interviews similarly appeared to reflect
their dealings of the experience of being ‘‘different’’;
serving as an extension of their child’s immediate
experience. Specifically, it appeared that parents
identified themselves as being a ‘‘different’’ sort of
parent, whose role extended beyond the traditional
roles of parenting. At times there was a sense
that parents just wanted to be a parent, but
found themselves performing additional roles of
tutor, advocate, fighter and counsellor for their
child.
Parents commonly reflected on the necessity to
engage additional support services outside of school
hours to ensure their child was meeting basic social
and educational milestones. To access such services
was identified as a complex and often uncertain
process, a participant reflected
. . .my experience is that it’s been a very disjointed, um,
provision of services and connection, and everyone’s
brilliant in their own way, but that lack of cohesive
connection and this is what you do with a child who’s
got dyslexia or learning difficulties, there’s no one-stop
shop that can support the parents. If the parents are
supported, then the child does not have to be like a
guinea pig. Because it got to the point where [child’s
name] was just exhausted from interventions.
Furthermore, engaging with additional support
services and systems was recognised by one partici-
pant as something that could be shaped by a family’s
level of privilege.
. . .you know, we’re in a fortunate position where we
can, you know, afford to give him all the support he,
you know, needs. But, you know, there must be
hundreds of parents out there who can’t afford it.
And it must be, it’s just terrible, because it’s not, there’s
no financial support for them.
Homework presented as a particular challenge for
parents, where the level of support required was
beyond that expected, for example,
. . . the teachers will say, ‘It’s only 15 minutes of
homework a night’. Well, I get home from work and
then it’s an hour and a half sometimes, to do 15 min-
utes of homework. And then there’s for no benefit,
because he doesn’t really remember any of it.
The role of a parent of a child with dyslexia is
multifaceted, but appears driven by the necessity of
ensuring the fundamental education and social
needs of their children are met. Parents’ experiences
illustrated their endeavours at creating a context
where their child has the best chance; their efforts
were not geared towards their children excelling
academically or socially, but rather to establish a
level playing field. Fundamentally, parents per-
formed the role where they endeavoured to provide
support for their child so that they were ‘less
different’. A parent reflected on the different way
their child was treated at school. ‘‘Um, it got so bad
it got to the point that I had a formal meeting and
said that I would formally write it, um, if the
principal didn’t do something about it, because the
comment of, ‘Oh it doesn’t, don’t, you know – you
really don’t need to worry too much about [child’s
name]’, that was a comment to my husband, um,
when he said, ‘Look, he’s struggling with this’. And
he said, ‘Oh well, he’ll always struggle, you know,

there’s always a place in the world for someone like
[child’s name]. Don’t worry about it’’’. Parents
identified social implications associated with being
labelled and treated as different within the school
environment, one parent reflected
I felt that he was excluded by some parents because he
was labelled as this naughty child. Um, and because I
was constantly at the school, sort of, you know, railing.
I mean, you know, it got to the point where your
capacity, uh, constructive dialogue is sort of just, is
exhausted.
The majority of parents argued that exclusion,
labelling and being viewed as different contributed
to their child’s unwillingness to engage in activities
and with others, for example, ‘‘She’s not confident,
she really lacks confidence. She’s really – it’s really
hard to get her to try new things, if she doesn’t know
that she can do them well, really hard.’’
Discussion
A number of themes emerged from our analysis of
the interviews with children with dyslexia and their
parents. In keeping with the issues identified in the
literature, the perspectives of our participants
identified the impact of dyslexia at the individual,
family and community level (Haft et al., 2016).
Children’s accounts of their experiences of dyslexia
were ecologically situated at both the micro and
mesosystems, while parent’s accounts extended to
include the exosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). We
can speculate that this difference in experience is
perhaps a consequence of the participants’ age and
their experiential knowledge and understanding of
social contexts and systems. Both groups also
reflected on ‘‘difference’’, a theme related to cultural
and attitudinal views at the level of the macrosystem.
This discussion is structured according to eco-
logical level; specifically we consider the findings
from micro and meso levels of analysis and report on
implications, followed by the outer levels (exo and
macro). This reflects patterns in how participants
shared their lived experience; the inner layers of
Bronfenbrenner’s model were more personal. The
issues situated at the outer levels are arguably more
complex in that they reflect broader societal and
cultural factors that appear to create at times
amorphous and overwhelming challenges for par-
ticipants. These are challenges that are somewhat
out of participants’ control, but greatly shape their
lived experience.
Mental health impacts at the level of the micro-
system were evident in the stories of both children
and parents, with children’s experiences in particular
conveying a difference in their experiences pre- and
post-diagnosis. For some participants, the diagnosis
was affirming, serving as an explanation of their
difficulties; for others, the diagnosis was burden-
some, as it was perceived as a lifelong issue. In both
Living with dyslexia 11
instances, the diagnosis served as something that
made them different from their peers. This aware-
ness of the impact of the diagnosis was also noted by
Riddick (2010) who reflected on the important
distinction between the private and public aspects
and hence, the impact of the label.
In keeping with the findings of Terras et al. (2009)
and Haft et al. (2016) parents and children reflected
on the important influence of peers and educators,
and how attitudes of others shape their lived experi-
ence. Like the mothers in Riddick’s (2010) study,
parents were concerned about their children’s
mental health, positive results beyond improved
literacy were reported following tuition, and the
variability of teachers was noted. The protective
nature of high-quality relationships with peers,
parents and teachers has recently been shown to
contribute to lowering both internalising and exter-
nalising issues in adolescents with learning and
reading difficulties (Al-Yagon, 2016).
Internalising behaviours and emotions were
reported by the children more frequently than
externalising, with the majority occurring in educa-
tional contexts. Both children and parents reflected
on the influence of educators and the school
environment (at the micro- and mesosystem
levels), conveying factors that were both enabling
and disabling to the children’s lived experience.
Parents, but not children, also identified broader
socio-cultural barriers to their child’s learning
experience, with particular critique of the perceived
failings in teacher training and criticisms of the
Government failing to acknowledge dyslexia as a
condition requiring financial and social assistance.
These exosystem level factors contributed to the
context in which parents and children dealt with the
diagnosis of dyslexia.
At a broader level, participant accounts appear to
reflect the negative experience of being perceived as
different, specifically the dominant narrative appears
to be one that privileges perceived ability and shames
difference. This sense of difference was represented
in the participants’ experiences of educational
settings in particular and in the responses of educa-
tors to their diagnosis, as reported by Eissa (2010)
who also interviewed participants.
The findings of this qualitative study, that chil-
dren with dyslexia and their parents discussed their
lived experiences of mental health issues (in par-
ticular internalising behaviours), are consistent with
those reported in the research which generally drew
on parent/teacher reports. Interestingly, many
themes raised in this study contained both positive
and negative experiences, with implications for
consideration of risk and protective factors. This
appears to reflect a highly contextual experience of
living with, and parenting a child with dyslexia. It is
clear challenges and successes occur at both the
micro and mesosystems, and are typically mirrors of
each other. That is, findings suggest people and
12 S. Leitão et al.

schools not focussed on the child are barriers, bias the results, as the challenges and successes
whereas child-centred people and schools facilitate presented here may not represent the broader lived
success. Similarly, while extra support improves experiences of parents of children with dyslexia in
literacy outcomes, this can come at a cost to time, the wider community. Future research should con-
money and negative attention from peers. sider involving young people who have and have not
While early diagnosis has been associated with received a diagnosis of dyslexia, and who are yet to
increased coping ability and confidence, time from receive support. The findings from this study will be
diagnosis did not emerge as a clear theme in these used to inform quantitative studies investigating the
open-ended interviews. This suggests the need to significance of the individual factors identified here
further explore the relationship between mental for a larger group of people. Such research is the
health outcomes and the pathway to diagnosis. necessary next step to inform direction of services
Future research will build on these preliminary and funds.
findings and collect more detailed participant pro-
files to explore such questions. Further, we need to
understand factors that may influence the emer- Conclusion
gence of participants’ self-esteem (Burden, 2008).
This study provides information that could be used
The findings of research regarding the relationship
to inform and educate families, clinicians and
between reading difficulties and self-esteem are
teachers about the impact of living with dyslexia.
mixed (Terras et al., 2009). In the data reported
Identifying these challenges is the first step to
here, protective factors emerged in participants’
removing them. Some challenges can be addressed
identification of family and peer support, and in
at the individual level, working directly with the
particular the influence of the school environment.
child and their parents. Others can be addressed at
Children and parents identified the positive influ-
the school level, such as providing more information
ence of educators who both understood and believed
and support to teachers so that they can better
in dyslexia, in contrast to those who did not. The
support the children with dyslexia in their class.
next stages of the programme of research thus
Support from peers and education staff may have
involve a longitudinal study and exploring the lived
positive outcomes and reduce negative self-percep-
experiences of educators who work with children
tions and mental health difficulties, highlighting the
with dyslexia.
importance that those within the school environ-
The literature investigating risk and protective
ment are educated about dyslexia, its individual
factors in children and young people with dyslexia
nature, and how they can support and assist children
has mainly focussed on factors at the microsystem
with dyslexia. There is the need for schools to
level, such as attitudes of parents, peers and
become dyslexia friendly, including more teacher
teachers. Whilst these themes emerged in both sets
aides, dyslexia specific support classes aimed at
of data, parents in particular also focussed on
individual difficulties of group members, education
broader factors at the exo- and macrolevels, raising
of staff on dyslexia, and encouragement in areas
challenges at the school system and beyond. These
such as social activities, sport or free choice classes
broader themes, however, were not mirrored suc-
where children can be given the opportunity to feel
cesses and challenges, and were generally presented
successful at school.
as negatives. This research has thus highlighted the
However, while supportive classrooms, aware
imperative to recognise the impact of Government
teachers, and proactive schools will benefit the
policy and teacher training spheres beyond the
children and their families, there is a still greater
child’s setting, which powerfully influence their day
challenge at the broader societal level of government
to day experiences and were identified by parents as
recognition and cultural values regarding ability and
challenges. The sobering implication is that while
perceptions of difference. Without government rec-
some children experience success at the micro and
ognition, schools must try to support these children
mesosystems, all children with dyslexia will be
without extra funding. Without government recog-
impacted by the challenges identified at the exosys-
nition, parents continue to struggle to pay for the
tem, such as variability of teachers and financial
extra tutoring required. Additionally without critical
struggles to meet tuition fees. These challenges
conversation and recognition about children’s per-
cannot be resolved by excellent levels of support and
ceptions of themselves as a young person with
child-centred intervention from individual teachers
dyslexia and parent’s perceptions of parenting a
and schools. Once the child changes class or school,
child with dyslexia, interventions have the propensity
the challenges may again be present.
to lack critical context and are perhaps incomplete.
Education and health professionals working with
Limitations and further research
these families, as well as support organisations, need
This was an explorative qualitative study. The data to therefore advocate for greater recognition of
were taken from a self-selected sample of partici- dyslexia and funding for assistance at the govern-
pants who are linked to an organisation. This may ment level. Society and community have a

responsibility to understand the implications of what
it means to feel ‘‘different’’ as a child or a parent.
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by the Western Australian
Health Promotion Foundation (Healthway), through
research grant (24342) and a Summer Scholarship
from the School of Psychology and Speech Pathology,
Curtin University.
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Appendix
Dyslexia diagnostic criteria used by Dyslexia SPELD Foundation Western Australia (DSMV).
1. Average or above IQ
2. Minimum of two reading or spelling scores below the 25th percentile
3. One or more areas of phonological processing falling below 1 SD
4. Identified lack of response to intervention targeted at areas of weakness for a minimum six months targeted intervention period
5. At least one measure of reading skills, measured by timed and untimed single word reading tests, timed nonword reading tests, accuracy
and rate on reading comprehension and passage reading, to fall below 1SD
Living with dyslexia 13
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