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A Critical Theory Route To Hegemony, World Order and Historical Change
A Critical Theory Route To Hegemony, World Order and Historical Change
S
ituated within a historical materialist problematic of
social transformation and deploying many insights
from the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, a crucial
break with mainstream International Relations ()
approaches emerged by the s in the work of Robert
Cox. In contrast to mainstream routes to hegemony in ,
which develop a static theory of politics, an abstract
ahistorical conception of the state and an appeal to universal
validity (e.g. Keohane and ; Waltz ), debate
shifted towards a critical theory of hegemony, world order
and historical change (for the classic critique, see Ashley
). Rather than a problem-solving preoccupation with
the maintenance of social power relationships, a critical
theory of hegemony directs attention to questioning the
prevailing order of the world.1 It ‘does not take institutions
and social and power relations for granted but calls them
into question by concerning itself with their origins and
whether they might be in the process of changing’ (Cox
: ). Thus, it is specifically critical in the sense of
asking how existing social or world orders have come into
being, how norms, institutions or practices therefore emerge,
and what forces may have the emancipatory potential to
change or transform the prevailing order. As such, a critical
theory develops a dialectical theory of history concerned
not just with the past but with a continual process of historical
change and with exploring the potential for alternative forms
of development (Cox : , -). Cox’s critical theory
of hegemony thus focuses on interaction between particular
processes, notably springing from the dialectical possibilities
of change within the sphere of production and the
exploitative character of social relations, not as unchanging
ahistorical essences but as a continuing creation of new forms
(Cox : ). The first section of this article outlines the
conceptual framework developed by Robert Cox, linking it
back to Gramsci’s own work. This includes situating the
world economic crisis of the s within more recent debates
about globalisation and how this period of ‘structural change’
has been conceptualised. Then, attention will turn to what
has been recognised (see Morton ) as similar, but diverse,
neo-Gramscian perspectives in International Relations ()
that build on Cox’s work and constitute a distinct critical
theory route to considering hegemony, world order and
historical change. Finally, various controversies surrounding
the neo-Gramscian perspectives will be traced, before
Neo-Gramscian perspectives in IR 87
Forms of World
state orders
Figure 1: the dialectical relation of forces
Ideas
Material Institutions
capabilit ies
Figure 2: the dialectical moment of hegemony
Forms of state
The conceptual framework, outlined so far, considers how
new modes of social relations of production become estab-
lished. Changes in the social relations of production give
rise to new configurations of social forces. State power rests
on these configurations. Therefore, rather than taking the
state as a given or pre-constituted institutional category,
consideration is given to the historical construction of various
forms of state and the social context of political struggle.
This is accomplished by drawing upon the concept of
historical bloc and by widening a theory of the state to include
relations within civil society.
An historical bloc refers to the way in which leading social
forces within a specific national context establish a relationship
over contending social forces. It is more than simply a political
alliance between social forces represented by classes or
fractions of classes. It indicates the integration of a variety of
different class interests that are propagated throughout society
‘bringing about not only a unison of economic and political
aims, but also intellectual and moral unity...on a “universal”
plane’ (Gramsci : -). The very nature of an historical
bloc, as Anne Showstack Sassoon (: ) has outlined,
necessarily implies the existence of hegemony. Indeed, the
‘universal plane’ that Gramsci had in mind was the creation
of hegemony by a fundamental social group over subordinate
Neo-Gramscian perspectives in IR 91
The final and most recent criticisms arise from the call for
a much needed engagement by neo-Gramscian perspectives
with the writings of Gramsci and thus the complex
methodological, ontological, epistemological and contextual
issues that embroiled the Italian thinker (Germain and Kenny
). This emphasis was presaged in an earlier argument
warning that the incorporation of Gramscian insights into
and ran ‘the risk of denuding the borrowed concepts of
the theoretical significance in which they cohere’ (Smith :
). To commit the latter error could reduce scholars to the
accusation of ‘searching for gems’ in the Prison Notebooks in
order to ‘save’ from a pervasive economism (Gareau :
). To be sure, such criticisms and warnings have rightly
drawn attention to the importance of remaining engaged with
Gramsci’s own writings. Germain and Kenny also rightly call
for greater sensitivity to the problems of meaning and
understanding in the history of ideas when appropriating
Gramsci for contemporary application. In such ways, then,
the demand to remain (re)engaged with Gramsci’s thought
and practice was a necessary one to make and well overdue.
Yet the demand to return Gramsci to his historical context
need not prevent the possibility of appreciating ideas both in
and beyond their context. Rather than the seemingly austere
historicism of Germain and Kenny’s demands, which limit
the relevance of past ideas in the present, it is possible to
acknowledge the role played by both past forms of thought
and previous historical conditions in shaping subsequent ideas
and existing social relations (Morton a). This method
pushes one to consider what might be historically relevant as
well as limited in a theoretical and practical translation of
past ideas in relation to alternative conditions.
Conclusion
Notes
* We would like to thank Robert Cox and Kees van der Pijl for their
comments on this article in draft as well as two anonymous referees
of this journal, and Gerard Strange, for their supportive criticisms.
Adam David Morton also acknowledges the financial support of an
Economic and Social Research Council () Postdoctoral
Fellowship (Ref.: ).
1. Although overlaps may exist, the critical impetus bears a less than
direct affiliation with the constellation of social thought known as
the Frankfurt School represented by, among others, the work of Max
Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno or, more recently, Jürgen Habermas
(Cox a: ). Hence, Cox may not explicitly understand himself
to be working within the fold of the Frankfurt School (Schecter
: ). For a useful discussion of the contradictory strands and
influences between Frankfurt School critical theory and critical
theory see Wyn Jones ().
2. It is worth noting that, whilst the Keynesian welfare state form is
referred to by Cox as the ‘neoliberal state’, this precedent is not
followed. This is because confusion can result when using his term
and distinguishing it from the more conventional understanding of
neo-liberalism related to processes in the late s and s,
which he calls ‘hyperliberalism’.
3. At first sight, this understanding of a restructured, but not eroded
role of the state, resembles Cerny’s conceptualisation of the
‘competition state’ in globalisation (Cerny a, b). Rather
than withering away, Cerny argues that ‘states play a crucial role as
stabilisers and enforcers of the rules and practices of global society’
(Cerny b: ). In contrast to neo-Gramscian perspectives,
however, the state is not understood as resting on and being
constituted by a particular configuration of social forces. Rather,
the state is understood as an independent actor intervening in the
market in different ways. As a result, ‘competition state’ analysis
falls into the trap of separating economics from politics and the
market from the state, resulting in an ahistoric analysis of different
social forms specific to capitalism (see Burnham ). In contrast
to ‘competition state’ analysis, regulation theory places an emphasis
on how a particular mode of regulation, constituted by the institu-
tional ensemble of the state, is related to a specific accumulation
regime, i.e. the way production is organised (for an overview of
Neo-Gramscian perspectives in IR 107
References