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An invocation of Chrestos in Magic.
The question of the orthographical spelling of

Chrestos and interpretation issues in PGM XIII.288-95
Author(s): Eleni Pachoumi
Source: Hermathena, No. 188 (Summer 2010), pp. 29-54
Published by: Trinity College Dublin
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/42950972
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An invocation of Chrestos in Magic.
The question of the orthographical
spelling of Chrestos and
interpretation issues in PGM
XIII.288-95
by Eleni Pachoumi
Introduction
This paper examines the orthographical spelling of Chrestos and

related interpretative issues in the text 'Releasing from bonds'
(XIII.288-95), which is a short spell contained in the PGM XIII
originated in Greco-Roman Egypt and dated from the third to
the fourth century C.E.1 In the paradosis of the papyrus we have
XpT1GTÓç, but the Editor changes it to ó XpioTÓç with Y
instead of 'r|' Questions to be addressed are: Does the
orthographical spelling of Chrestos with Y or 'īļ' have a
particular significance, or it is a matter of indifference? How
should we methodologically approach the problem? What kind
of influences does the description of Chrestos in the text imply?
How could parallelisms with the comparative material help us
identify influences from other texts? How is the description of
Chrestos integrated into the context of the Greek magical
papyri? Is it related to the invocations of biaiothanatoi in magic?
I shall also pay special attention to issues of religious syncretism
from Judaism, Christianity, Greek and Egyptian religion,
Hermetism, Gnosticism and Manichaeism.
1 PGM is the abbreviation of Papyri Graecae Magicae. The edition for the PGM
spells used in this paper is Preisendanz and Henrichs 1973-1974. I also refer to Betz's
translation (Betz 1986). The PGM references are given in Roman numerals followed
by Arabic numerals.
30 Eleni Pachoumi
The speli
The spell is included in PGM XIII. 1-343 with the title,
ťGOD/GODS; A sacred book called "Unique" or "Eighth book
of Moses" about the holy name' (AD. III/IV).2
The ancient text and translation are:
AegļioAutov. XéyE* "kXuôí hoi, ó XpTļOTČ>s,3 èv ßaodvois,

ßoriÖTioov èv àváyKaiç èX[E]T^cov èv cjpaiç ßiaiog,4 ttoXù
8uvá|iEvoç èv KÓGiicp, ò KTÍaaç t r)v ÄvayKT1<v> Kai T iiacopíav
Kai TTļv Báaavov". iß' rm(épaç) aupíaaç xpiç òktókiç Xéye tou
'HXíou to övo|ia òXov ànò tou <Ä>xeßuKpco|i.
"ÀuôrjTco ttõç Segiíóç, Trãaa ßia, payrjTco ttõç oíSrjpos, ttõv
g<x>oivíov fļ ttõç ináç, ttöv ama [a], nãoa aXuaiç àvoixBrjTco,
Kai ht]8eíç |íe KaTaßiaaaiTo, öti èycb Elm" (XéyE t<ò> ovoiaa)
(XIII.288-95).
Releasing from bonds. Say; 'Hear me, Chrestos, in tortures, help in

necessities, pitiful in times (throughout the years), who died
violently, very powerful in the world, who created compulsion and
punishment and torture. Twelve days5 hissing thrice eight times, say
the whole name of Helios from Achebycrom.6
'Let every bond, every force be released, let every iron be
broken, every rope, or every strap, every knot, every chain be
opened, and let no one subdue me by force, for I am' (say the
name).
The English translation is mine.
The scholarly discussion

The scholarly discussion is focused on the orthographical
spelling of Chrestos. In the paradosis of the papyrus we have ó
2 PGM XIII: P.Leid. J 395; for photographs and transcription of the papyrus see
Daniel 1991, xxiv-xxvii and 32-81.
3 For the use of nominative (with the article) instead of vocative see Bla ss and
Debrunner 1961, 81-2, para. 147.
4 Preisendanz changes ßiaiog of the papyrus to ßiaiois; Preisendanz 1974, vol.
II, 102. On ßiaioig see 43ff. below.
5 Also in Preisendanz 1974, vol. II, 102; Smith translates it as, twelve times by
day', Betz 1986, 180, n. 68.
6 On "HAioç ÄxeßuKpcoii see XIII. 141, 446, 333; also Preisendanz vol. Ill, 217;
see also n. 53 below.
An invocation of Chrestos in Magic 3 1
Xpr)OTÓç (XIII.289).7 Preisendanz in his edition changes it to ó

XpiaTÓç with Y instead of 'ti'.8
Morton Smith in Betz's The Greek Magical Papyri in
Translation, following Preisendanz, claims that the lines 'kAOBí
Hoi ... Kai Tfļv Báaavov', before the explicit mention of Helios
(XII.292), refer to Jesus Christ and are a 'Christian
interpolation'.9 Morton Smith further comments, 'the
interpolation is interesting as evidence that these pagan magical
texts continued to be used by the newly Christian criminal
class'.10
Dieterich keeps ó Xpr)OTÓç of the papyrus, arguing that,
'man ist nicht befugt, XpioTÓç zu schreiben. xP1OTóç kommt
so öfter vor'.11
Daniel also argues for the retention of the paradosis of the

papyrus: 'Here ó Xpiaxóç -► ó XprjOTÓç with the papyrus and
earlier editors. Already Dieterich warned, "man ist nicht befugt,
XpiaTÓç zu schreiben. XPT1GTÓS kommt so öfter vor". Jewish
rather than specifically Christian influence pervades so much of
this syncretistic text . . . PGM s XpiaTÓç led to the incorrect
assumption that the present passage contains the only Christian
interpolation in the text.'12
Edwards also states: 'Preisendanz emends Xpr|aróç to
XpiOTÓç, reasoning that the ttoÀù 5i/vcc|íêvoç must be the
Christian Savour ... while his interpretation is correct, the
manuscript reading should remain unchanged . . . the form is not
a vulgar orthographic variant, but the key to the identity of the
group for whom the petition was composed'. And, 'It would
therefore be wholly false to the intention of the author to
substitute the reading XpiOTÓç to Xpr)OTÓç when it occurs in a
7 Daniel 1991, 45 for the photograph of the papyrus.

8 Preisendanz 1974, vol. II, 102.
9 The text 'kAü0í 'xoi ... Kai tx)v Báaavov' (XIII.289-92) is dated to the fourth
century and the magic spell in which it is added probably a little earlier, third century
CE; Betz 1986, 180, n. 68.
10 See Betz 1986, 180, n. 68.
11 Dieterich 1891, 190.
12 Daniel 1991, xxv.
32 Eleni Pachoumi
text which is known to come from the hand of a Christian

heretic'.13
Shandruk in his recent article on 'the interchange of i and Tļ
in Spelling Xpiar- in Documentary Papyri', briefly presents the
scholarly discussion on the spell in a footnote, concluding,
'Therefore, the probable explanation is that "Christ" was never
intended and that XP1!01"^ is indeed the correct reading,
referring to the Old Testament God, resulting in a translation
along the lines of "Listen to me, one useful in (helping from)
tortures, help ...'14
The Chrest- and Christ- forms

Which reading Xpricrróç, or XpiOTÓç is correct?15 Does the
paradosis Xpr|OTÓç have a particular point? Should the name be
normalized, or does the precise form not matter?
Gibson points out, following Blass, that, when the reference
is to Jesus Christ, the forms XpiOTÓç and XpiOTiavóç with i are
used mainly by early Christians and the forms with Tļ by pagan
authors.16 Gibson also argues, agreeing with Blass, that the
Greek-speaking pagans substituted Xpi10TÓç for XpiOTÓç,
because it was 'a word which they knew and which was familiar
to them'.17 At this period the two forms Xpricrróç; and XpiOTÓç
are pronounced identically by pagans and Christians. The
confusion between the two forms with i and Tļ is reflected in the
juxtaposition of both forms in the same epitaph in the third
13 Edwards 1991, 232, 234.

14 Shandruk 2010, 205-19, esp. 207-8, n. 8.
15 Definitions: Xpicrróç (from XP*00) means the anointed one, who has the
Xpicma. It is the Greek translation of the Hebrew mashiach: Messiah. XpriaTÓç
(from xpáouai) means useful, the good one. Jesus is the translation of the Jewish
Joshua, meaning 'Yaweh is the salvation'. 'IriaoOç as a Greek name means the one who
heals (from iáotiai). See also 39-40, and n. 45 below.
16 See Gibson 1978, 15-17; Blass 1895, 465-70, at 468-70; PRE 3 1897-9,
2449-50. On the interchange of i and Tļ and see also Gignac 1976, Vol. I, 235ff.
17 Gibson 1978, 16; Blass 1895, 468-70; also Robert 1937, 369. Alexander of
Lycopolis (A.D. IV) in Tractatus de piacitis Manichaeorum (24.1-4) also says, Tòv 5è
Xpicrròv où5è yiyvcóaKovTEç, àXXà Xpriaròv airròv TTpoaayopEÚovTEç Trj
TTpÒÇ TÒ fļ OTOIXEIOV HETaÀT*ÌyEl ETEpOV OrmCUVÓllEVOV àVTÌ TOU KUpÎCOÇ TTEpl
aÙTOu ÙTTEiÀTìiaiiévou EiaáyovTEç vouv EÌvai <paaiv."
An invocation of Chrestos in Magic 33
century epigraphic monuments of the Upper Tembris Valley in

Phrygia. In these hexametric epitaphs we see the forms
'XpiOTiavoi, or Xpr|OTiavol Xpncrnavoîç' with r| most
frequent found and less often the forms with i ('XpiOTiavoi
XpiaTiavoîç')» or ei ('XpeioTiavoi XpsiaTiavoîç').18
In the New Testament there are also similar verbal references
to the two forms. We find, for example, references to Jesus'
Xpr)°TÓTr)5 (Eph. 2.6-10) and his characterisation as xpr)OTÓç,
or xprļaxoi for his followers (Luc. 6.35, Eph. 4.32). We see also
verbal plays between the composite derivatives EUXpTloroç and
áxpTloToç to describe a Christian follower, or a non-follower
(Ph. 8-1 1). 19 Justin in Apology comments, 'for we are accused of
being Christians: but it is not just to hate the useful/good one'
(XpioTiavoi yäp eTvcu KocTriyopoúueSa: tò 8è xprioTÒv
UiaeīaSai où Bíkcciov, Ap. 4.5). Similar verbal play between
Christ- and Chrest- is found among pagan authors.20
Also in a Coptic passage from the spell 'Excellent rite for
driving out daimons' (IV. 1227-64, AD. IV) we find the Coptic
form 'ÏHCOYC niXPHCTOC' (IV. 123 1-39). 21 The name
'IHCOYC' (III.420) is also mentioned in some Coptic lines
18 e.g.: nos.: 1, 2, 7, 18, 22, 23 of the epigraphs; Gibson 1978.

19 NTLuc. 6.35: 'kcxi eoeo0e uioi úvyíaTou, öti airròç èaTiv etti
to ùç àxapíoTouç Kai Trovripouç'; Eph. 2.7-10: 'èv xP^otóttiti ècp' rmãç èv
Xpiaxcp ĪTļaoO ... aÙTou yáp èa|iEv -rcoírma, KTio0évTEç èv XpioTcp 'Irļaou èttì
ëpyoïç àyaôoîç'; Eph. 4.32: 'yíveoBe [5è] eiç àXÀr1Xouç XPTIOTOÍ, euot rXayxvoi,
XapiÇó|iEvoi éauToTç, Kaôcaç Kal ó 0eòç èv Xpiaxcp èxapiaaTo ùmîv'; Philem. 8-
11: 'Alò TToXXrjv èv XpioTcp Trappīļoiav è'xcov èíriTáooEiv aoi tò àvfjKov 8ià
Trjv àyá"TTT1v nãXXov uapaKaXco, toioutoç còv cbç TTauXoç TTpEaßunis vuvi 5è
Kal 8éo|iioç XpioTou 'līļoou- TrapaKaXcb ae Třepí tou è|aoO tékvou, öv èyévvrioa
èv toTç Beouois, 'OvTļoiĻiov, TÓv ttoté ooi áxPTlaTOv vuvì 5È [kcl'] croi k ai
EĻloi eUXPTl0"ï'OV^
20 See Tac. Ann. 15.44.2-3, ' Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et
quaesitissimis poenis affecit quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Chrestianos appellabat. Auctor
nominis eius Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratonem Pontius Pilatum supplicio
adfectus est'; also Suet. Claud. 25.4, ' Iudaeos impulsore Chresto adsidue tumultuantes
Roma expulit"' Plin. Ep. 96, 97; Tert. Apol. 3.5; Lact. Inst. Div .4.7.5. I am grateful to
John Moles for help with this material.
21 For this spell see Preisendanz 1973, vol. I, 114; Betz's note on Chrestos, Betz
1986, 62, n. 168; and on Gnostic influences Layton 1979, 44-5. Note also the form
TMNXPICTOC in the Coptic manuscript, 'A Homily on the Virgin by Theophilus,
archbishop of Alexandria' (75, col. i, 1. 2), Worrell 1923, 278.
34 Eleni Pachoumi
included in the untitled memory spell II

But all this material is from Christian con
established that this is one of the contex
the analysis of the spell aims at identifying
in the description of Chrestos and examin
appropriation and integration of these
context of magic.
Analysis of the Spell. Influences on

Chrestos.
i) Chrestos as the one who created

Chrestos is referred to as 'the one who cr
Punishment and Torture' (ó KTÍaaç t
T iĻicopiav Kai tt)v Báaavov) and cha
powerful in the world' (ttoÀù Buvánsvoç
1). Here there are interesting points.
description of Chrestos as a creator-god as
A question of language deserves separat
this point. A distinctive feature of the ex
verb ktíÇco and its derivatives (here t
KTÍaaç) in the sense of create and with refer
of the creator-god.23 This is not a normal
verb ktíÇco, whose basic meaning from Ho
(houses, cities, colonies, countries, etc.).2
extensively in the sense of create in the Sep
Old Testament, which originated (at least
Alexandria.25 Hence some scholars see thi
22 Also in the short and fragmentary spell 'Request f

the Bear' (XII. 190-2) (A.D. IV), the names "IriooOç àvo
only words preserved of this invocation. On Avoi/fß^
1974, vol. 11,71.
23 The Jewish creator-god 'father of all the powers' i
way in the 'Prayer of Jacob' (XXIIb.1-26). See also: IV
172 (the headless one).
24 LSJ, s.v. 1-2; e.g. H. Od. 11.263; IL 20.216; Hdt
1.62, 5.89, etc. etc.
25 e.g. Os. XIII.4.1-2, èycb ďe KÚpioç o 0eóç oou
usage in the Greek magical papyri. For example, Edwards states

' [the verb ktíÇco] is regularly used in the Septuagint , though not
in pagan Greek, to denote the creative activity of the Deity, and
when it appears in the magical papyri, it is generally as part of
some locution also found in the Jewish scripture', and he refers
to particular spells in the Greek magical papyri where the verb
ktíÇco occurs and their Jewish parallelisms.26
In the Hymn XIII. 17-20 included in the Corpus Hermeticum
Book XIII, 'A secret discourse of Hermes Trismegistus to his
son Tat, concerning rebirth', we see a similar reference to the
creator of all and the whole nature, 'tòv ktígccvtcx toc TTavxa'
and ťTcp TT(3GT1Ç q)ÚG£cos ktí OTT)' (XIII. 17). 27 Zuntz here makes
the following observation about the Jewish influences on the
notion of the creator: cthe basic concept of the 'Creator of
Heaven and Earth' as well as many details of thought and
wording derive from Alexandrian Judaism'. 28
Nevertheless, while the sense of found is the dominant one
in pr z-Septuagint Greek, there are interesting earlier fifth-
century usages. An ancient scholiast on the Eumenides points
out that the sense of ttoieTv, make , often associated with a
predicative adjective, is an ci5íco|ia Aiox^Xou'.29 Aeschylus
even uses the verb in the sense of produce, create and with
reference to the supreme god, Zeus.30 Still, the hypothesis that
ktíÇcov yfjv, où ai xeïpeS ÈKTioav Tiãoav Trļv axpaxiav oùpavou'; Am. IV. 13.1,
'ktíÇcov 7TVEÜ|ia' Is. XLV.7.2, 'ktíÇcov KaKá'; Is. LV.16.1-3, 'iSou èycb ektigó oe,
oùx cbç xa^KÊ^S cpvocõv áv0paKaç kccí ÈKcpÉpcov okeuoç eíç È'pyov èyco 5è
EKTiaá GE oÙK eíç àiTcoXEiav q>0EĪpai'
26 Edwards 1991, 234-35 and n. 13 (234 ibid) for the Jewish parallelisms to
XIII. 145, V.459, V.98, IV. 1040, 1.207 and IV. 1202.
27 Scott 1924, vol. I, 250-3; for comments see Scott 1925, vol. II, 398-405.
28 Zuntz 1955, 85.
29 e.g. A. Eum. 17, 'téxvt1ç 5e viv Zeùç evöeov KTÍaaç çpéva'; K.Eum.7'Ay 825;
A. Ch. 1060; A. Pers. 289; A. Supp. 1067; Thomson 1938, vol. II, 254; Broadhead
1960, 103.
30 Particularly interesting is one case in the Suppliants^ 138-40): 'teAeutòcç 8' èv
Xpóvcp TraTrjp ó TTavTÓTTTaç upEuiiEVEiç ktíoeiev'. The subject of the verb is 'the
all-seeing father' (Zeus) and the verb is used paradoxically of 'the ends', as if Zeus can
see 'the ends' at the very beginning, 'found' them, and accomplish them over time.
Thus already in the fifth century ktíÇco can be used in a profound theological sense in
reference to the creative activity of the supreme god. c.f. also A. Supp. 172, 'tòv
36 Eleni Pachoumi
the Greek magical papyri use of ktíÇco

Septuagint remains strong: the Septuagint p
most sustained parallels for the relatively d
relative chronology allows the influence; t
least part of it) originated in Egyptian Ale
magical papyri certainly show great interes
and they generally link the usage to the Je
and there are cases where the magicians
Jewish locutions.
So far, then, we have shown possible Jew
the interpretation of the verb ktíÇco
derivatives. This does not necessarily exclud
as for example influences from Aeschylus,
texts, as we shall further examine.
ii) Chrestos as the one who created

Punishment and Torture
We return to the phrase, 'the one who created Compulsion and
Punishment and Torture' (ó KTÍaaç Trjv ĀvayKTļ<v> Ka'
Tiucopíav Kal tt)v Báaavov, XIII.291). The second
noteworthy point is the striking emphasis that Chrestos himself
is the creator of Compulsion and Punishment and Torture. How
can this be true of Xpr)OTÓç ('the Good one' from xpóoiaat)?
This is not a phrase that one would expect from a Jewish
magician, or a magician with Jewish influences.
Hence it will be useful to look at comparative texts outside
the Greek magical papyri and identify possible influences.
(a) The first book from the Corpus Hermeticum 1.18-23 with
the title 'Poimandres of Hermes Trismegistus' refers to a
creator-god who ordered all his creations (toc KTÍojicxTa Kai
5rļļiioupyr|naTa) to increase and multiply (1.18). His
'providence' (irpóvoia) through 'necessity' (eVuapnēvrļ: a
aOróç (Z eùç) ttot' čktioev yóvcp'; see also LSJy s.v. 4.

31 Note also, of course, the converse, Jewish interest in magic: c.f. Betz 1997, 45-
63; Klauck 2000.
synonym of àváyior]) and harmony created the acts of birth

(1.19). This god set an avenging daimon (xiucopcp 8ai|jovi) for
the evil and wicked and envious and greedy etc., in order to
torture (ßaoavi^ei) and punish the lawless (1.23). This
description of the creator-god of the Hermetic texts reveals
similarities with the creator-god of 'Compulsion and
Punishment and Torture' of our spell.32
(b) In the Book of Thomas the contender (II, 7), possibly

composed in the first half of the third century C.E. and included
in the Gnostic Nag Hammadi Coptic library,33 the Gnostic god
'saviour' Jesus advises, 'watch and pray that you (pl.) not come
to be in the flesh, but rather that you come forth from the
bondage of the bitterness of this life ... For when you come
forth from the sufferings and passion of the body, you will
receive rest from the Good One (ArA0OC) ...' (10-1 5).34 That
reference to the Gnostic god 'saviour' who is described as 'the
Good one' could possibly be an influence on our spell. The
magician who composed, or compiled, the spell may have been
aware of these Gnostic texts.
Up to this point, then, the analysis of the text and its
comparison with other PGM spells, Jewish texts, the Corpus
Hermeticum and texts of Gnosticism seems to reveal a diversity
of religious influences from Jewish to Hermetic and Gnostic
literature.
(c) The third comparative text to examine is the Cologne Mani

Codex, CMC, (AD. V),35 a compilation of various treatises
32 Scott 1924, vol. I, 124-7. On 'Jewish Elements in Corpus Hermeticum I' see
discussion in Pearson 1981, 336-48.
33 For an introduction see Robinson 1974. On 'Christians in Egypt' see Parsons
2007, ch. 12, 193-210, esp. on 'Christians and Gnostics', 195ff. On Gnosticism and
the Nag Hammadi library MacCullough 2009, 121-7; Van Voorst 2000, 185-203;
and Wright 2003, 534-51.
34 Trans, by Turner; Turner actually translates the Coptic ATA0OC as 'the
Good One'; Layton 1989, 204-5; also in Robinson 1990, 207.
35 Mani lived from 216 to 276 A.D.; Henrichs and Koenen 1975, 1-85;
Henrichs and Koenen 1970, 161-216; Henrichs 1979, 339-67.
38 Eleni Pachoumi
preserved in Greek translation from

original, thereby imitating the Greek of
the New Testament .36 In the CMC there are references to
Baptists, who combined Christian and Jewish traditions with
Gnostic influences with a particular emphasis on rituals.37
Mani's Baptists had a strict obedience to ritual laws38 and
acceptance of Jesus Christ's teachings.39 In the CMC we find the
notion of punishment, when Enoch reveals to Mani, 'I shall
show you the place of the impious and of what sort happens to
be the punishment place of the lawless' (xcopóv ooi 5eíÇco tòv
Tco [v] Buoöeßcov, Kal óttoíoç TuyxávEi ó TÍ1Ç Tiiacopíaç tco v
àvóiacov tóttoç, CMC 58. 12-1 5). 40 Also it is expressed the idea
of a lord who shall 'redeem and set free his members from the
subordination of the seditious and the power of the procurators,
and through that he shall reveal his own truth and at the same
time he shall throw wide the door for the prisoners' (Kai
XuTpcóaaiTo Kai eXeu0EpcbqT)i xa ocpérepa laéXri ek Trjç
ÙTTOTayrjç tcòv OTaaiaoTcov Kai Tfjç tcov emxpoTTEuovTcov
èÇouaíaç Kai 8i# auTou ļiev q>ávr|i Tf1ç i5íaç yvcòoEcoç t f)v
aĀTļ0Eiav? Ev aÙTcoi 8è àvaTTETCcoTji xrjv Súpav toîç
Ka0Eipy|iévoiç, CMC 16.4-15). Hence the text of the CMC ,
which itself combines Christian, Jewish and Gnostic influences,
and the particular references to the notion of punishment and
salvation suggest possible influences on our spell.
It seems, then, that the magician who compiled the spell
was a skilled syncretist who included in his magical texts a spell
36 For the mistakes of translation into Greek see Henrichs 1979, 352-4.
37 For Mani's Baptists' affiliation with Elchasaites, or possible influences from the
Aramaic Book of Elchasai (written before 118/119 A.D.) see discussion in Henrichs
1979, 360-7.
38 e.g.: 'ek néaou tou vóhou èkeívou kcx0' öv àvETpáq>r|v' ( CMC 20.9-11);
'aùv 7tÀeícjtt)i ĻiTļxavrji Kai ETncnTjuTļi 7TEpif)X0ov èv èkeívcoi tcòi vó|icoi' ( CMC
25.2-5); '[ao]u toO vóiíou êkeívou [k a0'] öv àvETpá<pT1v' ( CMC 30.6-7); also CMC
70.7-9.
39 e.g.: Vini 5è Kai ek toü SeXtímotos auTou' ( CMC 66.16-18); Vrjç 0Ecopíaç
Tfjç àXr|0EOTáTT1s Tļv è0Ecópr1oa', 'cxttep ļioi ó ènòç ttottìp 8E8cbpTļTai, ek te tcòv
BoyiiÓTcov Kai tcòv è0vcòv' ( CMC 68. 1-2, 8-1 1).
40 Also, 'ÈKTEHEÎv Toùç ÒKpEnóvaç uávTcov tcòv oTaa[i]aoTcòv' ( CMC 29.3-
5); ťKal TTļv àvÓTTauoiv Kal Trļv KÓXaaiv' ( CMC 43.3-4).
addressed to Chrestos with Jewish, Gnostic, Hermetic and

possibly Manichaean influences.
This compilation technique of accumulating various
religious currents in one spell often occurs in the spells of the
Greek magical papyri.41
An example of this technique is the conjuration included in
the spell 'A tested charm of Pibechis for those possessed by
daimons' (IV.3007-86, AD. IV).42 The spell reflects a variety of
religious influences from Jewish, Christian, Gnostic and
Egyptian texts in relation to the address to Jesus.
First, the daimonic spirit is conjured by 'the god of the
Hebrews, Jesus' (ópKÍÇco ge kgctcx tou 0eoū tcov 'Eßpaicov
'lr|öoü, IV.3020). Jesus is described here as 'the god of the
Hebrews'.43 This reference is important for the ethnic identity
of the magician, since neither a Jew nor a Christian could
possibly have called Jesus the god of the Hebrews.44
Second, the magician is instructed to prepare a phylactery of
a tin lamella with some magic names inscribed in the lamella
'and hang it on the patient' (kgci HEpíauTE tòv "naaxovTa,
IV.3016-17). The phrase 'kcci HEpíauTE tòv TráaxovTa'
reveals that the magician is aware of the claimed etymological
association - much emphasised by Christians such as Luke -
between the name 'līļoous and the verb iaoļaai (heal).45 He
presumably also knows Jesus' fame in casting out daemons. In
the Acts of the Apostles (19.13) it is reported that Jesus' name
41 Dieleman describes it as a 'rhetorical device' and argues that 'one of the native
guiding principles leading to this rhetorical device was certainly the habit of compiling
word lists, today known as "onomastica", that catalogue all physical and metaphysical
phenomena of the cosmos'; Dieleman 2005, 166; Gardiner 1947, vols. I-III. One
may, of course, question the term, and implications, of 'rhetorical device'.
42 On PGM IV.3007-86 see Preisendanz 1956, 111-25; LiDonnici 2007, 87-
108; de Bruyn and Dijkstra 201 1.
43 See also Betz 1986, 96, n. 388; Deissmann 1927, 260, n. 4; Knox 1938, 193-
4; Barb 1964, 7-9; Chadwick 1980, 210; Smith 1985, 113.
44 Deissmann 1927, 260, n. 4; on possible Gnostic influences see discussion on
Gnosticism in MacCullough 2009, 121-7.
45 cf. e.g. Act. Ap. 9.34, 'kocí eīttev aÙTcp ó néTpoç* Aivéa, laxai oe lr|oouç
XpiaTÓç- àváoTT10i Kaì crrpcoaov OEauTcp. Kai eùSécoç ccvéott]'. See also Moles
2011, 117-82.
40 Eleni Pachoumi
was used by Jewish exorcists to exorcise

of the first century C.E.46
Third, in the conjuration spell there a
stories, as, for example, to the plagues
Solomon, the prophet Jeremiah, t
'unquenchable fire' of the Jerusalem te
prayers referring to the description of 'the
Fourth, in the conjuration there is als
one who was seen (ÒTrravSsvTa) in
shining pillar and a cloud of day' (IV.30
the various forms of Israel that appear
Papyri.49 The verb 'ÒTTTáÇonai/ÒTrráv
often used in the Septuagint and New Te
texts.50
Finally, among the magical names mentioned revealing

Jewish origins, such as those of IABA, IAE, ABRAOTH, AIA,
the god conjured is identified with the Egyptian Thoth
(IV.3020).51 This identification may be explained by the
association of Thoth with wisdom and knowledge and
specifically with the sacred writings and laws.
Thus, the spell IV.3007-86 is an interesting example from
the comparative PGM material, because it reflects a multiplicity
of religious influences in the same text:52 a) it shows knowledge
46 Act. Ap. 19.13, "ETTExeíprioav 5é tiveç Kai tcòv TrepiEpxotiévcov 'louBaícov

èÇopKioTcõv òvoMáÇEiv ètti toùç ëxovTaç tò "rrvEUļiaTa tcx Trovrļpa tò övoiaa
TOU Kupíou 'līļOOU XéyOVTEÇ- ÓpKÍÇcO Únãç TÒV 'līļGOUV ÖV TTauXoÇ KTļpUGCJEl'.
47 IV.3034-36, 3038-40, 3053-55, 3070-71 (on the unquenchable fire see also
IV. 1220).
48 IV.3045-52; see also LXX Gen. i.3; for more parallels in this passage see
Deissmann 1927, 261-2; Betz 1986, 96.
49 See also IV. 181 5, "lppať)A* ĪOTpaTļA'; XXXVI.259, 'ÂaoTpáTiÀoç'; see also
Ganschinietz 1939, 2233-4; also Betz 1986, 96; Scholem refers to Istrael, or Astrael,
as an angelic name; Scholem 1965, 95-6.
50 e.g. LXX. Nu. 14.14; NT. Act. Ap. 1.3, OTrravónEvoç ; see also
'ÒTTTavóiiEVor in the Corp. Herm. 3.2b.
51 Note also the references to the Egyptian Thoth (IV.3020) and Ammon
(IV.3028).
52 Furthermore, on the cultural and religious translatability reflected in the spells
of the Greek Magical Papyri note also the following examples: XIII. 139 and 147-160,
'o 5è "npcòTos áyyEÀoç çcoveî òpvEoyXuqnoTÍ ... ó 5è "HÂioç ùmveT oe
of Jewish religious history; b) it registers the importance of Jesus

Christ as a healer; c) 'ÒTTTáÇoiacu' is a verb also used in Gnostic
texts; d) the identification between Jesus and Thoth reflects
Egyptian influences; e) nevertheless, the description of Jesus as
'the god of the Hebrews' reveals that the syncretist magician
who compiled the spell was neither a Jew nor a Christian.
iii) The release and open up formula

The ÀU0T1TCO and òvoixôtÍtco formula of the lines, 'Let every
bond, every force be released (Àu0t1Tgû), let every iron be
broken (payrļTco), every rope, or every strap, every knot, every
chain be opened (àvoix0T1Tco)' (XIII.292-95), occurs elsewhere
in the Greek magical papyri. The open up formula, for example,
is found in the spell 'ávoiÇiç Sia toü òvó|aaToç' (XIII.327-
333), included in XIII. 1-343 as our spell, in which
'ÄxeßuKpcoii' and "HXiou övoiaa' are also mentioned
(XIII.333).53
In the 'Stele useful for everything' (IV. 11 67- 1226) also, the
abstract deified concept of Aion assimilated to the Jewish father
and 'creator of the world, creator of all' (kóoiíou ktígtcc, tò
ttccvtcc ktíotcx, IV. 1200) and to Helios is invoked as follows,
'àvoiyt10i, oùpavé, SéÇai nou xà (pSsytiorra, gckoue, "HAis,
TTÓtTEp kÓ0|íou' (heaven, be opened, accept my sayings, listen,
Helios, father of the world, IV. 1 180-82). 54
The same formula in relation to the concept of the creator-
god is found in the Hymn XIII. 17-20 included in the Corpus
Hermeticum Book XIII, which begins with the lines,
'«ÂVOiy^TCÛ UOl TTÕÇ (iOxAòç <TOÜ> «KÓO|iOU»' . . .
àvo(yt|0i yfj ... àvo(yr|Te oúpavoí ... néXXco yàp úpveív
ÍEpoyÀuçiOTÍ ... äßpai'OTl 5è 5ià tou aÙTou òvóiaaToç ... tò 5è çuoikóv

oou ovona aiyuiTTioTÍ ... ó 8è èvvEáMopçoç àoTráÇeTaí oe iepaTioTÍ'; also
XIII.79-86; and XII.263-267, 'ÈTTiKaXouMaí oe Kaxä lièv AiyuiTTÍouç ... kotòc
B'IouBaiouç ... KaTä wEXXrivaç ... KaTä 8è toùç àpxiEpEÎç ... kotò 5è
TTápôouç'; also V.472-74, 'ZupioTÍ ... 'EßpaioTi-'.
53 For similar formulas in the PGM see also: 1. 101, IV.968, XII. 160- 167,
XXXVI.315-317, LXII.29-30.
54 See also Dieterich 1891, 25-6.
42 Eleni Pachoumi
tòv KTÍaavTa tò irávTa' (Let every

opened to me . . . earth be opened . . . he
I am about to sing a prayer to the creator
A similar formula in relation to Jesu
comparative magico-Christian untitl
IV/V),56 in which Jesus ('I [rļ] aoûç)
vyuxai èÀeu0epcû0r| [aa v] 8i[à] tou
àvúyT1oav 8i' éauTcõv ai TTÚXai
KaTCCKXáoaç to ùç |íoxXoú[ç a]i8r
8e8t1hévouç èv Tcp ok[ótsi] ... Kai 8é8
KTÍonaTi aÌTOupévcp 8eottótt1v, 'I[tí]
souls have been freed by his blood and b
have opened by themselves, the one wh
who freed those bound in darkness .
freedom to the creature who begged th
15).57
That description of Jesus as ó KaTOKXáaaç and ó Xúoaç,
as well as the XuSrjTco and òvoixÕtÍtco formula examined
above,58 seem to reflect Jewish and Christian influences of
Dionysiac origins. Dionysus had the ability to liberate himself,
or his initiated, as emphasized in Euripides' Bacchae, 'Xúosi p' ó
55 Scott 1924, vol. I, 250-1. From the beginning of the third century Christian
scholars had access to some Hermetic texts of the Hermetica already in existence; Scott
1924, vol. I, 8.
56 It is included in Preisendanz's edition under the section 'Christliches'. The
Christian Papyri PGM 1-24 (the references are given in Arabic numerals; PGM 9
includes the Christian credo); Preisendanz 1974, vol. II, 209-32. The spell PGM 13
translated in English is also included in 'Ancient Christian magic. Coptic texts of
ritual power' (ed.) of Meyer and Smith 1994, 35-6.
Note also in the magico-Christian Ostraca (Ol -5): the reference to Christos in
03; and the Christian credo in 04; Preisendanz 1974, vol. II, 233-5. On magico-
Christian amulets with the bust of Christ see Bonner 1950, 218-22; on Egyptian
Christians and Coptic amulets see Budge 1930, 127-32; on Christos in amulets see
Kotansky 1993, 170-80 (n. 35.10), 270-300 (n. 52.119) and 301-5 (n. 53.2); also
Maltomini 1997, 82-95; Smith 1981, 61-4; Frankfurter, 'Narrating Power: The
Theory and Practice of the Magical Historiola in Ritual Spells', 1995, 457-76.
57 Also compare it with Act. Ap. 16.26, 'á<pvco 8è aeianòç èyévETO uéyaç,
cÓGTE aaÀEuôfivai tò SeļieAio tou 5ecjiícottipíou- fivEcpxfrl00^ &è Trapaxpfjua
ai 0úpai TTÕaai, Kai ttccvtcov tò Begiíò àvéSri'.
58 See aso CMC 16.4-15; 38 above.
5ai|icov aÙTÔç, ÖTav èyco SsÂco' (The god will free me

himself, whenever I wish, Ba. 498). Dionysus also liberated the
imprisoned and bound in the chains Bacchae (Ba. 443-49). 59
Similarly in the Pelinna gold initiation lamellae from Thessaly
(BCE IV) we find the reference 'öti B<ók>xios aúxòç eXuoe'
( OFBern . 485 and 486).60
iv) Chestos biaios. Mechanisms of Appropriation and

Integration
How does the magician apply the new religious and intellectual
influences implicit in the invocation to Chrestos to the
traditional context of magic? How do the mechanisms of
appropriation and integration function in our spell?
In the spell Chestos is invoked, 'ó Xpr10TÓç, èv ßaaavois,
ßor10r]oov sv àváyKaiç éÀ[E]rjiacov èv cópaiç ßiaios, ttoXù
Buváiaevoç èv KÓaiacp' (Chrestos, in tortures, help in
necessities, pitiful in times (throughout the years), biaios/who
died violently, very powerful in the world, XIII.289-90).
In the paradosis of the papyrus we have ßiaios (XIII.290).
Dieterich changes it to ßiaioig, taking it as an adjective to
copaiç, although in his critical apparatus he notes that the
papyrus has ßiaio$.61 Preisendanz in his edition has also ßiaioig
as an adjective to copoug, without giving any comment for this
change.62 But the papyrus has ßiaiog, as the photograph of the
papyrus shows and as Daniel has also seen in his transcription of
the papyrus.63
When we take ßiaios as an adjective in relation to
59 Eur. Ba. 443-49, 'äs S' où ßccKxas eîpÇaç, âç auvripTraaaç/ KaBīļoag èv

SegļioĪgi TTavBrjuou oTÉyriç,/ <ppou8ai y' èKEÎvai XeXunévai "npòç òpyáBaç/
OKipTcoai Bpóniov àvaKaXoúnevai 0eóv-/ aÙTÓnaTa 8' aÙTaiç Beomò 6ieXú0t1
ttoScõv/ KXrjBÉç t' avfļKav 0úpETp' ávEU 0VT1Tf¡s X6PÓs'- See Seaford 1997a, 190.
See also n. 57 above; and n. 70 below. On Dionysus and Jesus see Seaford 1997b,
139-51; Moles 2006, 65-104.
60 Bernabé 2005, 45, 52.
61 Dieterich 1891, 190.
62 Preisendanz 1974, vol. II, 102.
63 Daniel 1991, 45 for the photograph of the papyrus and 44 for Daniel's
transcription.
44 Eleni Pachoumi
Chrestos, the question to be addressed i

Chrestos ßiaio$ related to the invocation
in magic?
The magicians often invoke the spirits of dead who had a
violent death, or died before their time, to assist them in the
magic ritual. These spirits are the ß taiodáuarot, or ßiaioi and
the äcopoi. The biaiothanatoi and aoroi also appear in the
magical defixiones from archaic and classical Athens and from
various parts from the Mediterranean area. The reason they are
invoked is because they died violently, before they had the
chance to fulfil their purpose.64 Their unfulfilled destine and
their violent death is a source of violent force of subversion in
the hands of the magicians. In the Greek Magical Papyri the
ßiaiodävaroi, or ßiaioi 65 are often invoked as paredroi , that is,
the spirits that stand by the magician and assist him.66 The
purpose of their invocation is to prophesy, or to violently attract
the beloved person, or even to take away the pain from the
patient in the case of magico-medical spells.
The idea of the spirits of the violent dead protecting and
taking revenge on the living occurs in literary and philosophical
works. In Hesiod's Works and Days (109-26), the golden race of
mortal men after death became daimones, 'guardians of mortal
men' (cpúÀaKEÇ SvrļTcov avSpcbmov) (121-26). In Plato's
Phaedo (81c-e), the souls of mean men (tcxç tcûv cpaúAcov) are
compelled to wander (àvayKÓcÇovTai TrXavãaôai) on the
monuments and the tombs ("rrepi tò nvrincrrà te Kai toùç
Tácpouç), paying punishment for their former way of life being
bad (8ÍKT1V TÍvouaai Tf) s TrpoTÉpaç Tpo<pfjç kcckíiç ouariç)
(81dl-2, 8-10). In Plato's Laws, the one who had a violent
death (ó 0avaTco0eiç ßiaicos) 'is wroth with the one who
64 For aoroi, biaiothanatoi and atelestoi, or ataphoi see also: Graf 1997, 150-1;
Johnston 1999, 127-60; Ogden 2001, 12, 225-6.
65 On the invocations of ßiaio$-oi in the PGM see also 11.145 puKOç airo
ßiaiou', 170-1 'eíç tò páicoç tou ßiaiou', IV.333 'irapà àcópou tí ßiaiou 0TÍKT1V',
1394 Wi Movouáxoi Kai ßiaioi', 1885-86 'crrrò àvSpcÓTrou KEcpaÀríç ßiaiou
òotéov', 2207-8 'uetò ai'iaaToc ßiaiou', 2887 Viç ßiaiou aīļaa'.
66 On paredroi see Pachoumi 201 la, 155-65; Pachoumi 201 lb, 729-40.
committed the murder, when newly being murdered, and having

himself been filled with fear and terror because of his violent
suffering, when he sees his murderer going about in the haunts
in which he himself used to go, he is frightened, and being
himself upset, causes trouble with all his might to (his)
murderer, both to the man himself and his actions, having his
memory as his ally' (865d-e).67 Also in Xenophon's Cyropaideia
(8.7.18), the souls of those suffered unjustly (tcxç 8è tgov a&ixa
TTCC0ÓVTCOV vja;xócs) throw terror in those who have shed blood
(cpoßous toîç uiccicpóvois ¿ußaAAouaiv) and send the avengers
of blood against the wicked (iraXanvaíouç toîç àvoaíoiç
ÈTriTTEiiTTOuai), connecting these avengers of blood with the
souls of the dead.68
In our spell Chrestos 'in tortures' is invoked as the one who
is 'pitiful in times (throughout the years)' (XIII.289-90). The
'tortures' apply first to the tortures of the people whom the
spell refers to and then to Jesus' own tortures. Jesus was
executed.69 His death was violent / biaios and before its time /
aoros.
Hence, Chrestos biaios (XIII.289-90) is invoked by th

magician as a biaios/ biaiothanatos and aoros. The subve
power of his violent death shall give enormous power to t
spell, which is to be used by the magician to release t
prisoners from their iron bonds. Jesus also was put in bonds a
released 7° Thus a very important criterion in the proces
67 Pl. L. 865d-e: '0unoOraí te tcò BpáaavTi vêo0vt1ç gov, Kai cpoßou

Beímotoç äjia 5iä Tīļv ßiaiov TT00r)v airròç TTETrXripcoMÉvoç, ópcov
éauTou cpovéa èv toiç t10eoi toiç t rjç áauTou auvr]0EÍaç àvaoTpE<pó|i
Beijjoívei, Kai TapaTTÓ|iEvoç aÚTÒç TapáTTEi kotò Búvauiv TTãoa
BpáaavTa, liVTļUTļv Eúniaavov eycov, outòv te koí tòç TrpářEK auTou'.
68 On the connection between the avengers of blood and the souls of the d
note the question, 'toiç 8è <p0iiiévoiç tcxç tiļio$ 8ia(iévEiv eti äv BokeT
1íí15evòç aÙTcov (tcõv 90i|íévcov) ai ua/xqí KÚpiai flaav'; Xen. Cyr. 8.7.18.
69 See Stratton 2007, 118.
e.g. bonds: NTMat. 27.2, 'koí BrjaavTEç aÙTÒv àirriyayov K
TrapéScoKav FTiXáTcp Tcp riyEtióvi'; Mar. 15.6, 'Kotò 6è éopTriv óttéXuev o
èva Béatiiov öv TrapņTouvTo'; Jo. 18.12, '..auvdAaßov tòv 'IriaoOv Kai ē
aÙTÒv..'; 'release': Ac. 2.2 4, 'öv ó 0eòç ccvéaTTiOEv Xúoaç tòç cbBTvaç
0aváTou' See discussion on Dionysiac origins on 43 and n. 59 above.
46 Eleni Pachoumi
appropriation of Chrestos' invocation to

his assimilation with the biaioi/biaiothanat
Another example of how the mechani
and integration function is the relation
and Helios. The spell, as already poi
addressed to Helios to release from bon
lines 'kAüSí hoi ... Kai tt)V Báaavov' (
Chrestos. Hence Chrestos is brought i
Helios and both names appear in the sam
291-92). A similar adaptation of a Greek
Jewish text is the example of a Gr
transliterated into Hebrew in the Sepher
Consequently the magician who compiled
text to Chrestos (XIII.289-92) on the o
Helios. But it does not seem that the
substitute Chrestos for Helios, since h
name; and both names, as already point
same spell. This is another example of appr
religious currents into the context of ma
to Chrestos (XIII.289-92) is a whole-sca
its context integrated to the logic of the m
Conclusions
Reviewing this study on the orthographical spelling of Chrestos
and the interpretation issues related, we may return to the
initial questions: should the paradosis of the text XprjoTÓç be
emended to XpiOTÓç? Or should the manuscript reading remain
unchanged?72
The analysis of the spell has shown that the paradosis of
Chrestos with Tļ should be retained. There is no indication that
the text to Chrestos ('kXü0í ļioi ... Kal Tr)V Báaavov',
XIII.289-92) was a 'Christian interpolation' and the spell-prayer
was meant to be used only by Christian prisoners; nor that the
text to Chrestos was a petition composed for a particular heretic
71 Morgan 1983, 71, n. 21.

72 See 30-32 above.
group and that the text comes 'from the hand of a Christian
heretic'. The text to Chrestos (XIII. 289-92) is rather an
example of a complete appropriation and integration of its
interreligious context into the logic of the magical spell.
I have shown that the reading of the spell should be
inclusive of the various intellectual and religious currents and
not exclusive. The description of Chrestos as the creator (ó
KTÍaaç) reveals influences, as examined, from Judaism.
Nevertheless, I have pointed out that Chrestos is not described
as the creator of the world, as we could have expected by a Jew.
The phrase also Very powerful in the worlď is neither
appropriate to Yahweh of the Hebrew Bible, nor to Jesus Christ
of the New Testament .
The description 'the one who created Compulsion and

Punishment and Torture reveals influences from the creator-god
of the Corpus Hermeticum and possibly from Manichaeism.
Chrestos' characterization also as the 'good one' alludes to the
Gnostic god 'saviour' of the Nag Hammadi library.
I have argued that the form ßiaio$ in nominative (XIIL290)
should be retained, taking it as an adjective to Chrestos, instead
of changing it to dative plural as an adjective to copaiç, and I
tried to justify the connection between the invocation to
Chrestos and the invocations to the biaioi/ biaiothanatoi in
magic. I have also examined the mechanisms of appropriation
and integration of this syncretistic material into the context of
magic. An evidence of the mechanisms of appropriation is the
relationship between Chrestos and Helios and the appearance of
both names in the same spell. The magician who compiled the
spell integrated the text to Chrestos (XIII. 289-92) into the logic
of the original magic spell to Helios.
Finally, I have argued for the intercultural or interreligious
character of the spell. The spell is an example of appropriation
and synchronization of vario us intellectual and religious currents
into the general Greco-Egyptian magical framework of the
papyri. The comparison of the spell with other religious and
philosophical works reveals allusions to Christianity and
influences from Jewish texts, the Corpus Hermeticum , the
48 Eleni Pachoumi
Gnostic Nag Hammadi library, and from

well.
Thus the interreligious context of the text to Chrestos
(XIII.289-92) is integrated into the logic of the magical spell. It
is a whole-scale appropriation. The magician who compiled the
spell was a skilled syncretist (either being fully aware of the
various religious influences embodied in his compilation, or
doing it mechanically as part of the adaptation process). The
continuous use of the spell by different users was an important
factor that determined the flexibility of the mechanisms of
appropriation and integration.73
Eleni Pachoumi
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
73 I would like to thank John Moles, Matthew Dickie, Yannis Tzifopoulos and
the anonymous reviewers of Hermathena for their helpful comments. I am also
grateful to the editor of Hermathena, Professor Brian McGing.
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An invocation of Chrestos in Magic.

The question of the orthographical spelling of

This paper examines the orthographical spelling of Chrestos and

AegļioAutov. XéyE* "kXuôí hoi, ó XpTļOTČ>s,3 èv ßaodvois,

Releasing from bonds. Say; 'Hear me, Chrestos, in tortures, help in

The English translation is mine.

The scholarly discussion

Xpr)OTÓç (XIII.289).7 Preisendanz in his edition changes it to ó

Daniel also argues for the retention of the paradosis of the

7 Daniel 1991, 45 for the photograph of the papyrus.

text which is known to come from the hand of a Christian

The Chrest- and Christ- forms

13 Edwards 1991, 232, 234.

century epigraphic monuments of the Upper Tembris Valley in

18 e.g.: nos.: 1, 2, 7, 18, 22, 23 of the epigraphs; Gibson 1978.

included in the untitled memory spell II

Analysis of the Spell. Influences on

i) Chrestos as the one who created

22 Also in the short and fragmentary spell 'Request f

usage in the Greek magical papyri. For example, Edwards states

the Greek magical papyri use of ktíÇco

ii) Chrestos as the one who created

aOróç (Z eùç) ttot' čktioev yóvcp'; see also LSJy s.v. 4.

synonym of àváyior]) and harmony created the acts of birth

(b) In the Book of Thomas the contender (II, 7), possibly

(c) The third comparative text to examine is the Cologne Mani

preserved in Greek translation from

addressed to Chrestos with Jewish, Gnostic, Hermetic and

was used by Jewish exorcists to exorcise

Finally, among the magical names mentioned revealing

46 Act. Ap. 19.13, "ETTExeíprioav 5é tiveç Kai tcòv TrepiEpxotiévcov 'louBaícov

of Jewish religious history; b) it registers the importance of Jesus

iii) The release and open up formula

ÍEpoyÀuçiOTÍ ... äßpai'OTl 5è 5ià tou aÙTou òvóiaaToç ... tò 5è çuoikóv

tòv KTÍaavTa tò irávTa' (Let every

5ai|icov aÙTÔç, ÖTav èyco SsÂco' (The god will free me

iv) Chestos biaios. Mechanisms of Appropriation and

59 Eur. Ba. 443-49, 'äs S' où ßccKxas eîpÇaç, âç auvripTraaaç/ KaBīļoag èv

Chrestos, the question to be addressed i

committed the murder, when newly being murdered, and having

Hence, Chrestos biaios (XIII.289-90) is invoked by th

67 Pl. L. 865d-e: '0unoOraí te tcò BpáaavTi vêo0vt1ç gov, Kai cpoßou

appropriation of Chrestos' invocation to

71 Morgan 1983, 71, n. 21.

The description 'the one who created Compulsion and

Gnostic Nag Hammadi library, and from

translations and descriptions of the long s

Daniel, R. W., 1991. Two Greek Magical Pap

Magical Historiola in Ritual Spells.' In: M

Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Editoriale Cisalpino-La Goliardica.

T7EPI THI rENNHI TOY ZUMATO! AYTOY.

Klauck, H. J., 2000. Magic and Paganism in Early Chri

Gold, Silver, Copper and Bronze La

2-7. Leiden: Brill.

Magischen Inhalts. Band 2: Gebete

Early Christianity.' Hermathena, 180, pp. 6

Nasrallah, L. S., 2003. An Ecstasy of Folly: Prophecy and

Papyri.' Numen , 58, pp. 729-40.

introduction to the nature and significan

Seaford, R., 1997a. Euripides' Baccha

Bacchae and the Acts of the Apostles

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