Professional Documents
Culture Documents
http://journals.cambridge.org/ATM
Abstract
Excavation at the Late Postclassic (A.D. 1300-1520) site of Tehuacan Viejo, Puebla, Mexico revealed a room with a
codex-style mural. The mural is divided into two zones. The lower zone is composed of white stucco and decorated with
red circles. The upper zone is composed of mud plaster and decorated with seven and one-half shields behind which occur
crossed lances and banners. Holes in the wall above the painted shields once held wooden pegs for hanging actual shields.
The door jambs and circular columns of the eastern doorway are painted with horizontal bands representing the layers
of heaven. Streamers hang from these bands. Included in the decoration on these streamers are stylized stars and blue
butterflies. These may represent the souls of dead warriors. Symbolically, the room is the heavenly abode of these
warriors. The most likely function of the room was as an armory.
During the spring of 1991, the University of Mississippi began 54, 56) and to Chocho elites of the Coixtlahuaca Valley (Nich-
an archaeological investigation of the Late Postclassic (A.D. olas Johnson, personal communication 1992). In the third quar-
1200-1521) and Early Colonial (A.D. 1521-1570) sites of Tehua- ter of the fifteenth century, the cacicazgos were conquered by
can Viejo, Puebla, Mexico. One of the objectives of this first the Culhua Mexica armies of Moteuczomah Ilhuicamina and
season was to obtain sealed stratigraphic samples from both began to pay tribute to the Aztec empire (Davies 1968:14-16,
sites in order to refine the ceramic chronology of this crucial pe- 1987:213; Hassig 1988:165, 170, 195, 319, 329-330).
riod; this more sensitive chronology will facilitate subsequent In 1520, the caciques of Teohuacan, Tzapotitlan, and Coz-
archaeological study of the economic and social consequences catlan sent representatives to Tepeyacac (Tepeaca) to pledge loy-
of the Spanish Conquest. In one stratigraphic test pit (Sondeo 5), alty to Cortes (Gerhard 1986:268). In the mid-153Os, Franciscan
a mural was discovered. Depicted on this mural are seven and friars from Huejotzingo established the church and convent of
one-half circular shields behind each of which appear crossed Santa Maria de la Conception at the foot of the mesa occupied
lances and banners. by the Teohuacan cabecera. The church and convent were
moved to the present location of Tehuacan in the 1570s (Kubler
1983:91, 579-580; Martinez del Sobral y Campa 1988:62, 246).
LATE POSTCLASSIC HISTORY Although abandoned by the friars, the general area around the
OF THE TEHUACAN VALLEY former location was probably occupied on a reduced scale to the
The Tehuacan Valley was invaded in the early thirteenth century present (Goggin 1968:50, 55-56, 169, 180, 194-195). The early
by Nonohualca Chichimeca migrants from Tula (Kirchoff et al. Colonial-period site is known locally as Calcahualco or Tehua-
1989:134-138; Velazquez 1975:15). Displacing the original can Viejo; the Late Postclassic site is known as La Mesa or
Popoloca and Mazatec-speaking inhabitants of the valley, these Ciudad del Sol.
Nahuatl-speaking refugees founded a series of small city states,
cacicazgos, which incorporated subject towns in the valley and
DESCRIPTION OF LA MESA
the Sierra de Zongolica to the east. At the time of the Spanish
Conquest, Teohuacan (Tehuacan), Cozcatlan (Coxcatlan), and The Late Postclassic site of Tehuacan Viejo is located approx-
Teotitlan were the cabeceras (capitals) of the three cacicazgos imately 6 km southeast of the main plaza of the modern city of
that controlled the valley and much of the Sierra de Zongolica Tehuacan. The site occupies all of a mesa that is shaped like an
(Figure 1). Some of the subject towns and perhaps the cabeceras inverted "Y." The mesa has a maximum north-to-south dimen-
themselves were multiethnic. From its cabecera of Cutha, the sion of 1.7 km, a maximum east-to-west dimension of .8 km,
Popoloca cacicazgo of Tzapotitlan controlled the Zapotitlan and an estimated area of 100 ha. The mesa rises 60 m above the
side valley to the northwest. adjacent valley floor and would have been easily defended. This
By marriage and descent the elites of these cacicazgos (the probably accounts for the site's location. During the surface sur-
Teohuaque of Teohuacan, the Cozcateca of Cozcatlan, and the vey of the mesa, more than 800 distinct structures were identi-
Teotitlanteca of Teotitlan) were linked to one another, to Mix- fied. These include "temples" atop truncated pyramids grouped
tec elites of the Mixteca Baja (Smith and Parmenter 1991:22, around plazas and "houses" or long narrow structures arranged
33
34 Sisson and Lilly
room is from the east through a wide doorway with two circu-
lar columns. The columns and door jambs are also painted.
The preserved portion of the room is 8.25 m long and 1.64 m
wide (Figure 2). The southern end of the room was destroyed
when the stairwell of the final construction stage was built. Orig-
inally, the room would have been 9.22 m long. The western wall
of the room is preserved to a height of 1.90-2.27 m. A low plat-
form 27 cm high, 1.87 m deep, and 1.64 m wide fills the north-
ern end of the room. There is no comparable platform in the
southern end.
Entrance to the room was through a doorway 5.54 m wide.
Two circular columns divide this opening into three parts. A low
raised bump from jambs to columns and between the columns
served to keep water out of the room. Similar room complexes
LIMITS OF
EXCAVATION
SONDEO 5
elsewhere in the valley (Sisson 1973, 1974) have four rooms ar- shields are black (Shield 1), blue (Shields 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, and 8),
ranged around the sides of a sunken patio. Here too there are and white (Shield 5). The symmetrical arrangement of the
probably rooms preserved on the north and east sides of a pa- shields would suggest that the border of Shield 9 should be
tio to the east of the excavated room. The room on the south black. For reasons discussed below, red is a likely alternative.
side would have been destroyed during the final construction Lances and banners cross diagonally behind each shield. The
stage. banners hang from the lance which leans away from the fifth
The preservation of the room and its mural results from its central shield. A "bull's-eye device" adorns the other lance that
having been filled so as to serve as a platform for the later struc- is inclined toward the central shield. The only exception to this
tures. A wall of uncut stones set in mud mortar and standing pattern is the fifth shield itself. Here, a bundle of horizontal
1.23 m high was built in front of the wall showing the mural. darts, an atlatl, and a hunter's bag replace the crossed lances and
This wall was probably built to reinforce this exterior wall and banners. The designs on the shields and on the banners vary
to make the platform more stable. When the wall was com- from shield to shield. Above each shield is a small circular hole
pleted, the room was filled with old adobes and trash to a depth in the wall.
just above the stone wall. Above this, a loose fill of stones and The lance shafts are elaborately decorated with red and white
numerous potsherds was laid down. Finally, a thin, hard-packed diagonal stripes and ties. Above the "bull's-eye device" the
layer of fine fill was added as a base for the stucco floor of the lances are tipped with paired streamers and an anthropomor-
second construction stage. The destruction of the southern end phic blade. The blade typically has red and white fangs beneath
of the room when the stairwell of the last structure was dug may a yellow lip, a blue "headband," blue eyebrows, an eye of three
indicate that the builders were unaware of the room and mural concentric black circles with the lateral third painted red, and
beneath. red vertical streaks of blood on its cheeks. The lance from which
the banners hang was also tipped with an anthropomorphic
blade. These are only preserved on the lances behind Shields 4
MURAL OF THE CHIMALES (SHIELDS) and 6.
Two distinct horizontal zones divide the walls of the room (Fig-
ures 3 and 4). The lower zone consists of a 75-cm-high stucco
DESCRIPTION OF INDIVIDUAL SHIELDS
wainscot, which continues from the stucco floor up the wall.
Twenty-six red circles averaging 35 cm in diameter are painted
Shield 1
on the wainscot.
The upper zone is composed of an unburnished mud-plas- Remnants of white paint in the lower-right quadrant indicate
ter base applied to the underlying adobe wall. A burnt-sienna that the design in the center of this shield was painted on a white
pigment was painted on this base as a ground color for the mu- ground (Figure 5). The white pigment used to paint the mural
ral. The color of the ground and the unburnished surface give is very powdery and easily detached from the surface. Many of
the upper zone a warm rich texture. Thin carbon-black lines out- the areas of the shields and banners that now appear to have
line the designs with great precision. These outlines were filled only the burnt-sienna ground were probably painted white.
with red, rose, yellow, orange, blue, white, and black; fine black Blowing on the surface was often sufficient to dislodge the white
lines added details. paint.
Seven complete circular shields and half of an eighth are pre- The design on the first shield is the only anthropomorphic
served on this upper zone. The symmetrical arrangement of the figure in the mural. Iconographic clues easily identify the fig-
shields around the fifth or central shield and the reconstructed ure as Xipe Totec, "Our Lord of the Flayed Skin." He is de-
length of the room indicate that there were originally 9 shields picted in profile facing left (south) and is adorned with his
on this back wall. Although the shields vary slightly in diame- distinctive red and white nose piece, ear plugs, and swallow-tail
ter, they appear uniform to the eye. The mean horizontal diam- neck drapes. Copper bells hang from his blue necklace, and on
eter is 57 cm, the mean vertical diameter 54.5 cm. That is, the his head appears a feather device with two white feathers and
shields are slightly flattened vertically. The borders defining the two quetzal feathers attached to a down ball.
This representation of Xipe is quite similar to those in the
Codex Borgia (Nowotny 1976:2, 24-25, 49, and 67). In addition
to the features mentioned above, other shared characteristics in-
clude the recurved eye, the empty open mouth, the flaccid lower
lip, the golden hair below a headband and framing the face, the
golden locks down the back of the head, the two erect golden
forelocks, the layer of down covering the hair, and the form of
the ear. The most striking difference between the Xipe of the
mural and versions in the Codex Borgia is the color of the face.
In the Codex Borgia, the face is yellow with a red vertical line
through the eye. In the mural, the face is red with a black ver-
tical line on the cheek and black paint about the mouth.
Xipe Totec belongs to the Tezcatlipoca complex (Nicholson
1971:398) and is often depicted as the Red Tezcatlipoca. The red
color of his face in the mural emphasizes this aspect of Xipe
Totec. The artist chose to stress his affiliation with Tezcatlipoca
Figure 3. View of room with Manuel Castillo pointing to Shield 3. by painting his face red.
36 Sisson and Lilly
The overlapping, vertical banners associated with this shield to the right. The ends of the two upper streamers are painted
have a rose ground on which there are dark red stripes and dots. on the north wall. By painting these ends on the north wall,
The lower banner has vertical stripes, and the upper one has the artist visually includes the north wall in the composition.
diagonal stripes. Two streamers top each banner and hang down This is one of the techniques that unites the room visually and
leads us to believe that the room should be viewed as a single
composition.
The red and white diagonal stripes on the shafts of the lances
are like those painted on Xipe Totec's rattle staff. The ends of
the ties are scalloped like the tail of a swallow as are the ends
of Xipe Totec's loincloth.
Shield 2
Shield 4
an oval net hunter's bag. The bag is suspended from the shield occur with representations of Huitzilopochtli, and the substitu-
or from something behind the shield by a broad red band 4.5 cm tion of the owl atlatl for Huitzilopochtli's xiuhcoatl atlatl.
wide. This is bordered by 1.3-cm-wide orange bands. The pe- The alternative argument that the association is with the
rimeter of the bag consists of an outer orange band and an in- Camaxtli/Mixcoatl/Tlahuizcalpanteuctli complex is based on
ner red band. The field within the bag is blue. Black details on the presence of the hunter's net bag and the similarity to the
the blue ground indicate the woven nature of tie net bag. Black yaoyotl symbol associated with Tlahuizcalpanteuctli in the the
and white eagle feathers surround the bag. Within the bag is an Codex Borgia (Nowotny 1976:49).
anthropomorphic blade that is poorly preserved with details dif- Although these alternative associations are not necessarily
ficult to discern. Scratch marks on the surface of the mural at mutually exclusive, they do imply quite different histories. The
this point suggest that the defacing of the blade was intentional. first alternative would suggest a much stronger Culhua Mexica
The general context in which this blade occurs suggests that it influence since Huitzilopochtli was their tribal deity.
is a sacrificial blade and that the prey sought by the hunter is
probably a human sacrificial victim.
Shield 6
Seven white paper streamers decorated with small red circles
hang from the bottom of the bag. Each streamer is approxi- The design of this shield is the most geometric of all the shields
mately 35.0 cm long and expands from 3.7 cm at the top to and the most difficult to interpret (Figure 10). The circular field
5.8 cm at the bottom. Although many of the red circles are is divided vertically into two halves. The left half is red, the right
faded, there appear to have been 7 circles per strip, 49 circles half black. Inscribed within the circle and visually superimposed
in all. Smaller red dots surround each circle. The effect is that on the red and black fields is a white diamond. The diamond
of a splattering of red liquid around each drop. That this red is divided vertically into two equal right triangles. Concentric
substance is blood, the blood of the human sacrifice, is a logi- arcs on the white ground radiate from the acute angles of each
cal identification. triangle. The arcs on the left side are black and those on the
The paper streamers violate the boundary between the up- right are red, reversing the color pattern of the background. The
per and lower wall zones. They are painted on both the upper four largest arcs have a scalloped edge. A second set of arcs is
mud plaster and the lower stucco plaster. This scheme unites the arranged along the line bisecting the diamond. The color pat-
two zones both visually and conceptually just as the streamers tern of these arcs matches that of the background, red on the
from the upper banner of Shield 1 united the fields on the west left and black on the right. These smaller arcs are solid on the
and north walls. The large red circles on the lower stucco zone upper half of the triangles' common side. Groups of three dots
are comparable to those on the paper streamers hanging from on the white ground of the diamond are the same color as the
the net bag. Both are drops of sacrificial blood on paper. arcs bounding the areas where the dots occur.
The combination of circular shield with a bundle of darts, The lances and banners accompanying Shield 6 are the mir-
and a sacrificial banner is common in the codices. In the Codex ror image of those accompanying Shield 2. Shields 2, 4, and 6
Borgia (Nowotny 1976), it occurs with Tezcatlipoca (pp. 17, 35, are all divided into red and black halves. The same may be true
42), Xipe Totec (pp. 25, 49), Mixcoatl (p. 25), Tlaloc (p. 25), for Shield 8.
Tlahuizcalpanteuctli (pp. 45, 49), Tepeyollotl (p. 63), and Hue-
huecoyotl (p. 64). In his commentary, Seler (1963:1:111) inter-
prets this set of elements as yaoyotl, the hieroglyph for war.
The glosses in the Codex Mendoza (Galindo y Villa 1979:Folios
2v, 5v, 7v, lOr, 13r, 15v) refer to it as "the instruments of war."
Elsewhere in the Mendoza (Folio 2r) it is glossed as "Tenoch-
titlan."
The most strikingly similar shield occurs on page 70 of the
Codex Borgia. Depicted in front of a jaguar is a shield of yel-
low slats bound by white cords and decorated with four red
squares. Associated with the shield are four darts fletched with
black and white eagle feathers.
The white banner with three horizontal red bands appears
with Xipe Totec (Codex Borgia [Nowotny 1976:24-25, 49, 61]),
Tlahuizcalpanteuctli (Codex Borgia [Nowotny 1976:45]), and
the mummy bundles on p. 26 of the Codex Borgia. The banner
also resembles the back ornament worn by Mictlanteuctli (Co-
dex Borgia [Nowotny 1976:14, 57]). In the codices, the two ban-
ners of Shield 5 are associated with death and sacrifice. The
owl-shaped atlatl is compatible with these associations.
The authors are divided in their opinion as to whether Shield 5
and its symbols are more closely related to those associated with
Huitzilopochtli (Lilly) or to those associated with the Camaxtli/
Mixcoatl/Tlahuizcalpanteuctli complex of gods (Sisson). The
argument for an association with Huitzilopochtli rests largely
on the feather decoration of the shield and the bundle of darts.
Marked differences include the hunter's net bag, which does not Figure 10. Shield 6.
40 Sisson and Lilly
Shield 7
When the east wall was cleaned by restorers from the Instituto
Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, small fragments of paint
were found on the burnt-sienna ground. The fragments were so
small that it was impossible to determine the features of the
design.
Entering the room, one passes between the door jambs and col-
umns with their colored bands and pendant streamers and sym-
bolically ascends into the heavens. More specifically, one
ascends to the fourth layer of heaven, the heaven dominated by
the sun god Tonatiuh. Once in the room, the viewer is con-
fronted by the lower zone, which represents a broad white sac-
rificial paper with its blood red circles. Above this on the upper
zone are the nine shields, crossed lances, banners, darts, and at-
latl. These are crucial for understanding the significance of the
room.
From right to left, the probable associations of the shields
are as follows: (1) Xipe Totec; the Red Tezcatlipoca; (2) the
Red and the Black Tezcatlipocas (?); the feather device of the
sacrificial victim, of Mixcoatl; (3) the red "bull's eye" shield
of Xipe Totec; (4) atl-ttachinolli, the visual metaphor for war
flowing from the night sun, early morning sun, or Yohualteuctli;
(5) a second symbol for war, for yaoyotl; the shield of
Camaxtli/Mixcoatl/Tlahuizcalpanteuctli or of Huitzilopochtli;
the war path; the seven white paper strips with the blood of sac-
rifice; the anthropomorphic blade of sacrifice; (6) another pos-
sible reference to the Red and the Black Tezcatlipocas (?); (7)
Figure 14. South door jamb. Tepeyollotl; the jaguar god of the night and an aspect of Tez-
catlipoca; (8) partially destroyed and of undetermined associ-
ation; and (9) totally missing. In general, the associations of the
above. This would appear to indicate that the pendant stream- shields are with warfare, sacrifice, penitence, and the heavens.
ers are celestial phenomena, that they hang in the heavens. The function of the room is problematical, as is the signifi-
The nine horizontal bands represent the colored layers of cance of the shields with their lances and banners. There are a
heaven. As Nicholson (1971:406-407) notes, "at the Spanish number of possibilities, not all of which are mutually exclusive.
contact, a 13-Ievel scheme seems to have been standard . . . [but The discussion above suggests that the individual shields are as-
there are], various references to a nine-tiered scheme . . . a no- sociated with specific gods. It is possible that the objects were
tion which may have been more ancient." Nicholson goes on to used by god impersonators and that the room was a storage and
suggest that these 9 heavenly layers may have once been related vesting room for such individuals. Another possibility is that the
to the nine Lords of the Night. These heavenly layers are illus- shields belonged to individual warriors or different warrior so-
trated on pp. lv and 2r of the Codex Vaticanus 3738 (1979). cieties. The room may have been an armory where the warriors
The red, yellow, and blue sky bands with their stylized stars or a society stored weapons. A third possibility is that the shields
probably represent the colorful sky of the morning or the eve- represent different towns conquered by the Teohuaque warriors.
ning when the stars are visible. Since the doorway is on the east, In this case, the room would have been more like a trophy
a reference to the early morning sky seems more likely. room.
The bands with red and white diagonal stripes and the red Further analysis of the mural may shed light on the possible
and white bound bundles are reminiscent of the knotted ties significance of the shields and the function of the room. The list
worn at the knees by Xipe Totec. The human skulls with their of possibilities above is not exhaustive. More important in seek-
holes for stringing on the tzompantli (skull rack) and the red and ing to answer these questions will be the excavation of the other
white flint knives reinforce and expand this sacrificial theme. rooms around the sunken patio to the east. Until the archaeo-
Given the other motifs on the jambs and columns, the contents logical context of the room is better understood, questions as
A codex-style mural from Tehuacan Viejo 43
to the function of the room and the meaning of the shields are The morning has dawned, the command for war has gone
likely to remain unanswered. forth,
Our tentative interpretation of the function and symbolism the morning has dawned, the command for war has gone
of the room is that it was an armory and that it symbolized the forth,
(captives) may be dragged along.
heavenly abode of warriors. Symbolically, the room is the abode
of warriors in the heaven of the night sun. From the doorway, As the warrior passed through the portal between the jambs and
the actual warrior would watch to see the early morning sun be- columns with their brightly colored bands, he would be reas-
gin to rise over the mountain range to the east; he would pick sured that should he die in battle that day he would ascend to
up his shield and thrusting lance similar to the fancy, ceremo- the heavenly abode of Tonatiuh. He would accompany Tona-
nial ones depicted on the wall behind him; and he would sally tiuh on his daily journey from sunrise to midday. Having per-
forth to do battle. During his preparation, he might sing a song formed this privileged service for a time, he would then descend
such as the one to Cihuacoatl as female warrior recorded by Sa- to earth in the form of a hummingbird, or of a blue butterfly,
hagun's informants (Seler 1992b:273). to rest and to suck the nectar of flowers.
RESUMEN
Durante de las excavaciones en el sitio postclasico tardio de Tehuacan Tezcatlipoca Rojo. Posibles asociaciones de los otros escudos de la
Viejo, Puebla, Mexico, un cuarto con un mural en el estilo-codice fue derecha a la izquierda son Tezcatlipoca, Xipe Totec, Tonatiuh,
descubierto. El cacicazgo de Tehuacan fue fundado en el siglo XIII por Camaxtli, Tezcatlipoca, Tepeyollotl, y desconocido. Arriba de cada es-
los teohuaques, uno de los grupos de Nonoalco-Chichimeca, refugiados cudo hay una perforation para una clavija de madera donde colgaban
del gran capital de los toltecas, Tula. Conquistados por los aztecas en escudos verdaderos.
la decada de 1460, los teohuaques ofrecieron su lealtad a los espanoles Las jambas y las dos columnas de la puerta estan decoradas con
en 1520. En la decada de 1530, frailes franciscanos fundaron una igle- nueve bandas pintadas que representan las niveles del cielo. Colgando
sia al pie de la mesa donde estaba Tehuacan. En la decada de 1570, se de estas bandas hay banderas. Incluidas en las decoraciones de las ban-
trasladaron la iglesia unos 5 km al sitio actual de Tehuacan. deras hay estrellas estilizadas y mariposas azules. Estas estrellas y
El cuarto con el mural era enterado abajo de dos estructuras mas re- mariposas representan las almas de los guerreros muertos en batalla.
cientes. Aunque la ultima estructura estaba ocupada en la epoca colo- Simbolicamente, el cuarto es la morada de estos guerreros. Cuando
nial temprano, todas las estructuras estaban construidas en el postclasico los guerreros entraron en el cuarto, estaban subiendo al cielo. De la
tardio. puerta, los guerreros miraron al este para ver la salida del sol. Cuando
El mural tiene dos zonas horizontales. La zona de abajo esta com- salio el sol, pusieron las armas y salieron del cuarto. Pasando por la
puesta de una capa de estuco sobre adobes y esta decorada con circulos puerta con sus bandas, recordaban que si murieran en la batalla ascen-
rojos. La zona de arriba esta compuesta de una capa de lodo y esta derian al cielo del sol, de Tonatiuh.
decorada con siete y media escudos con lanzas y banderas cruzadas atras. La funcion mas probable del cuarto era como un arsenal. Se necesi-
Originalmente, habia nueve escudos. Uno y media escudos y la parte tan mas excavaciones para determinar el contexto arqueologico del
sur del cuarto fueron destruidos cuando construyeron la ultima estruc- cuarto.
tura. El primer escudo de la derecha tiene la figura de Xipe Totec, el
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The research on which this article is based was funded by a Fulbright- Mirambell Silva, presidenta; and Arq. Roberto Garcia Moll, director
Hayes Faculty Research Grant to E. B. Sisson from the Office of In- general of INAH. Penny Sisson, Tad Britt, and Teresita Marquez as-
ternational Education, U.S. Department of Education; the University sisted with the research in the field and laboratory. Jeff Williams drafted
of Mississippi; the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia Figures 1 and 2, and T.G. Lilly drafted Figures 4-14. Figure 3 was taken
(INAH) of the Mexican Secretariat of Public Education; and by the by E. Sisson. Finally, the authors appreciate the comments and sugges-
Municipio of Tehuacan, Puebla. Permission to conduct field research tions of anonymous reviewers.
was granted by the Consejo de Arqueologia of INAH; Maestra Lorena
REFERENCES
The Art Bulletin 58(1): 1-12. College Art Association of America, Pasztory, Esther
New York. 1983 Aztec Art. Abrams, New York.
Kubler, George Seler, Eduard
1983 Arquitectura mexicana del siglo XVI. Fondo de Cultura 1963 Comentarios al Codice Borgia. Translated by Marian Frenk.
Economica, Mexico. Fondo de Cultura Economica, Mexico.
Martinez del Sobral y Campa, Margarita 1992a Stone Boxes, Tepetlacalli, with Sacrificial Representations and
1988 Los conventos franciscanos poblanos y el niimero de oro. Other Similar Remains. In Collected Works in Mesoamerican Lin-
Gobierno del Estado de Puebla, Puebla, Mexico. guistics and Archaeology, vol. 3, edited by Frank E. Comparato,
Nicholson, Henry B. pp. 87-113. Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA.
1971 Religion in Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico. In Archaeology of 1992b The Religious Songs of the Ancient Mexicans. In Collected
Northern Mesoamerica, pt. 1, edited by Gordon F. Ekholra and Ig- Works in Mesoamerican Linguistics and Archaeology, vol. 3, ed-
nacio Bernal, pp. 395-446. Handbook of Middle American Indi- ited by Frank E. Comparato, pp. 231-301. Labyrinthos, Culver
ans, vol. 10, Robert Wauchope, general editor. University of Texas City, CA.
Press, Austin. Sisson, Edward B.
Nicholson, Henry B., and Eloise Quinones Keber 1973 First Annual Report of the Coxcatlan Project. Reports No. 3.
1983 Art of Aztec Mexico: Treasures of Tenochititlan. National Gal- Tehuacan Project, Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeol-
lery of Art, Washington, DC. ogy, Phillips Academy, Andover, MA.
Nowotny, Karl A. (editor) 1974 Second A nnual Report of the Coxcatlan Project. Reports No.
1968 Codex Cospi: Calendario messicano 4093: Biblioteca Univer- 4. Tehuacan Project, Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archae-
sitaria Bologna. Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, Graz, ology, Phillips Academy, Andover, MA.
Austria. Smith, Mary Elizabeth, and Ross Parmenter
1976 Codex Borgia. Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, Graz, 1991 The Codex Tulane. Publication No. 61. Middle American Re-
Austria. search Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans.
Nowotny, Karl A., and Jacqueline de Durant-Forest (editors) Velazquez, Primo Feliciano (translator)
1974 Codex Borbonicus. Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1975 Codice Chimalpopoca: Anales de Cuauhtitlan y Leyenda de
Graz, Austria. los soles. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico.