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Steven Talmy
Interviews have been used for decades in empirical inquiry across the social
sciences as one or the primary means of generating data. In applied linguistics,
interview research has increased dramatically in recent years, particularly in
qualitative studies that aim to investigate participants’ identities, experiences,
beliefs, and orientations toward a range of phenomena. However, despite the
proliferation of interview research in qualitative applied linguistics, it has be-
come equally apparent that there is a profound inconsistency in how the inter-
view has been and continues to be theorized in the field. This article critically
reviews a selection of applied linguistics research from the past 5 years that
uses interviews in case study, ethnographic, narrative, (auto)biographical, and
related qualitative frameworks, focusing in particular on the ideologies of lan-
guage, communication, and the interview, or the communicable cartographies
of interviewing, that are evident in them. By contrasting what is referred to
as an interview as research instrument perspective with a research interview
as social practice orientation, the article argues for greater reflexivity about
the interview methods that qualitative applied linguists use in their studies,
the status ascribed to interview data, and how those data are analyzed and
represented.
INTRODUCTION
Interviews have been used for decades in empirical inquiry across the social
sciences as one or the primary means of generating data. In applied linguistics,
interview studies have increased dramatically in recent years, particularly re-
search that adopts case study, ethnographic, narrative, (auto)biographical, and
related qualitative frameworks. This developing literature continues to address
a rich array of topics and to yield notable insights concerning research par-
ticipants’ identities, experiences, beliefs, attitudes, and orientations toward a
range of phenomena. However, despite the proliferation of interview research
in qualitative applied linguistics, it has become equally apparent in recent years
that there is a profound inconsistency in how the interview has been and
128
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QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS IN APPLIED LINGUISTICS 129
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130 STEVEN TALMY
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QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS IN APPLIED LINGUISTICS 131
to reveal their inner voices (attitudes, beliefs, experiences, etc.)” (pp. 553–
554).
I use the label interviews as research instrument to refer to a similar com-
municable cartography of interviewing, as it is manifested in qualitative applied
linguistics. As a research instrument, interviews are theorized (often tacitly) as a
resource for investigating truths, facts, experience, beliefs, attitudes, and/or feel-
ings of respondents. Language tends to be conceptualized in referential terms,
as a neutral medium that reflects or corresponds to objective or subjective
reality (Alvesson, 2003; Baker, 2002; Briggs, 1986; Holstein & Gubrium, 1995;
Richards, 2003; Roulston, 2010; Sarangi, 2003; Silverman, 2001). Interview data
are ontologically ascribed the status of “reports” of respondents’ biographical,
experiential, and psychological worlds, with the interview thus conceptualized
as the epistemological conduit to those worlds: the interviewer reveals what
“really” happened, or what participants “actually” felt through the technology
of the interview, with closer approximations of reality depending on the inter-
viewer’s skill at developing rapport, for example, or not asking leading questions.
(Neo)positivist approaches such as survey or structured interviewing take the
interview as research instrument perspective (see Alvesson, 2003; Roulston,
2010), as do “naturalistic” (Lincoln & Guba, 1985), “romantic” (Alvesson, 2001),
or “emotionalist” (Silverman, 2001) approaches, such as those utilizing so-
called open-ended or in-depth interview methods, which “suggest that it is
possible. . .to unravel a deeper or more essential reality” (van den Berg et al.,
2003, p. 3) than allowed by structured interviewing.
Clearly, interviews as social practice share with the interview as research in-
strument perspective an interest in generating research data for the purpose of
analysis, answering research questions, a concern with interview techniques,
and so forth. However, the former position departs from the latter by problema-
tizing the assumptions that constitute the research instrument perspective, and
treating interviews themselves as topics for investigation (also see Sarangi, 2003;
see Table 1). In this respect, the research interview as social practice orientation
aligns with Holstein and Gubrium’s (1995, inter alia) well-known active interview.
In terms similar to Silverman (2001), Holstein and Gubrium (2003) contrasted
the active interview with conventional approaches by arguing that the latter
privilege the whats of the interview, that is, the interview content, whereas ac-
tive interviews are interested in both the whats and hows, that is, the content and
the “interactional [and] narrative procedures of knowledge production” (p. 68).
Holstein and Gubrium argued that conceiving of the interview as a fundamentally
social encounter rather than a conduit for accessing information means that the
interview becomes “a site of, and occasion for, producing reportable knowledge”
(p. 68). Further, by “activating” the subject “behind” the respondent, the inter-
viewee is transformed from a “passive vessel of answers” to someone who “not
only holds facts and details of experience, but, in the very process of offering
them up for response, constructively adds to, takes away from, and transforms
the facts and details” (p. 70). In this respect, bias and distortion, validity and
reliability, topics of great concern in (neo)positivist and naturalistic theories of
interview are transformed since the “respondent can hardly ‘spoil’ what he or
she is, in effect subjectively creating” (p. 70; also see Briggs, 1986, pp. 21–23).2
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132 STEVEN TALMY
Analyzing not only the whats, or the product of the interview, but also the
hows, or the process involved in the coconstruction of meaning, has significant
implications for data analysis. In conventional approaches, analysis of interview
data often takes form in content or thematic analysis, “systematically grouping
and summarizing the descriptions” of experience produced by respondents by
common themes or content categories, such that their “interpretive activity
is subordinated to the substance of what they report.” In an active interview
analysis, by contrast, “[t]he focus is as much on the assembly process as on
what is assembled” (Holstein & Gubrium, 2003, p. 78; cf. Braun & Clarke, 2006).
A range of analytic approaches can be adopted for this undertaking but all in
some way account for the fundamental sociality of the interview.
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QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS IN APPLIED LINGUISTICS 133
that authors indicated they adopted, using the following subheadings: ethno-
graphic and case study research; narrative/life-history research; and a more
generic class of interview studies that were identified as qualitative, or were not
identified at all.
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134 STEVEN TALMY
choice and attitudes” (p. 148). Interviews also predominated in Golombek and
Jordan’s (2005) case study (data from reaction papers were provided, too, al-
though it is not always clear which data came from which source). These data
were used to present the thoughts and beliefs of two Taiwanese preservice L2
English teachers during and following a poststructuralist pronunciation
pedagogy course, as they confronted such (language) ideologies as the native
speaker myth and worked to “assert their right” (p. 514) to teach English pro-
nunciation. Similarly, interview data were supplemented by language autobi-
ographies in Haddix’s (2008) insightful study of two White, monolingual-English
teacher candidates in a sociolinguistics course. L. Taylor’s (2006) short-term
study of the experiences of a group of racially and ethnically diverse high school
ESL students in a “Freirean-styled, antidiscrimination leadership camp” (p. 520)
also relied heavily on interview data, as did K. King and Ganuza’s (2005) ethno-
graphic investigation into the national, ethnic, and linguistic identifications of
Chilean-Swedish transmigrant youth, as manifested in interview talk.
Narrative/Life-History Research
It is no surprise that interviews were the central method of data generation in
the studies that were reviewed, which focused on participant life histories and
narratives (see, e.g., Andrews, Squire, & Tamboukou, 2008; Benwell & Stokoe,
2006; Clandinin & Connelly, 2000; Gubrium & Holstein, 2008). Nor is it a surprise
that these studies investigated “subject realities” and “life realities” (Pavlenko,
2007), nor, for that matter, that the kinds of analyses undertaken were as varied
(and variable) as they were. Nevertheless, there was considerable methodolog-
ical and analytic overlap between studies in this section and the previous one,
particularly those ethnographic and case studies that foregrounded interviews.
On the one hand, these overlaps are an artifact of the categories I have used
to organize this section, and the leakage (Trinh, 1989) between them. On the
other, they may serve as evidence of some slippage in terms of how ethnogra-
phy, case study, and narrative research have been conceptualized in applied
linguistics: in fact, at times, the only way to discover whether a given study
was an ethnography, a case study, a narrative inquiry, life-history research, or a
phenomenological study, was by the terminology used to identify it. Even then,
these terms were at times used as if they were interchangeable (cf. Creswell,
1998; Hatch, 2002; Polkinghorne, 1995; Silverman, 2001).
An exception is Menard-Warwick’s (2005) life-history study of two Central
American women and their contrasting educational experiences following their
immigration to the United States. Menard-Warwick used data from interviews
and classroom observations to represent the sociohistorically situated “life tra-
jectories” (p. 171) of Brenda and Serafina as they attempted to balance English-
language learning with family, work, scheduling difficulties, and U.S. immigra-
tion policy. Tsui’s (2007) narrative inquiry concerning a Chinese EFL (English
as foreign language) learner and teacher’s negotiation of multiple conflicting
identities utilized a design more common to other narrative/life-history studies
reviewed, drawing on face-to-face interviews and diaries for Min-Fang’s stories
about struggling to identify with the professional identity of “communicative
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136 STEVEN TALMY
SUMMARY
As the review here suggests, qualitative research in applied linguistics that con-
ceives of interviews as research instrument is remarkably diverse, in terms of
the topics addressed, the theoretical frameworks adopted, the research meth-
ods employed, and the ways that data and analyses are represented. Certainly,
these studies illustrate how common the interview as a methodological option in
qualitative applied linguistics has become. As well, they underscore the utility,
flexibility, and convenience of qualitative interviews for investigating an impres-
sive array of matters of relevance to applied linguistics. At the same time, each
of these studies illustrates in different ways one or more of the features of the
communicable cartography of interview as research instrument described ear-
lier. I alluded earlier to several of these features; here I elaborate briefly on four
of them: the status of interview data as “reports,” the obfuscation of power, the
interview as giving “voice” to participants, and matters concerning data analysis.
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QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS IN APPLIED LINGUISTICS 137
Power
Relatedly, the interview is constituted by complex relations of power, which can
be differentially realized in many ways: who chooses what—and what not—to
discuss; who asks what questions, when, and how; who is ratified to answer
them (and who is not); who determines when to terminate a line of questioning;
and so on. There are also other potentially important asymmetries that may be
less directly observable but equally relevant, if not more so, ranging from dif-
ferences in institutional status, age, language expertise, social class, and more.
Analyses that conceive of interviews as providing access to what participants
think or believe, ascribe interview data the status of reports, or do not account
for the “complex pragmatics of interview practices” (Briggs, 2007a, p. 555) ob-
scure such power imbalances by simply not attending to them. Additionally,
important power asymmetries can be enacted beyond the immediate interac-
tional context of the interview, in terms of data representation, specifically in
what Bauman and Briggs (1990) have called entextualization, “the process of
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138 STEVEN TALMY
Voice
A frequently cited rationale for adopting qualitative interview methods is that
they allow participants’ own “voices” to be “heard” rather than obscured, for
example, in summaries, tables, or statistics; indeed, participant voices were
communicated in resounding fashion in the studies reviewed earlier. However,
such a conception of voice carries with it a range of assumptions that may go
unexamined: for example, that a person speaks with a single voice; that voice
does, or at least can, given the right circumstance, express one’s true self; and
that the researcher or interviewer plays a central role in creating the liberatory
conditions for this voice to be heard, by establishing trust, asking the right
questions, and not interrupting. All caveats concerning “multiple,” “conflicting,”
and “contradictory” identities notwithstanding, such an unproblematized notion
of voice suggests the existence of a unitary, coherent, and essential self that the
participant “gives voice to.” As Mazzei and Jackson (2009) sum up:
Data Analysis
All of the studies reviewed earlier analyzed their interview data using some
combination of content and thematic analysis, an approach to analysis that is
well-aligned with a conceptualization of the interview as a research instrument
(cf. Braun & Clarke, 2006).3 As one might expect for a collection of studies so
diverse, the type and quality of analyses were variable, ranging from sophisti-
cated thematic analyses, to general summaries of the content of what partici-
pants said, to little or no provision of analytic comment at all. In her important
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140 STEVEN TALMY
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142 STEVEN TALMY
they diverged and if so, in what ways, and so forth, with the similarities and
differences pointing to how truthful Trang was, how dependable his mem-
ory was, and whether his story was to be believed as a report of what re-
ally happened. However, Prior located important differences between the two
narrative versions, characterizing them not as an indication of inconsistency
but as evidence that the tellings served substantially different rhetorical pur-
poses in the different contextual circumstances of the two interviews (also
see Pavlenko, 2007). The analysis is, once again, fundamentally reflexive, as
it accounts not only for the “content” of the two versions of the bank narra-
tive but also the interactional and interpersonal circumstances of their local
production.
Campbell and Roberts (2007) continue a long line of work by Gumperz and
associates (e.g., Roberts, Davies, & Jupp, 1992) concerning interethnic com-
munication in workplace encounters. The article examined the variable per-
formance of White and of Color “British born” applicants versus “born abroad”
applicants in job interviews, accounting for the comparatively unsuccessful per-
formance of the latter group in terms of their failure to “synthesize” what the
authors called personal and institutional discourses in the job interview. The
interview data were subjected to a methodologically eclectic discourse anal-
ysis, as the authors displayed differences in how both groups of applicants
negotiated the interview, although it is not always clear what role the inter-
viewer played in coconstructing successful and unsuccessful interview perfor-
mances. However, one concern that stood out in the study, given the analysis
of the job interview data, is what emerges as a central analytic inconsistency:
the conceptualization of the status of a secondary stream of data used from
stimulated recall interviews. In contrast to the job interview data, the stimu-
lated recall data were taken at face value, as accurate representations of what
participants were really thinking in the job interviews; that is, the stimulated
recall interviews were treated as research instruments, in contrast to the job
interviews. Unfortunately, the authors did not comment upon this apparent
tension, leaving one to wonder whether it was a deliberate analytic move or
not.
Finally, Hawkins (2005) provides a good example of a study that engages
less with the “how” than the “what” of her interviews, but still problematizes
the ideologies that constitute the communicable cartography of interview as
research instrument (also see Block, 2000). This is likely due, at least in part, to
the fact that her interview participants were young children. Stating at one
point that what was missing in her previous research on young children’s
school-based language and literacy development was “their voices and opinions”
(p. 67), Hawkins and her research collaborator devised several ways of includ-
ing them, one of which involved interviewing. The analysis of these data con-
nects the contrasting patterns of communication and school engagement of two
kindergarten boys: interactional patterns that were observed in classrooms are
shown to be recontextualized and repeated in the interviews themselves. The
analytic focus on how these boys participated in the interviews thus served as
an important secondary source of data for Hawkins’ larger argument about their
differing ways of participating in school.
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QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS IN APPLIED LINGUISTICS 143
CONCLUSION
It may appear from the preceding discussion that I am advancing the position
that qualitative applied linguists using interview methods should theorize them
as social practice. That is not the case. Studies that adopt (neo)positivist or nat-
uralistic/romantic theoretical frameworks, for example, need not conceptualize
research interviews as social practice, though I believe there are clear advan-
tages if they do. Rather, my goal is to call for greater attention to the theories
of interview that all qualitative applied linguistics studies adopt, to highlight
the communicable cartography of interviewing that has been naturalized in “the
interview society,” and to raise questions about it so that the ideologies of
language, communication, and the interview that constitute it are not imported
into qualitative applied linguistics studies, at least without due consideration. As
Briggs (2007a) argued, when interviews are not adequately theorized, and ide-
ologies of interviewing go unexamined, interviews “largely remain black boxes
. . . technologies so widely accepted that [researchers] can just feed in questions
and get quotations for [their] publications without worrying about the complex
pragmatics that make them work. Our own assimilation of these ideologies [can]
thus limit . . . the ways we interview and reflect on our own and other people’s
interviews” (p. 555). In this respect, I would suggest that there is consider-
able need for heightened reflexivity about the interview methods that applied
linguistics researchers use in their studies, on the role of the interviewer in
occasioning interview answers, on the subject “behind” the interviewee, on the
status ascribed to interview data, and on how those data are analyzed and rep-
resented, regardless of whether one opts to conceive of interviews as research
instrument, or research interviews as participation in social practices.
NOTES
1 Due to space constraints, I do not consider in this article experimental studies that
incorporate qualitative interviews. There is a great deal that could (and should) be
said about this important stream of “mixed methods” research. However, although I
must side-step the discussion, I will state that these studies tend to adopt a theory
of interview—as research instrument—that aligns well with the (e.g., [neo]positivist)
theoretical frameworks of the larger studies in which the interviews are used. At the
same time, I do believe that quantitative researchers, like their qualitative colleagues,
would do well to work toward greater reflexivity concerning the ontological, episte-
mological, and ideological assumptions guiding their decisions to use interviews, the
status they ascribe to interview data, and the claims they make based on this particular
research method.
2 Holstein & Gubrium (2003) elaborate:
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144 STEVEN TALMY
3 However, it was indicated in several studies that some form of discourse analysis
had in fact been undertaken. For example, Haddix (2008, p. 261) and Miller (2007,
p. 152) stated that they used Gee’s approach for analysis; Golombek & Jordan
(2005, p. 519) mentioned Fairclough; while L. Taylor (2006, p. 526) referred gener-
ically to “discourse analysis.” K. King & Ganuza (2005) mentioned Preston’s (1994)
“content-oriented discourse analysis,” but it is not clear what this involved, how it
was done, or what analytic benefit it provided. Hayes (2005) provided a sophisticated
theoretical discussion about the role of the researcher in coconstructing interview
data, but did not, unfortunately, apply these insights to his analysis. B. King (2008) at-
tempted to use Sacks’ (1972) membership categorization analysis, but was ultimately
unsuccessful in his attempt at following through. Only Varghese & Johnston (2007)
actually delivered on a Bakhtinian analysis, although it is minimal enough that it is
ultimately subordinated to the content analysis featured in the study. See Antaki,
Billig, Edwards, & Potter (2003); Burman (2004); and S. Taylor (2001) for more on
criteria that can be used to determine what constitutes a discourse analysis.
4 An excellent discussion and useful set of guidelines for undertaking an analysis of
qualitative applied linguistics interviews as social practice can be found in Richards
(2003, pp. 79–103).
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