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Christian Arabic Theology
Christian Arabic Theology
IN BYZANTINE ANTIOCH
‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l al-An†aki and his
Discourse on the Holy Trinity*
Introduction
After the Byzantine re-conquest of Antioch from the Muslims in 969 and
until its destruction by the Mamluk hordes in 1268, the city and the neigh-
boring monasteries became an important intellectual center of Arab Ortho-
dox Christianity1, where numerous Christian works – especially those of
the Greek Church Fathers – were translated from Greek into Arabic (as
well as, concurrently, into Georgian and Armenian) and where Arab Chris-
tian theologians composed original works in their native tongue2.
*
In this article we use the following abbreviations:
BDIC = R. CASPAR et al., Bibliographie du dialogue islamo-chrétien, sections on
Christian Arab literature: P. KHOURY – R. CASPAR, pt. 1, section 12, in Islamochristiana,
1 (1975), p. 152-169; S.Kh. SAMIR, pt. 2, section 22, in Islamochristiana, 2 (1976),
p. 201-242; S.Kh. SAMIR, pt. 3, section 22.4, in Islamochristiana, 3 (1977), p. 257-284;
S.Kh. SAMIR, pt. 5, addenda et corrigenda, in Islamochristiana, 5 (1979), p. 300-311;
GCAL = G. GRAF, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 5 vols., Vatican, 1944-
1953; HMLÉM = J. NASRALLAH, Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans l’Église melchite
du Ve au XXe siècle, vol. II.2 and III.1, Louvain – Paris, 1983-89; PG = J.-P. MIGNE (ed.),
Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Graeca.
1
By “Arab Orthodox” we mean Arabic-speaking Byzantine-rite Orthodox Christians
(in Arabic: Rum Orthodox), traditionally called Melkites (today, however, the term Mel-
kite is usually reserved for the Byzantine-rite Eastern Catholic church); cf. S. GRIFFITH,
The Church of Jerusalem and the ‘Melkites’: The Making of an ‘Arab Orthodox’ Chris-
tian Identity in the World of Islam, 750-1050CE, in O. LIMOR – G.G. STROUMSA (ed.),
Christians and Christianity in the Holy Land, Turnhout, 2006, p. 173-202.
2
HMLÉM, vol. III.1, especially, on translations, p. 196-220, 273-310, 387-391;
K. CIGGAAR – M. METCALF (ed.), East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean:
I. Antioch from the Byzantine Reconquest until the End of the Crusader Principality,
Leuven, 2006; V.V. KRIVOV, Araby khristiane v Antiokhii X-XI vv. [Arab Christians in
Antioch in the 10th-11th cc.], in Traditions and Heritage of the Christian East, Moscow,
1996, p. 247-255. Translation activity spread also to Muslim-controlled parts of Syria.
Thus, in Damascus, the Arab Orthodox translator Ibn SaÌquq (fl. 1010) is credited with a
complete Arabic version of the Dionysian corpus. See A. TREIGER, New Evidence on the
Arabic Versions of the Corpus Dionysiacum, in Le Muséon, 118 (2005), p. 219-240; IDEM,
The Arabic Version of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite’s Mystical Theology, Chapter 1,
in Le Muséon, 120 (2007), p. 365-393. and now C. BONMARIAGE – S. MOUREAU, Corpus
Dionysiacum Arabicum. Étude, édition critique et traduction des Noms divins IV, § 1-9.
Partie I, in Le Muséon, 124.1-2 (2011), p. 181-227 and Partie II, in Le Muséon, 124.3-4
(2011), p. 419-459.
Life
The eleventh-century Arab Orthodox translator and theologian ‘Abdal-
lah ibn al-Fa∂l is one of the most important contributors to the Anti-
ochene Graeco-Arabic translation movement of Patristic works. Unfor-
adapted an already existing Arabic translation, originating, as many others, from the
region of Antioch. On Patriarch Gabriel II see S.Kh. SAMIR, Ibn Tarik ou Ibn Turayk?, in
Le Muséon, 101 (1988), p. 171-177; S.Kh. SAMIR, Remariage des prêtres veufs? L’attitude
du patriarche copte Gabriel II Ibn Turayk (1131-1145), in Proche-Orient Chrétien, 44
(1994), p. 277-282; S.Y. LABIB, art. Gabriel II ibn Turayk, in Coptic Encyclopaedia,
vol. 4, p. 1127-1129.
6
On the Graeco-Arabic translation movement of the ‘Abbasid period see D. GUTAS,
Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad
and Early ‘Abbasid Society (2nd-4th/8th-10th centuries), London – New York, 1998;
S. GRIFFITH, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque, Princeton, 2008, p. 106-128.
7
M. KAMIL, Translations from Arabic in Ethiopic Literature, in Bulletin de la Société
d’Archéologie Copte, 8 (1942), p. 61-71; A. VAN LANTSCHOOT, Abba Salama métropolite
d’Éthiopie (1348-1388) et son rôle de traducteur, in Atti del Convegno Internazionale dei
Studi Etiopici, Rome, 1960, p. 397-401; L. RICCI, art. Ethiopian Christian Literature, in
Coptic Encyclopaedia, vol. 3, p. 975-979, esp. 976-977. Two examples of such transla-
tions into Ge‘ez can be given here: (1) Nikon’s Pandektes, translated from Arabic into
Ethiopic as MaÒÌafa Îawi (cf. n. 5 above); (2) ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s Arabic version of
Isaac of Nineveh (made from the Greek version produced earlier at Mar Saba) was trans-
lated into Ethiopic, apparently in the sixteenth century (a critical edition of the Ethiopic
translation has recently appeared: D. BERHANU, Das maÒÌafa Mar Yeshaq aus Ninive,
Hamburg, 1997).
tunately, little is known about his life. From his full name as given in the
manuscripts – al-sammas ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l ibn ‘Abdallah al-mu†ran
al-An†aki Abu al-FatÌ – we can deduce that he was a deacon (sammas)
from Antioch (al-An†aki) and a grandson of a bishop or metropolitan
(mu†ran), whose name was also ‘Abdallah8. We know also that he was
active around the year 1050. His Arabic translation of Basil’s Hex-
aëmeron was completed in 1052, as evidenced by the manuscripts of this
work9. In the same year, he completed his Book of Joy of the Believer
(Kitab Bahjat al-mu’min)10. His magnum opus The Book of Benefit
(Kitab al-Manfa‘a) was completed between 1043 and 105211.
Some of ‘Abdallah’s works and translations were commissioned by
various church officials and intellectuals: the Exposition of the Orthodox
Faith (SarÌ al-amana al-mustaqima) by John bishop of Manbij (Hiera-
polis or Mabbug in northern Syria), the translation of the Psalms by a
certain Abu Zakariya ibn Salama12, and the translation of Isaac of Nin-
eveh (made from an earlier Greek version produced at Mar Saba in the
ninth century) by a certain Nikephoros (Nikufur) Abu al-NaÒr13 ibn
Bu†rus al-Qubuqlis. It has not yet been noted that the last person’s title
“al-Qubuqlis” means that he was a church official, a “chamberlain”
(kouboukleisios) of the patriarch (presumably the Patriarch of Antioch)14.
8
We take the nisba al-An†aki (from Antioch) to refer to ‘Abdallah himself rather than to his
grandfather the bishop, since bishops of Antioch would normally be referred to as patriarchs.
9
J. NASRALLAH, Dossier arabe des œuvres de saint Basile dans la littérature melchite,
in Proche-Orient Chrétien, 29 (1979), p. 17-43; P.J. FEDWICK, Basil of Caesaria: Chris-
tian, Humanist, Ascetic, Toronto, 1981, p. 485-492; P.J. FEDWICK, Bibliotheca Basiliana
Universalis: A Study of the Manuscript Tradition of the Works of Basil of Caesarea,
5 vols., Turnhout, 1993-2004, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 168-171.
10
F. SEPMEIJER, The Book of Splendor of the Believer by ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l, in
Parole de l’Orient, 16 (1990-91), p. 115-120.
11
It refers (in Ch. 65) to the Nestorian philosopher and theologian Abu l-Faraj ibn
al-™ayyib, who died in 1043, as recently deceased (raÌimahu llah), and is itself referenced
in the Kitab Bahjat al-mu’min, written in 1052.
12
New Haven, Beinecke Library, MS 349, fol. 181v gives instead two names:
Zakhariya and YuÌanna ibn Salama.
13
Abu al-NaÒr is simply the Arabic equivalent of the Greek Nikephoros. Sinai ar. 351,
fol. 5v gives also the names of his two brothers: Abu l-Îasan Sim‘an and Abu l-Îayr MiÌa'il.
14
On kouboukleisios, an honorific title of a member of the patriarch’s cubiculum,
bestowed by the emperor or the patriarch, see A. KAZHDAN, art. Kouboukleisios, in Oxford
Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 2, New York, 1991, p. 1155; J. DARROUZÈS, Recherches sur
les offikia de l’église byzantine, Paris, 1970, p. 39-44. Oxford, MS Holkham gr. 6 was
written ca. 1050-1052 by a certain Theophylact, a kouboukleisios of the Patriarch of
Antioch; see J.H. JENKINS – C. MANGO, A Synodicon of Antioch and Lacedaemonia, in
Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 15 (1961), p. 225-242, at p. 231 and Plate 8; Greek Manuscripts
in the Bodleian Library: An Exhibition Held in Connection with the 13th International
Congress of Byzantine Studies, Oxford, 1966, p. 19-20.
The term qubuqlis is attested in the Arabic version of Nikon’s Taktikon, Ch. 37, §33,
where it is corrupted into faqlis (in Vat. ar. 76); see C.-M. WALBINER – M. NANOBASHVILI,
Nicon’s Treatise on the Conversion of the Georgians in Christian Arabic Literature and
Its Possible Georgian Source, in Le Muséon, 121 (2008), p. 437-461, at p. 456 Arabic /
p. 460 English translation.
15
It is noteworthy that there are two commentaries on this text written by scholars
roughly contemporary with ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l – Basil the Lesser (10th century) and
Niketas of Herakleia (11th century) – and that both commentaries were translated into
Georgian (by Eprem Mtsire in the 11th century and an anonymous translator of Gelati
theological school in the 12th century). See K. BEZARASHVILI, On an Unknown Definition
of Grammar in Byzantine and Georgian literary sources, in F.K. HAARER – E. JEFFREYS
(ed.), Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, vol. 3, Alder-
shot – Burlington, VT, 2006, p. 200.
16
Kitab al-Raw∂a, Ch. 43, Cairo, Franciscan Center of Christian Oriental Studies,
Muski, MS 116, p. 107-108 (the text needs to be emended to read: هذا الفصل يرد في:شرح
وقراتها انا كلها باليوناني على سيدي سمعان،المرثية التي صنفها >في< الجليل في القديسين باسيليوس
فسره
ّ وفسر لي هذا الموضع في جملة ما
ّ )الايمسيقن ابن السبنخي النفيس والقديس برحمة الله. In another
manuscript (Vat. ar. 111, fol. 142r), the reading of the name seems to be slightly different:
Sim‘an al-’bmysqn (?) ibn al-Saniji (?). We have not been able to ascertain the identity
of this figure.
Nikolai Serikoff has suggested to us that the al-’ymsyqn / al-’bmysqn could be read as
al-Amasis (of Emesa) or al-Afasis (of Ephesus). The former is sometimes used as a nisba
in Arabic texts, e.g. D. LEBEDEV, Spisok Episkopov Pervago Vselenskago Sobora v 318
imen: K voprosu o ego proiskhozhdenii i znachenii dlia rekonstrukcii podlinnago spiska
nikejskikh otcov [A List of Bishops of the First Ecumenical Council, including 318 names],
in Mémoires de l’Académie imperiale des Sciences de St Petersbourg, VIII ser., no. 13
(1916), p. 54, 92 n. 193 (we are grateful to N. Serikoff for this reference). A certain
Simeon of Ephesus, a disciple of St Simeon the New Theologian, is mentioned in the lat-
ter’s Vita authored by Nicetas Stethatos: ed. I. HAUSHERR, tr. P.G. HORN, in Orientalia
Christiana Analecta, 45 (1928), §33:14, p. 44. Since, however, virtually nothing is known
about this person, it is impossible to ascertain whether he could have been ‘Abdallah ibn
al-Fa∂l’s mentor.
17
This is the result of the unusual technique ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l employed in this
work: he deliberately used difficult grammatical constructions and vocabulary and then
provided his own commentary on them, referencing works on Arabic grammar.
18
Kitab al-Raw∂a, Ch. 36, Cairo, Franciscan Center of Christian Oriental Studies,
Muski, MS 116, p. 92.
al-Ma‘arri (d. 1058), who reportedly visited Antioch in his youth (in the
980s or 990s) 19. If Ibn al-Fa∂l had studied with al-Ma‘arri on that occa-
sion, this would push his year of birth well back into the tenth century,
meaning that he remained active until a very old age. It is perhaps more
likely that Ibn al-Fa∂l paid a visit to Ma‘arrat al-Nu‘man at a later date
to meet the celebrity poet20.
Additionally, it is at least possible that ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l had a
personal connection with the Baghdadi Nestorian philosopher and theo-
logian Abu al-Faraj Ibn al-™ayyib (d. 1043), who was himself a native
of Antioch21. In Chapter 65 of the Book of Benefit, on logic, ‘Abdallah
refers to Ibn al-™ayyib in somewhat warm terms saying, “these are the
words of the sayÌ Abu al-Faraj Ibn al-™ayyib, the priest and philosopher,
may God have mercy on him.” Whether or not ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l
might have visited Baghdad is a matter of speculation, yet his intellectual
ties with the Baghdadi philosophical circles are undeniable, as clearly
evidenced in his works.
Seventeenth and eighteenth century Arab Orthodox authors, such as
the Patriarch of Antioch Makarios III ibn al-Za‘im (patriarch 1647-1672)
and the historian Mikhail Breik (d. 1782), as well as numerous manu-
scripts from that time period, treat ‘Abdallah as a saint, no doubt for his
19
P. SMOOR, art. al-Ma‘arri, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition, vol. V, p. 927-
935, at 927b-928a. Moreover, it is significant that al-Ma‘arri himself refers to Ibn al-
Sikkit and his IÒlaÌ al-man†iq in his letters – see D.S. MARGOLIOUTH (ed.), The Letters of
Abu ’l-‘Ala’ of Ma‘arrat al-Nu‘man, Oxford, 1898, Letter 2, passim (the letter is addressed
to Abu l-Qasim al-Magribi, the well-known wazir and author of an abridgement of the
IÒlaÌ al-man†iq that al-Ma‘arri praises as much surpassing Ibn al-Sikkit’s original work;
is it perhaps the abridgement rather than the original work that Ibn al-Fa∂l studied with
al-Ma‘arri?); Letter 36, p. 120: 6 (Arabic) / 139 (English tr.). On Abu l-Qasim al-Magribi
see P. SMOOR, art. Abu ’l-Ëasim … al-Maghribi, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition,
vol. V, p. 1211b-1212b.
20
If, as tentatively suggested in n. 19, Ibn al-Fa∂l studied with al-Ma‘arri Abu l-Qasim
al-Magribi’s abridgement of Ibn al-Sikkit’s work, praised by al-Ma‘arri, rather that Ibn
al-Sikkit’s original composition, which al-Ma‘arri did not like, it would prove that Ibn
al-Fa∂l actually visited al-Ma‘arri at a later date, as al-Ma‘arri received this abridgement
shortly before the year 399/1008-09, and in any case long after his visit to Antioch. Ibn
al-Fa∂l could have met al-Ma‘arri either in Ma‘arrat al-Nu‘man (perhaps on his way to or
from Baghdad?), or even in Baghdad itself, during al-Ma‘arri’s short stay there ca. 398-
400/1008-10. In any case, it is quite possible that someone among Ibn al-Fa∂l’s family or
friends had a connection to al-Ma‘arri, first established during the latter’s original visit to
Antioch in the 980s or 990s.
21
According to Ibn al-‘Adim. See L. CONRAD, Ibn Bu†lan in Bilad al-Sham: The
Career of a Travelling Christian Physician, in D. THOMAS (ed.), Syrian Christians under
Muslim Rule, Leiden, 2001, p. 131-157, at p. 143, 153. Incidentally, Ibn Bu†lan’s career,
admirably summarized and analyzed by Conrad, presents additional evidence to the strong
ties existing just a generation later between Baghdad, Aleppo, and Antioch. Curiously
enough, Ibn Bu†lan was both a student of Ibn al-™ayyib and a friend of al-Ma‘arri and was
reportedly present at the latter’s deathbed – see P. SMOOR, art. al-Ma‘arri, in Encyclopae-
dia of Islam, vol. V, p. 930b.
Works
The following is a provisional list of ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s Biblical
and Patristic translations and his original Arabic theological works. It is
provided here for convenience’s sake and is not meant to replace the lists
of Georg Graf, Joseph Nasrallah, and Samir Khalil Samir, which also
offer an inventory of the extant manuscripts of each work (complemented
and updated by Alexander Treiger’s entry on ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l in the
third volume of Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History)24.
A. Translations
1. The Psalms25
2. Lectionaries from the Gospels, St Paul’s Epistles, and the Prophets
3. John Chrysostom, Commentary on Genesis, Commentary on the
Gospel of Matthew, Commentary on the Gospel of John, Homilies
on First Corinthians, Commentary on the Hebrews, Commentary on
the Romans, Collection of 87 Homilies (entitled Mawa‘i sarifa wa-
alfa muÌtaÒara la†ifa li-Fam al-∂ahab), Exhortation to Penitence
4. Basil, Homilies on the Psalms and Hexaëmeron
5. Gregory of Nyssa, On the Creation of Man, Liber in Hexaëmeron
(entitled Fi Ìulqat al-insan wa-saraf ma‘anihi), Commentary on the
Song of Songs
22
See e.g. MiÌa’il BREIK (BURAYK), al-Îaqa’iq al-wafiya fi tariÌ ba†arikat al-Kanisa
al-An†akiya, Beirut, 2006, p. 124-125.
23
HMLÉM, vol. III.1, p. 191-192, n. 1, which cites the relevant passages in the origi-
nal Arabic. The recent edition of the Synaxarion M. ABRAÒ – M. JABBUR, al-Sinaksar
al-an†aki li-l-ba†riyark Makariyus al-†ali† ibn al-Za‘im, Jounieh, 2010, strangely does not
contain the passage.
24
GCAL, vol. 2, p. 52-64 (and Index, vol. 5, p. 2b); HMLÉM, III.1, p. 191-229 (with
references to earlier literature at p. 191, n. 1), also p. 387-388; J. NASRALLAH, Abdallah Ibn
al-Fadl (XIe siècle), in Proche-Orient Chrétien, 33 (1983), p. 143-159 [largely parallel to
HMLÉM]; S.Kh. SAMIR, BDIC, pt. 2, p. 210-214, No. 22.7, and a brief addendum, in BDIC,
pt. 5, p. 306, No. 22.7.7; A. TREIGER, art. ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l al-An†aki, in D. THOMAS
et al. (ed.), Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 3, Leiden, 2011,
p. 89-113. On the translations see also H. DAIBER, Graeco-Arabica Christiana: The Christian
Scholar ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Fa∂l (11th c. AD) as Transmitter of Greek Works, in D.C. REIS-
MAN – F. OPWIS (ed.), Islamic Philosophy, Science, Culture and Religion: Studies in
Honor of Dimitri Gutas, Leiden, 2011 (forthcoming: not seen).
25
‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s Arabic translation of the Psalms (made from the Septuagint)
became by far the most influential in the Christian Arab world. See Val. V. POLOSIN et
al., The Arabic Psalter: A Supplement to the Facsimile Edition of Manuscript A187 “The
Petersburg Arabic Illuminated Psalter”, St Petersburg, 2005.
29
This cannot be a work of ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l as it mentions cannons and gun
powder (St Petersburg, Oriental Institute, MS B1234, fol. 11b). The author is probably the
seventeenth-century Capuchin Father Bonaventure of Lude, active in Aleppo, to whom a
similar work is ascribed (GCAL, vol. 4, p. 196).
30
This text was probably written by a scribe. Incipit (St Petersburg, Oriental Institute,
MS B1225, fol. 95r): qala ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l aw Îunayn: ism al-quwa mustaqq fi
lisan al-yunani min al-qudra ay min al-iqtidar min al-fi‘l. There follow couples of words
(the gloss written below the word which is being glossed): nibras – siraj, Ìawba’ – nafs
Ìassasa, etc., without any arrangement. It is clear that the ascription to ‘Abdallah ibn
al-Fa∂l is based on the initial quotation (ism al-quwa mustaqq …), regarding which the
scribe himself was unsure where it came from. He offered the names of ‘Abdallah ibn
al-Fa∂l and Îunayn, both famous translators and experts in the Greek language, merely
as a guess as two likely authors.
31
R. HADDAD, La Trinité divine chez les théologiens arabes, 750-1050, Paris, 1985,
p. 19-20 (= HADDAD, La Trinité divine).
32
Both “patristic” and “scholastic” elements are present in Christian Arabic literature
of all periods and are not easily disentangled and, moreover, some key Greek patristic
sources, used especially by the Melkites, could be easily characterized as “scholastic.”
John of Damascus’ Dialectica and several of the Greek writings of Theodore Abu Qurra
exemplify this.
33
In one of his marginal notes in the Kitab al-Raw∂a, he states that “one who has
studied the sciences has philosophized, and one who has philosophized has come to know
God to a certain extent” – Ch. 56, Cairo, Franciscan Center of Christian Oriental Studies,
Muski, MS 116, p. 136 / fol. 71r: wa-man qara’a al-‘ulum fa-qad tafalsafa wa-man tafal-
safa fa-qad ‘arafa Allah ‘azza wa-jalla ba‘∂ al-ma‘rifa.
34
By natural theology we mean the kind of theological approach that makes non-
apophatic statements about God based on rational ideas about the structure of the physical
world (substance, accident, etc.).
35
On the other hand, his Exposition of the Orthodox Faith seems to be compiled
entirely from Greek Patristic sources. See R. WANNOUS, Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l, Exposition
of the Orthodox Faith, in Parole de l’Orient, 32 (2007), p. 259-269. In the Book of Ben-
efit, Ch. 34, ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l makes use of John of Damascus – see Beirut, Biblio-
thèque Orientale, MS 541, fol. 43r-v / p. 83-84.
36
Cf. B. HOLMBERG, “Person” in the Trinitarian Doctrine of Christian Arabic Apol-
ogetics and its Background in the Syriac Church Fathers, in Studia Patristica, 25 (1993),
p. 300-307.
37
Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 541, fol. 30r / p. 57: ‘ayn ÌaÒÒ mutafarrid bi-
ÌaÒÒa lazima lahu laysat li-naÂirihi. For instance, the Father is “a particular entity with a
unique property” – unbegotten – that belongs to it but not to its counterparts: the Son and
the Holy Spirit.
38
Ibn al-Fa∂l, Challenges and Responses, Challenge 4, Vat. ar. 111, fol. 67r-68v.
39
jawhar ma‘a ÌawaÒÒ yanfaÒil bi-l-‘adad mimma ∂ahahu fi al-naw‘.
40
majma‘ ÌawaÒÒ alla∂i la yaÌtaj ila aÌar fi taqawwumihi.
41
al-faÒil kull waÌid min al-nas min al-aÌar bi-l-wajh.
42
Òifa ma‘a mawÒuf la tajurr jawharan aÌar.
43
Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 541, fol. 42v / p. 82.
44
As Chapter 9 of the Discourse shows, Ibn al-Fa∂l is aware of the multiple Christian
usages of the word “God”. When he does not otherwise specify, however, he generally
intends it to mean the divine substance.
45
The statement that God is one as a species seems to be attributed to the Christians
by the ninth-century Jewish mutakallim Da’ud al-MuqammaÒ, see his ‘Isrun maqala, VIII
§§45-46, ed. and tr. S. STROUMSA, Dawud ibn Marwan al-MuqammiÒ’s Twenty chapters,
Leiden – New York, 1989, p. 172-175.
46
For Porphyry (Isagoge 4a:37), the five predicates, including genus and species are
necessarily predicated of many individuals. This is discussed in J. BARNES, Porphyry:
Introduction, Oxford, 2003, p. 102-104. This view was also held by the Cappadocian
Fathers and Maximus the Confessor: see M. TÖRÖNEN, Union and Distinction in the
Thought of St Maximus the Confessor, Oxford, 2007, p. 97 (= TÖRÖNEN, Union and Dis-
tinction).
47
TÖRÖNEN, Union and Distinction, p. 22-23.
48
B. HOLMBERG, A Treatise on the Unity and Trinity of God by Israel of Kashkar
(d. 872), (Lund Studies in African and Asian Religions, 3), Lund, 1989, p. 46-48.
49
This idea, meaning that God exists as pure being without attributes, is apparently
akin to, if not identical to the concept of anniya maÌ∂a in the Arabic Neoplatonica.
50
On the problems that Neoplatonic commentators had with resolving the priority of
secondary substances, see Ch. EVANGELIOU, Aristotle’s Categories and Porphyry, Leiden,
1988, p. 60-66.
51
In fact, many modern commentators have understood hypostasis and substance
in the Cappadocians to be precisely primary and secondary substances. See for example
H.A. WOLFSON, The Philosophy of the Church Fathers, Cambridge, MA, 1970, p. 318-322;
G.L. PRESTIGE, God in Patristic Thought, London, 1956, p. 190-195; and more recently
N. JACOBS, On ‘Not Three Gods’ – Again: Can a Primary-Secondary Substance Reading
of Ousia and Hypostasis Avoid Tritheism?, in Modern Theology, 24.3 (2008), p. 331-358.
52
TÖRÖNEN, Union and Distinction, p. 25-26.
53
This distinction does not appear in ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s other theological treatise
directed against the Jacobites and the Nestorians: the Exposition of the Orthodox Faith
(SarÌ al-amana al-mustaqima).
54
Opusculum II, in refutation of the Severians, PG, vol. 97, col. 1469-1492. For notes
on the authenticity of the text and problems with its printed edition, see J. LAMOREAUX,
Theodore Abu Qurrah, Provo, UT, 2005, p. XXVII-XXVIII (= LAMOREAUX, Theodore Abu
Qurrah).
logical term “genus” does not share its name or definition with the term
“most specific species,” even though the latter is under it logically. It is
worth noting that Abu Qurra mentions “substance” as an example of both
a logical and a philosophical term, depending on whether it is seen as a
substance as such or simply the logical category “substance.” Using Abu
Qurra’s distinction, Ibn al-Fa∂l, in Chapter 34 of the Book of Benefit,
explains that a logical term is a “measure employed only in the mind
(mi‘yar mursal fi l-wahm faqa†),” while a philosophical term is “that
which indicates the essence of a thing (ma dalla ‘ala ‘ayn al-say’)”55.
This distinction comes into practical use when discussing the term
“nature” (physis / †abi‘a) and the Christological problems associated
with it. For both Severian Monophysites and Nestorians, “nature” is
understood as a particular rather than as a universal and so in both lines
of thought the number of natures and the number of hypostases must be
equal. In Chapter 34 of the Book of Benefit, Ibn al-Fa∂l draws on Abu
Qurra’s opusculum to argue against this thinking, particularly against the
Severian Monophysite approach. This distinction between logical and
philosophical terms is specifically brought into play to refute the claim
of Severian Monophysites that the hypostatic union necessitates the syn-
thetic union of human and divine natures as well. Ibn al-Fa∂l argues that
because qunum is a logical term and nature a philosophical term, when
union is predicated of the qunum, it is not predicated of the natures.
Similarly, he uses the distinction between logical and philosophical
terms to refute the Jacobite argument that because Christ is one hyposta-
sis (qunum) He is also one substance (jawhar). He does this by saying
that if qunum were equivalent to substance, it would be a supreme genus
(jins ajnas) and would therefore give its name and definition to what is
subsumed under it. However, since qunum is a logical term, it cannot do
this. Therefore, qunum cannot be equivalent to substance, and Christ’s
being one qunum does not necessitate His being one substance56.
55
Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 541, fol. 42v / p. 82.
56
Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 541, fol. 43r-v / p. 83-84. This argument is
presented as a citation from John of Damascus.
was the original title of the treatise. The same introductory note labels
the collection of ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s works that these manuscripts
contain with the designation “Book of Benefit,” no doubt naming the
entire collection after the title of its most important work (B1 in the list-
ing above). Since, however, our treatise is copied first in this collection,
some manuscript catalogues misinterpret the title “Book of Benefit” as
referring to our treatise. Thus, they are compelled to refer to our treatise
as “The Small Book of Benefit,” to distinguish it from the original Book
of Benefit, a much more extensive work. This title, based on a misread-
ing of a copyist’s introductory note, is therefore clearly erroneous.
To establish the original title of the treatise we must therefore turn to
the text itself. As it happens, at the very end of the treatise, ‘Abdallah
gives the following statement: “With this, let this chapter be over, which
is the end of the discourse on the Holy Trinity (al-kalam fi al-†alu† al-
muqaddas).” Another relevant statement occurs in Chapter 13 of the
treatise: “Since in the second chapter of this exposé on the Holy Trinity
(al-muqta∂ab fi al-†alu† al-muqaddas) we have given a comprehensive
account indicating that God has substantivity, we shall refrain from
repeating it here.” It stands to reason that the original title of this dis-
course was, therefore, Discourse on the Holy Trinity or Exposé on the
Holy Trinity. In our edition, we have adopted the first variation of the
title as the simpler one. It certainly captures the subject matter of the
treatise much better than either the (way too general) “Theological Dis-
course” or the (certainly erroneous) “Small Book of Benefit.”
It is impossible to date the Discourse on the Holy Trinity with preci-
sion. However, since it cites the Book of Benefit, written after the year
1043, it is clear that the Discourse on the Holy Trinity was also written
after 1043, possibly around the year 1050 or slightly later.
57
In the Book of Benefit, Ibn al-Fa∂l is somewhat more prone to acknowledging his
Arabic-language sources, both Christian and Muslim. There, he cites, for instance, Ibn
al-™ayyib as an authority in logic, al-Farabi as an authority on politics, and Abu Bakr al-
Razi as an authority on physiognomy.
58
See, for example, John of Damascus’ De Fide Orthodoxa, Book 1, Chapter 9.
59
Arab Christian theologians defended their view that God is a substance (jawhar)
also in polemical encounters with Muslims. This is evident for instance in Iliya bar Sen-
naya’s Kitab al-majalis, majlis 1, ed. and French tr. S.Kh. SAMIR, Entretien d’Élie de
Nisibe avec le vizir Ibn ‘Ali al-Magribi, sur l’unité et la trinité, in Islamochristiana, 5
(1979), p. 31-117, at p. 64-75. Muslims (including Muslim philosophers and theologians,
e.g. Avicenna and al-Juwayni) typically denied the applicability of the term jawhar to
God. On Avicenna see, for instance, M. LEGENHAUSEN, Ibn Sina’s Arguments against
God’s Being a Substance, in Ch. KANZIAN – M. LEGENHAUSEN (ed.), Substance and Attri-
bute: Western and Islamic Traditions in Dialogue, Frankfurt, 2007, p. 117-143. al-Juway-
ni’s chapter proving that God is not a substance is specifically directed against the Chris-
tians – see his A Guide to Conclusive Proofs for the Principles of Belief / Kitab al-irsad
ila qawa†i‘ al-adilla fi uÒul al-i‘tiqad, tr. P.E. WALKER, Reading, UK, 2000, p. 28-30. It
seems reasonable to assume that this Muslim insistence on God’s not being a substance
developed originally as part of Muslim-Christian polemics.
Chapter 4 seeks to prove that the God who is one as a species pos-
sesses exactly three individuals. This is done by positing that there can-
not exist a single thing unless there also exists a pair60. Thus, God, being
both that single and that pair in His primordial unity, is three. This argu-
ment is a condensation and abridgement of a similar but much more
elaborate argument made in Chapter 7 of the Book of Benefit. In this
version, however, Ibn al-Fa∂l points out that this Trinitarian scheme is
not used by all the Fathers, but that some of them, left unnamed, defined
the members of the Trinity in such ways as “the wise,” “the good,” and
“the powerful,” or “the pre-eternal,” “the living,” and “the rational,” or
even “the intellect,” “that which intellects” and “the intellected.” Such
Trinitarian schemes were extremely popular in Arab Christian apologetic
both before and after Ibn al-Fa∂l’s time. The last, more unusual scheme,
that of “the intellect,” “that which intellects” and “the intellected”
makes it likely that Ibn al-Fa∂l had YaÌya ibn ‘Adi (d. 974) or perhaps
his student Ibn Zur‘a (d. 1008) in mind61.
Chapter 5, discussed above, explains the difference between qunum
and substance using Theodore Abu Qurra’s distinction between logical
and philosophical terms.
Chapter 6 explains how the three hypostases of the Trinity are distin-
guished from each other by their respective properties (i.e. fatherhood,
sonship, and procession) though they share the same substance.
Chapter 7 moves from questions of Trinitarian theology to questions
of Christology. The first part of the chapter establishes that Christ has
two natures, the one being creator and the other created. In the second
part he refutes the Jacobite belief in a single, synthetic nature on the
grounds that a single nature cannot be both creator and created. For that
reason, he argues that the union between humanity and divinity took
place at the level of hypostasis rather than at the level of nature. Finally,
he refutes the Nestorian belief in two natures and two hypostases on the
grounds that this formula would not sufficiently allow for a union
between the human and the divine in Christ.
60
The idea that God is a Trinity because three is the perfect number that comprises
the two kinds of number, odd and even, is already found in the Apology of al-Kindi:
Risalat ‘Abdallah ibn Isma‘il al-Hasimi … wa-risalat ‘AbdalmasiÌ ila l-Hasimi, London,
1880, p. 31 (English tr. in N.A. NEWMAN, Early Christian-Muslim Dialogue: A Collection
of Documents from the First Three Islamic Centuries, 632-900 A.D., Hatfield, PA, 1993,
p. 417).
61
See the chart of Arab Christian Trinitarian formulations in HADDAD, La Trinité
divine, p. 232-233. On the scheme “the intellect,” “that which intellects” and “the intel-
lected” in YaÌya ibn ‘Adi see, e.g., A. PÉRIER (ed. and tr.), Petits traités apologétiques de
Yahya Ben ‘Adi, Paris, 1920, p. 24-27.
62
Cf. Chapter 14 of the Dialectica of John of Damascus.
63
A. GRILLMEIER – Th. HAINTHALER, Christ in the Christian Tradition, vol. II/4, Lon-
don, 1996, p. 78; B. LOURIÉ, Istorija vizantijskoj filosofii: formativnyj period [A History
of Byzantine Philosophy: The Formative Period], St Petersburg, 2006, §5.5, p. 226-230
(= LOURIÉ, Istorija).
64
P. SBATH, Al-Fihris, vol. 1, Cairo, 1938, p. 49, No. 377 refers to a twelfth manu-
script, from the collection of M. SaÌÌud in Aleppo, but its whereabouts are currently
unknown.
65
According to J. NASRALLAH, Catalogue des manuscrits du Liban, vol. III, Beirut,
1961, p. 283 (= NASRALLAH, Catalogue), this is MS 415 (15); S.Kh. SAMIR, BDIC, pt. 2,
p. 211 gives the call number as MS 21.
(5) two pages extracted from the Book of the Garden, Chapters 70-71,
(6) Exposition of the Orthodox Faith71
B: (1) Discourse on the Holy Trinity, (2) Concise Questions and Answers about
the Gospel, (3) Treatise Beneficial to the Soul, (4) Book of Benefit72
C: [after a number of short treatises by other authors, including John of Damas-
cus and Theodore Abu Qurra]: (1) Exposition of the Orthodox Faith,
(2) Testimonies (=an abbreviated version of the Book of Benefit, contain-
ing Chapters 32-34, 47, 49-63, 65-70), (3) Discourse on the Holy Trinity
D: identical to MS C
F: (1) Book of the Garden, (2) Discourse on the Holy Trinity, (3) Concise
Questions and Answers about the Gospel, (4) Book of Benefit
M: (1) Book of the Garden, (2) Discourse on the Holy Trinity, (3) Concise
Questions and Answers about the Gospel, (4) Treatise Beneficial to the
Soul, (5) Book of Benefit, (6) Exposition of the Orthodox Faith73
P: (1) Discourse on the Holy Trinity, (2) Concise Questions and Answers about
the Gospel, (3) Book of Benefit
S: (1) Discourse on the Holy Trinity, (2) Concise Questions and Answers about
the Gospel, (3) Treatise Beneficial to the Soul, (4) Book of Benefit74
71
According to Cheikho’s catalogue, the manuscript also contains a glossary of terms
(= the Mu‘jam sometimes erroneously attributed to ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l), a page of
extracts from poets, and a panegyric of Saint Nicolas (the second part of which is by Saint
Andrew of Crete), in ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s translation.
72
The manuscript is in two parts (each with separate pagination), which are bound in
the reverse order, so that the actual order of the treatises in the manuscript is Book of
Benefit, Discourse on the Holy Trinity, Concise Questions and Answers about the Gospel,
and Treatise Beneficial to the Soul. There is no doubt however that the original arrange-
ment was exactly as in MS A.
The Book of Benefit is given in a very deficient and disorganized form. Ch. 24 is not
copied (only the title is copied, after that a blank page is left). Chs. 28-31 and 71-72 are
missing as in the rest of the manuscripts; and the end of the book is truncated and ends
in the middle of Ch. 74, in the same place as MS A. In addition, Chs. 58-60 are omitted
and copied at a later place in the manuscript, following the end of the book. Two addi-
tional sections are then copied, one from Ch. 65 (omitted in the text), the other containing
the entire Ch. 11, recopied again, for no obvious reason.
73
Following this, the manuscript also includes two items: (1) al-Makin Sim‘an ibn
Kalil (Copt, d. after 1206), al-Adab al-†ubaniya wa-l-am†al al-ruÌaniya, al-mustaÌraja
min Kitab Raw∂at al-farid wa-salwat al-waÌid and (2) Glossary of Terms (Mu‘jam),
falsely attributed to ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l. Significantly, both texts are copied with
‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s Book of the Garden in St Petersburg, Oriental Institute, MS
B1225. The latter text is also found at the end of MS A and in the ZaÌla manuscript.
74
The manuscript is truncated at the end (it ends with the words al-sala†a wa-l-di‘aya
in the middle of Ch. 73 of the Book of Benefit).
75
The note appears in at least six manuscripts of the Discourse on the Holy Trinity:
MSS A, B (in a garbled form), S, F, P, and in the manuscript from Dayr al-MuÌalliÒ,
which we have not seen (a fragment of the note – the phrase والظاهر ان الكتب تغيرت وتقطعت
كتاب المنفعة تاليف الشيخ الحكيم الفيلسوف الرييس الجليل القديس الشماس عبد الله ابن
الفضل بن عبد الله المطران الانطاكي الترجمان للكتب الالهية نيح الله نفسه ويقبل منه
وقد ابتدا فيه بابواب عددها ثلثة عشر بابا كلام في اللاهوت
ثم اتبعها بفصل فيه سوالات واجوبة اولها ما احسن ما قال القديس باسيليوس
اتبعها بمقالة نافعة وهي اجوبة لامور يكثر الناس السوال عنها
ثم ابتدا بعد ذلك بفهرست ابواب كتاب المنفعة وعدده خمسة وسبعون بابا وهو منفعة كما
سمي
وقد عدم من ابوابه من الباب الثامن والعشرين الى الباب الثالث والثلثين
والظاهر ان الكتب تغيرت وتقطعت،وذكر في الفهرست الباب الخامس والسبعون وما ورد
وكان نظامها اولا احسن من هكذا
Translation
The Book of Benefit written by the wise sage and the exalted supreme
philosopher, Saint ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l the deacon, the grandson of the
metropolitan ‘Abdallah, from Antioch, the translator of the divine books,
God give repose to his soul and accept his [prayers]76. He began [writing
this book] with several chapters, thirteen in number77, [containing] a the-
ological discourse [i.e. the Discourse on the Holy Trinity]; then continued
with a section containing questions and answers, beginning with the
[words] “How great is what Saint Basil said”; then continued with a use-
ful treatise, which [contains] answers on matters concerning which peo-
ple often inquire; then, subsequently, began with the list of chapters of
the Book of Benefit, seventy five in number, which [book] is indeed ben-
eficial in keeping with its name. Chapters 28 to 3378 are lacking [from
this book]. In addition, Chapter 75 is mentioned in the list of chapters but
does not appear [in the text]. It is clear that the books have been changed
and fragmented, and their original arrangement was better than the cur-
rent one79.
– وكان نظامها اولا احسن من هكذاis cited in R. HADDAD, Manuscrits du Couvent Saint-Sau-
veur (Saïda), Beirut, 1972, vol. 1, p. 153).
76
Instead of نيح الله نفسه ويقبل منه, MS B has: منح الله نفسه الرحمة.
77
It is unclear why the note says that the “Theological Discourse” (i.e. the Discourse
on the Holy Trinity edited below) contains thirteen chapters. In reality, the text contains
fourteen chapters in all the manuscripts.
78
In reality, until Ch. 31. The text resumes with Ch. 32.
79
All this section is garbled in MS B. After these words MS B adds: ثم ختم كتابه بكلام
في الامانة ورد على اليعقوبية والنسطورية. MS S omits the last two sentences: “In addition … was
better than the current one.” The note in MS P ends with: وقد فقد من ابوابه ستة ابواب من الثامن
والعشرين الى الثاني والثلثين والحادي والسبعون والثاني والسبعون وهذا من عدم الاكتراث. In reality, the
original end of Ch. 74 and all of Ch. 75 are missing as well, except that the copyist of
MS P supplemented the text with additional materials, arbitrarily calling them Ch. 74 and
Ch. 75.
It is likely that all the extant manuscripts of the Discourse on the Holy
Trinity descend from one and the same pre-seventeenth century hypar-
chetype (let us call it W)80. If this is the case, this would explain some
obvious mistakes and corruptions in the text, which are shared by all the
extant manuscripts. This would also explain why none of the extant man-
uscripts preserves the original title of the treatise – the title would simply
have been lacking in W.
This has important repercussions for how one is to edit the treatise. If
all the extant manuscripts are derived from one single manuscript W,
possibly an early one (twelfth or thirteenth century like many of the Sinai
manuscripts of ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l’s other works and translations) but
possibly produced only a century earlier than mid-seventeenth century,
then what we, as editors, are reconstructing, is a single hyparchetype,
which might be quite remote from the author’s autograph.
In order to go beyond W, and as close as possible to the author, we
therefore occasionally needed to resort to an emendation of the text. It
is only however when such emendations seemed fairly certain that we
ventured to correct the text (indicating the correction in the apparatus
and marking the place in the edition with an asterisk). In other, less
clear-cut cases, we left the text as it appears in the manuscripts (pre-
sumably reflecting the erroneous reading of the single hyparchetype
W), but discussed the possibilities of emending it in the footnotes to the
translation.
From the point of view of their readings, the manuscripts break down
into three distinct groups: (1) ABS, (2) CD, and (3) FMP. In most cases,
two groups (usually Groups 1 and 2 or Groups 1 and 3) represent the
obviously correct reading, while the remaining group represents a cor-
ruption of that reading. In some cases, only one group (typically Group 1)
has the correct reading while the two other groups have a common error.
MSS B and D were not particularly helpful. It is very likely, in fact, that
they are later (direct or indirect) copies of MSS A and C respectively.
MS B frequently makes idiosyncratic changes to the text, often of ortho-
graphic nature: for example, it always reads uqnum instead of the origi-
nal (more archaic) qunum (=Syriac qnoma) attested in the rest of the
manuscripts.
In doubtful cases, we have always followed the readings of Group 1,
especially MS A, for in virtually every case where it was possible to
80
Though this is not entirely certain for the Discourse on the Holy Trinity, this is
beyond doubt in the case of the Book of Benefit, as we shall show in our forthcoming
critical edition of that work.
1
بسم الاب والابن والروح القدس الاله الواحد
4
نبتدي بعون ا﷽ 2وحسن توفيقه نكتب 3كتاب المنفعة
5الاباء القديسون 6لا يرون ان ا﷽ سبحانه اسم ًا لان الاسم يدل على ذات
الشي المسمى وهو مشاكل للحد الا ان بينهما فرق ًا وهو ان الحد ينطبق على
المحدود انطباق الخاصة 7كقولنا "كل حيوان ناطق مايت انسان" و"كل انسان
حيوان ناطق مايت" 8واما الاسم فاعم من الحد لاننا نقول كل حيوان نابح ذي
9
اربع قوايم كلب وليس كل كلب حيوان نابح ذا اربع قوايم لان هذا الاسم قد
يقع على هذا الحيوان وعلى الكوكب 10وعلى الفيلسوف المسمى بهذا الاسم.
فلما كان الاسم بهذه الصورة وكانت ذات ا﷽ تعالى ترتفع عن ان يلحقها
الحدود وجب ان لا يكون لله اسم واذا لا يكون له اسم فقولنا اذ ًا ا﷽ انما هو
صفة جوهرية لا اسم.
قال بعض الاباء المكرمون :اول صفاته عز وجل الازلي ثم الصالح ثم ما
11
يتلو 12ذلك من القادر والجواد والحكيم ،فاسم ا﷽ في اللغة اليونانية مشتق من
احد ثلثة 13مواضع :اما من انه في كل مكان واما من انه علة وجود كل موجود
واما من الاحراق على راي المتفقهين .14هكذا 15يقول ابونا القديس المعظم
اغريغوريوس 16المتكلم في اللاهوت .واما في اللغة العربية فانه مشتق من احد
1
S, followed by the “Introductory Note” (cited above),الاه واحد || A C FPالاله الواحد
الاله الواحد وبه || Bبسم الله الواحد الابدي الازلي السرمدي وبه نستعين || الاله الواحد امين then
Mامين || Dنستعين 2
Sتعالى add. 3
FMPبكتابة || ABS CDنكتب 4
وعدة add.
Cابوابه اربعة عشر 5
CDان add. 6
Sالقديسين || AB CD FMPالقديسون 7
الخاصة
Fالخاصية || ABS CD MP 8
AB CD FP || omit. Mانسان وكل انسان حيوان ناطق مايت
)(homoeoteleuton 9
AB FMP || omit. CDقد 10
Aالكواب || B CD Pالكوكب
Sالكواكب || FM 11
Dالمكرمين || AB C FMPالمكرمون 12
B CDيتلوا || FMيتلو
Sيثلو || Aيثلوا || P 13
Cثلث || ABS D FMPثلثة 14
المتفيقهين || A CD Pالمتفقهين
BS FM 15
Mهكذ || ABS CD FPهكذا 16
CD FMPغريغوريوس || ABSاغريغوريوس
امرين :اما من الوله لانه يوله في الجوانح 17عند الشدايد التي توله اي تذهب
19
العقل واما من "الهت العين تاله" اذا حارت 18ويراد به ان يحار في امره وعجايبه
وقد استقصينا هذا في كتابنا المعروف بكتاب المنفعة وا﷽ محمود مشكور.
ا﷽ تبارك وتعالى علة وجود كل موجود واذا كان علة الوجود فهو اذ ًا موجود
واذا كان موجود ًا فقد لزمه ما يلزم الموجود من ان يكون اما 20جوهر ًا واما عرض ًا
لان كل موجود 21لا يخلو 22من ان يكون اما جوهر ًا واما عرض ًا وهذه مقدمة
كلية 23صادقة فالجوهر 24هو هو القايم بذاته الغني عن موازر 25في ثباته 26واما
العرض فهو الموجود في شي لا كجزء منه ولا يمكن ان يكون قوامه 27خلو ًا مما
هو فيه .ولما كان الباري تبارك وتعالى الموصوف بالازلية والقدم والثبات والدوام
والابداع وكان الجوهر الفاعل والعرض من المفعول ارتفع 28عن ان يكون عرض ًا
فبقي انه جوهر .29والجوهر جوهران بسيط ومركب ويستحيل 30ان يكون الباري
مركب ًا لان 31كل مركب فله ما هو ابسط منه قد تركب منه فبقي 32ان يكون
جوهر ًا بسيط ًا وليس وان اطلق عليه ان يكون جوهر ًا فقد ادركت ذاته لانها فوق
34
الادراك ولقد احسن كسينوفنطس 33الفيلسوف في قوله ان العقل مصنوع
مسبوق من الصانع والمسبوق لا يدرك السابق ابد ًا.
الواحد اسم مشترك يقال على عدة اضرب :واحد في 35الجنس كالحيوان
فانه معنى واحد محمول على انواع كثيرة كالانسان والفرس والحمار وغير ذلك
17
CDالجوايح || ABS FMPالجوانح 18
Bجادت || AS CD FMPحارت 19
عجايبه
Bعجب ابيه || AS CD FMP 20
ABS C FMP || omit. Dاما 21
|| ABS CD FPموجود
Mموجو 22
ASيخلوا || B CD FMPيخلو 23
Bك ّله || AS CD FMPكلية 24
فالجوهر
Bوالجوهر || AS CD FMP 25
B MPمواذر || AS CD Fموازر 26
ثيابه || AS C FMPثباته
B 27
Mقوام ًا || ABS CD FPقوامه 28
Mارفع || ABS CD FPارتفع 29
ASجوهر
Bجوهر ًا || CD FMP 30
B Mيستحيل || تستحيل AS CD FP:يستحيل 31
ABSلان
Dفان || C FMP 32
Mفيبقى || ABS CD FPفبقي 33
كستوفنطس || CDكسينوفنطس
Bكسوفيطس || ASكسنوفيطس || FMP 34
ABS FMP || omit. CDمصنوع 35
ABSفي
Mمن || CD FP
مما يوجد له معنى الحيوان وهو الذي يحد بانه جسم ذو نفس حساس بارادة،
ويشار باسم الواحد الى ما 36هو غير متكثر في النوع كالانسان فانه موجود نفع ًا
غير متكثر بما هو نوع وهو محمول على اشخاص اكثر من واحد كبشر 37وسعيد
38
وبكر ،ويشار بلفظة الواحد الى ما هو واحد بالعدد وهو الشخص الذي لا جزء
له ولا ينقسم 39انقسام الكميات كالواحد والنقطة ومبدا الحركة والان الذي هو
طرف 40الزمان ،وقد يشار باسم الواحد الى معان 41اخرى اضربنا عن ايرادها
صفح ًا تخفيف ًا.
فنحن معشر النصارى الفايزين في 42يوم الدين بنعمة ربنا يسوع 43المسيح
ابن 44ا﷽ الحي الازلي نعتقد في ا﷽ عز 45اسمه انه واحد 46كنوع لانه لما كان
48
تبارك وتعالى ذا ذات واحدة وجوهر 47غير مختلف العين وكان الجنس ذا انواع
متباينة طباع ًا ومختلفة ذوات 49بطل ان يكون واحد ًا 50كجنس ،ولانه لما كان
تبارك وتعالى 51لا شبه له ولا قسيم 52وكان الشخص ذا اشباه 53كثيرة تضارعه
جوهر ًا وتناسبه طبع ًا بطل ان يكون واحد ًا كشخص فبقي انه واحد 54كنوع لا
مثل له كما قلنا.
قد قام البرهان في الباب الذي قبل 56هذا على ان ا﷽ سبحانه واحد كنوع
دون ان يكون واحد ًا 57كجنس او واحد ًا 58كشخص واذا كان واحد ًا كنوع
وكان النوع ذا اشخاص كان ا﷽ ذا اشخاص وهي الاقانيم والخواص فاما كونها
ثلثة 59لا اقل ولا اكثر فلهذه العلة التي نورد 60وهي ان ا﷽ في اقرار جميع اهل
الخلاف للنصرانية 61فرد والفرد والزوج 62مع ًا في الطبيعة فانه لا يكون فرد الا
36
AS CD FMP || omit. Bما 37
Bكنسر || AS CD FMPكبشر 38
ABS Cجزء
Dجزو ًا || FMP 39
يتقسم || ABS CD FMينقسم ّ P 40
طرف ABS CD || || FPظرف
Mظفر 41
S Dمعاني || AB C FMPمعان 42
ABS CD || omit. FMPفي 43
يسوع
A Cايسوع || BS D FMP 44
ABSواحد B 46وجل AB 45 add.بن || S CD FMPابن
Cواحد ًا || D FMP 47
Dانواع ًا || ABS C FMPانواع BS C 48جوهر ًا || A D FMPجوهر
49
CDذوات || ذوات ًا ABS FMPذوات 50
B Dواحد || AS C FMPواحدا 51
ولانه لما
CDولانه تبارك وتعالى لما كان || ABS FMPكان تبارك وتعالى 52
قسم || AS CD FMPقسيم
B 53
Bاشياء || AS FMPاشياة || CDاشباه 54
Dواحدا || ABS C FMPواحد 55
ذو
ً 58
CDو || ABS FMP 56
Bقيل || AS CD FMPقبل 57
Aكنوع add. ABS Cواحدا
Dواحد || FMP 59
Dثلاثة || ABS C FMPثلثة 60
تورد || BS CD FMPنورد
A 61
BSالنصرانية || A CD FMPللنصرانية 62
Bوالروح || AS CD FMPوالزوج
وزوج 63فان كان ا﷽ فرد ًا والفرد 64والزوج مع ًا في الطبيعة فا﷽ اذ ًا فرد وزوج مع ًا
واذا كان ا﷽ فرد ًا وزوج ًا وكان الفرد والزوج مع ًا ثلثة كان ا﷽ اذ ًا ثلثة واذا 65كان
ا﷽ فرد ًا وكان الزوج من طبيعة الفرد كان ا﷽ اذ ًا فرد ًا وزوج ًا من طبيعة واحدة.
66
وبعض الاباء لا يرى هذا بل يرى انه ذو ثلثة اشخاص لوجود ثلثة صفات
ذاتية جامعة لكل ما يوصف به وهي حكيم جواد قادر ويشار بهذه الخواص الى
القديم والحي والناطق وجعلت لها اسماء مشاكلة .اما الابوة فدالة على القديم،
واما البنوة 67فعلى النطق ،واما الروح فعلى الحياة 68وايض ًا يشار بالاب الى العقل
وبالابن الى العاقل وبالروح الى المعقول.
القنوم 69لفظة سريانية يوقعها 70السريانيون على الشي المفرد الواحد 71كبطرس
73
وبولص وكزيد وعمرو ،72وله في اللغة اليونانية اربعة اسماء قنوم ايبوسطسيس
ووجه وخاصة وشخص ،ورسمه انه الواحد بالعدد المتكون 74من خواص لا
يمكن اجتماعها كلها بعينها وقت ًا من الاوقات في غيره ،وله عدة رسوم وتركنا
ذكرها تخفيف ًا.
واذ كنا قد ذكرنا القنوم 75واسماه ورسمه فلنتبع ذلك الفرق بينه وبين الجوهر
فنقول ان الفرق بينهما ان الشخص اسم منطقي 76والجوهر اسم فلسفي
والشخص لا ينقسم والجوهر ينقسم وهذان فرقان تانس النفس بهما.
فقد 77تقدمنا فقلنا ما 78القنوم ونحن نذكر الخلف في الخواص فنقول ان
خاصة قنوم 79الاب الابوة وخاصة قنوم 80الابن البنوة وخاصة قنوم 81الروح
63
Mالازواج || ABS CD FPالا وزوج 64
BSالفرود || A CD FMPالفرد 65
ABSاذا
Fاذ || CD MP 66
Dصفاة || ABS C FMPصفات 67
AS CD FMP || omit.البنوة
B 68
FMPالحيوة || ABS CDالحياة 69
Bالاقنوم || AS CD FMPالقنوم 70
يوقعها
Bيوافقها || AS CD FMP 71
Mالوارد || ABS CD FPالواحد 72
عمر || B FMPعمرو
AS CD 73
Aايبوسطاسيس || BS CDابيوسطسيس || FMPايبوسطسيس 74
المتكون
Mالمتركب || ABS CD FP 75
Bالاقنوم || AS CD FMPالقنوم 76
|| CD Mمنطقي
Pمنطبقي || ABS Fمنطيقي 77
Dقد || ABS C FMPفقد 78
Dما هو || ABS Cما
FMP 79
Bاقنوم || AS CD FMPقنوم 80
Bاقنوم || AS CD FMPقنوم 81
ASقنوم
Bاقنوم || CD FMP
الانبثاق ،وكل واحدة من هذه الخواص غير الاخرى وهي لازمة موضعها 82غير
84
متحركة ،83وهي متفقة في الجوهر لان جوهر الاب هو بعينه جوهر الابن وهو
بعينه ايض ًا 85جوهر الروح وكذلك جوهر الابن هو بعينه جوهر الروح .86ولا يظن
ظان ان 87الخلف في الخواص يوجب خلف ًا في الجوهر فانّا 88قد نصف الجوهر
بالكم والكيف والمضاف 89وغيرها من المقولات التي كل واحدة منها غير
الاخرى والجوهر هو هو بعينه وليس وان كنا نعتقد ان 90كل 91واحد 92من
الاقانيم جوهر 93يلزم ان يكون معنى الجوهر 94هو 95معنى الاقانيم ولا معنى
الاقانيم هو 96معنى الجوهر كما لا يلزم من قال ان الانسان هو حيوان وهو ناطق
وهو مايت ان يكون معنى الانسان هو هو معنى الحيوان ولا معناه هو هو معنى
الناطق وكذلك القول في المايت اذ كان 97حد الانسان غير حد كل واحد
واحد 98من هذه.
لما كان المسيح الاه ًا 100تام ًا وانسان ًا تام ًا وجب ان يكون طبيعتين لان
اللاهوت ينفصل بطبيعة خالقة معراة 101من قبول العرض والناسوت بطبيعة
مخلوقة قابلة للعرض وهذان 102امران متقابلان من حيث الكيفية لا الجوهر
وسواء عليك قلت جوهران او طبيعتان لان الطبيعة والجوهر شي واحد عند الاباء
القديسين.
ولا يستقيم ان يكون المسيح طبيعة واحدة كاينة من طبيعتين كما ترى
103
82
Mموصفها || ABS CD FPموضعها 83
Mمتحرك || ABS CD FPمتحركة 84
وهو
ً 85
Bهو || AS CD FMP ABS CD FP || omit. Mايضا 86
وكذلك جوهر الابن هو بعينه
) AS FP || omit. B CD M (homoeoteleutonجوهر الروح 87
ABS CD FP || omit.ان
M 88
Sفاننا || AB CD FMPفانّا 89
Bفي المضاف || AS CD FMPوالمضاف 90
ان
BS CD FMPان كان || A 91
A C(superscript)D || omit. BS FMPكل 92
ABSواحد
FMPواحد ًا || CD 93
CDجوهر ًا || ABS FMPجوهر 94
) C(superscriptليس add.
D 95
ABS CD FP || omit. Mهو 96
ABS C FMP || omit. Dهو 97
كل add.
D 98
Dواحد || ABS C FMPكل واحد واحد 99
AB CD FMP || omit.في
ً 100
S FMPاله ًا || ABS CDالاها 101
مفراة || AS CD FMPمعراةّ B
102
ABSهذان
Dهذا || C FMP 103
Mطبيعتان || ABS CD FPطبيعتين 104
يكون || ABS FMPتكون
CD
على جوهر اللاهوت وينضاف 105الى هذا ان تصير الطبيعة الخالقة خالقة
106
ومخلوقة والطبيعة المخلوقة مخلوقة وخالقة ويصير الشي ضد نفسه وهذا شنع
ومحال .فان قال قايل فما معنى قولنا ايتحاد 107اجبناه 108ان الايتحاد 109كان في
القنوم 110لا في الطبايع لما ذكرنا من اللوازم المستنكرة.
ولا يستقيم ايض ًا ان يكون قنومين 111لاجل انه طبيعتان 112كما يزعم النسطور
والا ففيم كان الايتحاد113؟ ومع هذا ان قول ابينا المعظم اغريغوريوس 114المتكلم
في اللاهوت 115في ميمر الميلاد ان 116الاله تانس والانسان تاله يبطل .وفي هذا
مقنع ويجب ان نعلم 117ان الايتحاد 118كان بالانسان الكلي دون الجزءي.
ان 120المعاند يبني كلامه على هذا النحو قايل ًا ان المسيح مركب من
123
جوهرين الاهي 121وانساني وان الجوهر الالهي 122على انفراد ليس المسيح
وكذلك الانساني ،فان كان الصلب وقع بالانساني دون الالهي 124فقد وقع بغير
المسيح ويجب ان يكون واقع ًا بالجوهرين 125حسب زعمكم 126يا معشر
النصارى لانكم تقولون ان المسيح صلب واذا كان الصلب قد لحق الجوهرين
فقد اتصل هذا النوع من الاعراض باللاهوت.
128
والجواب عن ذلك انّا 127اذا قلنا المسيح صلب ليس يلزم من هذا وان*
كان 129المسيح مركب ًا من جوهرين ان يكون هذا الضرب من الاعراض قد لحق
الجوهرين اذ كانت العادة قد جرت ان يقول المرء رايت فلان ًا وانما راى بعضه
105
Bوينصاف || AS CD FMPوينضاف 106
Bاشنع || AS CD FMPشنع 107
ايتحاد
B FMPاتحاد || AS CD 108
Bاجبنا || AS CD FMPاجبناه 109
|| AS CDالايتحاد
B FMPالاتحاد 110
Bالاقنوم || AS CD FMPالقنوم 111
اقنومين || AS CD FMPقنومين
B 112
Mطبيعتين || ABS CD FPطبيعتان 113
Bالاتحاد || AS CDالايتحاد
FMP 114
CD FPغريغوريوس || ABS Mاغريغوريوس 115
|| ABS C FMPفي اللاهوت
Dباللاهوت 116
Dلان || ABS C FMPان 117
يعلم || ABS C FMPنعلم
D 118
B FMPالاتحاد || AS CDالايتحاد 119
Dالالام || ABS C FMPالالم 120
ان
ABS C FMP || omit. D 121
FMPالهي || ABS CDالاهي 122
|| A CD FMPالالهي
BSالاهي 123
AS CDلمسيح || B FMPالمسيح 124
الاهي || A CD FMPالالهي
BS 125
Bبالجوهر || AS CD FMPبالجوهرين 126
زعمتم || ABS CD FPزعمكم
M 127
Sاننا || AB CD FMPانّا 128
codd.فان || emendationوان 129
ABSكان
CDيكون || FMP
وايض ًا فان 130الانسان مركب 131من جوهرين احدهما بسيط لا يفسد والاخر
مركب فاسد وهما النفس والجسم فاذا قلنا "قتل الانسان" لم يكن القتل
واصل ًا 132بالنفس بل بالجسم فلا نقول 133لهذا السبب "قتل غير الانسان" وان
كان الانسان هو المركب من هذين الجوهرين مع ًا لا من احدهما دون الاخر،
ولهذا نظاير عدة مما يوصف به الكل لانه موجود 134في جزء 135منه وايض ًا كما
انه قد يوصف الكل بالجزء ويدل عليه كقول الاميروس" 136جات البيضاء
بعض إِ َيرا 137فدل بصفة بعض الاعضاء على جملتها هكذا قد
ُ السواعد" وهو
يوصف الجزء بالكل وقد جا هذا 138ايض ًا عن الاميروس 139وهو قوله الرمح
الحديد وانما 140السنان هو الحديد فاستعمل 141الكل 142موضع الجزء وهذا
الضرب من المعاني يسمى سفسدوجي .
144 143
الباب التاسع :في ان الابوة من صفات الباري تبارك اسمه المشار اليه باسم
145
الاله لا من صفات الالهية
والا لزم ان يكون الابن اب ًا اذ هو الاه 147والروح ايض ًا كذلك ،لكن من حيث هو
مولد 148للابن وعلة له كايلاد الشمس للشعاع بلا زمان والعقل للفكر .وليس
وان تقدمت لفظة اب على ابن في نمط الكلام كان ذلك موجب ًا تقدم 149الاب
على الابن في الزمان.
واسم الاله يشار به عندهم الى عدة معان :150الى المعظم المعبود ،والى
معنى الجوهر الذي يتفق فيه الاقانيم الثلثة ،والى كل واحد واحد منها ،فانهم
130
ABS C FMP || omit. Dفان 131
Dمركب ًا || ABS C FMPمركب ً 132
واصلا
Bفاصل ًا || AS CD FMP 133
Aتقل || BS FMPتقول || CDنقول 134
BS CDموجود
Aيوجد || FMP 135
Dجزو ًا || ABS C FMPجزء 136
ABالاميرذس || D Fالاميروس
S MPالاميردس || C 137
Dامر ًا || Cاـرا || ABS FMPايرا 138
ABS Cجاهد || Dجا هذا
FMP 139
Pالامبردس || AB FMالامبروس || S CDالاميروس 140
|| ABS C FMPوانما
Dواما 141
Bواستعمل || AS CD FMPفاستعمل 142
لكل || ABS C FMPالكل
D 143
D – all these are corruptسفيندوجي || Sسفسدوحي || AB C FMPسفسدوجي
renderings of the Greek synekdokhe. 144
Mتم add. 145
|| ABS C Pصفات الالهية
Dصفات الاهية || FMالصفات الالهية 146
FMPاله || ABS CDالاه 147
ABSالاه
FMPاله || CD 148
Dمتولد ًا || Cمتولد || Bمولود || AS FMPمولد 149
يقدم || Cتقدم
FMتقدم يقدم || ABS D P 150
S Dمعاني || AB C FMPمعان
يقولون ان الاب الاه 151والابن الاه 152والروح الاه ،153والى المسيح المتقوم من
معنى الابن ومعنى الانسان .وهذه اللفظة اعني لفظة الاه 154مشتقة من اسم الاله
وكل اسم مشتق فهو ينتظم معنايين :155احدهما الذات التي اشتق لها الاسم
والاخر 156الذات التي من اسمها اشتق الاسم فاسم الاله جل ا﷽ وتعالى ينتظم
معنايين :157احدهما الذات التي يشار اليها بلفظة الاله وهي ذات الباري تقدست
اسماوه ،والاخر الذات التي من اسمها اشتق الاسم وهي الالهية.
الباب العاشر :في ان الاقانيم ليست ثلثة جواهر مختلفة وان كان كل واحد
منها جوهر ًا 158ويخالف 159الاخرين في الخاصة
ان الخصم يبني كلامه على هذه الصفة قايل ًا :قد زعمتم يا معشر النصارى
ان كل واحد من الاقانيم جوهر خاص وهي ثلثة فاما قلتم 160هي ثلثة 161جواهر
كما قلتم اقانيم فاوقعتم عليها العدد بذكر جوهر واما امتنعتم من ان تقولوا 162ثلثة
اقانيم وان كل واحد 163منها في نفسه.
فالجواب انه ليس يلزمنا اذا قلنا ان 164كل واحد 165من الاقانيم جوهر وان
الاقانيم ثلثة مختلفة ان* 166يكون 167الجوهر 168ثلثة 169مختلفة كما لا يلزم اذا
قال قايل ان المنجم هو بكر وان النحوي هو 170بكر وان الماسح هو بكر ان
يكون 171البكرون ثلثة وهذا كاف 172في حل هذا الشك بعون ا﷽ وحسن توفيقه.
الباب الحادي عشر :في انه ليس وان كانت الاقانيم مختلفة في الخواص فهي
مختلفة في الجوهر
الخاصة تقال على اربعة انحاء :الاول منها ما يعرض لنوع واحد وان لم
يكن له كله ،والثاني ما يوجد للنوع كله وان لم يكن له وحده اذا لم يكن
151
Bالاله || FMPاله || AS CDالاه 152
B FMPاله || AS CDالاه 153
ABSالاه
FMPاله || CD 154
FMPاله || ABS CDالاه 155
معنيين || ABS CDمعنايين
FMP 156
) B (dittographyوالاخر add. 157
معنيين || ABS CDمعنايين
ً 158
FMP Mجوهر || ABS CD FPجوهرا 159
او || Bوتخالف || AS CD FPويخالف
Mيخالف 160
Bفاقلتم || AS CD FMPفاما قلتم 161
ثلاثة || ABS C FMPثلثة
D 162
Aتقلوا || BS CD FMPتقولوا 163
Cواحد ًا || ABS D FMPواحد 164
ان
ABS C FMP || omit. D 165
Dواحد ًا || ABS C FMPواحد 166
فان || emendationان
codd. 167
AS CD FMPتكن || Bيكون 168
BS Dالجواهر || A C Mالجوهر
FP 169
A FMP || omit. BS CDثلثة 170
ABS FMP || omit. CDهو 171
ABيكون
Sيكن || CD FMP 172
Dكافي || ABS C FMPكاف
عام ًا 173لجميع الموجودات ،والثالث ما يوجد للنوع كله وله وحده الا انه ليس
دايم ًا ،الرابع 174هو موجود للنوع وحده وله كله ودايم ًا .وعلى القسم الرابع
تحققت الخواص بالاقانيم ،فخاصة قنوم 175الاب الابوة وخاصة قنوم 176الابن
البنوة وخاصة قنوم 177الروح الانبثاق وان شيت الانبعاث .فالاب من حيث هو
اب ليس بالابن ولا الروح والابن من حيث هو ابن 178ليس بالاب ولا الروح.
فليس وان اختلفت الاقانيم في الخاصة وجب ان تختلف في الجوهر فانه
ليس يلزم من 179قال ان معنى ضاحك غير منتصب القامة ومعنى منتصب القامة
غير معنى عريض الاظفار ان يكون الانسان المشار اليه بهذه الخواص مختلف ًا
في الجوهر فان طبيعة الانسان موجودة 180في كل واحد 181من هذه الصفات
وهو احد معنيين 182مفهومين في واحد واحد 183منهما 184فهي بذلك موافقة
ٍ
صفات مجرد ًة.186 الطبيعة وموافق 185بعضها بعض ًا ويخالفوا متى ُفهمت
173
ABS FMP || omit. CDعام ًا 174
Sوالرابع || AB CD FMPالرابع 175
ASقنوم
Bاقنوم || CD FMP 176
A CD P || omit. BS FMقنوم 177
B || omit.اقنوم || A FMPقنوم
CD 178
Mالابن || ABS CD FPابن 179
Dان || ABS C FMPمن 180
ASموجودة
Bموجود || CD FMP 181
Dواحد ًا || ABS C FMPواحد 182
|| AB C FMPمعنيين
S Dمعنايين 183
Pواحد || ABS CD FMواحد واحد 184
منها || ABS CD FPمنهما
M 185
CDموافقة || ABS FMPموافق 186
FMكمل الباب الحادي عشر add. 187
ان
AS CD FMP || omit. B 188
Sاننا || AB CD FMPانّا 189
فاننا || AB CD FMPفانّا
S 190
Mالانبثاق || ABS CD FPالانبعاث 191
وخاصة الروح || ABS FMPوالروح
CD 192
Bيحتج || AS CD FMPيجنح 193
استخارته || AS CD FMPاستجازته
B 194
Dاحد ًا || ABS C FMPاحد 195
Bالازمات || AS CD FMPالالزامات 196
فاما
CDواما || ABS FMP 197
ABS FMP || omit. CDله
قولهم ثلثة اقانيم في 198بعض المواضع فانما فعلوا ذلك تسامح ًا في العبارة لا
على جهة التحقيق ،والسلم.199
ان الباري تبارك وتعالى لم يزل حي ًا بحياة ناطق ًا 201بنطق 202ولم تزل
203
الباب الرابع عشر 214:في انه ليست الصورة تقتضي لاجل* 215ان الاقانيم هي
الجوهر والجوهر ليس بمختلف والاقانيم مختلفة ان يكون المختلف 216ليس
بمختلف
198
Mمن || ABS CD FPفي 199
D. Irrespec-والسلام || Mالسلم || ABS C FPوالسلم
tive of the spelling, the reading is wa-l-salam. 200
الحيوة || ABS CDالحياة
ً 201
FMP Dناطق || ABS C FMPناطقا 202
Mبنطقه || ABS CD FPبنطق 203
تزل
CDيزل || ABS FMP 204
FMPالحيوة || ABS CDالحياة 205
|| AS CD FMPلجوهره
Bلجوهر 206
FMPههنا || ABS CDهنا 207
Sاننا || AB CD FMPانّا 208
اختيار
ً
Dاختيارا || ABS C FMP 209
Mوالالهي || ABS CD FPوالحي 210
ASليس بناطق ما
Dغير ما ليس بناطق || )ما ليس C (superscript:غير ناطق || Bليس بناطق || FMP 211
ABSهم
FMP || omit. CD 212
Mاثبتنا || ABS CD FPاثبتناه 213
كافي || ABS C FMPكاف
D 214
هذا الكلام غير متقن يدل على ان النسخة تغيرت ،يشبه ان يكون الواجب A in margin:
"في انه ليست الصورة تقتضي لا ان يكون المختلف ليس بمختلف بل ان الاقانيم هي الجوهر
والجوهر ليس بمختلف والاقانيم مختلفة"،هذا هو الصحيح 215
لا بل || emendationلاجل
codd. 216
ABS FMP || omit. CDان يكون المختلف
ليس كل شيين يوصف 217بكل واحد منهما 218شي واحد بالعدد يلزم ان
يوصف احدهما بالاخر والدليل على ذلك انّا 219نصف الخط بانه منقسم ونصفه
ايض ًا بانه 220غير منقسم وليس يلزم ان يكون المنقسم هو غير المنقسم 221اذ
معنى هذا غير معنى هذا .فان قال قايل ان الشي الذي ُوصف 222بانه مختلف
هو هو بعينه الذي ُوصف بانه 223ليس بمختلف 224وان كان معنى المختلف لا
يوصف بانه معنى ليس بمختلف 225قلنا ان هذين القولين ليسا متناقضين 226اذ
كان قد تصدق 227ان يوصف بهما شي واحد 228لانه ليس ممتنع ًا 229ان يكون
شي 230واحد مختلف ًا من وجه ما وليس بمختلف من وجه اخر وكما انه ليس
ممتنع ًا ان يكون الخط منقسم ًا من حيث هو ُبعد واحد وليس بمنقسم من حيث
هو نهاية السطح وكذلك ليس ممتنع ًا ان تكون 231الاقانيم مختلفة من حيث
احدها 232والد والاخر مولود 233والاخر منبعث وليس بمختلفة من حيث كل
واحد منها جوهر.
وبهذا فلينختم هذا الباب وهو تمام الكلام في الثالوث المقدس وا﷽
235 234
217
CDتوصف || ABS FMPيوصف 218
Mمنها || ABS CD FPمنهما 219
ABانّا
S Dاننا || C FMP 220
Bفانه || AS CD FMPبانه 221
منقسم || ABS CD Fالمنقسم
MP 222
Pبه add. 223
) D (dittographyوصف بانه add. 224
ABS CDبمختلف
Mمختلف || FP 225
Mمختلف || ABS CD FPبمختلف 226
|| AS CD FMPمتناقضين
Bمتناقصين 227
FMPيصدق || ABS CDتصدق 228
واحد ًا || ABS C FMPواحد
ً 229
D Mممتنع || ABS CD FPممتنعا 230
Dشي ًا || ABS C FMPشي 231
Aتكون
BS C FMPيكون || D 232
CDحدّ ها || ABS FMPاحدها 233
|| ABS C FMPمولود
Dمولود ًا 234
FMPفلنختم || ABS CDفلينختم 235
القدوس || AB CD FMPالمقدس
S 236
Fتم S || add.امين add.
In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. With God’s
help and good guidance we begin writing the “Book of Benefit.”
1
Apparently, the constellations Canis Maior and Canis Minor are meant.
2
I.e. the Cynics (called in Arabic, in a literal translation from the Greek: al-falasifa
al-kalbiyun).
3
Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 30, PG, vol. 36, col. 128A; Grégoire de Nazianze, Dis-
cours 27-31 (Discours théologiques, ed. P. GALLAY (Sources Chrétiennes, 250), Paris,
1978, p. 262-265.
ta’lahu), [which is said when] it is perplexed4. This refers to the fact that
[God’s] command and His wonders cause perplexity, as we have exam-
ined extensively in our book entitled the Book of Benefit. Praise and
thanks be to God.
as the human, the horse, and the donkey and other things to which the
concept of “animal” is applied, defined as a body possessed of a soul,
endowed with senses, and having volition. (2) The term “one” also
refers to that which is not multiple in species, such as “human,” for it
exists beneficially [?]9, and is not multiple insofar as it is a species,
though it is predicated of more than one individual, such as Bisr, Sa‘id,
and Bakr. (3) The expression “one” also refers to that which is one in
number, namely the individual10 which does not have parts and is not
divided the way quantities are divided – for example, the one, the point,
the beginning of motion, and the moment, which is a point of time.
“One” also indicates other meanings which we have refrained from
mentioning here out of concern for brevity.
We Christians, who will be victorious on the Day of Judgment by the
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Eternal Son of the Living God,
believe about God that He is one as a species. [This is] because since
He possesses one essence and a substance undifferentiated in itself
while genus possesses [multiple] species of different natures and differ-
ent in essence, it is impossible that He be one as a genus. Since, [fur-
thermore], He has no analogue and no partner while the discrete instance
has many analogues which resemble it in substance and correspond to
it in nature, it is impossible that He be one as an individual. Thus it fol-
lows that He is one as a species, without anything like Him, as we have
said11.
9
The word naf‘an (“beneficially”) seems out of context. The sense required here by
the argument seems to be “uniquely.”
10
The underlying Greek term seems to be atomon, which can also mean – and in this
context definitely means – a discrete instance of something, an atom.
11
Cf. Ibn al-Fa∂l’s Challenges and Responses, Challenge 1, Vat. ar. 111, fol. 66r-v.
pair is of the nature of the single, then God is a single and a pair of one
nature12.
One of the Fathers does not think this way, but rather thinks that God
possesses three individuals on account of the existence of three essential
attributes comprising all by which He is described. These are “the wise,”
“the good,” and “the powerful” 13. These [three] properties are also
referred to14 as “the pre-eternal,” “the living,” and “the rational,” and
there have been coined other appropriate terms. Fatherhood indicates
“the pre-eternal”; sonship indicates rationality; the Spirit indicates life.
Also, the Father is referred to15 as the intellect (al-‘aql), the Son as that
which intellects (al-‘aqil), and the Spirit as that which is intellected (al-
ma‘qul)16.
12
Cf. Ibn al-Fa∂l’s Challenges and Responses, Challenge 2, Vat. ar. 111, fol. 66v-67r
(the argument there is ascribed to ba‘∂ ahl al-‘ilm). For a modern discussion of the neces-
sity of exactly three hypostases in God using similar terms, see V. LOSSKY, In the Image
and Likeness of God, Crestwood, NY, 1985, p. 84-85.
13
On these attributes (in the order “goodness,” “wisdom,” “power”) applied to the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit respectively by YaÌya b ‘Adi and other Christian
Arab theologians see HADDAD, La Trinité divine, p. 218ff. Haddad (p. 219, n. 197) traces
this scheme back to a phrase of John of Damascus, who states that “the Divinity is perfect
and complete in goodness, in wisdom, and in power” (PG, vol. 114, col. 801). The triad
goodness-wisdom-power appears earlier also in Maximus the Confessor, e.g. in his Cen-
turies on Love, Century 1, No. 96; Century 2, No. 27 (English tr. in G.E.H. PALMER – Ph.
SHERRARD – K. WARE (tr.), The Philokalia, vol. 2, London – Boston, 1990, p. 64, 69).
However, neither Maximus nor John of Damascus correlates between this triad and the
three Persons of the Trinity.
14
Here and below, ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l seems to invert the two complements of the
verb asara (saying bi-ha∂ihi l-ÌawaÒÒ ila instead of *ila ha∂ihi l-ÌawaÒÒ bi-). The
intended meaning is clearly that the same properties are also indicated by other terms.
15
Same phenomenon as above.
16
The idea is YaÌya ibn ‘Adi’s. See his Maqala fi tam†il al-naÒara l-ibna bi-l-‘aqil
duna l-ma‘qul wa-l-ruÌa bi-l-ma‘qul duna l-‘aqil (alternative title: Maqala yu†batu fiha
waÒf al-ilah al-waÌid bi-l-ta†li† wa-tam†il al-ab wa-l-ibn wa-l-ruÌ al-quddus bi-l-‘aql wa-
l-‘aqil wa-l-ma‘qul), ed. A. PÉRIER, Petits traités apologetiques de YaÌya Ben ‘Adi, Paris,
1920, p. 24-27 (with French translation). See also HADDAD, La Trinité divine, p. 222ff.
17
The underlying Greek terms here are hypostasis, prosopon, idion (or idioma), and
atomon, respectively.
18
In Aristotelian logic, there is a distinction between definition (Ìadd) and description
(rasm). Unlike the former, the latter does not designate the essence of the defined term.
See e.g. Sh. ABED, Aristotelian Logic and the Arabic Language in Alfarabi, Albany, NY,
1991, p. 35-57.
19
Cf. Ibn al-Fa∂l’s Challenges and Responses, Challenge 4, Vat. ar. 111, fol. 67v-68r.
20
Ousia is the underlying Greek term here.
21
In the Book of Benefit, Ch. 34 (MS A, fol. 42b), ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fa∂l argues simi-
larly that qunum is a logical term, while †abi‘a is a philosophical term.
CHAPTER SEVEN: On that Christ Our Lord is Two Natures and One
Hypostasis
Since Christ is perfect God and perfect man, He must be two natures,
because divinity is differentiated [within the genus “nature”]22 as a
nature which is creative and free from accepting accidents, while human-
ity [is differentiated as] a nature which is created and accepts accidents.
These are two matters which are contraries of each other with regard to
quality, not with regard to substance. It does not matter if you say two
substances or two natures, because nature and substance23 are one and
the same thing for the holy Fathers.
It is not proper to say that Christ is one nature, made out of two
natures, as the Jacobites claim, otherwise it will follow that change,
which is movement with regard to quality24, has been applied to the sub-
stance of divinity, and on top of that, that the creative nature has become
both creative and created and the created nature has become both created
and creative. A thing will, thus, have become an opposite of itself, which
is absurd and impossible. So if someone asks how we conceptualize the
union [of the divine and the human in Christ], we shall respond that the
union occurred in the hypostasis, not in the natures. Otherwise, absurd
consequences follow, as we have mentioned.
Nor is it proper to say that because [Christ] is two natures, He is [also]
two hypostases, as the Nestorians allege, for [if Christ is also two
hypostases], what is it that the union occurred in? In addition, it would
nullify what our great father Gregory the Theologian says in his Oration
on the Nativity: that God became man and man became God25. This is
convincing enough, but one has to know that the [hypostatic] union
occurred with the universal human [nature], not the particular26.
22
Probably the technical Aristotelian meaning of faÒl as specific differentia is intended
here.
23
In Greek: physis and ousia.
24
This is the Aristotelian definition of change.
25
This phrase – which is also quoted at the end of Chapter 34 of the Book of Benefit
– does not occur in the Oration on the Nativity (Or. 38), but is quite common in Gregory
of Nazianzus. On Gregory of Nazianzus’ doctrine of deification (theosis), which ‘Abdal-
lah ibn al-Fa∂l is here interpreting christologically, see: LOURIÉ, Istorija, p. 75-77;
I. ALFEJEV, Zhizn’ i uchenie sviatitelia Grigorija Bogoslova [The Life and Teaching of
Saint Gregory the Theologian], Moscow, 32007, p. 445-460.
26
It is the Orthodox Christian teaching, at least from Maximus the Confessor on, that
in Christ, the Word is united to the general (universal) human nature, not the human
nature of a particular individual. The differences of opinion between the various Christian
groups on this matter are admirably summarized by the Muslim polemicist Abu ‘Isa al-
Warraq at the very beginning of his discussion of the Hypostatic Union (al-ittiÌad): “The
Nestorians and the majority of the Jacobites claim that the Son, the Word, united with a
temporal human being (bi-insan muÌda†), being born of Mary, and the Melkites claim that
the Son united with the temporal human being (bi-l-insan al-muÌda†). When they say ‘a
human being’ the Nestorians and the majority of the Jacobites mean one human being and
one individual, because according to them the Son in fact united with a particular human
being, and not the universal. And when the Melkites say ‘the human being’ they mean the
substance which is common to all human individuals. This is because, according to them,
the Son in fact united with the universal human, and not a particular (ittaÌada bi-l-insan
al-kulli, la al-juz’i), in order to save everyone, as they claim” – D. THOMAS (ed. and tr.),
Early Muslim Polemic against Christianity: Abu ‘Isa al-Warraq’s ‘Against the Incarna-
tion’, Cambridge, 2002, p. 86-87.
27
Theodore Abu Qurra makes the same argument – see LAMOREAUX, Theodore Abu
Qurrah, p. 105-106.
28
The “white-armed” (leukolenos) is a standard Homeric epithet of Hera. ‘Abdallah
ibn al-Fa∂l translates leukolenos idiomatically as al-bay∂a’ al-sawa‘id and transliterates
Hera’s name as ira.
says, “the iron spear” when only the spearhead is [made of] iron. Thus,
he has used the whole in place of the part, and this sort of figure of
speech is called synecdoche.
29
Compare this with Ibn al-Fa∂l’s quotation from an unnamed “Christian theologian”
(YaÌya ibn ‘Adi?), in Recension B of the Book of Joy of the Believer, Vat. ar. 164,
fol. 221r-v: الابوة هي في جوهر الاب وهو الجوهر الخاص لا العام الموصوف وهي ايضا من صفات الباري
تبارك اسمه المشار اليه باسم الالاه لا من صفات الاهية ليلا يخرج الابن والروح من بعض الصفات الالهية.
Cf. also al-Warraq, Against the Trinity, §§98ff., in D. THOMAS (ed. and tr.), Anti-Christian
Polemic in Early Islam, Cambridge, 1992, p. 128-131.
30
The underlying Greek terms may be theotes and theos respectively, the former of
which is indeed grammatically derived from the latter. In this context, we translate ilah as
“divine" (rather than “a god"), to emphasize that in the preceding examples it occurs as
a predicate and never as a subject. The whole passage is, however, rather obscure.
31
Here and below the term ∂at, which literally means essence, is best understood as
concept or notion, and is translated accordingly.
CHAPTER TEN: On that the Hypostases are not Three Different Sub-
stances, even if each of them is a Substance and differs from the others
in Property
[Our] opponent builds his argument in the following way, saying:
“You claim, O Christians, that each of the hypostases is a substance in
its own right, and that they are three. So either you must say that they
are three substances, just as you have said that [they are three] hypostases,
in which case you will be pluralizing them [also] in the mention of sub-
stance, or else you must avoid saying that [there are] three hypostases
and that each one is [a substance] in its own right."
The response [to this is the following]: If we say that each hypostasis
is a substance and that the hypostases are three and different, it does not
follow that the substance is three [in number] and different, just as, if
someone were to say that the astrologer is Bakr, and that the grammarian
is Bakr, and that the land-surveyor is Bakr, it would not follow that
Bakrs are three. This is sufficient for solving this objection, with God’s
help and good guidance.
CHAPTER ELEVEN: On that it is not the case that if the Hypostases differ
in Properties they should differ in Substance
“Property” is said in four ways. (1) The first of these is that which
occurs to a species, though not all of it32. (2) The second is that which is
found in an entire species, even if it is not [limited] to this species alone,
though it is not common to all existents. (3) The third is that which is
found in the entire species and only in it, though not always. (4) The
fourth is [that which is] found in the entire species, always, and only in
it. It is according to this fourth category that the properties are realized
in the hypostases. The property of the hypostasis of the Father is father-
hood, the property of the hypostasis of the Son is sonship, and the prop-
erty of the hypostasis of the Spirit is procession, or, if you prefer [a
different term], emission. The Father, insofar as He is Father, is neither
the Son nor the Spirit, and the Son, insofar as He is Son, is neither the
Father nor the Spirit.
Even though the hypostases differ in property, it does not follow that
they should differ in substance, just as when one says that the meaning
of “laughing” is different from the meaning of “having straight stature”
and that the meaning of “having straight stature” is different from “hav-
ing wide fingernails,” it does not follow that the human being referred
32
That is, it does not occur in all individuals of this species.
33
One of the two meanings is the human nature implied by all these properties, and
the other, the specific quality of each property.
34
Cf. Book of Benefit, Chs. 39-40, 42-45.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN: On that the Form [of logical Reasoning] does not
require – on Account of the Fact that the Hypostases are the Substance
and the Substance is undifferentiated, while the Hypostases are differen-
tiated – that the differentiated be [the same as] undifferentiated
When numerically one and the same thing is characterized by two
[opposite]35 [attributes], it does not follow that either of these [attributes]
is characterized by the other. Evidence for this is that we describe the
line as being divisible and we describe it also as being indivisible, but it
does not follow from this that divisible is the same as indivisible, for the
meaning of the former is different from the meaning of the latter.
If someone said: “[How is it] that a thing which is described as dif-
ferentiated is the same as the one described as undifferentiated, yet the
meaning of differentiated is not described as being the [same as the]
meaning of undifferentiated?,” we say that these two statements are not
contradictory, because it can be true36 that one and the same thing be
described by them both. This is because it is not impossible for one thing
to be different in one respect and not different in another respect. Just as
it is not impossible for the line to be divisible insofar as it is one-dimen-
sional and indivisible insofar as it is the edge of the plane, so also it is
not impossible for the hypostases to be different insofar as one of them
is the begetter and another begotten and another proceeds and not differ-
ent insofar as each of them is a substance. With this let this chapter be
complete, which is the end of the discourse on the Holy Trinity. May
God be praised and thanked. He is sufficient for us and He is the one on
whom we rely.
35
To judge from the following examples, this is what is implied.
36
Possibly the reading yaÒdif, “it can happen” is preferable.