Plan

1. Introduction-200words
2. Context
Theories- 700 words

“fair share” of what seems to be available. Therefore, the people who are theworst off are not
necessarily the ones experiencing relative deprivation. Forinstance, research in the Civil Rights
movement showed that African Americanswho were the most active were not most deprived
but were fairly well-off, suchas college students or religious leaders but they were the ones who
felt themost relatively deprived. Key to the idea of relative deprivation is the notion of
expectations
, that is,what people think they deserve and want in life. If these expectations are met,people do
not experience discontent or relative deprivation. On the other hand,if people compare
themselves to their reference groups and find that theyhave less, they will experience relative
deprivation. If an individual feels thateveryone else seems to be wealthier or generally seems to
have it better, theywill experience relative deprivation. A second key to the idea of relative
deprivation is the notion of

legitimateexpectations
. Relative deprivation is not simply the idea that people wantwhat everyone else has. It is the
idea that they think they deserve it and havea right to it. Therefore, if they do not get what they
think they deserve, theythink that something should be done to remedy the situation. In other
words,expectations are not simple desires. For relative deprivation to emerge,individuals have
to perceive their expectations as legitimate. A third key is the notion of

blocked expectations
, those goals that individualscannot meet through conventional means. Feelings of relative
deprivationresult. If expectations are perceived as legitimate AND easy to satisfy, there isno
need for social movement. However, if expectations are perceived aslegitimate but blocked,
individuals will experience discontent and frustration. They will be more likely to want to
remedy an unfair situation. Morrison also identifies structural conditions that increase the
probability of emergence of social movements (Locher, 2002:256-257):
•
Large numbers of people must experience relative deprivation;
•
There must be a high degree of interaction and communication betweenpeople experiencing
relative deprivation;

•
 The more socially alike individuals experiencing relative deprivation, theeasier it will be for
them to get together and create a movement;
•
Movements are more likely to form in a rigidly stratified society becausedifferences between
classes are obvious.
•
The society must have large numbers of voluntary associations to givepeople a sense that
collective activity can make a difference andactually produce beneficial change. Also, a social
movement benefitsfrom organizational leadership skills of associations.

Revolutionary Movements
are radical changes of the social system. They are determined to precipitate the structural and functional
contradictions within the whole society.
 Revolutionary Movements
are proposing to change the existing order and, consequently, to the repression of the forces that defend this order.
They are oriented to clearly formulated de-ideologies and are strongly institutionalized (organizations, parties,
publications, statutes). Within them, the political revolution holds an important role. At the same time, they are
destructive and constructive: they destroy the old social relations, the state-owned state, remove certain social values
and norms, and establish new systems of devaluation and behavior, new types of social relations, new forms of
social organization, new social institutions. Revolution is a process of long-lasting change, the pace and intensity of
changes vary from one subsystem to another.

Resource Mobilization Theory

In 1973 “Social Conflict and Social Movements” was published by Anthony Oberschall in which
he formulated the resource mobilization theory focusing on the social and structural factors
affecting a movement's success or failure rather than thefactors motivating people to join social
movements. Oberschall points out thatrelative deprivation cannot fully explain social
movements because there is noperfect society that satisfies all its citizens. Discontent is a
common feature.For Oberschall, the key factor in a social movement’s success or failure is
itscapacity to mobilize and efficiently manage resources. Resources include things such as
money, offices, communication equipment(fax, telephones), computers, volunteer time, media
access, network contacts,and alliances. Such resources are usually acquired and managed by
socialmovement organizations
Resource mobilization theory had brought many helpful arguments on the study of social
movements. Not only does it represent a significant advancement in our understanding of social
movements, it has also invigorated the field and generated a host of empirical and theoretical
studies. However, despite these positive effects, or perhaps because of them, resource
mobilization theory is beset by a number of internal disagreements. The principal differences
within the field revolve around two variations of the resource mobilization theory. These
variations are McCarthy and Zald's (1973) "professional organizer" model and McAdam's (1982)
"political process"

Resource mobilization theory had brought many helpful arguments on the study of social
movements. This theory represents a significant advancement in the understanding of social
movements. However, both McAdam's (1982) "political process" and McCarthy and Zald's
(1973) "professional organizer" model criticized this theory and their disagreements are
centered mainly around their “conceptualizations of the role that elites play in the formation
and development of social movement”.

McAdam, D. 1982. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
McCarthy, J.D. and M.N. Zald. 1973. The Trend of Social Movements in America:
Professionalization and Resource Mobilization. Morristown, NJ: General Learning
Corporation.

McAdam, D. 1982. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1983. "Tactical Innovation and the Pace of Insurgency."
American Sociological Review 48: 735-754. McCarthy, J.D. and M.N. Zald. 1973. The Trend of
Social Movements in America: Professionalization and Resource Mobilization. Morristown, NJ:
General Learning Corporation.
Political process theory treats social movements as a type of political movement in that the
origins of a social movement are traced to the availability of political opportunities. More
precisely, this theory looks at the social movement in question to that of the state – or the
power of the government in charge. If the government’s position is strongly entrenched and it
also is prone to repressive behavior, then the chances are high that a social movement might
fail. If, on the other hand, the government is weak or more tolerant of dissenting behaving, then
the chances are high that any social movement that is born might have the opportunity to grow
and flourish (Dobson, 2001; Foweraker, 1995; Phongpaichit, 1999; Tilly, 1978). Few social
movement theorists would have any problems with the political process theory emphasizing the
importance of political conditions and attendant political opportunities (or lack thereof) in
determining the chances of success for a nascent social movement. The primary criticism of this
theory is that it focuses too much on political circumstances and ignores cultural factors that
might be strong enough to mitigate the effect of the political factors.

Organizational strength
: the more organized a group is, the morelikely its members are to form a social movement and
the more likelythe movement will succeed;
•
Cognitive liberation
: the more members think their chances of success are good, the more likely they are to make
their movement willsucceed;
•
Political opportunities
: the more mainstream political allies a socialmovement has, the more likely it will succeed. For
McAdam, availability of these three factors depends on the political systemas a whole. Political
connections are more crucial than material resources, andpolitical leverage is the major
resource for a social movement’s success.

The “organizational strength” which highlights the importance and efficiency of an organized
group when forming a social movement, “cognitive liberation” where chances of success are
higher when the members strongly believe in their cause and “political opportunities”. For
McAdam, political connections are more important than material resources for a social
movement’s success.
Social movements such as the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, and the Indignants Movement in
Spain have highlighted the significance of social media in energizing political participation. As
Facebook, Twitter, microblogging, and other social media allow citizens to voice their opinions,
organize social movements, and promote events, research has consistently showed the
potential influence of social media activities on political involvement (e.g., Gil de Zúñiga et al.,
2012, Gil de Zúñiga et al., 2014, Valenzuela et al., 2012, Vesnic-Alujevic, 2012). While most
studies paid attention to the rise of social media in encouraging general citizens to be active in
social movements, the role of social media in social movements also highlights the significance
of technologically-mediated diasporas as the mobility of the worldwide population and the
development of new media technologies help to facilitate not only the participation of co-
located citizens, but also cross-national mobilization
 The Sunflower Movement marks another influential social movement
led by students after the Wild Strawberry Movement in 2008 (Ho,
2010). In particular, social media played a greater role in the Sunflower
Movement in mobilizing engagement by citizens abroad compared to
previous social movements in Taiwan. 
The Sunflower Movement is a student-led protest that began with the
occupation of Taiwan’s legislature in Taipei in March, 2014. The
activists were protesting against the passage of the Cross-Strait Service
Trade Agreement (CSSTA) with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) by
the Kuomintang, the ruling party in Taiwan. Protesters considered that
the agreement would hurt Taiwan’s economy and democracy and
demanded a clause-by-clause review. It was the first time the legislature
had been occupied by citizens in Taiwan, and the protest was widely
covered in Taiwanese media.

there are very good reasons not to treat social movements as a distinct set of phenomena to be
dealt with by a specific subfield of social sciences. It is fruitful to include them in the
comparative analysis of the political process, since they have become regular participants in
policy-making in democratic societies.

The Sunflower movement in Taiwan represented an influential social movement which was
organized and led by students who were protesting against the passage of the “Cross-Strait
Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) by the Kuomintang”,
which was the ruling party in Taiwan. The activists believed that the agreement would damage
Taiwan’s economy and democracy. This protest had a massive impact and it was widely covered
by the media because it was the first time when the citizens of Taiwan occupied the legislature.