CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS rnTRODUCTION 1. The political background 11, The scientific background. 11, ‘The biographies of Ibn al-Nafis 1. The literary output of Ibn al y. Ibn al-Nafis's theological novel al-Rivala al-Kamiliyya vi. The manuscripts TRANSLATION Excursus A Excursus B Excursus C Excursus D Excursus E Excursus F Excursus G Excursus H ARABIC PART List of Abbreviations Biographies 1, Biography of Ibn al-Nafis by Safadt 2, Extract from the biogeaphy of Ibn al-Nafis by “Umart 3. Extract from the biography of Baybars by Ibn ‘Tagheibirdi 4. Extract from the biography of Kalawun by Ibn. ‘Taghribirdi Vext of al-Risala al- Tn al-Nafis| iliyya fil-Stra al-Nabawiyya by BRE Sowa 38 ® n 2B ci 80 a 82LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AlzO BSOAS Buhl EL GAL Guillaume Kh Tau Thn Sa'd hn Taghrbirdi JAS Jelfery Kitab al- Bad ‘eal-Térith Lalani Manbal al-Safe (Wes) SO ‘Shodharat ieglecker 24d al-Ma‘ad 2DMG Annales de UDnstitat @ Beudes Orientals (Algiers) Bulletin of the School of Oriontal and Afrcin Studies Buhl, Das Lebon Mudommads, transl, HH Sehaeder, Leipzig 1930 ‘The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 4 vols. and Supplement, Leiden and London ron3~38; The Encyclopaedia of Tilam, nev edition, Leiden and London 1960. ©. Brockelmann, Gechichte der arabic Literatur, 2 vols, Leiden 1943-9; Supplomenthinde, 3 vols, Leiden 937-42 A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad (transl of the ‘ira of Thn Isha), O.U.P. 2955 Hit Khalife, Lexicon ibligraphicum et oncyelopaedicum, ed, and transl. G. Fluegel, 7 vole, Leipeie 1835-38 Ton AbI Useybi's, "Uyan al-Anba’ fi Tabukit ale Afiboa’, od. E. Maller, text i. ii, Cairo. 1299/1882, introduction and indexes, Konigaberg 188% Kitab al-Tabaka al-Kabir, ed, E. Sacha and others, Leiden 1905 Nujim, al-Nuitm al-Zahire, vi, Caizo 1357/1938 Journal of the American Oriental Society ‘A, Jeffery, A Reader on Islam, Hague 196 By Murahhar ibn Tahir al-Makdis ed, and transl.Cl, Huart, 6 vol, Patis 1899 ff J-D. Luciani, Bl-Lrehad par Imam el-Havamet, été et traduit, Paris 038 G. Wiet, Les Biographies de Manhal al-Saft (ot Ton ‘Taghribird), Cairo r932 visa degli Studi Oricntai Ton al-"Imad, Shadhardt al-Dhahab, 8 vol., Caio 1351 H, Stieglecker, Die Glaubenslchren det Islam, Paderborn 1962 Tn Kayyim al-Jawziyya, Zad al-Ma'ad fe Hady Khar ‘ale"Thad, 4 vole, Caio 2347/1938 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlindschen GesellschaftINTRODUCTION SALW’ AL-DIN ‘ALI 1BN Ant L-Hanam, called for short Ibn al- ‘Nafis, born and educated in Syria, but later chief physician in Cairo, isan outstanding figure in the Arab medical world of the 7th/x3th century. He is well known in the history of Arab medicine as a compiler of and commentator on the works of Hippocrates, Galea, and Ibn Sind (Avicenna), and has recently won fame on the dis- covery of his description of the lesser cizculation of blood in the human body, three centuries before Servetus and Colombo, who probably knew the theory of theie predecessor through the inter- mediary of Andrea Alpago, physician and Orientalist. M. Meyethof published the tests in question, with a German translation, commentary, and biography of the author, in 19332 An old biography of Ibn al-Nafis edited and translated there mentions ‘a snall book of his with the title Kitab Fadil ton Natife, which it states to be a counterpart to Ibn Sin#’s philosophical tale of Hayy ibn Yalan, Professor H. Ritter of Istanbul kindly informed us ‘that the treatise in question, which was thought to have perished, is preserved in a manuscript in Istanbul and is identical with the same author's al-Risala al-Kamiliyya fil-Sira al-Nabauiyya, 2 copy of which was known to exist in the Egyptian Library at Cairo. We are very much indebted to Professor Ritter for a photo- graph of the Istanbul manuscript. Having in the meantime Published two studies on philosophical, and especially Greek learning among medical men in Egypt in the Middle Ages, the first on the famous controversy between the Muslim Ibn Ridwin of Cairo and the Christian Ibn Butlin of Baghdad, both reputed practitioners of the sth rath century,* and the second on a polemic Of the celebrated Jewish theologian, philosopher, and physician, ‘Masi ibn Maymiin (Maimonides, 2.0. 1135-1204), against the Greek physician Galen who, a thousand years before him, had * See below, ps 11 m2 2 See J. Schacht and M. Mayethof, The Mdico-Philoinphica! Controversy ewes Tin Butlan of Bacidad od Ton Ridnsan of Cairo, Caito 1047 (Tse Bgyptian University, ‘The Faculy of Ars, Publication no 1)a INTRODUCTION attacked the cosmogony of the Old ‘Testament,! we now return to the treatise of Thn al-Nafis. Te appeared that it was a counterpart not to Ibn Sini’s Hayy ibn Yaksan but to the philosophical novel, bearing the same title, ofthe Hipano-Moorish philosopher ‘Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, known as Ibn ‘Tufayl (4. 581/ 1185). 1 Thn Tufay!'s aim is to show the discovery of philosophical and mystical truths by an individual created by spontaneous generation on a desert island, or exposed there immediately after his birth, that of Ibn al-Nafis is to deseribe the same discovery With regard to the main tenets of Islamic religion, the life-story of the last Prophet, and the subsequent fate of his community Edward Pocock the Younger (1648-1727), who first printed Tbn "Pufayl’s book in 1671,2 gave it the name of Philosphus Auto- didactus; so we are entitled to call Ibn al-Nafis's treatise Theologns Autodidactus, Is fourth and last part deals, without mentioning ‘names, with the condition of the sultanate of Egypt and Syria under ‘the powerful Mamlak ruler Baybars al-Bundukaie, called al-Malik al-Zahir(658)1260-676) 1277); wetherefore found it appropristeto give a short survey of the historical and scientific background of the author’s period, followed by his biography according to the best available sources, well as some remarks on his iteraty output, I. THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND xT, Palestine, and Sysia—with parts of Arabia—were neatly always united under the rule of the Fatimid caliphs (356,969~ 4567/1173), the Ayyubids (564 1169-648/1250), and the Mamiks (638 [1as0-g22/1517). Tn al-Natis lived from 6072210 to 687/ 1288, and we will eonsider the main events ofthe 7th/x3th century. A the beginning of that century, Egypt and Syria were under the vigorous rule of the Ayyibid, al-Malik al~‘Kdil Sayf al-Din. Aba Bait, brother and suecessor of the celebrated Salah al-Din (aladdin). Around his realm sprang up petty kingdoms under his sons and relatives, in Aleppo, Hama, Hime (Emesa), northern + See J. Schacht and M, Moyethof,‘Maisnonides versus Galen’ in Bulletin ofthe Paclty of Arts ofthe University of Egy, v)e (May +537), Cairo 1939 2B, Pooodk, Pilrophur Autoddacts er. (with s Latin tatlton), Oxford 6y1; the sama, An Accent of the Oriental Plas, eter Oxford 1675 J" Gn tgypt and Syria under the Ayyabid, see HAR, Gibb, chapter sen KM. Stn (cl), History of the Cruaaie, i, Philadelphia 19623 0n the ‘Miami, see M. Mz Zijada, bid, chapters, THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3 ‘Mesopotamia, and Yemen. The heirs of Saladdin were contending bitterly among themselves, while the Crusaders continued to hold the Syro-Palestinian coast, About the middle of the century, the Ayytbids in Egypt were superseded by the Mamliks, the generals of the army, which had been recruited from slaves. The weak caliphs of Baghdad had to defend their limited possessions against the shahs of Khwitizm, and from about 617/1220 to face the ever~ growing danger of the Mongols or ‘Tartars (Tatar) as the Arab Fhistorians ell them, from the east. Nevertheless, dising the frst half of the century there was comparative peace in Baghdad, learning flourished, and schools and libraries were patronized, “Te-was but the Jull before the fatal storm." Having conquered the whole of inner Asia and south Russia, the Mongols at last besieged, took, and sacked Baghdad, where the last Caliph, al-Musta‘gim, found his death in 6536/1258. ‘They immediately proceeded westward, swept away the small Ayyabid kingdoms, temporarily occupied Damascus, and threatened the boundaries of the Syro-Bgyptian realm. Here they were stopped by the third MamlOk sultan, Kutuz, who defeated them in the battle of ‘Aya Jalat Immediately afterwards Kutuz was murdered by his general, Baybarsal-Bundukdis, who succeeded him on the throne of Egypt and Syria? ‘This remarkable maa was originally a slave from the Turkish people of the Kipchak in south Russi, tall and blue-eyed but with a white spot in one of his eyes so that, ‘when he vias sold for the modest sum of Soo dirham in Damascus, the buyer returned him. Hee was then bought by the Mamlak emit ‘AI al-Din Aydekin al-Bundukdiri, from whom he took his surname. When part of the property of this emir was confiscated by the Ayydbid sultan al-Malik al-Salib, Baybars came into the possession of tis las, who later set him free and started him om his, + Sir Wiliam Mui, The Calipte, its Rte, Decline, a Fal, new ar revised csition by TH, Weir, reprinted, Pdinburgh 1924, $80. On the evans preceding the battle see G, Lew Dela Vide, ‘Linvasione dei ‘antar in Sira el 1360 nel ricord dun testimane ovale” in Oriental, 30 (2038) 383-76, reprinted ins nade soagh, Milan and Naples 1950, 38-72 (On the bate itself see B, Lewis ar, "Ayn Djalo im BP On the Arsbie eoarec forthe biogeaphy of BeYbars and of hs successor [Kalawu, see J. Sauget, nraduton histoire de Orient malin, new and revised edition by Cl. Cahen, Paris p61, 1808. Far a recent account of the feign of Beybars see 8. Runcinan, A Hitory of the Grusade, i, Cambridge tosh 315-48; on Kalrrun, ibid, 387-423. On his religious policy, se 1 Uae, Let Selzer daw ila, Pais 1968, 25-4‘ INTRODUCTION military career. Having risen to ever higher positions, Baybars was acclaimed sultan after he had murdered his predecessor, and ruled from 6581260 to 676/1277. He was the real founder of Mamlik power. He was not only a military leader of indomitable courage, hut a superior organizer who rebuilt the navy, constructed fort- eases, bridges, and religious buildings, dug canals, improved harbours, and connected Cairo and Damascus, the two capitals of his realm, by a ewift postal service taking a week or less, Several of| his architectural monuments have survived in Egypt and Syria. In his numerous campaigns against the Crusaders he broke the backbone of the power of the Franks in Palestine and Syria and conquered the fortresses of the dreaded Assassins, whilst his generals extended his dominion westwards over Libya and south- wards over Nubia, which was now permanently conquered for Egypt. He exchanged embassies with Berke, the khan of the Golden Horde in south Russia, who was the first great Mongol ruler to convert himself to Islam, and allied himself with this prince against Hiligit and his suecessor Abaka, the pagan Mongol Il- Khans of Persia Three times he defeated the Mongols in Syria ‘and Mesopotamia. For reasons of political expediency, he recog- nized as caliph an alleged member of the ‘Abbiisid family who had ‘escaped the blood-bath of Baghdad; this last invested him with the government of Egypt, of Syria, and of other countries to be conquered.* When the caliph showed pretensions to independence, Baybars sent him at the head of an insufficient force against the Mongols, who promptly annihilsted him. ‘The sultan then pointed to the caliphate another pretended member ofthe 'Abbisid family, who gave, of course, every proof of doclity. 1 orthodoxy and zeal, together with the glory he brought to Islam, ‘combined to make his name a rival to that of Haran al-Rashid. In « SeeW. Bartholtand J. A. oye art ‘Berke in EP Baybarsalvo exchanged ‘mnbases with King Manéred of Sly eo elow,p. 76, Excuraus A, bar 0), Sih King Alona the Sage of Cai ee , Marner Monten, Tea ‘nes de Afonso 3 de Caria con el Sulkin mamelacoIybursy un socesores) icindals, 00 (98a) y4778), and with the Bprantine emperor Gee Me Gavards “Un tsied ene Bysaner ct Egypte au XTIT sleet les relations SSplemleqes de ychel VI Palelgue vec les Saltuns Masulnans Babess ‘tain in Monge Gaudyrey Demombynes, Caro 1938-43, 197-224) 1 Sc Bante, ba Bhs rina wn la Hai, Par, 6s R. Harn, Zier Vorgechicte des “ahdsdichen Schtn-Chalfats (Ah d: Devtschen Aad, ds Wise, Phlchise, Kins, 1947, 9), Bed 1D. Arson, ‘Studi onthe Tranter of the ‘Abbasid Caliphate from Chics Aabicn, vi (060), 41-56. ‘THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND 5 legendary history it looms even higher than that of Saladdin. His somance and that of ‘Antar remain to the present day more popular in the Arab Orient than the Arabian Nights." His great qualities to.a certain degree outweighed his brutal eruelty, his treacherous behaviour to his sovereigns and rivals, and the merciless taxation he imposed on his subjects. One of the rare humane traits in the character of this sultan is the respect which he always kept for his former master, the emir Aydekin, and even for the former master of this last, after both had become his subjects. After two years of inefficient government under two young sons ‘of Baybars, he was followed on the throne by his general, Kalawun, ‘who took on the throne name of al-Malik: al-Mansir and ruled from. 678/1279 to 689/1290. A worthy successor of Baybars in energy and organizing power, he was, like that ruler, originally a ‘Turkish slave from Kipchak, purchased for no less than 1,000 gold dinars by the Mamllik emir Aksunkur, and later by al-Malik al-Salih. He had distinguished himself in the wars of Baybars before he ascended the throne of Egypt and Syria; he was the only ‘Mamlk in whose line the succession continued, though not with- out interruptions, to the fifth generation, His first great deed was to inflict a heavy defeat near Hims in 679 2280 on the superior armies of the Mongol Tl-Khan Abaka who had received help from Crusaders and Christian Armenians and Georgians. Shortly after, ‘the Mongols of Persia adopted Islam under their new ruler, a brother of Abaka, who took the name of Abad, Kalawun then reduced the Crusaders’ castles in Syria, destroyed the town of ‘Tripoli, and prepared the extinction of Frankish rule in the Near East. He renovated on a grand seale the citedels of Damascus, Aleppo, and Baalbeck, and constructed many fine buildings. ‘The ‘most famous of these is the combination of tomb-mosque, schocl, and hospital in Cairo, completed in 683/1284, important parts of ‘which still exist? Tbn al-Nafis must have witnessed the building of this hospital, to which he bequeathed his house and his library "The sultan Kalavrun died two years after Iba al-Nafis, | PIC Hit, Hisory of the Arabs, London 1937, 676, See R. Pave at “(st Baybire’ n EP, "The foundation of this Mang hospital ie described in detail by Sb ibn “Al al-“Asali (730/130), l-Fal a-Ma'thr in Sat aS al Malit aleManir, MS. Marsh 424 (Bodleian i 766), fol. 1217 (GALS i 8p, t0 be Itansferred tothe Supp i 3s); also by Tn alePuit (2807/0405), Tah ed CO, Zarap, wil, Beirut 1939, 9-12.6 INTRODUCTION Il, THE SCIENTIFIC BACKGROUND medicine, and science also. The hostility of some sectors of Islamic Taga pen i ld popes ad pee Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn Naja, known as al-"Tzz al-Irbili, who taraloey, sus Kunbt (0 70413) Fat Wafed,o. ataan ihn ‘Milpanmad Ibn Kathie (@.774/1372), Bid wal-Nihia, Cairo THE SCIENTIFIC BACKGROUND. ‘sciences of the ancients’ for people of all persuasions who came to his house, Sunni and Shi'a Muslims and unbelievers, Jews, Christians, Samaritans, philosophers, and others. Though highly esteemed by all, including the last Ayyitbid ruler of Damascus, al-Malik al-Nagir, he was regarded as irreligious, but on his death- bed, according to the report of an eyewitness, quoted sura Invi, 14: ‘Doth He not know those whom He hath created, while He is the Subtile, the Aware?’ and added: ‘Allah is right and Ibn Sind is wrong,’ Whereas the Hanbali biographer, Yunini, gives him a lengthy, purely laudatory biography from which every mention of his alleged lack of religious faith is omitted, with extensive quota- tions from his poetry, the somewhat Iater Hanbali sympathizer, Ibn Kathir, in his short obituary notice denigrates even his undoubted intelligence and, comparing him to the sceptical and pessimistic poet Abul-‘Ala” al-Ma'arti, curses both. ‘We will now speak of the medical learning and of the hospitals in Damascus and Cairo, where Ibn al-Nafis received his training and was later a teacher. After a long series of hospitals created by former princes," two powerful rulers of the 6thjrath century founded two great new hospitals in the two capitals of the Syro- ‘eyptian realm. The Turkish prince Nar al-Din Mahmid ibn ‘Zengi, of the family of the Atabegs of Mosul, established himself in Damascus in 549/r154, and founded a well-equipped hospital which was called after him the Nari Hospital (al-bimaristan al- nari)? His Kurdish general, al-Malik al-Nasir Salzh al-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyib, or Saladdin, followed his example and in 67/1178, three years after becoming master of Egypt, founded 4 hospital in Cairo which was called the Nasiri Hospital (al- bimaristan al-nasiri). Both establishments gained great fame in the world of Islam, and over several centuries continued to attract 2-9, al. 235. See ako E. Straus, Joe. ce, 23f, On some iter-Islamie fomtrverses ofthe potiod, ace L. Metaignos in Bwdhy @'Oviowalione dies Ia mineive de dis Provengal, Pare 196s 662-77 "See Ahtnad lesa Bey, Hato des hmarstane(iepions) a eporeislaigue, Cairo 1p; new and revised Arabic edition, Tatbh al Benaristondt ff Tm, Damescts 1387/1930. On hospitals and medial teachings puetly i eonncaion With mosques and madras sec Joke Pedersen, at, ‘Mavi secion Fae, i 17% on hospitals fn Sessa fom the 6thath to the 8th Yeh, Unban Life in Syria ander the Bary Many Beirut 955,168. Fo the pla. of small sypical hospital which was founded in 743/44 and has Femuined unaltered, ct J. Seuraget, ep, Pars to4sy album plate i On this horptl sce J. Sauvage, Lee Peres ches ibe ach-Chibma, 3, Neyrouth £993, 1685 INTRODUCTION ‘numerous patients and medical scholars. We know the names and activities of many of the practitioners and teachers attached to these benevolent institutions from the historian of Arab medicine, Ibn Abi Useybi'a (d. 668/1270), who was himself an oculist and the private physician of an emir in Syria ‘The stimulus to this revival of medical learning in Syria and Egypt in the 7th/x3th century came in the last resort from the great 'Adudi Hospital in Baghdad, a foundation of ‘Adud al-Dawla, the powerful Buway- hid sultan and viceroy of the caliph in the 4th/roth century. He founded this model institution in 371/98r, @ year before his death, Generations of killed medica Imen practised in it, the ‘most prominene of whom was the Christian Amin al-Dawla Hibat Allah Ibn al-Tlmidh, who died in 560/1165 at the age of 95. He was Chief Physician (ra’ts al-atitba’), ie. the principal medical officer, of Baghdad, and had many pupils. He instructed them in Greck’ medicine and philosophy and read with them Ibn Sini’s enormous medical encyclopedia al-Kanan fi l-Tibb. Several of these disciples left Baghdad after the death of the master and came to Damascus, where they were appointed to the Nari Hospital, in their turn educating medical practitioners. ‘The most eminent among them was Radi al-Din al-Rahbi, long-lived like Ibn al-Tilmidh and teacher of aumerous medical men. He died in 631/1233, and his son continued his work. Other doctors later left Baghdad, probably on account of the growing political dis- order, for Damascus, and increased the reputation of the medical school there, Ibn Abi Usaybi'a gives the biographies of some twenty distinguished representatives of the medical school of Damascus, of whom we will mention ony Fakbr al-Din al-Mari- ‘who died in 594/1198 after successful work as a teacher,$ and, Ibn al-Majrin, a converted Christian who became a favourite of Saladdin, collected a great library, and died in 87/1191. Both had 2 J. Sauvuget, lp, 126m. has pointed out that only the iasune and patients safering from cera special disetes (eof the eyes) were eeualy treated in this Lind of hospital the oder patients came to eonclt the ators and eesive medicines which they tok at home, SUsioe ale dnb’ Jf TababatolAuB', ed. E. Miller vot, Cairo 1200/ 188, introducrion and indexes, Knigaberg 188 (referred to herefter as IAU). (Chapters 14 and 15, at the end of vole i reat ofthe physicians of Egypt and of Syn 1" See M. Meyetho, art. ‘bn al-Tilmtdh, in BI, Supp 4“ TAU, de age-a0r SIAU, 1 29p-aer, HIAU i gs8. ‘THE SCIENTIFIC BACKGROUND ° been disciples of Ibn al-Tilmidh. On account of the close links between Egypt and Syria under the Ayyabids and the Mamliiks, there was a continuous two-way traffic of teachers and students between the great hospitals of the two capitals. "The Syro-Bgyptian school of medicine in the 7th/x3th century reached its zenith with Muhadhdhib al-Din ‘Abd al-Rabim iba ‘Aly, called Dakhwry! he enjoyed the highest reputation and influenced the majority of the prominent physicians of Syria and Egypt. Dakhwar was born in Damascus, the son of an oculst, was at first an oculist himself, and afterwards studied medicine ‘with Ibn al-Matrin, He became the personal physician of the sultan al-Malik al-'Rail Sayf al-Din, the brother of Saladdin, and accompanied him from Syria to Egypt, where he witnessed the terrible plague of 612/1216, When the son of the sultan, al-Malik ‘imil Muhammad, later on himself sultan of Egypt, was attacked by the disease, Dakhwir treated him with great devotion and saved his life. Thereupon the sultan appointed him Chief Physician of Egypt and Syria, Three years later the sultan died, and his suecessor in Syria was his other son, al-Malik al-Mu‘azzam Sharaf al-Din ‘Isa; he confirmed Dakhwr in his office. Numerous princes and important persons consulted him, and he became a rich man, At the same time, he was attached to the Niiri Hospital, here his now very old teacher, Radi al-Din al-Rabbi, and an ‘eminent Jewish physician, ‘Imran ibn Sadaka,? were his colleagues. Ibn Abt Usaybi'a was their disciple, and he could not find words ‘enough to express his admiration of the useful collaboration of these three practitioners. It inspired him to write the verses: ‘Then passed away those years and their team, And they vanished away like a dream? Notwithstanding his numerous occupations, DakhwAr never ceased to give instruction to his pupils, in his house or at the hospital. He was a devoted student of Galen's works, and when one of the disciples read, during his lectures, a remarkable passage about the theory of practice of the treatment of some disease or other, Dakhwar would exclaim: “This is Medicine!” He was a great lover ‘of books, copied with his own hand numerous medical and philosophical works, and formed a considerable library. During his lectures he used to have with him, besides medical books, the HIAU, Hi aso-4. #IAU aise 8 TAU, ji 24310 INTRODUCTION ‘Sitah of Jaschact, the Mujmal of Yb Faris! and the Kitab al- ‘Nabat ‘Book of Plants’) of Abd Hana al-Dinawari At the end of his life he became partly paralysed of by stroke, and he died childless in 6281230, having left his house in Damascus, together with the revenues of his estates and other donations, as a pious foundation (wakf) for the benefit of a medical school which he had founded.? This school, the Madrasa al-Dakiwariyya, was still in existence in 820/:417, when part of it was repaired, ‘The first director of this school, appointed by Dakhwar himself, was Sharaf al-Din al-Rahbi, son of his old teacher Radi al-Din, Several of Dakhwas disciples gained a high reputation. One of his most eminent pupils was Ibn Abi Ugaybi'a, the historian of Arab medicine mentioned before, and another was Thn al-Nafis. ‘The two men were near contemporaries, and although they may never have met, itis impossible to believe that Ibn Abi Usaybi‘a should not have known of Ibn al-Nafis. But whereas he devotes the last part of his work to the biographies of his contemporaries in Bgypt and in Syria and paints a vivid picture of the intense intellectual life there in the 7th/1th century, he does not give the biography of Tbn al-Nafis and does not mention his name even incidentally: This strange silence must be the result of personal enmity or professional jealousy or both. Fortunately there are other sources for the biography of Ibn al-Nafis IIL, THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBN AL NAFIS Wehave come across no fewer than eighteen biographies or obitu- ary notices of Tbn al-Nafis, and know of the existence of a few + Two well-known dictionaries; the authors ded in 393[s005 din 35/1008 respectively; cf GAL g5, 135 PA's and mangsided thos 83/8955 GAL, Suppl 18 3 ‘he two relations ofthe foundstion ofthe school, fn LAU, tiea4af and in Natapnt, aeDavis 8 Poth ab Mears, i127 are not neeesany cota disor Re manancrpt "én 48836) ofthe Zahir Library in Damascus (t ivi Makigayas Dar ald aber, vi (Tart), by Yeu alisha, Danse 1366/1947, 300), «at copy, drsialy abbreviated athe end but ishes witha short autice on Ton al-Nafls which ix fusamely udstory in sencral terns but aks all biographies! deta, This notice ia not by Ibn AT ‘juss beens aoe spss of Thm aN a erin dance fine (swing ave ‘uthoratve ne opinionof sound scholars noon count “fd alma aha dha), bathe now several works o ‘hich are not mentoned bythe other biographers ‘THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBN AL-NAFIS a thers. The three oldest biogeap based on informa- tion given by a pupil of Ibn al-Nafis in philosophy, the famous grammarian, theologian, and linguist, Athtr al-Din Abt Hayyin ‘Muhammad ibn Yosuf al-Andslust, ‘This scholar was born in Granada in 654/1256, travelled through North Africa and Egypt, performed the pilgrimage to the Holy Places of Arabia, and settled down in Cairo, where he studied with the grammazian Ibn. al- Nabhils (whom he Inter succeeded), took lessons from Iba al- Nafis, and became himself a lecturer at several institutions, He diel in Cairo in 7451345 ‘The biographical notices of Ibn al-Nafts in European works are ‘mostly recent and derived from the sources with which we shall now have to deal.# ‘The two most detailed biogeaphies of Ibn al-Nafis, which are also among the oldest, are nearly identical; they occur in the voluminous works of two scholars of encyclopedic learning, both of them pupils of Abu Hayyan al-Andalus. One is the Masai al-Absar fé Mamalik al-Amgar of Yn Fadl Allzh al-'Umatt (d. ‘749/1349),4 and the other the biographical dictionary, al-Wafi bil- Wefavat, of Khalil ibn Aybak al-Safadi (4. 764/1363)4 As the relevant part of neither work has been printed as yet, we have ‘used manuscripts; for the work of ‘Umass, the copy 8 Mf Ma'arif “Amma (formerly 99 M Tarieh), par 8, of the Egyptian Library in Cairo, collating the text with the photostaticcopy, preservedinthe "GAL? i 1396 Supp i x35 8, Glazer, at, "Aba Kays a-ha in IE Garey Gn A prints def Hat. Renton dl ea rua defos estudio. Al-Andats, at S048), 305-4352 NuTaya, Dis ft Taras csMadar index ov, Mubaninnd 6: Yosat bs At Vou GAL*, i, 649; Supply Sook F. Wstentle, Gachve der arabichen Arse urd Notupforcher, Gottingen *8go, 136 Le Leclere, Hite del indacne arabe, Pars 1876, i. 207-93 Gx Sarton, fbrodaetion fo he History of Sone iy Baltimore 1041, toop-evo1; ML. Mepeof, Tin an-Natls und seine Theowe des Lungenkrcistuts, in Queen wed Studien sur Geschichte der Naturetuerchfter nd der Metizin, we (etn 939) 97-48; sbrdged versions in Buletin de Pte dBxypte x0 (0999), 33-48, oil C033), 100" ier, at "Ton al-Nafe, in i Suphy J Schuck, bm sl-Nai tao logus Autodidacur, in mene @ Millr-Velarost i Uarelonn 1930, FGALA, ti ups Sup e783 D. 8. Rico, ‘A Ministre in a Autor sroph of Shibabl-D in ttn Fadllith ana, BSOAS, aii (931) st-6ys C"Dererdun, "Un nouveau manusere des Mose aleAbgie Tbe age lah ol "Unaat Henin tose, 473-8 “GAIA 39: Supp a7 2 Ck, Rist e-Kunal‘Arahiya aleMobfea Wit-Kutablvone aleKhiate inva, 1498s Dara Kutd ab Miryya, Pls al-Kulud al Arabiyye, 3482 INTRODUCTION same library (2568 Tarik, part 5, vol. i), of a manuscript of the library of Aya Sofya in Istanbul," and for the work of Safad, the ranuseript Oriental 6587 in the library of the British Museum, ‘which contains the fifth part ofthe work. As Safadi, who is known asa compiler, died fifteen years after ‘Umar, itis probable that he copied the biography from: his older contemporary. But asthe text of Safadi, in the manuscript of the British Museum, is better than ‘that of ‘Umart in both manuscripts at our disposal, we have taken the former as the basis of our edition and translation, and give a supplement from “Umaei’s text. 1, Biography of Him aloft according 0 Sofa, al-Wa0t bil Winfyst (MS. British Maseurn, Or. 6587, 20°20), “Ali ibn Abil-Flaram: he is the excellent indi, the most learned doctor, ‘A’ al-Din ibn al-Nafis al-Kuraeht al-Dimashi.* The learned ‘Athir al-Din Aba Iayyin* gave me the following information: He grew up in Damatcus and there occupied himself with medicine under Muhadhdhib al-Din al-Dakhwis. AL-Dakhwar was an excellent scholar and had many pupils, among them al-Rabbi,? Ton Kadi Ti bak, and Shams al-Din al-Kull ‘Ala al-Din was @ unique leader in the science of medicine, in which no one equalled or approached him in ready knowledge and thorough investigation. He worked hard into his old age and wrote outstanding works and excellent books. He composed "The Comprehensive Book on Medicine’ (Kitab al-Shamil fl-Tib0), the pen of which shows that it was to consiat of three hundred volumes, so vas told by one of his friends. He made a fair copy of eighty of them; they are nov a bequest tothe Mangiri Hospital in Cairo. He also wrote "Phe Well-Arranged Book on Opthalmology" (Kitab al-Muhaddab fil-Kukl), 2 Commentary on the Kinin of Ibn Sina in a number of ‘olumnes, and others on medicine. Someone who saw him composing? 2 Cf, Dar al-Kutuab-Migriyya, Piri, loo it + Weare indebted to Professor F. Cale fora copy of this test from the photograph of the manuscript mn the Fondarione Cacti sn Rome BT neo ests are peated ab Satroduatory ater, nos. 1 snd 2y in the Arabic part ofthis publestion. References to the persons mentioned in these ‘eto texte wil be found in Exeursus A, below, pp. 1347 and notes (a)>(2) inthe {tex refer tothe paragraphs of the excarsus., ‘The two manuseripes of "Uma which we have consulted have Yon AE Unybi'a instead of Abo Havyin, bur this ls obviously mistake (se above, p. 10), and ABO Hajyin occurs not ony im Saindi but abo in Dhaba! (ee Delos 18). That the aime of Ton ADS Uyayi'a did lip in emphasizes how oven the mention in a-Nathey Thm Abt Unnbsculd be epee Sd how strange hi omasion Is THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBDN AL-NAFIS 3 told me tate usd to wate fom memory witout consulting 4 book while compoxing. He aloo Knew logic end wrote a compendium on this subject and x commentary onthe Hiddya of tba Bint on lagi’ In this science he Teaned exclusively towards the method ofthe ealerxuthor, such a= ‘Abo Note (ALPHA) and Ibn Sin, and was aver tothe smthod of 1 Algal lsRhnai and of al-Athie ale Aare T studied gute a part Of this book a- Hida of Ibn Bind under him, and he explained iin the best posible way leaned fom hi, to, something of medial science, He sls wroteon the princpis of reprodence and on 3p ins, on Arabi language, trations, storie, and other subject Dut in thre eencse he dd ot cand inte front an, he only tok pain than, (Un gemma) he prepared a book in ovo volumes in which be pur forward canes (for gramenatical reactions) cilerent fom thore the pease gveTn the cence e had studied only the Umeda} (Specimen) of Zamalhshat under the Shaykh Bab al-Din Ibn Nake! and yt he dared to write about that sence ‘By him and by our Profesor Imad l-Dinal-Nabslst! he physicians in Haypt and Cato were formed. He yas an eer of very al Matuie trator face, ender and of pole manner. Iwas told tha daring the ints of which he ded eome of hi medal ends advised him to take some wine becuse, et aid, is illness would be ily tobe tured thereby. Bat he fused fo take anything of eand eid: 'T wil not tote Allah, he Mowe High, with any wie in my body. He bull himeelfhouse in Cairo aod had it paved with marble, even ital, and T have norerseen a marble hall ave in tis hue, He di net matty! and le beyucthed his houte and his Book othe Manet Hospital’ He loathed the syle of Galen and dese ita wei and prose with noting nt, and ths in contrat with our Profewor Lk EoDinal-Nabulus ho salud it highly snd encouraged the reading of Galea’s works. ‘AN al-Din had been etrsted with the teaching of religious lw atthe Masri School in Caro® and it was eeported 1 See. Anta Rl de bors aio, Car 1930.2 sg Rin (alin gs 8 oh) = a ha ea + Tigran enspeodium oon of te most ccd Arb bagi, who a Saline ee GAL caer Spel sop Py > the Astute ins aM Gls tksnghte) ened the prox ion of win bo ely tho oud plesk Aba far stn a-ha, could ren roster ich ncded or raking hess ius * Homey fou, hve hd eoeoe 1 he Rl funded a Mel Miner Kaun in 6/84; ae Resin to Mate, Khitay Babe 1270), tay, thin school ba been tomed by th cat acs Wheres el Miwon, one of Saladset INTRODUCTION that he explained the Tanbih! from the beginning tothe chapter on sah? in an excellent manner, He wa ill for six days, beginning on a Sunday, and died on the momiag of Friday, ars Dhul-Ka'da 687. In Cairo, May’ Allah the Most Hight have metey on himt “AL-Saft Abu [-Fath ibn Yabenna ihn Salts iba Muajt iba Mawhb, the Chistian,’ recited to me the following verses which he composed hirself and in which he lamented ‘Al alsDin Ibn al-Nats (metre ani): ‘Many a one asked: Is there sila learned of an excellent man, Ora man with a share of high qualities (wa) left after al“Al"? ‘Then L answered, while fie was burning in my heat Stop! At the death of ala” high qualities (aw) ded with Find of the eport of Athie al-Din. ‘The learned imam, the Mast Bushin al-Din rim at-Rashiy! preacher at the mosque of Amir usayn ia Cairo, cold me the following ‘When ale‘Als"Ihn al-Nafie wanted t writ, they laid ready-cut (reed) pens before him; he turned his fice towards the wall and begun to Eompone without consulting a book, writing ikea torrent in spate, and ‘when the pen became blunt and used up, he threw it sway and took another one ao a not to lose time in pen-euting T wa tald by the Master Najm al-Din al-Safai! (may Allah the ‘Most High have merey on him): The Profeasor Baht al-Din Thm sl Nabhism used to my: ‘In grammar I am not satised with anyone's style in Cairo except that of ‘Alt al-Din Ib al-Nais' or words to that ‘fect. I have acen a small book of his which he’ opposed 10 the Treatise of Hayy ibn Yah of Ton Sin and which he called the Book of Fain Natit In ithe defends the system of Islam and the Muslims? Aocttines on the missions of Props, the religious laws the resurcection of the body, and the transitorines of the world. And-—by my lfel— the as produced something wonderful, and this proves his competence, the soundness of his intelligence and his capability in the intellectual T was told by l-Sadidal-Dumyatt, the physician of Cairy* who was one of his pupils: One night he and he ead Jamal al-Din thn Was ‘were together whilst I was sleeping in their company. When they had ended the last evening prayer, they began a leamed discussion and couriers, The foundation ofthe Mads a-Mararyya in Danses wa 0 sented ao bie (Net mymn Dy 439) "TA welltnowa tralse of ani regiou® Taw, according to the SHAS school, bythe elec jit, Abs sae Toethi ion “A ashes (496) {08s}. See Gals 484-65 Sul 69 French tana by Galt ows [See Als aoio-sa (Oictbeqe de la Poeabe de Deo de TUnivoee CP Alge tai 2 Gaminafiness daring re peer, + Gomepondingto17 December, 0.128 ‘THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBN AL-NaFIS 5 passed from one science to another. Dusting allthis, the Master ‘Ala? al- Din conversed with self-control and without becoming heated; whereas the eadi Jamil al-Din became excited, his voice grew loud, his eyes went rod, and the veins of his neck swelled. Thus they continued ntl dawn, When they came to an end, the cadi Jamil al-Din said: ‘O Master ‘Alz* al-Din, I know of problems and subtleties and rules, but you possess treasures of learning,” ‘The same [sl-Sadid al-Dumyli) said further: I told him: ‘Sie, if you were to write a commentary on the Shifa’ of Ibn Sing, that would be better than commenting on the Kata, because people are in need of it He replied: I have still got some passages in the Shif@” which need Putting right. By this he meant that he did not understand those sages Bectute the style of the Chief (Ibn Sin) in the Sif ifcute. Another informant told me: The Master ‘Ala* al-Din once went 0 the public bath which is situated at Bab al-Zulima Whilst he was in the middle of washing himself, he went out to the dressing-room (maslakh) of the bath, asked for ink, pen, and paper, and wrote down treatise on the pulse from beginning to end, Afterwards he returned to the bath and finshed his ablutions, It is reported that he once said: “If I did not know that my works ‘would last for ten thousind years after me, I should not have written them.’ But the responsibility for this must be borne by those who have related it. To sum up, he was a great leader, and many excellent men said: “He isa second Ibn Sind. Teopy the following from a biography of hs, the author of which I do not know: He wrote a commentary on the Kinin in twenty volumes, in Which he elucidated the scientific problems, pointed ont the logical con- clusions, and explained the medical difficulties, No one had previously ‘written such a commentary beeause the utmost all previous commen tators had done was to content themselves with the explanation of the seneral par (the kuliyydt), as far as the pulse of the pregnant woman, " Avicenna’ great philotophical treatise, comprising logic, physics, matho= tnates and astronomy, ad theology (GAZ, i. 392, no. 18) Sup. Bis, nos 185 Rahman (ed), Aoiconu's De Ania. Being the piyhelogical part of Kit a its O.U.P. 1980; French wana. by J. Bikes, Poytape db Stud apts swore a-Si, Prague 1930); there are several recent editons of oat ‘ction, On Avicenna und his Shin genera, ace FM. Pee, lama, Neyrouth 1957-63, 0861 * Originally one of the gute of the great Fatimid palace in Cairo (Sefer Naneh. Relation du Voyage de Nessiri Kooray, el, Ch Cchefe, Pars 1888 45 (tex), 129 (usta sed M. Ghantzade, Best 1343x983), 62), and later he tune of gateway ofthe cetel town (Sakti, hier (DUSK t279), egg), {oay a lane near the Khan alsa Bazar tll Dears he mateo aad Bab6 INTRODUCTION and in that part medicine is rarely diseusted. He alto commented on all the bool’ of the excellent Hippocrates, and on most of them he ‘wrote bro commentaries, a detailed and s concise one. He commented also on the Ishird.* He knew the hliyat of the Karn by heart, and esteemed the style of Hippocrates He used to refer students only to the Kann, and this is what encouraged the (medical) public to study that haok. He was akvays ready to give information by day oF by night. ‘To seek his company in his house came a number of emir as well a5 the Chief Physician, Muhadhdbib al-Din Thm Abt TTulayko,? Sharaf al-Din Iba Saghin end the great physicians, ‘The persons were seated according to their rane. ‘To his prominent pupile belonged the Chief Physician, Badr sl-Din Hasan,’ Amin al-Dawha Ton al-Kulfy ale Sadid,! Abul-Fadl Ton Kasha!" and Abul-Futth al-Iskandar. 2. Supplement to the biography of Ibn al-Nafis from ‘Umari, Masilik al-Abgér (MS. Egyptian Library 8 M Ma‘arif ‘Ana, formerly 99 M Tarith, part 8, 119°). Several of his disciples, for example our Professor Abu 1-Fath al- ‘Ye"imuri told me the following: Ibn al-Nafls possessed an enormous knowledge of (theoretical) medicine and had mastered its branches and principles, But he had not so much insight into (practical) treatment. ‘When he had made prescriptions, henever deparced from the method to ‘which he was accustomed; he did not prescribe a remedy as long a8 he could prescribe adie, and he did not prescribe a eompound remedy a8 long a8 he could content himeelf with a simple drug. He used to pre- sczibe dishes of wheaten flour (Femhiyya) for sufferers from ulcers, noodle soup (jurmaj) for sufferers from vapours, carols and parched chick-peas for sulerers from diaerhoea, and so on, choosing for everyone + vienna’ main work on lnc (GAIA. soa, no. 281 Suppl. 8x66, no. a0; French el by AM. Gotthon, Lior de cara omar, Baye na Pai 950) [By cas ‘Uma, rnb tao hm mtn igen hn Sins ef. sbows, Ps. 2 Bleed, in Bi previous publications on Thm s-Nat (ose above, 2 11 1-2), had proposed to coret the reading ofthe manuseit, tafumaly whieh ca eaeele eee eee eet eee the oman eon Nove the wa toma wpm, pong) of Tura uta, 8 kind of noodle soup. The wo ‘es in eon Tass Arse glsttio,ineluding tare athe dite of the Maniths; se, eg, Madd sl-Kishghar, Di Laphdt o-Turk, Intacbal 1533, 377; Me ‘Th. Howton, Bie Mraicincetchr Clana, Leen ny, 70 14 A Catoobt, Kitab ltd tuts adr (work of ABA Harvie ssAikat, Teton, 208; A. Zaieorol, Mesnal etabe dl Tague de Tura ode picks, Warsi’ 998,59 (e the lot eon coin fartber references), ‘here extn Soup (informaon given bythe ate Aad Zaha Pah) ‘THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBN AL-NAFIS ” the diet which agreed with and corresponded to his uaual food, until the druggist and syrup-merchant in whose shop he held his consul= tations told him: "If you intend to go on making prescriptions of this kkind, you had better go and sit in a butcher's shop, but a® long aa you are with me, please prescribe sugar, syrup, and remedies only.” ‘Our professor, Abu I-Thand” al-Halabt, the Socrotary,* told me the following: I complained to Ibn al-Nafis of ganglion? on my wrist. He told me: “By Allah, T have got a ganglion myself’ Thereapon I asked him: ‘And how shall I treat it?’ He replied: “By Allah, T do not know ‘myself how to treat it” And after that he did not speak to me any more about this matter, ‘These are the two most important biographies of Ibn al-Nafis, ‘They give us many details about his personality and his manner of living and working, but no record of the course of his life, ‘The study of those of his books which have come down to us confirms ‘much of this information, for instance, that he must have written down (or, as we shall see presently, dictated) most of his works from memory, because he rarely quotes any previous author. On the other hand his style, at least in the teeatise which forms the subject of this book, does not seem to deserve the praise which his professor in grammar, Ibn al-Nahhis, bestowed upon it (see below, pp. 34). Moreover, if Ibn al-Nafis is praised by his admirers as a second Avicenna, the criticism of Abu I-Fath al-Ya'muri, related by ‘Umarr, shows that notwithstanding his modern ideas on treatment he was a learned theorist rather than a practical physician, Nevertheless, the range and depth of his general culture are im- pressive, 3. Still older but shorter than the two preceding biographies of Iba al-Naffs is that in the Tarihh al-Tslam (‘History of Islam’) of the historian and traditionist, Aba ‘Abd Allzh Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Dhahabf, who was born in Damascus in 673/1274, while Ibn al-Nafis was still alive, and died in Cairo in 748/1348.° We have used the manuscript Laud Or, 279 of the Bodleian Lib- rary (Catalagus, i 656), where the biography of Tbn al-Nafis occurs on fol. 176", collating the text with two manuscripts of the British * Doctor jn the medieral tradition ured to and in places sl do, hold theit congulations in deus” stores. "The Arse term in the tex, ‘wiht, means a shackle or tether; medially ic probaly means ganglion cr some ether ufecon of the aeslstion hindering free movement. "The moder term i "aka (kt). » GALS, 57-605 Suppl 45-47.8 INTRODUCTION Museum: Catalogus, 1641 (Or. 53) and Supplement (Riew), 468 (Or. 1540). The second half of thie biogeaphy reproduces a ‘written communication from Aba Hayyan al-Andalusi, which corresponds to about the first half of the information given by Safadi and “Umert on the authority of this scholar. The first half of Dhahabi's biography, however, contains some additional details, as will appear from the following extract. “Als ibn Abil-Haram, the most learned ‘AU? al-Din Ibn al-Natis al-Kurasht al-Dimashlt, the physician, the prinee of physicians in his time. He studied under the Shaykh Muhadhdhib al-Din al-Dakhwar and became excellent in (theoretical medical) art and (practical) treat~ rent, ,.. He used to dictate his works from memory, and did not need to consulta book because he was thoroughly familiar with the subject. He became the Chief Physician of Egypt (wa-ntahat ilayhi rPasat ale {ibb bil-Diyar al-Misriyya), Hle left a vast fortune and bequeathed his hhouse, his landed) property, and his books to the Mang0st Hospital. He dled on 21at Dhul-Ka'da (687), more than eighty years old, and left no fone like him behind * : Dita! mentions he pot ft tht Th Nas bene coiet Physoan of Bape he ofc af Chit Pipaan es sta of hich te xpesin oat i, x Das the art) man porn appoint: ae (ec Bese A parol, pe) spotted by at pends") fe gover of Danastn 65/982 ante leer appinmen cess of Ab Hales one a thomas tobe recency audrey oneafthescresa St wate foes piblogie Manna bm Mike Ton Mane in Guo fn yah. Te quoted i fll by Tone Tuy and ye sc em hat he appt vas ane ely Hone ut sre dpa Powers oer Be pla cenit, and surgeons in to of Dass exis en, there cabo dvi iboats ld sapped svi clo om the ips ofthe Thos utd "Ds x tn cel ND pti rata hs acted a SESS aus nee tn, Mame ee Pail endear were ‘THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBN AL-NAFIS » that he was the personal physician of Baybars, it is likely that he ‘was appointed by his sultan. As Ibn al-Nafis must have been near eighty years old when the three sons of Aba Hulayka were ap- pointed in 684/285, it is natural to assume that they were his {director indirect) successors. Sultan Baybars died in Damascus in 4676, on the return journey from one of his military expeditions; so it is not surprising that Ibn al-Nafis is not mentioned in the various reports on his last illness and death. "Dhe other short biographies or obituary notices of Ibn al-Natfis, of which we know, ate, with one exception (below, no. 6), almost ‘completely derived from the three preceding ones. ‘They occur in the following works: 4. ‘Abd Allah iba As'ad al-Yai't (4, 768/1367), Mir'at al- ‘Fanaa, iv, Hyderabad 1339, 207. A short obituary notice. 5. Taj al-Din al-Subki (4. 71/1370), Tababat al-Shafi'iyya al- ‘Kulbra, Cairo 1324, v. 129. A very competent, concise biographical notice which contains all the essential data, ‘The inclusion of Tbn al-Nafts in this biographical compendium of the Shafi‘ scholars of teligious law shows the reputation which he had gained in the Subject. Subk reports that he was considered unequalled in medi- cine since Avicenna, and even regarded as stronger than Avicenna, in (practical) treatment, There are several mistakes to be corrected inthe printed text, puticularly concecaing the date of the death of Thn al-Nafis (4.8. 687) and his age (about 80)? 2 See below, p34 2 Sec lon Shad tranel, M. etefiddin Vathaya, ays Tari Istanbul ost snatlbn Abd ab Zahir, boned al-Zahir, MB. Path 4367, 99°-1944 38 ‘Abdul Anis alKhovaster 4 erica! ein, ete, unpublished esis, London, SOAS, vo6oy Allin abdal-Rapimibn Abmnadal-Mutart, Dh! Myf a- Korab icbn Wap, MS, Paris, Acabe 1703 1877; Buybars eMart, Zubdot ‘fitea, MS, brideh, Museum, AGQ. 23325, 87's Yaaint, Dhayl Mirae Hiden 1380/1960, 248, Shab fb ‘AN, flan al- Mand a= Seriya en extract ftom in “Atel al-Zabi), MS. Paris, Abe 1727, 244"; Nawayit Nyet af-arab, MS. Pass, Abe’ 1578, 94% * (quoting Tb ‘Ab aby; and of later Hetoians: Dh, Rid Dual al-Din 1345 ba Kathir, a-bidaya ali, xe a74 £3 Ton alusit, Tait vi 85-88; Make, Rita ae Sul} 563 Thm Tughrbiedy al-Nidionaf-Zahira, wi, Calto 1357/0038, #75, 177, 8 3 ccnding tothe catalogue ofthe Oren Public Library st Bakipore, Calan s9f0; no. 38, Ibn Nall occurs alo in the biographical woes ot ‘Shirt scolse by Tbn alMlain (0. Soe/saor) and by Thm Kkagh Shuhbs G@'8sift448 below, no20 INTRODUCTION 6, Asnawi (d. 72/1370), Tabakat al-Fukaha’ al-Shaf'iyya, MS. r. 3037 of the British Museum (Ricu, Supplement, 643) a copy of 773. This short biographical notice, the sources of which are not apparent and which in its formulation differs somewhat from its predecessors, contains some additional information most if not all ‘of which is erroneous. The author attributes to Ibn al-Nafis a book called al- Saft on applied law and on the principles of jurisprudence ‘hich is not mentioned in the other sources. He is certainly mis~ taken when he asserts that Ibn al-Nafis lived in the Mangiriyya School (which itself is a mistake for the Masririyya School) in Cairo and that he died in his lodgings there, whereas his disciple Abi Hayyin describes the Tosurious house which he built for himself (above, p. 13). He ako gives wrongly as the date of his death the asth (instead of the 21st) Dhul-Ka'da 687 (eee above, p14). 7. Ton Kathi (4. 74/1373), al-Bidaya wal-Nihaya, Cairo 1351-8] 1932-9, 313. A short obituary notice. 8, Ibn Habib (d. 779/977), Durrat al-Aslah fé Dalat al-Atrah, MS, Marsh sor of the Bodleian Library (Gatalogus, i. 819); Tadhkirat al-Nabih fi Ayyam al-Manyar wa-Banih, MS, Add. 17335 of the British Museum (Catalogu, 3¥5); two short obituary hotites, both under the year 687; inthe second, the verses of Ibn Mavhtb (above, p. 14) are quoted. 9. [Tbn al-Purkt (A. 807/1405), Tarikh, ed. Costi K. Zurayk, vil Beirut 1939. ‘There isa big lacuna in the biographies of the year 687 (see p. 75 n. 2), and this accounts no doubt for the absence of a biographical notice of Ibn al-Nafis.] ro. Malkriad (d, 845/1442), Kitab al-Suluk i-Ma'rifat Duseal al- Mulak, ed. M. Mustafa Ziada, i/3, Cairo 1939, 746. A very short in which Ibn al-Nafis is called Chief Physician 11, Thn Kadi Shubba (d. 8511448), Tabakat al-Shaf'ivya, MSS. Or, 3039 (Rieu, Supplement, 644) and Add. 7356 (Catalogus, 370) of the British Museum, both of 843. A biographical notice derived from Subki, Dhahabi, and Asnawi (whose mistakes do not recur here). ‘THE BIOGRAPHIES OF IBN AL-NaFIS oa 12, Mahmid ibn Ahmad al“Ayni (d. 855/1451), hd al-Juman, We are indebted to Professor H. Ritter for a copy of the biography of Tha al-Nafis in the manuscript Besir Aga 457, under the year 687. This biography alone contains, apart from data derived from ADU Hayyin, the information that Ibn al-Nafis composed a commentary on the famous ‘Questions on Medicine” (Masti fl- Tibb) of the celebrated physician and translator Hunayn ibn Tshak (see below, p. 24) 13, Ibn Taghribirai (d. 874/1460), al-Manhat al-Safi, MS. Cairo, arith 1113, vol. i, fol. 383 (index by G. Wiet, Les Biographies die Manhal al-Safi, Caico 1932): a biography derived from Abt Hayyiin, quoting the verses of Ibn Mawhiib; al-Nujim al-Zahira, vii, Cairo 1357/1938, 377: a notice derived from the first half of the biography by Dhahabt, and mentioning his office as a Chief Physician with a slightly different wording (wa-ntahat ilayhi i sat fannih fi xamanih), x4, Jalil aLDin al-Suyttt (d. 911/155), Hum al-Muladara, i, Cairo 1299, 323 (section on Philosophers, Physicians, and other representatives of the Sciences of the Ancients): a short notice, carclessly compiled; the title of his work, Mais, ‘Epitome’ (of ‘Avicenna’s Kani), as been transformed into a description of his ‘works in general as being concise. The commentator of the Mujix of Tha al-Nafis, Naf ibn ‘Iwad (below, p. 25), quotes this notice at the beginning of his commentary. 15. ‘Abd al-Kadir ibn Muhammad al-Nu'aymi (4. 927/1521), al-Daris fi Tarith al-Madaris, ii, Damascus 1370/1951, 131. ‘A short notice, derived from Dhahabi end Ibn Kathi 16, Tashkipriizaide (d. 968/1560), Miftah al-Sa‘ada, i, Hyderabad 1328/1910, 269. Reproduces the notice of Subk. 17, Tba al~'Imad (4. 1089/1679), Shadharat al-Dhahab, v, Cairo 15$6, 401, An obituary notice with quotations from Dhahabt, Subki, the Tabakat al-Shafiyya of Asnawi, and the Kitab aal-'Ibar, an alternative title of Dhahabi’s Kitab Duteal al-Islam. 18. Muhammad Bikir al-Khwansiri (d. 1313/1895), Raredat al- Jannat, Veheran 1304-6, 4944. — vol. ii, 143. This biographyPs INTRODUCTION ‘occurs in a section devoted to non-Shiite authors; the author quotes Safad’s biography in full and adds two lines on the Majéz of Ibn al-Nafis. ‘This uninterrupted series of biographical or obituary notices of Ibn al-Nafis shows the high regard in which he has always been held in the tradition of medieval Islamic scholarshi IV. THE LITERARY OUTPUT OF IBN AL-NAFIS For a review of the works of Ibn al-Nafis we are limited to the indications in his biographies and in the bibliographical eompen- ddium of Haji Khalifa? and to the existing manuscripts.® They certainly do not give an even approximately complete list of the output of such a profuse writer as Ibn al-Nafis, We will begin with his works on medicine, x. Kitab al-Shamil fil-Sina'a al-Tibbiyya, “The Comprehensive Book on the Art of Medicine’ (KIKh, iv. 10,n0. 7397; GAL, Suppl, no. 15). According to Abii Hayyiin, this encyclopedia of medicine ‘was to have consisted of three hundred volumes, cighty of which were completed by the author. Apart from the two partial copies, Pocock 248 (of 687/1288) and 290-2 of the Bodleian Library, ‘which are anonymous and have therefore been of uncertain attri- bbution so far, there have recently become known three volumes, the 336d, 42nd, and 43rd of the original division of the work, in the Lane Medical Library, Stanford University, Stanford, California.‘ It appears that these volumes, of 94, 96, and 97 folios respectively, are in the handwriting of the author, the typically hand of a scholar; volume 43 was completed in the year 641/1243-4, and volumes 42 and 43 partly coincide with the * According to Ablwardt, cualogue Besin, no. 6224, Ton al-Natis i alco mentioned in the Dastor allan be-Ma'ar al Alam of Miubartod The “Azam (@, 891/1486; GAL, te 1733 Suppl ti 222) and in the Turibh of “Yasin sb Kha Alishal-’Uanar (ron after 1336) 38143 GAL, Suppl. i781) © Lenieon biblogaphicum et eucselopacdicam, ed. and trash C. Fluegel 41 Nol, Leipig 183588 (Referred to hereafter 1s HK) W The telernces to GAL and GAL, Supp. in this section, fallowed by nur, refer othe entries in the pargraphs devoted Tbn al-Nafls in GAL", Eo4o,§ 37 and in Suppr.&. 899 6, § 37 Gata, i 516-8. 5 Sco N. Heer, "alidhae Mujalladit min Kia alm cb al-Nati', Reowe de Plait des Manusrits Araber, ¥ (960), 263-10 (vith thee plats), THE LITERARY OUTPUT OF IBN AL-NAFIS a3, ‘manuscript Pocock 290, which makes the identification certain, According to the biographical notice on Ibn al-Nafis in the manu- script ‘dmm 4883(r) of the Zahiriyya Library in Damascus (see above, p. 10 n. 4), this work of Ibn al-Nafis contained an account of ‘the different schools of thought of the scholars and the various beliefs of the groups of sages in the several sciences and (systems cof) philosophy, together with the substance and quintessence of their arguments and opinions, accompanied by a simple, ex haustive, efficacious, and satisfactory explanation’. But the manu- scripts do not seem to contain anything of the kind, 2. AL-Kitab al-Muhadhdhab fil-Kubl, “The Well-Arranged Book ‘on Ophthalmology’ (GAL, Suppl., no. 12). Iti a comprehensive but not very original record of the whole knowledge af the Arabs in ophthalmology. It was quoted by several later authors, e.g. by Sadaka ibn Ibrahim al-Shadhil, the Egyptian, who lived in the second half of the Sthjrgth century, in his ‘Umda al-Kubliyya.t 3. Al-Mukitar min al-Aghdhiya, “The Choice of Foodstufls’, on iieteties (GAL, no, 1). 4. Risala fi Manajfi’ al-A'da’ al-Insaniyya, “Treatise on the Functions of the Organs of Man’, MS. majami' 209(3) of the Egyptian Library, Cairo? According to the catalogue, which quotes the expanded form of the title of this treatise which describes its contents in detail, it was dedicated to a certain Husim al-Din Khalil, presumably a prince of the dynasty of the Haziraspids in Luristan in the first half of the 7th/x3th century,! and the manuscript was completed in 67/1273, during the lifetime of Ibn al-Nafis, Considerations of the functions of the organs play an important part in the Theolagus Autodidactus (see below, p. 42). 5. The Treatise on the Pulse’, mentioned in‘Umar’s and Safad Biographies (above, p. 13), doce not seem to have been preserved « GALA, i 17; J. Hirschberg, Geschichte der Augenheltude im Mitllter, Ledpaig 1908, 8,88. 2 "Firita-Kitub al Arabivya, ee, wi 2871 (not mentioned in GAL of in GAL, Supp). Te form of the name of the author, “At ibm Abi- Hae IKurash i printing mistake for fl AbsHfaram, bn al-Nal we peas ‘rom the context of the ental, *"p. de Zambaur, Manuel de gadalopie ot de chonelore, 235.The tle Amir ateMi?minin which te extalogu gives co this porn i ceranly a mivtke and Devhape a minreaing ofthe mauris* INTRODUCTION More numerous and important are Ibn al-Natfis's commentaries ‘on medical works of the Greek and Islamic periods. 6. A Commentary on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms (Full), It exists in numerous manuscripts (GAL and Suppl, no. 4, where the reference to a manuscript in Meyerho?s collection ought to be deleted; the manuscript in question contains no. x3 below; also Aya Sofya 3644,’ and Manisa 1814) 7. A Commentary on Hippocrates’ Prognastics (Takdimat al- ‘Ma'rifa), of which there exist several manuscripts (IKh, ii. 386, no. 34543 GAL and Suppl, no. 5) 8. A Commentary on Hippocrates’ Epidemics (GAL, Suppl, no. sa). 9. A Commentary on the De Natura Hominis of Hippocrates. Meyerhof saw a manuscript in the possession of Professor A. S. ‘Yahuda in London in 19333 this eopy had at the end an ijasa cence to teach the text) written by Ibn al-Nafis himself for a physician, Abu I-Fadl It is unlikely that Ibn al-Nafis should have commented on all ‘the books of Hippocrates, and written two commentaries, a de- tailed and a concise one, on most of them, ss his anonymous biographer, quoted by “Umart and by Safad, asserts (above, p. 16); any ease, nothing of all this has survived.+ fil-Tibh, ‘Questions on Med Ritter and Walzer, it xo. A Commentary on the Masa’ cine’, of Hunayn ibn Ishak (GALS i. 2255 836). "HL Ritter and R. Walzer, Arabische Ubrsetzimgen grichischor Arats in ‘Stambiter Balithehen (Sitzungaber. Preuss, Akad Wis Phil-hist. Klasse, 954, x20), 808. See sno F. Rosenthal, in Bulletin of the itor of Medicine, 3106), Zor 2" Ope Lite des mamucrts choise parmi les bbithaqus de Marisa, ARKiar (publige & Tceision duu XXIT. Congrés International dex Ovientlistes), Tanbul 1951, no. 238, 2 Possibly the physician, Abu LPafl Tbn Keshaky mentioned in Safad biagsaphy bore p16 9 9) tm the inode of his Corameneary on the Aphorims Ths al-Nofis sy tha the previous copies Of Ri worke—Le thoes tan down by students $a the ‘course of his lectaree—differednecoring tothediffereatineress ofdhestudent, ‘a hat he will now give the (complete) text which he considers adequts (MS) Berlin (Ahiwarde), no. 224); fin posnble che the existence of diferent text [ike these might have contsbuted t the eatement ofthe sonymovs biographer ‘THE LITERARY OUTPUT OP IBN AL-NAFIS a5 11, Majix al-Kanin, ‘Epitome of the Kann’ (of Tbn Sing), an extract from all parts of the Kaniin but omitting anatomy and physiology.t It is a concise manual of the whole of medicine, particularly useful for the practitioner, and among the works of Thn al-Nafis it has met with the greatest success in the Oriental medical world, Tt exists in numerous manuscripts and was printed or lithographed in India alone six times or more between 1828 and 1906; it was the subject ofa series of commentaries and super-commentaries, the most reputed of which is that by Nafis ibn ‘Twad al-Kirmani (completed 841/1437), the personal physician of the Timurid ruler Ulugh Beg (d. 853/1449), which was litho- ‘rraphed in India for the last time as recently a8 328/910} it was also translated into ‘Turkish and into Hebrew. (HKh, vi. 251-3, tno. 13399; GALA, i 598; Suppl i, 825 f.; also Florence, Lauren~ 1229; Brit. Mus, Or. 12142; Rabat, Avhaf 270, 421) 12, A Commentary on the Kinin of Ibn Sind in a number of volumes. Ibn al-Nafis says in the introduction that he followed the arrangement of the subject-matter in the Kann, except that he collected the passages relating to anatomy from the first three sections and commented on them in a separate section which he placed after the first section (the ‘aulliyyat) of the original work, and that he placed the section on pharmacology (akrabadhin), the fifth section of the original, after that on simple drugs (al-adwiya ‘al-mufrada), which is the second section of the original; this makes the arrangement of the subject-matter much more logical. (GAL®, i, 5075 Suppl. i. S24; needs several additions and eorsrections,) ‘The individual sections of the commentary, however, continued to exist more or less independently of one another, and therefore \ve find, apart from general references to the ‘Commentary on the Kana: (0) references to a Commentary on the Kalliyyat ofthe Kanan (Subkis biography; HKh, i. 435, no. 908% 497,10. 9354) "HTK, i. 497, m0. 9354, erroneously calls ian extract from hicommentary on the Kaiya ofthe Kanan. CLM. J... Young, ‘Some obseretions on the of Arabic siete language a3 exemplified in the Miz al-Qanin of Mn al-Natis (dc ra88) tbr Nahraon,&(s9s9-60), 68-ra This is the expression of Abo Hayyin as quoted by ‘Umatt and. Safadt (shove, p12); the anonymous biographer, also. quoted by both, says ‘twenty Volumes" above, p13). They ware presumably ofthe nme sae asthe sutogsaph Volumes ofthe Kitab alshamil cee above, 3).6 INTRODUCTION and the separate existence of this section in manuscripts (eg. Berlin (Ablwardt), no, 6273); ‘i (8) the separate existence of a Commentary on the ‘Section on Simple Drugs’ (Sharh Mufradat al-Kanan) in manuscripts of the Library of Aya Sofya (nos. 3659, 3660); (0 the separate existence of a Latin translation of the Com- mentary on the Fifth Section of the Kaniin;t (@) the existence of the Commentary on Avicenna’s Anatomy a8, 1 separate book. xg. This Commentary on the Anatomy of Ibn Sini exists in numerous manuscripts.* In this work Ibn al-Nafis sets out his theory of the lesser or pulmonary circulation of the blood through heart and lungs, against the erroneous theories of Galen and Avicenna, three hundred years before it was reformulated in Europe by Michael Servetus, who most probably knew of the work of the Arab physician in translation, and by his contemporaries, Realdo Colombo and Joan de Valverde, who developed and elaborated his ideas in the light of their observations.) x4. An anonymous Commentary on Galen's Anatomy (GAL, ‘Suppl, no. sb), tentatively ateributed to Tha al-Nafis, is probably not by him because ‘he loathed the style of Galen’ But he knew Galen's Anatomy very well, 2s he made extensive use of it in ex- plaining the Anatomy of Ton Sind. Another part of Ibn al-Nafis’s literary activity ig concerned with philosophy. To this group of writings belong: 15. a Commentary on Ibn Sina’s main work on logic, al-Ieharat, mentioned by the anonymous biographer (above, p. 16), and « hen hn ext seer unt Canon Accent witelany beginning with detente Uhr de emcee meonet eae cede Oe ‘epimine sates. ib Amtren Alpgo aac latin er, Voice. gavsek Mr 'Aiverny,‘Avcene fe adorns de Veni Medion ¢ ‘nacinoto, st oare Bruno Nard, Foes 1956, 17-98 (198 er Bae ere eee reece eee coe + Bee, inadion tthe writings of ML, Megerot, menanad avery. 12 1.2, © Wie, Tin a-Nata en ication palo Jay 1936, 9509005 5 Betact, "ian alNatty Servet and Colombo Attain Si G9sn) np 3b. 7 Be ove ps. ‘THE LITERARY OUTPUT OF IBN AL-NAFIS 57 26. a Commentary on the Hiddya, another work of Tb Sind on logic, mentioned by Aba Hayyan (above, p. 13). 37, Abu Hayyin mentions farther a Compendium (mukhtasar) on logic (ibid, and thisis probably identical with his Kitabal-Weraykat ‘ot with his own commentary on it which exists in the manuscript Hunt 469 of the Bodleian Library (GAL, no. 8), This isa summary of the contents of the Organon and the Rhetoric of Aristotle, and the author says at the beginning that it is a commentary on his own Kitab al-Wuraykat, although it does not show the usual characteristics of a commentary. The section summarizing the Analytica Priora includes a discussion of the legal proofs admitted in Islamic law and of the limited value of the reasoning by analogy (fayas) from the point of view of logic, This exeursus shows the same kind of original reasoning as the Theologus Autodidactus, and the attribution of the work to Ibn al-Nafis on the title-page is no doubt correct In the fields of grammar and chetoric we have: 38. a book called Tarik al-Fasaha, “The Path of Eloquence’ (BRh, iv. 165, no. 7973, without any details), and it is doubtful whether it is identical with the ‘book in two volumes’ on grammar ‘of which Abi Hayyiin speaks somewhat critically (above, p. 13); and 49. a commentary on the Fugils, an anthology, by the fumous philologist $a‘id ibn al-Elasan al-Raba't al-Baghdladi (d. 417/1026; HIKh, iv. 424, no, 9071; GAL, Suppl. i, 254) Islamic religious sciences are represented by: 20. a Commentary on the Tani of Shiriz, a treatise of Islamic religious Jaw—uness its mention in Subki's biographical notice on Ibn al-Nafis (and in Hh, ii. 433, no. 3639) results from an erroneous interpretation ofthe statement of Aba Hlayyan that Tbn. AK, vic 478, no, 14963, err when he calls it & work on medicine, + Alfani (A. soso), tn his Kiteb of ier el Saghty, had inerpreted the aryuments of the theologians and the analogies Cu) ofthe fusion logical sylloginns in accordance with the doctrines of the ancient (ch Sabra, in JAOS, 1965, 242). The tentize in question was edited, with oy duction and Turkish transition, by Dle Nubslat Turker ie BY Tank trata Fakiltesi Dergisi University of Ars), xvi (1938), 5-286, the text ompp. 44-86.8 INTRODUCTION al-Nafis explained the first chapters of this work in his lectures at the Masririyya School in Cairo (above, p. 14). ax. A Mukhtasar fi ‘Tm Usil al-Qfadith, ‘Compendium on the Principles of the Science of ‘Tradition’, exists in a manuscript copy in the Egyptian Library (GAL, no. 9). ‘There is, finally, al-Rivala al-Kamiliyya fil-Sira al-Nabawciyyay ‘The Treatise relating to Kamil on the Life-History of the Prophet’, also ealled the Book of Fail ibn Natik or, in short, the Theologus ‘Auiodidactus, which forms the subject of the present publication (HIK, ii, 432, no. 6296; above, p. 14)" V. IBN AL-NAFIS'S THEOLOGICAL NOVEL AL-RISALA AL-KAMILIYYA ‘Tuuns are two precedents to the work of Ibn al-Nafs in Arabic Titersture, the philosophical allegories of the great Ibn Sink (Avicenna, d.428/1097) and of the Andalusian physician and philosopher, Ibn ‘Tufayl (4. 581/318) both of which bear the tile of Risalat Hayy ibn Yaksan, The poallel between Th Sini's book? and the treatise of Ibn al-Nafis is very slight; it does not go beyond the fact that both authors introdace the figure ofa narrator, called Hayy ibn Yakean by Ibn Sink (and by Ibn ‘Tufayl, and, Fadil ibn Natik by Ibn al-Nafi, But whereas the Hayy ibn Yakzin of Ibn Sitd (and likewise of Iba Tufayl) is the person whose teachings (oF, in the case of Iba ‘Tufayl, reflections) are elated in the book, the Fail ibn Naik of Ibn al-Nafis pays only the part of a quite superfluous transmitter of the tale of the hero, who ‘Whereas this feature proves that Tbn al- Nafis was aware of the works of his two predecessors itis quite 1 Fora few othes, doubiu or not dented, tease GAT. and Spt, a ae ee eet tadecin the namacrp omm 28) of te Ci Syfa mentann rt heen the is of em hich bave nok > Fee a er bok oo tpl tnd tet on children's allman ees Aatet atria he present tent (bow, 42,8 of he Arabic sp Bok ti apparenty om stony a nich we eve fund re Gills i 59g, mo. 26; Suppl i. 817, no, 26; AcM. Goichon, art “thant Yaka 2 EE (ath bibhogeaphoy Vaio, ‘Notes phologiues cere dR ey Mo pa Aah, Got seer Silla af Naima” alidal'rbhaialems]s 7510954~ s574l9ss IBN AL-NAFIS’S THEOLOGICAL NOVEL a5 ‘out of the question that he should have written his book in op- position to the Treatise of Hayy ibn Yakzan of Tbn Sind, as Najm al-Din al-Safadi asserts:* perhaps Najm al-Din was a prey to the common error by which the book of Ibn Tufay! was attributed to Tn Sind Much closer is the relationship between Ibn al-Nafis and Ibn Tufayl ‘The main idea of both treatises is the same; ‘2 human being originated by spontaneous generation on an un- inhabited island comes to know by his own reasoning the natural, philosophical, and theological truths. In the story of Ibn Tufayl, Hayy ibn Yakzin as a small baby is adopted and brought up by a gazelle, and growing up discovers, through observation and logical deduction, the whole body of essential human knowledge, ariving finally at the deepest truths of mysticiam. One day a visitor in search of solitude and retirement arrives on the island and, having taught Hayy ibn Yalgin to speak, finds that the teachings of his ‘own revealed religion are symbols of Hayy’s mystical insights. "Together they set out for the island! of the visitor where the king is his friend, but Hayy is unable to convert the people from a per- functory performance of the outward duties of their religion to his higher ideas. So both return to the desert island and spend the rest of their lives in contemplation of the mystical truths. The subject of this book could not possibly have occurred to any but an Islamic philosopher, and the same is true of the treatise of Ibn al-Natfs, ‘Among the many parallels in particulars, we eite: several points of detail in the story of spontaneous generation; the description of the working of the sense organs; the idea of the helplessness of 5 Above, pug 2 This confunion exit, for exam, in Tha Khaldan (8 808/406), Mba dima, ection v § 28 (ed Bath 1384, 348). 3See GAIA i. Goa by Suppl 830; AVM, Goichon art. cit, ala tothe bibtiogtaphy: Ac Gonatea Paeocn, Hstrio de ta Literatura ardbigo-eatla (Coleeian Labor, r9a8,2t6-20; Antonio Pastor The fo of Rabin Cras, |, Watford 1030: Abdal-Halim Mabmd, Faleaft Ion Twas wa-Rislatuh sy Guiza Gd): W. Montaomers Watt, Ilamie Phloseshy and. Theley, line Ini 1963, 1381 fom, Philosophy and” "Theology under the Alsnohad, in Acts del Primer Clongrera de Evan debs « Tittmie, Madi 1964, 102-7 ip, 104-6). Corbin, Histure dea tcc lain, Paris 198, Maou, Les Schsmes das Play, Pass 196s, 326 Eat als J. De Peso Tadee llamas spobeaoss, Cambriige 1938, nor s071 3 idem, Supplonet Insé-r96o, 196, nos. 146 ‘The net Endish tumlation made from the Arabic by Bion Ockiey (8-720), The Improvement af Human Reaton, ‘tablished inthe feof Hai ebn Yohdhon, Londen +708; this tandation revised, with an introduction, by A.S, Fulton, The History af Fly lin Yagean, Tondan 1939.‘assumption of spontaneous generation, and in the assumption that for his upbringing by a gazelle, whereas Ibn al-Nafis can dispense eee Ta bn Tufayl the hero finds out for himself the use of ait Suda me (90), 1938 Se Sie uci to Ls ere de Rlohanmal Zn Tower Algiers 1903, 74 Sec below, . 436, and pain, IBN AL-NAFIS'S THEOLOGICAL NOVEL — ar idea, which is lacking in Tbn ‘Tufayl, that life becomes civilized only in human society. On the other hand, he develops the philo- sophical reflections of the hero in much less detail than Tbn Tufayl, and he does not touch at all the reasonings which lead to ‘mysticism, including the idea that man by his acts can assimilate himself to the Supreme Being. Whereas Ibn ‘Tufayl makes his hero arrive at his insight into the nature of the soul by his own uunaided reasoning, Ibn al-Nafis makes it part of his speculations ‘on the doctrines likely to be taught by the prophets, that is to say, after he had been confronted by the problems posed by human society (although there are parallels in details). In the book of Ibn ‘Tufayl i is the visitor who communicates to the hero the positive rules of Religious Law concerning ritual and social life, whereas in the work of Ibn al-Nafis the hero deduces them by reasoning, As regards the allegorical explanation of the contents of revelation, Ibn Tufayl applies it to religious duties, but Ibn al-Natis applies it to points of theology and the description of the future life, of which, as of the doctrine of the Last Things, he is the only one of the two authors to speak. The arrival of visitors from the outside world has different function in each story; it serves in Ibn ‘Tufayl to con- firm and complete the results of the hero's independent reasoning, but in Thn al-Nafis only to acquaint him with the existence of a hhuman society outside his island, from which he goes on to draw conclusions by solitary thinking, their confirmation by comparison, with the existing religion being left to the reader. ‘Thus the hero of Ibn al-Nafis discovers for himself not only the duties of man in worship and social relations, but also the periodical development of prophecy, the life-history of the last Prophet, the subsequent fate of the community of this Prophet, and the end of this world with the signs preceding it. All this has no parallel in the work of thn ‘Tufayl, and it forms the, to us, most interesting part of the book of Ibn al-Nafis, with its highlight in the chapters on con= lemporary history. ‘The community of believers which the hero of Ibn Tufayl encounters follows the doctrine of some ancient Prophet; the work of Ibn al-Nafis is not explicit on the religion in question, but as itis the religion of the last of the prophets there tun be no doubt in the mind of the reader that Tslam is meant.t The hero's visit to an inhabited part of the world is an integral The word Islam esapes the author once and these are some other insancen her his ction of abstract reasoning breaks down; ase below, p35a INTRODUCTION Se ais emioeal Stepan ‘the sciences of Islam, and even the grammar of et pee was, iin onlay Sen a eto a Bodieian Library, i, 80. 1422; F. Gabricli, pee ‘Comperdiwn Legume lode ns een Rete a eae nag peta ee + BeeR. A. Nicholson, art. ‘al-Insin al-Kimil’, in HP; H. H. Schaeder, ‘Die sisi ace tin Mei aa, hs ou ea cera ea cet ae HR came he a Te a Fs ir cP nl IBN AL-NAFIS'S THEOLOGICAL NOVEL 2 individual features which may be traced back to that concept are the hero's abnormal bodily size and his outstanding intelligence. "The conclusions at which Ibn al-Nafis makes his hero arrive are, naturally enough, those generally accepted in the natural, philo- sophical, religious, and historical sciences of the Muslims, The Theologus Autodidactus is, no doubt, an intellectual tour de force, but itis pertinent to observe that the reasoning which Tbn al-Nafis uses in this book is essentially the same as that which led him to his theory of the pulmonary circulation of the blood. There, too, he uses abstract reasoning of a teleological kind, inspired above all by Galen’s book De Usu Partiun, which seeks to show the usefulness, ‘of all the organs. This book was greatly appreciated in the Middle ‘Ages, both in the Islamic East and in the Christian West, because its thesis fitted in perfectly with the concepts of the wisdom and providence of the Creator? It also fitted in with the theological idea of alah which had been developed by the Muslims before the ‘works of Galen became known to them. The influences of Greek and of Islamic thought, themselves closely connected, cannot be separated from each other in the mind and in the literary produe- tion of Ibn al-Nafis, theologian, physician, and philosopher. ‘The most original parts of Ibn al-Nafis’ account of the reason- {ngs of his hero are the chapters relating to contemporary history (sections 4-8 of the Fourth Part of his work). In these chapters he describes how the followers of the last prophet are punished for their sins by being conquered by infidels coming from the north-eastern countries; how a complete victory of the infidels is prevented by a mighty sultan who is able to stem their advance because he comes from a country adjoining theirs; and how the invaders themselves begin to adopt the religion ofthe Last Prophet, so that the final result is the spread of this religion farther than before. This clearly efers toa time when the Mongols had attacked and overrun the eastern and central parts of the world of Islam; they had taken Baghdad in 656/1258 but were checked in their progress by the Egyptian Mamlk sultans of Turkish origin, and they began to adopt Islam themselves. Itremainsto be seen whether the sultan to whom Ibn al-Nafis refers was Baybars (658/1260~ 6761277) or Kalawun (678/1279-689/1290), both of whom were + his lat deal, tie tue, appeaealkeady in Ton Tufayl, On the other hand, bn Tubyl emphasizes the state of perfection which his hora reaches in the end, 7 See below B43 7.” INTRODUCTION his contemporaries, The question is settled by Part 1¥, Section 7, ‘where the sultan is described as brownishered (alimar ila -sunnra) ‘of complexion, whereas the complexion of Kalawun was light (durri) and he is described as eruel and exacting heavy taxes from hais subjects in order to finance his armies. Now these are exactly the characteristics which are mentioned of Baybars,* whereas Kalawun is remembered for his clemency, his justice, and his abolition of excessive taxation.» This is materially confirmed by the fact that the Cairo manuscript of the Theologus Autodidactus (From ‘which, itis true, the Fourth Part has been deliberately omitted) is dated 673/1274, thus before the death of sultan Baybars. ‘The conversion to Islam of some infidels therefore cannot be the eon version of Ahmad, Mongol ruler of Persia, which took place under ‘Kalawun, but it must be that of Berke, khan of the Golden Horde, ‘who had become a Muslim not later than 65/1253 and with whom Baybars was in diplomatic relations from 660/r262 onwards.* Tt is interesting to note that Thn al-Nafis does not mention, among the adversaries of Islam, the Franks, whom Baybars fought no Tess strenuously than the Mongols. Ibn al-Nafis gives 2 detailed description, obviously first-hand, of the physical features and the personal tastes of this sultan, which can only be explained by the assumption that Tbn al-Nafis was his personal physician, although the sources aresilent on this, This gives usa detail forthe biography of the author which is unforvunstely almost completely lacking in concrete facts, and, in addition, a unique portrait of the sultan Baybars by the hand of his physician. "The Professor Babi’ al-Din Ibn al-Nahbas is reported to have said: “In grammar T am not satisfied with anyone’s style in Cairo except that of "ALE? al-Din Tbn al-Nafis's Whatever may have been the quality of his style in grammar, his style in the present treatise does not deserve a similarly favourable judgement; on the contrary, it is inclegant and clumsy, and so profuse and repetitious that we « yahima Ton Was Shih (wrote about the end ofthe th/rath century fi), Jacl at Buh, ete. (GAL, 53350 GALA, i 4095 Sure. j s74tys MS. 7496 (Add, 25731) ofthe Bekah Museum f 73% We must, of cause, discount the oficial propaganda in Yon Shedd (662/284), Baypers Tah, 133 1, ans czewhere, which praises his justice, Clemency laity, gonerouty, and good deeds in general see below 67 fy andthe extracts from the biographies of te two sults in thn Toghebdis Mfonbal al-$af, peieted as introductory mates, Dom. 3 tnd in the Arsbi pat of this pbliewion * See above, pp. 4 » Seo above, Pete IBN AL-NAEIS’S THEOLOGICAL NOVEL 35 hace translated in full only a few sections, contenting ourselves wvith a summary of the rest, His language, too, presents several peculiar features.” Instead of la budda an, ‘necessarily, he always ays 1 bud cea-an:= he says min klar for ‘From outside’ (p. 7) and ila foro for “upwards (p. 51); he forms the plural havantn of fasan used as an adjective (p. 47); he construes dathala with fia (p. 18) and inhaza with bi (p. 38). To his lexicographical peculiarities belong the use of za°dra instead of 20'@rr, ‘lle hature’, and of bardka for ‘inspiring fear’ (p. 48). As an extreme eam of rye ay gn ef jin to an (P. 53). ‘As regard the general plan af the work, Ibn al-Natis, as men tioned above, reftsins feom pointing out himself the concordance between the results of the Feasoning of his hero and the sctual facts, but leaves thet to the reader; nevertheless the word Zslam scapes him on p. 42, and the word hija for resurrection, in the place of which he usually uses ma'ad, on p. 513 tis also ine consistent, given his premises, that he should mention Abraham, Ishmael, Jacob, and Jesus, the Jews, the Christians, and the Zoronstisns, a8 well as the Band Hashim, in connexion with the genealogy of the Last Prophet on pp. 14 Mecca and the Ka'ba on p. 16, and Yemen i connexion vith the Last Things on P- 5% apart from other minor facts of this kind, A positive Contradiction in the argument, though not in the result, exists between p. 42 and p. 453 in the frst context, the people of the north-west are eliminated from playing a ertain part on account Ot their small number and their dispersal on islands, whereas the suitability of their temperaments is admitted; in the second context, the unsuitability of their temperaments i alleged as a reason. There is also a discrepancy between the heading of Part 1, Section 8, and the actual contents of this chapter, which are much more restricted; there is no reason to suppose the acciden- tal omission of the second half of this chapter from the unique + The page references in this and in the falling paragraph are to the Arabic "Therefore we have rtsined thie construction on p. rt n. 6 fillowing ‘he Ibtrbul eopy agnins the Gaze enanuverpt, alehough thi ltée generally tnsch better, In his commentary onthe Anatomy of Tbe Sia, Thm al-Nafls watt the ordinaey constrgtiontheonghout * “The term a-naby the prophet, however (p. rx and farther on), designates ot only Muhurimad but generically each one fa the series of prophet.6 INTRODUCTION manuscript in which itexists, but wenmust acknowledge an oversight ‘on the part of the author. Once or twice Ibn al-Nafis lapses from his assumed part as the recorder of the report of Fadil iba Natik on. the reasonings of Kamil; he refers to another book of his own and comments on his contemporaries.’ Notwithstanding this, we may subscribe to the judgement of Najm al-Din al-Safadi: ‘He defends the system of Islam and the Muslims’ doctrines on the missions of Prophets, the religious lave, the resurrection of the body, and the ‘rankitoriness of the world, And—by my lifel—he has produced something wonderful, and this proves his competence, the sound- ness of his intelligence, and hiscapabilityin the intellectual sciences.” VI. THE MANUSCRIPTS ONLY two manuscripts of the Theologus Autodidactus are known, fone in Cairo and one in Istanbul.’ ‘The Cairo copy exists in the manuseript 209 majant of the Egyptian Library, a collection of four treatises the first three of which, all by Ibn al-Nafiss are written in a neat but very cursive scholar’s hand, almost completely lacking punctuation, and dated 673/1274 at the end of the third treatise (fol. 7); the Theologus Auiadidactus i the second treatise, occupying fols. 27'-48°. Although not an autograph, the manu- seript was written during the lifetime of Ibn al-Nalis, probably by cone of his disciples. This copy unfortunately’contains only the first three parts (fam) of the book, the fourth, though known by the copyist to exist, having been omitted on purpose; we read in fact in the short preamble of the author that the book is to consist of four parts, but in the description of the contents of the parts which follows, the fourth part is not mentioned, and at the end the scribe uses a formula which shows that he breaks off deliberately * ‘The Istanbul copy is manuscript 46r of the Musgaft Efendi collection, formerly in the Library of ‘Ashir Efendi? now pre- * Below, pp 43, 47- » See shove, pe 34. ec Gate hi Tx. 1a Supe 37 ok a 4 Gets Fibre al-Kutab a rain al- Mallia bl-Kutubthine al-Kiidheiyya, vil 257 Dar al-Kuub al Miva, Fi al-Kusub "Arabiya, ¥. 201 4 Nez. 21,28, and 4 of the linen Seaton ty, above 6 And here we will nish the Bool’ (Ambo ex, p. 36) > Deters Katuthines “dak Efendi Istanbul #306, p30, 0. 461, Here the book is eile, after a notice in late hand on fol, Hila ff Takes tana aR [i THE MANUSCRIPTS ” served in the Stileymaniye Library. ‘This manuscript, of much Jater date than the preceding one, is written in the pleasing: hand of a professional seibe, but is much less correct than the older manuscript. Apart from the omission of a few single words and some copyist’s errors of no importance in the Cairo manuscript, there are only seven places, two of which are identical, where the Istanbul copy presents a better text." Nevertheless both copies g0 back to a common original, other than that of the author, as appears from six errors. common to them (not counting those which could have happened independently). Parts of fols.21, 23, 26, 28, 32, and 37 of the Istanbul manuscript are more or les illegible, coving to the ink’s having affected the paper all around it, Professor HL Ritter, to whom we are indebted for a photograph of this manu~ script, kindly had the pages in question copied out for us once again, a copy which we were able to correct from the Cairo manu~ script in a number of places. In the fist three sections, we only ran the risk of omitting a few irrelevant variants of the Istanbul copy; itis all the more regrettable that, as regards the fourth section (starting on fol. 32" of the Istanbul manuscript), we not only had to rely, for the iliegible passages, on a modern copy, but in general had to content ourselves with one late and faulty menuseripts ‘we have therefore been unable to settle the text definitely in a few places. * Contrary fo the fist impremsion, the tending ofthe Cairo manasrit preferable ro the Lnanbul vara tp, notes tend 2 ofthe Arabic at, Ato ote 1: mil having, according eo p. 8, come through the period of pubery, {hereby enter mate age, and having subsequendly gained « abe of new Imipremions, ane should be inlined to prefer the reading fatto har: bt 26, refering ton ltr prio, informs un tithe had ony then reached the End of his fll manly vigot, As to note a: the singla ‘abd is no doubt more ‘ogi a he plural ai, but this lat eading is noverdhele tobe sotained one oftheinwtanes where the wuthor forges is tin at alan aolated Ahinke out of touch with histori Tats fee above, 9.38).TRANSLATION "The numbers in the macy refer tothe pages of the Acie text THE TRI ON THE LIF TISE RELATING TO KXMIL E-HISTORY OF THE PROPHET by TpN aL-narts (¥) Tn the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Mer ‘Alt ibn Abil-Haram al-Kurashf, the medical practitioner, who isin need of Allah’ help and whom may Allah pardon, says: Ater the Praise of Allah and the Blessing on the Best of the Prophets and Messengers, Muhammad, and on his Family and Companions, (La ‘My intention in this treatise is to relate what Fadil ibn Nagik tcansmitted from the man called Kamil concerning the life-story of the Prophet and the ordinances of religious Law in a concise manner, endeavouring to omit verbosity, abstaining from abse and explaining the points as far as possible and in a manner con cordant with the sizeof this book, Thave arranged it in four pats the first part (fann) explaining how this man called Kiimil came to_be formed and how he came to know the (natural) sciences and the missions of the prophets; the second on how he eameto know the lfe-story of the Prophet; the third on how he eame to know the ordinances of religious Lav; the fourth on how he came to know the happenings which will take place afer the death of the Last of the Prophets—may the Blessings of Allah be on him and on them all ‘THE FIRST PART. On how this man called Kamil came to be formed and how he came to ‘nove the (natural) sciences and the missions of the prophets It consists of three sections, THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IRN AL-NAFIS 39 The Pirst Section: on how the man called Kamil came to be formed. Says Fadil ibn Nai ‘There happened to be a big flood on an island of moderate climate and rich in herbs, trees, and fruits, With this flood became mixed a great quantity of clay of various nature, because the kinds of clay over which the flood had streamed were different. Apart of this flood entered a cave situated on the slope of a mountain and filled it, Because the movement of the lood-water was strong, it afterwards brought to the opening of this cave still more clay and herbs which closed it, Then this flood receded and this cave re- ‘mained full of its contents. This happened in spring, and when summer came the contents of the cave became hot and fermented; they had by then been saturated with the clay contained in them, and they did not cease to boil on account of the heat generated in ‘them until they became mixed and achieved a mixture (tempera- ment, mizdj) very near to equilibrium. Their consistency became viscous and eapable of having organs formed from them; their single parts were differentiated because the kinds of clay with which they had been mixed were different. Therefore some of ‘them were hot and dry, similar to the temperament of the human heart; others were hot and moist, similar to the temperament of the hhuman liver; others cold and dry, similar to the temperament of hhuman bones; others cold and moist, similar to the tempera- ‘ment of the human brain; others were similar in temperament to that of human nerves, and others to that of human flesh ‘To sum up: those parts contained something similar to the tem- peraments of all the organs, and other parts were similar in temperament to the aforementioned parts; every part was similar in temperament tothe temperament of an organ, and its consistency was capable of having this organ formed out of it. Therefore these parts were prepared to be transformed into the organs of a man.! Allah in His generosity does not withhold his right from anyone Who deserves it, and grants to everyone who is prepared for some- thing that for which he is prepared. Therefore He created out of those parts the organs of a man, and out of their whole the body of «man. When this clay had become hot, there had evaporated from * "This pasage follows entirely the ideas ofthe Gresk philosophers snd piy- icing; the most detsiled record of thet is fod in Galen! De Tomperanentis Lit TH, Helmrcich, Leipeg 1905 (8) | |4° THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IBN AL-NAFIS it many vapours, some of which were refined and airike and similar in temperament to that of the human sprit (af); so human spit became formed out of them, and in this manner the formation ofaman was completed, ‘This man was different from a man formed in the womb in several respects. Firstly, the formation ofthis man resembled that, of the chicken in the egg, as the cuve resembled the shell of the ag, its material contents the yolk and the white of the egg, the parts similar to the temperaments of the organs those parts from, Which the chicken is formed, and the other parts similar in theie ‘temperaments to the aforementioned parts, those from which the chicken feeds during its formation. Secondly, this man had to have a very big body, because the part ftom which each organ of his body was formed had to be voluminous, in contrast with the particles of sperm from which the organs of the foetus are formed, in the womb. Thirdly, this man found the matter from which he fed during his stay in the cave in plemty and abundance, and he equally found the air which gave the spirit (raf) to his heart in plenty." ‘Therefore he was able to remain in the cave until his, forgans became strong, and his perception and his movements Vigorous. For this reason he was, when he left the cave, like a youth of ten or twelve years in his movements and his perception, unlike the man who is formed in the womb, ‘The coming out of this nian from the cave resembled the hatching of a chicken from the egg. It happened that when he moved his hands and feet, Wishing to get out ofthe cave, some of the clay filling the entrance of the cave had erumbled and fallen down; therefore it wae easily pierced by the movement of this man, and when it was pierced, this man did not ecase to creep and craw until he emerged (3) the Second Section: om how the so-called Kanil came to acquire sciences and wisdom, ‘When the so-called Kamil emerged from the cave, he noticed the space, the light, and the trees ofthat sland, heard the voices ofthe birds, the roa of the sa, the marmar ofthe river, and the wasting + Accomiog the Arps, flowing Gale, the vial sie ree fie comet ek eod Red Be 7 For the les of apoesetcs gern inthe history of Ie tough see P, Kraus, Jahir be Haydn (Mémoires de "Institut d’Egypte, 43), Cairo ‘a: onae (peel tt. 5, pry containing nomen hug iE penn thon) F Rains dean's Bgetolgy OL te (co THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IDN AL-NAPIS. 41 of the winds he smelfed the flowers and planta ate fom the fruits which had fallen from the tee, peresived thet taste, and fle the Testi colder tis any eal hs eaulendl veya abe When be closed his eyes the visible thinga disappeared from him, and when he opened them aftervards he perceived them again, Likewise, wien he sapped his cars with his Bnger, the sods dinappeaed, and when he opened them be pereered them agai, ‘When palatable thing entered his mouth, hepersved thes ate, and when he removed them he did not perce i. ‘The came happened to his nose concerning smells, and to palpable things viten they came into contact wth hiskn This occured repeatedly ad he knew that theve part are the organe for these pereptions ad that presiving them is fection ofthese pat, Likerise he saw that his hands were therefor aczing and hia fect for walking and soon. In this manner he beeame aequsinted vith many finetions ofthe external limb, and he dened know the incon ofthe organs inthe interior of the abdomen and the thonas He aw that he ould ebserve thin in other, eo he began to split open the abdomens of animals of which he could get hold and which he found dead, He did eis with hie nally wit sheep edged stones, splinters of reeds, and similar things which he fourd Inthis way he observed the stomach, and thatthe fond ia fermented init and thatthe food enter it through the channel which rns to it fom the mouth, and thatthe intestine i connected with the fatheat part of the stomach, and thatthe ttise of the food it rejected from the intestine av it is connceted withthe anus, He taw thet the pure pert of tho food penetrt ino the bloods easels which are connected wit the stomach andthe nestinex ead then penetrate into the concavity ofthe ver; and fa the liver are transformed into a mixture (humour, la) which hen penetrates from there into the vowel which tics from the svesting part (najdhad) ofthe liver, and in diteibuted within the branche of this vee, unt tis dacharged into the organs from the pore of these branches. So he came to know the functions of there organs. (V) He auo observed the hear within the threat ight ven fulLof blood, ts left veneice Fao api and tha thir venile cdntrits to thatthe spi penctatx the aneries into ects, ‘hen expands again, so that the spirit returns to it, and at the same tine gir artraced fom the Tang WBiche is tur, arate The vi from outside, so that it penetrates into the hollow of the hung©) 42 THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IBN AL-NAPIS role Sea eth byt rsa nc ee ae thighappene hed the Vang is ecensed ‘Then the part of ie aie eghdci ari cape es a Tonatotan dl alongs the Rag ea The contraction and expansion of the Luge provoked by its being moved by the diaphragm and the miiscles of the thorax, and this is caused by thé contraction and ‘expansion Of the thorax. In this manner respiration and voice are effected, 0 he lnew that thse things are the functions of those organs. He continually inquired into every single organ until he ‘became acquainted with a great part of the science of anatomy. Besides this he used to abserve the conditions of the animals and savr that some of them are courageous, agaressve, and earnivoro Such aa the lion, the leoperd, and the wolf; and he sar tht others tre timid and fy from thowe who try to devour o each them and Similar thing, until much ofthe conditions ofthe animals became laa to him “Aterwards he began to think about the plants, and observed how the plant grows ftom the eed. He saw how the pulp of the seed swells when matter from the sol comes into contact with i how this cect the oplitingup of the husk, how a vee. ike shot comes forth which suc the matter from the ei, how this sprout Shoots off perpendicularly and emerges fom the sil. He abo observed the leaves ofthe plans and saw that from the base ofthe Teaf ois tp there extends thing ike an ans from which threads radiate to both side in which the nourishment penetrates all parts of the leaf and by which the leaves are supported. He further observed the fruit, and enw that some of them are openly exposed, as fr instance the fig, wheres others are within a cover, be ira husk, a fr instance the bean, be it shell-ike, a for instance the sors, be ea antreno af for istance the pata of wheat idl foram iat aavo tial oc coves efor twteueste nace ga almond; moreover that come fruits have one seed, such ax the aprit andthe almond, and some many seed, such a the pome= granate and the pumplin; moreover that come fruits are singly Such aa the citron and the nut, and some conglomersted, euch ts the bunch of grapes, He obeerved the grapes and found thatthe seed ofa single grapes double, and ikewise the seed ofall rit, "Tm abNafis does not mento here his discovery ofthe leser circulation ‘ofthe blood i the hear and amg, dieevery which he probably rade ater the completion of the prevent book THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IRN AL-NAFIS 43 THe understood that this is for the purpose thet one of the two parts may accomplish the generation in ease a mishap befall the other, Further he saw that on every grape and even on every fri there is a skin which preserves the postion and form of its parts, and prevehs its humidity from being easily evaporated; more- ove sha he pulp ofthe gape Ta el i cae aa ment Hows Tom its Base, and lit Between these vessels there is omniiy filling up the interstices, and that this is in order to noufish the kerfiel of the Seed. From this he undéestocd that all alls of the animals and plants exist for certain purposes and uses, and that nothing of them is superfluous and useless. ‘Then he passed on from the plants and observed the conditions of meteorologieal phenomena such as rain, cold, and snow; and he reflected about thunder and lightning and the like, Then he passed on to the celestial bodies and observed their movements, their respective positions, and their revolutions and the like, as we have explained in another book* By then he had passed the time of puberty, his face had become covered with dova, bis intellect strong, and his reasoning power excellent. He then reflected whether those beings, showing as they dio a soundly and judiciously arranged existence, subsist by them- selves or through something else which brings them into existence; and if they subsist by something else, what it may be that brings them into existence, and what its qualities may be, and he desired to know it, He had observed that many bodies exist sometimes and dlo not exist at other times, and he understood that nether the existence nor the non-existence of these bodies was (logically) absurd, and this is what we call contingent; he saw that the existence or non-existence of something contingent cannot come about by itself, because then this mode af existence would never * "Thies the teleological conception ofthe universe expressed by Aistote in phullsopby and by Gaten in medicine. Fefound eay acceptance in Inia becsuse the Koran expressed similar enn geno terme (ure lav. goad elsewhere), Sco, for example, ILA. R. Gibb, "Phe Argument from Desig’, Jenace Gold ‘her Memorial Volume, i, Budapest 1948, 149-62; G. Vaid, ‘La Fialieé de lx {edition de Vhomme selon un tedologen jf dv IX® sil’ Oren, 3¥ (962), (i-8s."The same concept is discused by Maimonides in his Medical phon (Wuyi Mud fl); se J. Schacht and M. Mevechot, "Maimonides against Galen, on Philosophy and Cosmosony', Bullets of the Pauly of rts, Cairo Univerty, v/s (e999) $388 es. 790). * Werhave not both abe to find anyother reference to this book of Iba al= Nate(a) 44. THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IBN AL-NAFIS be lacking from it; therefore it must come from another thing. “Moreover, on the problem of whether the agent which determines the existence of the contingent things is (itself) contingent oF not, (he saw that) itis contingent its existence must equally come from another cause, and so on ad infinitum: therefore the things eannot dispense with a cause for their existence which (itself) is not contingent, for otherwise causes and caused things would accumu late ad infinitum, and theit sum would still be contingent; therefore the things cannot dispense with a cause of their existence which is different from them, and what is different from the sum of contingent things is (itself) not contingent; therefore it must be absolute. ‘Therefore these beings must necessarily have a cause for their existence which is necessarily existent, and this is Allah.t He must necessarily know everything, for otherwise His action ‘would not be exact; and He must necessarily take the grestest care of everything, for otherwise everything would not be in its best possible condition, ‘Therefore it became obvious to Kamil that ‘these existing things must have a cause for their existence which is necessarily existing, knows everything, and takes care of every thing. ‘The Thivd Section: on how the so-called Kamil came to know the existence of prophets, When the so-called Kamil had reached in his knowledge the degree described by us, whilst his mind had become refined as he approached full manly vigour, he desired to know what are the claims of the Creator on His servants, and he reflected whether it ‘was convenient that the Creator should be worshipped and obeyed, and which was the method of knowing the worship concordant ‘with His Majesty, and he continued to think about this for some time. Then it happened that the winds threw upon that island a. ship in which was a great number of merchants and other people. ‘They stayed there for some time in order to repair the damage ‘caused to that ship by the strong winds. Its passengers walked about the island ia order to get firewood and to collect fruits. 1 Phi is one ofthe casical arguments of Muslim theology forthe existence of Obi. Ce JD. Lusiany El-Dvchad par Imai e-Haranein, cai ct tradi arin 1988; 266: H, Steglecker, Dis Gladenleliven dis Islam, Paderborn 1963, $h-gh Box ano A. Wensinek, The Muatins Greed, Cambridge to3a, 7483 Si'Pabty, the Clas Ilunis Arguments forthe Existence of Go’ AV, iil 957) 139-45 THEOLOGUS AUTODIDACTUS OF IBN AL-NAFIS 45 Kamil saw them and avoided them at first, then went ever nearer to them with caution until they saw him. ‘The size of his body ccaused them fear, they called him but he flew from them, They ‘threw him some bread and food which they had with them, and ashen he ate it he found it very good because he had never eaten ‘prepared food before, ‘Then he became friendly with them; they covered him with clothes, he ate their food and was pleased with them. They endeavoured to teach him their language and he learned much of it. They informed him of the condition of their cities and what was eaten in them. He was astonished at that be- ‘cause he thought that there existed no ather country but thisisland, and he desired to travel with them. So they took him to a city near to that island, He ate of the food of the inhabitants, and put on, their clothes and it gave him enormous pleasure. He remembered how miserable his life had been because he was always naked in cold and heat, and had to confine himself to natural foodstuffs, and the animals always attacked and bit him. ‘So he knew that man, because he was lacking a natural weapon and needed artificial food and artificial clothes, could not live well if he was alone, but that man was in need of being social, so that he could be with a community some members of which sowed, others ploughed, others made bread, others transported things, others sewed clothes andsoon.t'Then hereflected and told himself: Asman is in need ofall this in order to live well, he is, no doubt, in need of concluding contracts such as sale, hire, and so on, these contracts Ieading to disputes as everyone thinks that his claims are true and his obligations non-existent; therefore man can live well only if he is with a community who keep between them a law by which all disputes are settled. ‘This is possible only if that law is met with ‘obedience and acceptance, and this is the case only if itis believed to come forth from Allah, and this is the case only if it emanates, from a person whom they regard as truthful when he informs them that it comes from Allah, ‘This person cannot be being other than a man, because the animals have no speech at all, still lese could they transmit a law, and he cannot be somebody whom most men are not able to perceive, such as an angel? or a Jinn, for * See Bxeursue B, below, pp. 776 Th $e i) yl ny "Tarn nat an angel us the son of = woman fom Xkuniysh who uted to ent lied, dred mest (radi) (a naying atibuted to he Propet)