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Autonomy in Latin America: Between Resistance and Integration. Echoes

from the Piqueteros Experience

Article  in  Community Development Journal · June 2010

DOI: 10.1093/cdj/bsq029

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Autonomy in Latin America:

between resistance and
integration. Echoes from the

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Piqueteros experience
Ana Cecilia Dinerstein*

Abstract This article argues that the concrete practice of autonomy by social
movements is deeply embedded in socioeconomic and political contexts,
and as such involves a contested relationship in and against the state, the
market and hegemonic discourses on development. The task is then to
explain and learn from this contested character of autonomy in each
context, the processes by which social movements’ autonomous
practices remain vibrant, how they engage with the state, how they
become institutionalized (if so) and the implications of such ‘contested
institutionalization’ for social movements and the state. This argument is
explored through the case of the Argentina unemployed workers or
Piqueteros movement, taking the specific example of the municipality of
General Mosconi. The ability of the unemployed workers to force the
state and local enterprises to adapt to their demands and to give support
with minimum intervention is seen as an example to other parts of the
world of how autonomous community processes can both engage with
the state whereas retaining their own dynamics and control.

Introduction
Over the last two decades, two transformations have shaped the social and
political landscape of Latin America: the social costs of neoliberal structural
reforms; and the recovering of hope and utopian ideals by autonomous
organizations in civil society. As a result there have been innumerable
mobilizations of those socially excluded, embracing new forms of collective

*Address for correspondence: Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, email: sssacd@bath.ac.uk

Community Development Journal Page 1 of 11

Page 2 of 11 Ana Cecilia Dinerstein

action in conditions of unemployment and poverty. Several concepts have

been used to understand these endeavours which attribute a new role for
civil society in development (Howell and Pearce, 2001): community self-
help alternatives, local development initiatives; new cooperatives, solidar-
ity economy, third sector and social economy (Moulaert and Ailenei,
2005). Autonomous community action led by social movements is a
further example of such endeavours. The practice of autonomy has a long

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tradition in Latin America, particularly among indigenous populations.
However, in recent years there has been a revitalization of these practices
by rural and urban social movements as well.
One of the main features of this collective action by a ‘new generation of
social movements’ has been both their reluctance to be framed by the tra-
ditional left-wing ideologies (Biekart, 2005) and their embrace of autonomy
from trade unions, political parties, and the state (Stahler-Sholk et al., 2007).
Their projects reconcile two goals: the fight against poverty, social exclusion
and unemployment, and the attainment of collective values such as auton-
omy, dignity and social justice. But in the last decade these practices have
seen an encroachment from official policy. World Bank funded social pro-
grammes contemplate community work and micro-ventures aimed at com-
munity sustainability and encourage autonomy among indigenous
communities (Evans, 2008). Commentators believe that these policies
might depoliticize social movement action and perform as a new forms of
‘contention’ of grassroots resistance (Schaumberg, 2008) by ‘domesticating
participation’ and ‘disciplining the poor’ (Cornwall and Brock, 2005, p. 7).
There is, thus, a contradiction in the interpretations of such social move-
ment activity. Civil society’s collective action has been either welcomed as
the basis of a wider project of ‘changing the world without taking power’
(Holloway, 2002) or dismissed as contributing to the World Bank’s continu-
ing efforts to reduce the role of the state and reframe social policies in neo-
liberal terms.
In this article, I argue that this is a false dilemma: the concrete practice of
autonomy by social movements is deeply embedded in socioeconomic and
political contexts, and as such involves a contested relationship in and
against the state, the market and hegemonic discourses on development
(Böhm, Dinerstein and Spicer, 2010). The task is then to explain and learn
from this contested character of autonomy in each context, the processes
by which social movements’ autonomous practices remain vibrant, how
they engage with the state, how they become institutionalized (if so), and
the implications of such ‘contested institutionalization’ for social move-
ments and the state.
By using examples from the experience of Unemployed Workers Organ-
izations (UWOs) in Argentina, I explore how they navigate the tension
 Autonomy in Latin America Page 3 of 11

between resistance and integration. I conclude by discussing some implications

of the Argentine experience on community development outside Latin
America.

The movement of unemployed workers in Argentina:

an overview

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The UWOs emerged piecemeal during the second half of the 1990s when
unemployment increased from 6 to 18 percent between 1991 and 1995,
and begun to acquire a structural form, being combined with flexibilization
and casualization of labour and the expansion of income poverty. The swift,
drastic implementation of neoliberal economic policies, state reforms,
company restructuring, and closures meant that entire localities became
affected by unemployment. In response, the unemployed and the wider
communities in which they lived formed a heterogeneous movement,
which was at the root of what eventually became the UWOs.
The UWOs themselves came about through a series of roadblock protests.
Initially purely spontaneous and visibly lacking organizational coherence,
the protests brought together the unemployed and the local communities
demanding job creation, public works, essential services, participation in
the management of employment programmes, and much in between.
These early mass demonstrations facilitated the formation of a collective
identity, i.e. ‘Piqueteros’ (‘Pickets’) and new organizations. Their strategy
of leveraging state resources through a combination of protests and social
projects in the community not only challenged the common view of the
unemployed as excluded and redundant but also influenced the insti-
tutional framework within which social demands could be made.
To provide a succinct portrait of the Piquetero jigsaw is beyond the
purpose of this article as the UWOs vary in size, number, and location.
They diverge politically, organizationally, and in terms of the community
work that they undertake (Dinerstein, 2008). I will focus on the experience
of the Unemployed Workers’ Union (Union de Trabajadores Desocupados,
UTD), in the municipality of General Mosconi in the province of Salta,
which belongs to the autonomous segment of this heterogeneous move-
ment. It advocates autonomy and independence from all political and
labour organizations and the state, whereas using state employment and
social programmes for the development of autonomous ventures.

Navigating the tension: the UTD experiment

General Mosconi came into being with the discovery of oil at the beginning
of the twentieth century. The economic activity of the locality of 20,000
Page 4 of 11 Ana Cecilia Dinerstein

inhabitants revolved around the extraction and commercialization of oil by

the former state-owned company Yacimientos Petroliferos Fiscales (YPF). The
privatization of YPF in the early 1990s left the entire town adrift in terms of
employment: only 5600 of 51,000 employees remained at work after the
restructuring and, by 2001, unemployment reached 34.6 percent of the econ-
omically active population. More importantly, privatization and restructur-
ing dismantled the quasi-welfare state of YPF, which was a model of social

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development within a given place or territory. Existing trade unions did not
offer an alternative to the deconstruction of the YPF but opted for financial
survival at the expense of workers rights by creating enterprises that hired
laid-off workers.
The UTD was created by a group of highly skilled ex-YPF workers in
search of ‘collective’ solutions to the disintegration of General Mosconi,
framing their endeavours as recreating the values of ‘dignity’ and
‘genuine work’. These projects are designed and implemented according
to local need as interpreted by the UTD leadership through a process of con-
sultation or after receiving ideas from community members. They address
both everyday community problems and long-term issues and are driven
by the desire to work and create in solidarity, against a background of
hunger, crime, alcoholism, poverty, and disillusionment produced or inten-
sified by neo-liberalism. Although the cooperative projects focus on long-
term sustainability linked to housing, education, and environmental protec-
tion, the community ventures deal with everyday requirements such as
recycling, refurbishing public buildings and houses, community farms,
soup kitchens, and helping with retirement homes, health care visits to
the ill and disabled, production of regional crafts, carpentry, cleaning the
jungle undergrowth (desmalezamiento), maintaining and repairing hospital
emergency rooms and schools. Thus, the UTD has become a quasi-city
council. An outstanding example of this is the reopening of a primary
school in the jungle close to the Bolivian border.
The UTD’s autonomous ventures are funded by state programmes.
However, they are not simply funded by state programmes. The UTD has
to fight for the ‘re-appropriation of social programmes’ for collective pur-
poses (Pereyra, 2002), by moving between the road (protest) and the neigh-
bourhood (social projects) (Svampa and Pereyra, 2003). State resources
become available as a result of this interaction of the mobilization of the
unemployed and social policies.
In this way, mobilization at the roadblocks set a new pattern of social
protest. Although their initial goal was to achieve ‘visibility’, demand
state relief and denounce corruption and clientelism regarding the distri-
bution of employment and social programmes, over time they became a
systematic means of obtaining resources from social programmes to
 Autonomy in Latin America Page 5 of 11

sustain community ventures and cooperative projects (Dinerstein, 2001,

2002). Weak policy features of workfare programmes launched since 1996
[i.e. lack of universality, the low supply of benefits, the absence of clear cri-
teria for beneficiary selection and that ‘social actors (are) allowed to admin-
ister programme benefits’ (Garay, 2007, p. 306)] have provided
opportunities for the UWOs to extend and consolidate, and to hone their
negotiation skills. However, and as highlighted, ‘political movements of

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the unemployed do not simply spring from dissatisfaction with unemploy-
ment; they have to be built’. This occurs when ‘the state’s form enables
them, more or less directly, to influence decision-making processes on
levels and forms of employment relief’ (Bagguley, 1991, p. 70). The
unclear features of the policy provided the opportunity for the UWOs to
negotiate, receive, and distribute individual workfare programme benefits,
which otherwise would have been assigned to individual beneficiaries by
local or national government. The type and amount of these benefits is
established through protest-backed, arduous negotiations.
The open repression that the UTD suffered at roadblocks during its for-
mative period has stopped. But at the local level, there has been continuous
police harassment against UTD leadership and activists, together with a
steady stream of litigation for undertaking ‘illegal’ activities, such as land
or building occupations, trespassing, and illegal strikes. At the national
level, legal forms of control have been put in place to ‘depoliticize’ the
UWOs (Dinerstein, 2008). New programmes (2003) explicitly include tech-
nical and financial support for communitarian projects: in order to get
resources, the UWOs are forced to become NGOs (through registration,
inspection by appropriate ministries, and assessment of the worth of their
proposed project), or to negotiate with existing NGOs to be included in
their fold to receive state funds (Dinerstein, 2008). The UTD has resisted
being subordinated in this fashion, and has negotiated with a friendly
NGO to borrow its registration number in order to receive state funds.
This strategy enables it to access funding whereas continuing to design
its own strategies and implement its own community ventures.
Once obtained, benefits (typically the equivalent of a £30 monthly allow-
ance per capita for a six-month period) are distributed by the UTD auton-
omously among those unemployed workers who are registered with the
UTD and are willing to undertake community work. These Piqueteros
become ‘unemployed workers’: a category which comes to signify those
who are both recipients of state programmes and workers in projects auton-
omously run by the UTD. By 2005, the UTD managed roughly the same
number of programmes as the General Mosconi City Council and more
than the Salta (provincial) government, with around seventy projects
including housing cooperatives, a garment factory, selection of beans,
Page 6 of 11 Ana Cecilia Dinerstein

recycling ventures, the opening of training centres, and a project for a new
university. The UTD also performs as both a job agency and a trade union:
the register of unemployed workers’ personal details and job histories is
used in this case to put pressure systematically on local companies to hire
‘unemployed workers’ from the UTD in their construction, oil extraction,
and engineering work. Community work is a pre-requisite for getting one
of the temporary jobs available through the UTD. Once the workers get

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the temporary jobs, the UTD begins negotiations for wages, working con-
ditions, pensions, and training. If conditions are not met the UTD
implements a two-pronged form of direct action: ‘access blockade’,
whereby protesters outside the company prevent the movement of trucks
in or out the company grounds, and ‘line stoppage’, whereby those UTD
members hired by the company simultaneously stage protests inside the
company.

Discussion and challenges

I have argued that the abstract question of whether autonomous practices
by social movements, like the UWOs, are rebellious or submissive is mis-
leading. Autonomy is a tool to contest power. But this contestation takes
place in specific socioeconomic and political-institutional contexts.
Like other UWOs such as the MTD Solano (Movimiento de Trabajadores
Desocupados de Solano/Movement of Unemployed Workers, Solano), the
UTD maintains its self-determination and self-management, and defines
work as a true human attribute that must be used for the production of
useful goods and services for the community rather than profit making.
However, its strategy avoids identification with political power but,
through resistance, forces the state and local business to comply with
their demands. This is a very different route from that chosen by UWOs
such as the MTD La Matanza which, having rejected state resources
altogether, collapsed, and its former leader was elected as an MP in 2007.
It is also dissimilar from those UWOs whose community projects are also
state-funded but rely on close alliances with trade unions and/or political
parties and/or governments. For instance, the leaders of Barrios de Pie,
and the Land and Housing Federation (FTV) which operates within the
Argentine Workers Central (CTA) structure, both came to occupy govern-
ment posts.
Successive local, provincial, and national governments have applied both
repressive and integrative measures to combat the UWOs general two-fold
strategy of using resistance as a conduit for community development and
community development as a conduit for resistance. The current approach
marks a transition in the relationship between the Piqueteros and the state
 Autonomy in Latin America Page 7 of 11

from open opposition to forms of engagement that can be characterized as

‘contested institutionalization’ (Dinerstein, Contartese and Deledicque,
2008), whereby autonomy remains active at territorial levels but the ethos
and functioning of autonomous practices is encapsulated in the character
of public policies aimed at communities.
In addition to its contribution to community sustainability, the UTD has
had a social impact. Their actions have transformed the context of unem-

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ployment and disintegration into one of production and integration. Com-
munity projects generate ‘genuine work’ i.e. true (useful and cooperative),
as opposed to false (alienating, subsidiary), or undignified (casual work or
workfare) work (Giarraca and Wahren, 2005; Fernández Álvarez and
Manzano, 2007). Secondly, they facilitate the recreation of new forms of
sociability based on solidarity, particularly for those who never worked
before such as the young (many of whom are at risk of getting involved
in crime, and drug and alcohol abuse), and women, who constitute the
majority of the UTD’s participants and many of whom are involved in
the various community projects run by the organization as their first
work experience. Thirdly, autonomous projects have widened the public
space for the design and delivery of ‘policy’, by providing ‘welfare policy
from below’ (Steinert and Pilgram, 2003). Fourthly, UTD endeavours
contest the established paternalistic practices of the distribution of targeted
social programmes among potential policy recipients by local Argentinean
politicians. They do so by establishing that voluntary work within the com-
munity is a pre-requisite for all participants to become a ‘policy’ recipient
and to be included in a medium or long-term cooperative project or to
get a temporary job via UTD.
There are at least three pitfalls to the UTD experience, relating particu-
larly to leadership. First, whereas women constitute the majority of the
UTD participants and engage fully in its activities – they consider them-
selves as ‘social fighters’ whose collective action is a way of ‘doing social
policy’ (Focus Group Discussion, 29 June 2006) – this is not reflected in
the present leadership.
Secondly, the UTD suffers from an inbuilt ‘personalism’ of the leadership.
The three founders and leaders of the organization are highly respected by
UTD participants and General Mosconi residents for their courage, nego-
tiation, and organizational skills, contempt for power, honesty, and stoical
life styles. Leaders do not consult participants on a daily basis but only
when mobilization is required or an event is to be organized. Assemblies
are held to discuss development and future action of a particular project.
UTD participants have established a relationship of dependency with
their main leader who they call ‘The Boss’ or ‘Daddy’. Backed up by a mobi-
lized membership, he personally negotiates temporary jobs and conditions
Page 8 of 11 Ana Cecilia Dinerstein

with enterprises, and demands from national government the raw

materials, financial support and other resources. This is partly due to the
trade union-like UTD’s modus operandi, and a tradition of strong trade
union leadership in the country. However, although the UTD has not
been outstanding in terms of developing ‘democracy from below’, its lea-
dership encourages the autonomous development of cooperatives once
they are created. This has been a learning process for participants and

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project coordinators alike.
Thirdly, the UTD is somehow at risk of reproducing – rather than
contesting – established paternalistic practices of the distribution of
benefits among disadvantaged sectors by politicians. The procedures
used by the UTD leadership to decide who can participate in a project
among those who are undertaking community work are unclear. Uninten-
tionally, the lack of universality in social policy in Argentina is being
reproduced at a minor scale by the UTD.
A further observation which applies to most UWOs, relates to their diffi-
culty in moving beyond their specific community needs to more universal
claims which will indirectly benefit local community development.
Although the UTD has made several attempts to embrace environmental
issues and, has engaged with other movements in discussion and actions
against, for example, the destruction of natural resources by TNCs (e.g.
International Gathering for Sovereignty and Natural Sources in 2006; and
The Forum ‘Salta Alert’ in 2004), there has been only a marginal involve-
ment of the UTD in the struggle for universal social policy and unemploy-
ment benefits and proposals for citizen’s income, at least up to now.

Conclusion
What are the implications of the Argentine experience on community devel-
opment outside Latin America? The current economic and political crises
affecting the global North might require a careful consideration of potential
scenarios that could emerge, and a systematic review of policy responses
implemented at times of crisis (e.g. Argentina in 2002), including both the
changes in the strategic orientations of social movements towards more
autonomous forms of action and government strategies to incorporate the
proposals of the movements into policies. Can autonomy provide a plaus-
ible ‘exit’ to such crises? The conditions required for the practice of auton-
omy to develop in lesser or greater degrees and forms differ enormously in
time and space. From the analysis of the UTD’s experience, it is apparent
that economic conditions, the existence of grass roots resistance, the
extant form of trade unionism, the presence or absence of NGOs, the
state form and policy features (e.g. lack of universality) taken together or
 Autonomy in Latin America Page 9 of 11

separately, can be inhibitors or facilitators of the development of auton-

omous practices.
The creation of General Mosconi as a ‘popular space’ (Cornwall, 2004,
p. 2) has been an outcome of the UTD collective action from below to recon-
cile two ambitions: the fight against social exclusion and unemployment
and the attainment of autonomy, genuine work, and social justice, in and
against an absent state and its inefficient policies. In the UK, rather than

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‘popular spaces’, there has been a propagation of ‘invited spaces’ for
third sector participation in policy (Cornwall, 2004, p. 2). Whereas the
former are spaces ‘in which people come together at their own instigation’,
the latter are ‘intermediary institutions as government-provided’ that have
more to do with the government’s intention of involving civil society actors
in the planning and delivery of services (Cornwall, 2004, p. 68). However,
faced with the ‘invitation’, civil society actors in the UK seem to have to
navigate the same tensions as the Piqueteros in Argentina: do these new
spaces created by the government offer real opportunities for civil society
actors’ autonomous participation or are they just part of the ‘plethora of
partnership’ which is at the kernel of the ‘third way’ policy strategy
(Taylor et al., 2004, p. 72)? That is, there is a significant tension ‘in relation
to citizen’s participation in invited spaces: the tension between ‘engaging
in policy processes and maintaining autonomy’ (Taylor et al., 2004, p. 74).
And yet, my argument has been that embedding autonomy appears to be
achievable by recreating social relations at community level, and by enga-
ging with the institutions of society (invoking the state, usually through
the field of policy). Autonomous collective action by civil society actors
remains alive through the steady, continuing and often painful struggles
underpinned by the tension between affirmation of autonomy and recup-
eration of autonomy by the state (Böhm, Dinerstein and Spicer, 2010). A
key lesson from the UTD experience for those elsewhere willing to
remain autonomous is the Piqueteros’ ability to manage this tension. The
strongest accomplishment of the UTD is to have been able to force the gov-
ernment and local enterprises to adapt and comply with their demands and
to receive, in return, support with a relatively low level of governmental
intervention in the design and implementation of the community ventures.
In the UK, where the state does create ‘spaces for participation’, the struggle
seems to be determined not by the dilemma of whether to accept the invita-
tion by the state to participate in partnership schemes or not (Taylor et al.,
2004), but by the effort to progress from ‘acceptance of the state’s invitation’
to ‘invitation to the state to accept’ – and therefore support – autonomous
community-created projects. From there, for example, the collective use of
individual social/unemployment benefits for community development
purposes, financed by state programmes, but devised, implemented and
Page 10 of 11 Ana Cecilia Dinerstein

supervised by NGOs, as in the UWOs case, might not be unimaginable in

the UK environment.

Funding
The research for this article was supported by the Economic and Social
Research Council (ESRC) award RES-155-25-0007.

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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the ESRC for this support. I am indebted to Melina
Deledicque, Gregory Schwartz, and to those who attended my presenta-
tions of earlier versions of this paper at the Workshops ‘NGPA and
Labour Issues’ (LSE, 10 December 2007), ‘NGPA in Latin America’ (Brad-
ford, May 2008) and ‘NGPA Final Conference’ (14/15 January 2009,
London). Thanks to CDJ Special issue editors, in particular to Audrey Bron-
stein for her helpful guidance. All the usual disclaimers apply.

Ana C. Dinerstein teaches Political Sociology in the Department of Social and Policy Sciences,
University of Bath. She holds a PhD in Sociology from the University of Warwick. During
2005 –2008 she was principal investigator for the ESRC Non Governmental Public Action
Programme. She is co-author of The Labour Debate (Ashgate, 2002) which has been recently
published in Spanish as El Trabajo en Debate (Herramienta, Buenos Aires, 2009). Other
recent publications include Social Movements and Collective Autonomy in Latin
America. The Art of Organising Hope (Palgrave MacMillan, forthcoming 2011); ‘The
(Im)possibilities of Autonomy. Social Movements in and beyond the state, capital and
development’ (co-authored with Böhm and Spicer), Social Movement Studies, Vol. 9(1)
17–32, (2010) and ‘Workers’ Factory Takeovers and New StateProgrammes: Towards the
‘Institutionalisation’ of radical action in Argentina’ Policy and Politics 35 (3) : 527 – 548
(2007).

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