Types and Timing of Social Support

Author(s): David E. Jacobson

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Vol. 27, No. 3 (Sep., 1986), pp. 250-264
Published by: American Sociological Association
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Types and Timingof Social Support*

DAVID E. JACOBSON
BrandeisUniversity

Journal
of Healthand Social Behavior1986, Vol. 27 (September):250-264

Researchershave attemptedto clarifytheconceptofsocial supportbydifferentiating typesofsupport

and relatingthemto typesof stressors.This "specificity"modelof supportrepresents an analytical
advance over unitaryconstructsof support,yetan emphasison such typologicalstudiesprovidesa
staticviewof thephenomenon. Studiesofsupporttiming, however,contribute to an understanding
of
supportprocesses.By integratingthesedifferent it is possibleto (1) answerquestions
perspectives,
aboutwhatsupportis and howit worksand (2) suggestnewdirections forsupportresearch.

Althoughthereis generalconsensusthatsocial emphasisof "stress" researchers, it has been a

supportmoderatesstressand/orits healthconse- focusof investigation among"loss" researchers.2
quences,thereis less agreement concerning what Integrating thesedifferent perspectives enablesus
constitutes supportand how it works.'One reason to answerquestionsabouthow supportworks.
for this disagreement is thatmost studieshave Thepresent paperis organizedas follows:First,I
focusedon describing typesof support, rather than describeseveraltheoriesof stressand theirrelated
on analyzingthewaysin whichitfunctions. Many conceptsof support.Some of thesetheoriesreflect
researchers have attempted to resolvethisissueby a concernwithtypesof support, whileothersfocus
differentiating typesof supportand relatingthem on itstiming.Although typesandtiming ofsupport
to types of stressors(House 1981; Schaefer, have generallybeen studiedseparately,theyare
Coyne,andLazarus 1981;Thoits1982;Cohenand complementary. Taken together,theyprovidea
McKay 1984;Wortman 1984;Cohen,Mermelstein, framework forunderstanding whatsupportis and
Kamarck,and Hoberman1985; Pearlin 1985). howitworks.Second,I discussan exampleofthis
This has become known as the "specificity sortof theoretical integration.Third,to illustrate
model"ofsocialsupport (Schumaker andBrownell thepointthatanalysesof thetemporaldimension
1984, p. 24). Althoughthismodel amplifiesour of supportalso suggestthatit mustbe understood
understanding of how social supportworks,it is as an appraisalof behavior,I describestudiesthat
nonetheless an incomplete view of thematter. indicateways in which the timingof support
In additionto identifyingthefitbetweentypesof influences itsevaluationas helpfulornot.Fourth,I
stressors andtypesof support, itis criticalto study suggest some of theanalyticalimplications of this
the timingof support.A considerationof its framework. Fifthand on
finally, thebasis of this
synthesis, I suggestsome directionsfor future
temporaldimensioncontributes to an understand-
research.
ing of supportprocesses-a topic of central
importance in thefield(cf. LaRocco, House, and
French1980, p. 214; Cohenand McKay 1984, p.
254; Cohenand Wills 1985, p. 310; Thoits1985, THEORIES OF STRESS
p. 52). Althoughthe timingof support,and the
processes it implies, has not been a primary Severalstresstheories bearon theconceptualiza-
tionof support.3 Threeof theseare basic to most
* Directall correspondenceto: Dr. David Jacobson, social supportresearchand theyfocus, respec-
Departmentof Anthropology,Brandeis University, tively,on needs, transactions, and transitions.4
Waltham,MA 02254. Each of thesewill be discussedseparately.
My thanksto RobertManners,JosephCunningham,
Peter Conrad, Lois Jacobson, the editor, and two The "needs" model of stresspostulatesthat
anonymous reviewersforhelpfulcomments on previous individualshave needs that are met through
draftsof thispaper. interaction
withotherpersonsin a varietyof social

250

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SOCIAL SUPPORT 251

relationships and thatif unmetare experiencedas transition, according to Parkes (1971), is a

sources of distress.Caplan (1964, pp. 31-55) relativelyabruptchange in a personor in his
offered an earlyformulation of thispointof view, environment whichaffects theindividual'sassump-
in whichhe arguedthat(1) a personmusthave tionsabouttheworldandhis or herplace in it (cf.
"supplies," (2) the "provisionof supplies" is Bowlby 1969, 1973, 1980; Brown 1974, 1982;
equivalentto the "satisfactionof interpersonal Marris1974, 1982;BrownandHarris1978;Parkes
needs,"and(3) "inadequate ofpsychosocial 1982a, 1982b). These assumptions,
provision or "structures
supplies. . . is conduciveto mentaldisorder." of meaning' (Marris 1982, p. 191), enable
Weiss (1974), followingCaplan, wroteaboutthe individuals to understandtheworldandto interpret
"provisionsof socialrelationships," claimingthat theirexperiencesin it. They give meaningto
individuals'needs or requirements forwell-being experience(past, present,and future).Centralto
are met throughsocial relationships,and that thisview is the idea that(1) these assumptions
relationships are specializedforwhattheyprovide. shapebehavior(Frank1961), and (2) eventsthat
For example, in Weiss' analysis,the need for challengeor changetheseassumptions (a) under-
attachment is metthrough marriage;theneed for minetheindividual'ssenseof meaningand (b) are
social integration, throughfriends;the need for experiencedas stressful.Not only is the event
nurturance, throughparenting;and the need for stressful, butalsothereadjustmentintheindividual's
guidance,through expertsandprofessionals.Other assumptiveworld which it requires. Change
researchers postulatedifferent needs;forexample, encompassesnotonlyexternalcircumstances, but,
the "maintenanceand enhancementof self- moreimportantly, perception of theworld.Exis-
regard," "self-esteem," and "mastery" (cf. tentialchange may be sudden, but cognitive
Pearlin,Menaghan,Lieberman,and Mullan 1981; changewill be slower.
Pearlin1983; Thoits 1983, 1985). Weiss (1974) Although thesemodelsof stressare analytically
hypothesized thattheabsenceof a need-satisfyingdistinguishable, they overlap conceptually.For
relationship leads to distress,the formof which example,thetransactional and transitionalmodels
will be specificto therelationaldeficit.In Weiss' of stressbothconsidertheroleof appraisalandthe
(1973) view, the absenceof a loved one and the attribution of meaningin defining stressors.In the
absenceoffriends, whichhe describesrespectively transactional model,an individual's"beliefs" are
as emotionaland social loneliness,are especially said to determinethe significanceof an event,
stressful.Hendersonand his associates (1981, includingits stressfulness. Lazarus and Folkman
1982) concur. More recently,otherresearchers (1984, p. 63) writethatbeliefs"are preexisting
(e.g., Rook 1985) have contributed to thismodel notionsaboutrealitywhichserveas a perceptual
by (1) examining thefunctionsof socialbondsand lens, or a 'set,' . . . determinewhat is fact, that
(2) analyzingtheimpactof (a) theirabsenceand is, 'how thingsare' in theenvironment, and they
(b) disruptions to them. shape the understanding of its meaning" (cf.
In the "transactions"model of stress,stress Pearlin1983, p. 18). Such "beliefs" are analo-
occurswhenperceiveddemandsexceedperceived gous to the "assumptions" that constitutethe
resources,withensuingnegativeconsequencesfor "assumptiveworld" of transitionalists, and both
the individual'swell-being(cf. McGrath1970; are closelyrelatedto thenotionof a "contextual
Lazarus and Launier1978; Lazarus and Folkman threat,"whichis centralto theworkof Brownand
1984). In the transactional view, any demand his associates(cf. Brown1974; Brownand Harris
which exceeds the individual'sresourcesmay 1978; Brown 1982). All of these concepts,
cause stress.Such demandsmayoccuras discrete "beliefs,""assumptions," and"contextual threats,"
life eventsand/oras continuing low-keyedhard- referto thesignificance, meaning,or implications
ships; namely, daily hassles or persistentlife thatan eventor demandhas forthe individual's
strains(Lazarus 1981; Pearlinet al. 1981; Pearlin well-being.
1983). It is notthenatureof theeventthatmatters
(whetherit is majoror minor,acute or chronic),
but ratherits significanceas a demand which TYPES OF SUPPORT
exceedstheindividual'sresponsecapacity.
In the "transitions"model of stress,stressis Studiesof typesof supportare usuallyassoci-
seen as stemming fromchanges-bothlosses and ated with "needs" theoriesof stress.Thus, if
gains-or "psychosocialtransitions." Psychosocial stress is defined in terms of unmet needs or the

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252 JOURNALOF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

absence of social relationshipsthroughwhich tionalmodel,as an imbalancebetweenperceived

"supplies" maybe provided,thensocial support demandsand perceivedresourceswith negative
is definedin termsof resourcesthatmeetneeds, consequencesforan individual'swell-being,then
social relationshipsthrough whichan individual's supportwillbe thatwhichservesto (1) redressthe
needs are met, or both.5 Caplan (1974), for imbalance (by decreasingdemands and/orby
example,describesa supportsystemas formaland increasingresources)and/or(2) alterthe conse-
informal relationshipsand groupsthroughwhich quencesof failureto meetdemands.Supportalso
an individualreceivesthe emotional,cognitive, may be conceptualizedin termsof the way in
andmaterialsupports necessaryto masterstressful which individualsattemptto cope with such
experiences.Althoughspecificempiricalbehavior imbalances andtheirconsequences. Lazarus(1981),
maybe understood torepresent morethanone type for example,definestwo typesof such coping
of support(House 1981, p. 25; Cohen and Wills behavior:problem-focused coping and emotion-
1985, p. 313), researchers use this or a similar focusedcoping(sometimes referredto as palliative
typologyto differentiate primaryaspects of coping).7 The formerbehavior is directedat
support.Emotionalsupportrefersto behaviorthat alteringthe imbalancecausingthedistress,while
fostersfeelingsof comfort and leads an individual the latteris directedat eitherreducingemotional
tobelievethathe or she is admired,respected, and arousalor otherwise regulating emotionalresponse
loved, and thatothersare available to provide to theproblem.
caringand security.Cognitivesupportrefersto
information, knowledge,and/oradvice thathelps
theindividual to understand hisorherworldandto TIMING OF SUPPORT
adjust to changes withinit. Materials support
refersto goods and servicesthathelp to solve Recentcalls forexaminingthemultidimension-
practicalproblems.Mostothertypologies of social alityand specificity of supportdirectattention to
supportappearto be derivatives of thistripartite the relationships betweentypesof supportand
classification(cf. Cobb 1976; Caplan 1979; typesof stressfulsituations.Stressfulsituations,
DiMatteoand Hays 1981; House 1981; Gottlieb, however,may unfoldover time,or, as Pearlin
1981; Thoits1982; Leavy 1983; Cohenand Wills (1985, p. 47) notes,the"same basic problemmay
1985; House, Kahn,McLeod, andWilliams1985; evoke different supportsas it moves through
Thoits1985). variousstagesand transformations." (Cf. Elliott
Althoughmuchof the earlyworkon support and Eisdorfer1982, pp. 150-51, on "stressor
treatedit as a unitaryfactor,laterreviewsof the sequences.")Therefore, itis necessaryto consider
concept have argued that it is a complex supportin its temporaldimension,because one
phenomenon, requiring analysisof its constituent typeofsupport takestheplaceofanother; thatis, it
elements.Recentresearchis concernedwithboth is usefulto thinkaboutsupportsequencesbecause
differentiatingtypesof supportand linkingthem supportunfoldsovertime.The timingof support
withtypesof stresses(cf. Coates and Wortman has been a topicof investigation in bothtransac-
1980; Silver and Wortman1980; House 1981; tionaland transitional studies.
Schaeferet al. 1981; Thoits 1982; Cohen and Althoughtransactional theoristshave contrib-
McKay 1984;Wortman1984;Cohenet al. 1985).6 utedto studiesof typesof support,theirconcern
Thus, analyses of the types of supporthave withcopingas a processhasdirected theirattention
become progressively more discriminating. The to the timingof support.Lazarus and Folkman
precursor foranalysesof the "multidimensional-(1984, pp. 142-43), for example, argue that
ity" and "specificity"of supportappearsto have coping with stress is a process that involves
been Weiss' work(1973) on loneliness,in which different typesof support(or copingfunctions) at
he distinguishedbetweenkindsoflonelinessandin different timesandreflects thecontinuous develop-
whichhe arguedthatcompensatory relationships mentof appraisalsand reappraisals of theshifting
are neithersubstitutablenorinterchangeable (i.e., relationship betweenan individualand thechang-
friends do nottaketheplace of a spouseand vice ingdemandsmadeuponhimor her.Folkmanand
versa). Lazarus(1985) developthispointin an analysisof
Transactionaltheories of stress have also thedifferential use of social supportsat different
contributed to the conceptualization of typesof stagesof copingwiththe stressesof a midterm
support.If one definesstress,as in the transac- examination. (Cf. Hellerand Swindle1983,p. 91,

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SOCIAL SUPPORT 253

who suggest that differentsupportsmay be Folkman(1984) haverevieweddifferent modelsof

appropriate in (1) anticipationof a stressful
event, copingstagesandfoundthattheevidenceforthem
(2) concurrent withthatevent,and (3) following is problematicbecause people's responses to
theevent.) stressfulsituations
appearto vary.As bothSilver
Whiletransactionalists arepartlyconcerned with and Wortman(1980, p. 309) and Lazarus and
thetemporal dimension ofsocialsupport,transitional-Folkman(1984, pp. 146-48) note,however,that
istssee supportalmostexclusivelyin thisdimen- variability does notnecessarilyobviatetheutility
sion. That is not to say that they ignore the of stage models. This is especiallytrueif stage
questionof typesof support(theyare particularly models(1) are understood as analyticalconstructs
concernedwithemotionaland cognitivesupport); or ideal types,ratherthanregardedas normative
butratherthattheyfocuson thetimingof support guidelinesand (2) are used to both examine
relativeto thetransition an individualis undergo- supportas a process and identifyfactorsthat
ing.Thisis consistent withtheirviewthatstressis appearto alterthisprocess. Summarily, a stage
linkedto changesin a person'sassumptive world modelis usefulto theextentthatit (1) postulates
andto theprocessby whichan individualreplaces thatan individual's reactions to a stressful
situation
one set of ideas, beliefs,and valueswithanother. typicallychange over time, and (2) focuses
Indeed,an emphasison processualissuesis central attentionon (a) variationsfrom that expected
to the work of those who studypsychosocial course and (b) the conditionsunderwhichthey
transitions. occur. Indeed,variables,such as social support,
The significance of thetimingof supportwithin that moderateindividualcoping responses are
the transitionalframeworkis evident in the preciselywhatare to be expectedas sourcesof
analysisof "griefwork."Griefwork refersto the different adaptational
outcomes.8
process of adjustmentfollowing a loss and Two otherarguments explainpossiblesourcesof
typically includesa sequenceof phases:numbing: variationin responseto stressful experiencesand
yearningand searching(for thatwhich is lost, therebyurgecautionin the use of stagemodels.
whether theobjectis a thing,person,relationship, Recursivemodels(e.g., thoseof Lazarus and his
senseof self,or view of theworld);disorganiza- colleagues, 1985) which entail an interplaybe-
tionand despair(givingup hope of regaining the tweenappraisalsof well-beingand appraisalsof
lostobject);and, finally,reorganization (adopting copingoptions,suggestthatbecausetheperception
a new objector idea aboutone's self and one's of an event may change over time, behavioral
relationship to otherobjects) (Bowlby 1980, pp. differences inrelationto itcan be accountedforby
85-96). Transitionalists arguethatin thisprocess shiftsin attributed meaningratherthan by the
individualstypicallylook backwards(in denying, absenceof progressive stages.Alternatively, it is
yearning,and searchingbehaviors)to theirpast possible, as Silver and Wortman(1980, pp.
lives and do not begin to look forwardto the 283-84) indicatein theirdiscussionof Klinger's
reorganization of theirlives untiltheyhave given (1977) "incentive-disengagement" stage model,
up the idea of thatwhichtheyhave lost. Until thatdifferent stressesmay overlapor co-occur-
individualsreach that turningpoint, advice or each generating different attemptsto manageor
information abouthow theyshouldor could lead cope-therebyobscuringthe sequenceof coping
theirlives-no matterhow well-meantor sup- stagesand the temporalframework withinwhich
portiveit was intended to be-often is unheardor theyoccur.
unheeded.A new assumptionor a new object
offeredbeforethe old one has been relinquished
willnotbe acceptedandbe experienced as support. THEORETICAL COMPLEMENTARITY
Moreover,as thisprocessis believedto occurin
steps, stages, or phases, supportis necessarily Althoughthevariousapproachesto thestudyof
construedas a matterof timing.The timingof stressand support areanalytically theyare
distinct,
support, then,is linkedwiththeprocessof coping also complementary; and theirtheoretical integra-
and with "coping stages" that occur over tion reduces conceptualconfusionand research
time. ambiguity.The need for such integration is just
Althoughthe concept of coping stages is beginningto be recognized (Schumaker and
controversial,it is a usefulconstruct nonetheless. Brownell1984, p. 26; Cohenand Syme 1985, p.
Silver and Wortman(1980) and Lazarus and 10; Pearlin1985,pp. 47-48); however,itcharacter-

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254 JOURNALOF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

izes someearlierworkin thefield.9Weiss (1976), FIGURE 1. StressorSequencing

forexample,in writingaboutstressful situations,
CRISI NOCHANGE
distinguishes amongthreetypes:crisis,transition,
anddeficitstate.Crisisis definedas a situation of
(1) suddenonsetand limitedduration, (2) severely
TRANSITION POSITIVEAFTERMATH
threatening to one's well-being, and (3) markedby
emotional arousal; transitionis a period of
personalandrelational changethatinvolvesa shift
in a person'sassumptive world;anddeficitstateis
a situation in whichan individual'slifeis defined
by chronically excessivedemands.
These different stressfulsituationscan occur emotionalsupportseems to be effectivein all
simultaneously. For example,people who are in stressfulsituations,because transition and deficit
deficitstatescan and do experiencecrisesand a statescan precipitateandoverlapwithothercrises,
singleeventmayprecipitate bothcrisisand deficit whilepeople in crisisseem unableto use help of
(Pearlinet al. 1981, p. 339; Cohen and McKay any other type. In transitions,however, the
1984, p. 263; Pearlin 1985, pp. 47-48). Some primary typeof help is cognitivesupport,which
analysts(e.g., Gore 1981;Fried1982)haveargued helpsthestressedindividualgraspthemeaningof
thatpeople who are chronically in a deficitstate the changes experienced.In deficitstates, the
experiencemore crises than do otherswhose assumptive worldhas changedand thereis a new
demandsand resourcestendto be in balance.This stable,butnegative,balancebetweendemandsand
wouldbe consistent witha transactional view of resources.Here materialaid and directactionare
stress.When the relationship betweendemands neededtoremedyan imbalancebetweenneedsand
and resourcesis precariously balanced or when tangibleresources.
demandsregularly exceedresources,as in thecase In summary,then,different kinds of support
of thoselivingin poverty,even smallupsetsand appear to be appropriatein different stressful
minordemandsof a daily sort can necessitate situations.If thesesituationsunfoldor followone
majoradjustments in livingandthereby precipitate another,as indicated, out-of-sequence support will
a crisis(Lazarus 1981). neitherbe effectivenor be recognizedby the
AlthoughWeiss (1976) describeseach stressful distressedindividualas helpful.
situation separately, he also suggeststhattheymay Timingis a significant dimension of support not
be relatedtemporally. Typically,theyoccurin the only because of the unfolding of stressfulsitua-
orderof crisis,transition, and deficitstate. For tions,but also because a psychosocialtransition
example,a sequence of stressfulsituationsmay takes time (see Fig. 3). Duringa transition, an
begin with a crisis. This crisis may end in a individualhas to learna newwayofthinking about
reduction ofthethreat anda return tothepattern of the worldand his or her place in it (cf. Marris
lifethatexistedbeforetheevent'soccurrence; or it 1982, pp. 191-97). Althoughthereare individual
maydevelopintoa transition, entailing changesin differencesin the lengthof time it takes to
the individual'sways of thinkingabout, and accomplishthis task, there also appear to be
relatingto, othersand to theworldat large. The similaritiesbetweenindividualsand acrossstress-
aftermath of a transition may be a situationin ful situations.For example, maritalseparation
whichthe individual'sresourcesare equal to or tendsto require1 yearfordevelopment of a new
exceedthedemandshe or she is facing,in which assumptive worldand typically1-3 yearsforthis
case itis notcharacterized by stress,or itmaybe a worldto becomefirmly established(Weiss 1975,
stressfuldeficitstatein whicha person'sresources
are inadequateforhis or herneeds(see Fig. 1) FIGURE 2. Types of Supportand the Sequencingof
StressfulSituations
To the extent that stressfulsituationsare
sequential,different kindsof support willbe called SUPPORTI COGNITIVESUPPORTI MATERIALSUPPORT
1EMOTIONAL
forat different times(see Fig. 2). In a crisisthe
most usefulformof help is emotionalsupport,
whichprovidesa personreassurance thatothersare
able and willingto help in the struggleto regain CRISIS TRANSITION EFIC
K
equilibrium.Weiss (1976) suggeststhatin fact E B X e~TH

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SOCIAL SUPPORT 255

FIGURE 3. Relearningin Transitions understandable inthatthesetypesof support would

RELINQUISHING ESTABLISHING be appropriate to laterstages(e.g., transition
and
"OLD" ASSUMPTIONS ASSUMPTIONS
"NEW"'
deficitstates) of coping with the illness. In a
EARLY LATE
PHASES PHASES
differentsituation,namely, that of supportive
interventions in therepairingof personalrelation-
NUMBINGYEARNING
AND DESPAIRAND REORGANIZATION ships, Duck (1984) has argued (1) that such
SEARCHING DISORGANIZATION
interventions have differentgoals at different
p. 235). In the case of bereavement,it also pointsin theprocessof relationaldissolutionand
typically takesa yearto accepttheloss emotionally (2) that supportout-of-phase is ineffective.To
and intellectually and to construct a new view of illustratethe relationship betweenthe timingof
self and society,but may take 2-3 years more supportand its perceivedhelpfulnessin more
beforetheindividualconsolidatesthisnew image detail, I turnto studiesof bereavement and of
(Parkesand Weiss 1983,pp. 155-56, 167-68). becominga parent.
Whetheror not thesefindingshold up against Bereavementoffersa clear example of the
further research,theymake it evidentthatthe importance of the timingof social support(cf.
timingof support withina periodof transition is a Freud 1917; Lindemann 1944; Bowlby 1961;
criticalfactorunderlyingits effectiveness and Parkes 1982a; Pollock 1972; Glick, Weiss, and
acceptability. Thus,whenassessingthefitbetween Parkes 1974; Parkes and Weiss 1983; Raphael
typeof stressorand typeof support,it behooves 1983; Osterweis,Solomon, and Green 1984).
researchers to ask abouttheduration of a transition Griefworktypicallyproceeds in stages as the
and aboutthe individual'sprogression throughit bereavedgraduallyacceptsthe realityof death.
(e.g., is thispersonin theearlieror laterphasesof The struggleat firstis to manage the feelings
a transition?). provokedby theloss and thento establisha new
sense of the world withoutthe presenceof the
TIMING AND THE EVALUATION OF other and/orto deal with the materialchanges
SUPPORT whichmayfollowtheloss. The kindsof support
appropriate to thisprocessare emotionalsupport,
The differential perception of support, relatedto cognitivesupport,and materialsupport,typically
a lack of fit betweenits type and its timing, in thatorder.Crisisand deficitstatesmayoverlap
suggeststhatit is usefulto view supportnotonly so thatemotionaland materialsupportmay be
substantively, as in typological analysesof behav- neededat the same time.It is unusual,however,
iors, but also as an evalutionthatpeople make forcognitivesupportto be neededor appreciated
about behavior.The same behavior,offeredby priorto reducingthe emotionalarousalprovoked
othersand intended to be supportive, maybe seen by a crisis,althoughCohen and Syme (1985, p.
as helpfulby therecipient if providedat theright 14) seemto suggestotherwise.
timeand as unhelpfulif providedat the wrong This copingprocessexplainswhythebereaved
time.The workof Dunkel-Schetter and Wortman maydiscountefforts to helpthemas well as how
(1982) and of Dunkel-Schetter (1984), forexam- supportworks when it is effective.Wortman
ple,on theexperiences ofcancerpatients andthose (1984, pp. 2347-48), citingtheworkofMaddison
who care for them, indicatesthat-from the and Walker (1967), describes the opinion of
patient'sperspective-the mostappreciated kindof widows thatadvice thattheycontroltheiremo-
helpin theearlystagesof illness(i.e., at diagnosis tionalreactionandgo outandmake"a newlife,"
or soon thereafter) is emotionalsupport,which whenofferedto themin the firstfew monthsof
oftenconsistssimplyof providingan opportunity bereavement,was unhelpful.Walker and his
for the patient to express feelings. This is associates (1977) also describe the temporal
consistentwith,and appropriate to, the task of patterning of advicehelpfulto widowscopingwith
copingwiththe emotionalarousal-the profound bereavement: emotionalsupportin theearlystages
fear,anxiety,and emotionaldistress-associated and cognitiveand materialsupportslater on.'0
withsuch a crisisstate.Cancer patientsdid not Moreover, Parkes and his colleagues (1982a,
appreciatebeingtoldthattheywouldbe "O.K." 1982b, 1983) emphasizethecrucialroleof timing
or beingtoldaboutothercancerpatients'progress, in supportiveinterventions with the bereaved:
nordid theyview as helpfulbeingprovidedwith encouraging theexpressionofgriefis helpfulwhen
materialassistancesuch as caretaking,which is grieving is deniedor delayedin theearlystagesof

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256 JOURNALOF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

bereavement but not whengrievingis expressed beingforthemother,a positiveadjustment in the

overa protracted period. maritalrelationship, and a senseof competence in
Analyzingthe timingof supportalso helps to parenting).In contrast,emotionalsupportfrom
resolvesome of theambiguity and disagreements both spouse and social networkwas highly
found in studies of the stressof becominga correlated withthesameoutcomemeasures.
parent."Severalresearchers have foundthebirth A similarpattern in whichemotionalsupportis
of a child, especiallyof a firstchild, to be a perceivedas morehelpfulthancognitivesupport is
stressfulexperience forthenewparents(LeMasters foundin participants' evaluationsof theirprenatal
1957; Holmes and Rahe 1967; Rossi 1968; childbirth educationclasses.Forexample,observa-
Wandersman,Wandersman,and Kahn 1980; tionsof childbirth educationclasses in thegreater
Herzbergerand Potts 1982; Norbeckand Tilden Boston area showed that participantsclaimed
1983). Some haveadvocatededucationalprograms afterwards thattheyreceivedlittleor no informa-
and othercognitivesupportsas appropriate inter- tion about postpartum issues such as childcare,
ventionsto assist in coping withthe experience despitethe fact thatsuch information has been
(LeMasters1957),whileothershavefoundthemto provided.Moreover,many participants claimed
be of littlehelp (Rossi 1968; Wandersman et al. thatthe mosthelpfulaspectsof the classes were
1980), suggestinginstead the importanceof notthetechnicaldescriptions of laboranddelivery
emotionaland/ormaterialsupportfor successful nor the practicingof breathingtechniquesbut
adjustment (Wandersman et al. 1980; Herzberger ratherthose discussionsthat strengthened the
and Potts,1982). self-esteem of theparticipants.
These differences are relatedto thequestionof There is a sound reasonforthe evaluationof
whensuchsupportis given.Mostresearchers have cognitivesupportas unhelpfuland of emotional
focusedon how people cope withprenataland supportas criticalin thisperiod.Parkessuggests
postpartum stresses.That is, theyare concerned thatpeople absorbinformation when it fitswith
withapproximately the threemonthsbeforeand theirexistingviews; concepts presentedwhen
thethreemonthsafterbirth,fromthelasttrimester people are preoccupiedwith other issues are
of pregnancy, through laborand delivery,to early ignoredor misunderstood. This explains why
postpartum. This periodis best understoodas a emotionalsupportin the last trimester of the
crisisor deficitstatebecauseit is characterized by pregnancy is seenbyparents-to-be as morehelpful
emotionalarousal or by fatigueand exhaustion. thanadviceaboutthepostpartum tasksofchildcare.
Accordingly, itwouldbe expectedthatduringthis Prenatally peopleare concernedwiththelaststage
periodemotionaland materialsupportswould be of thepregnancy and withtheimminent birth;the
morehelpfuland cognitivesupportwouldbe less postpartum tasksof parenting seemremoteand of
so. Even LeMaster's listingof the "problems" less interest to themat thistime.12
reported by newmothers (chronicexhaustion, loss
of social contacts,loss of income, additional
housework,childcare,and worryover personal SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS
attractiveness) indicatestheneedforemotionaland
materialsupportand casts intodoubthis sugges- Researchers have notedtheconfusionsurround-
tionthatthe mosteffectivesupportforthe early ing the conceptof social support.Much of the
postpartum periodis cognitive. effortto understand it has involvedrelatingtypes
The researchof Wandersman and herassociates of supportto typesof stressfulsituations.It is
(1980) lendssomeweightto thishypothesis. They equallyimportant, however,to studythetimingof
studieddifferent kindsofsocialsupport receivedin supportbecause stressful situations
oftenoccurin
the earlypostpartum period(at two monthsafter sequenceand because of the temporaltransition
thebirth)andvariousmeasuresofadaptation seven duringwhich an individualchanges his or her
months later.The supports were:cognitivesupport assumptiveworldfollowinga loss. Emphasizing
frompostpartum groups,emotionalsupportfrom thetemporaldimensionof social supportextends
spousesand social networks, and materialsupport the propositionthat the major issues in social
from spouses. They found that there was no supportresearchcan be expressedin thequestion
significantcorrelation of cognitivesupportfrom "Who gives what to whom regardingwhich
postpartumgroups or material support from problems?"(House 1981, p. 22; cf. Pearlin1985,
spouseswithsubsequentpositiveoutcomes(well- p. 58) by addingto it thephrase"and when?"

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SOCIAL SUPPORT 257

Addinga temporaldimensionto thespecificity withtheappraisalof threatand (2) typicalof the

model of supportavoids the ambiguity foundin crisisthatprecedesa psychosocialtransition.
studieswhich differentiate typesof supportbut The complementarity of thesemodelssuggests
whichoverlookitstiming.Forexample,in a study an alternativeinterpretation of the relationship
of supportin responseto a severeillness(Croog, betweenthemainandbuffering effects of support.
Lipson, and Levine 1972), the researchers indi- A maineffectof supportis said to occur in the
cate that their subjects, men who had had absence of a stressor,while a buffering effect
unexpected heartattacks,wereinterviewed at three occursin itspresence(fora discussionofmainand
pointsin time:duringtheirinitialhospitalization, buffering effects, cf. House 1981;CohenandWills
one monthafterdischarge,and one yearafterthe 1985). These effects,however,are notunrelated;
heartattack.Theyalso indicatethattheirdata on rathertheyreflectlatentand manifest dimensions
patternsof help were drawn from the third of a needforsupport.Bowlby's(1973) attachment
interview, at whichtimethe men were asked to theoryprefigured thisline of argument whenhe
evaluate the level of assistance provided by suggestedthatalthoughadultshave a need foran
different sources(family,friends,and neighbors) attachmentfigure (i.e., someone who fosters
and thetypeof support(primarily emotionaland feelingsof securityand comfort),it is activated
material) provided. The researchersdo not, only when the individual'swell-beingis threat-
however,makeclearwhenthesupportin question ened. Anotherway of describingthisdualityof
was provided. It is not stated whetherthe supportis to say thatithas botha potential and an
supportive intervention occurredduringthehospi- actual dimensionand that the formeris trans-
talization(a period of crisis), at one month formed intothelatterbya stressor (cf. Gore 1985).
post-hospitalization (perhapsthe beginningof a Morover, in the absence of stress, the same
transitionalperiod),or at a year'sremovefromthe behaviormaybe conceptualized notas support, but
crisis(perhapsstilla periodof transition and/ora more simplyas an expectationof a role or a
deficitstate).Nothavingthatinformation makesit relationship (cf. Thoits1985).
difficultto assess claims made aboutthetypeof This twofoldcharacteristic of supportis consis-
supportprovidedand the extentto whichit was tentwithnetwork analysis.Mitchell(1969, p. 43),
helpful,sincetheevalutionof supportis likelyto forexample,definesa socialnetwork as a category
be influenced as muchby itstimingas byeitherits of potentialrelationships (cf. Boissevain 1971;
typeor itsprovider. Jacobson1985) thatbecome manifest only when
Integrating typologicaland processualanalyses theyare mobilizedin relationto some eventor
of supportalso suggestsan explanationfor the activity.That is, like the transformation of
observation thatemotionalsupportappearsto be potential intoactualsupport, thepotential members
themostimportant typeofsupport (House 1981,p. of a social networkare convertedinto a set of
24; Pearlin1985, p. 51; Thoits1985, pp. 53-54). actualsupport providers inresponseto a precipitat-
In theoreticalterms,thesignificance of emotional ing event. By implication,all the processual
supportis deduciblefromits role in thedifferent questionsrelevantto network analysis(e.g., under
models of stress described above. From the what conditionsare networksactivated?what
perspectiveof a "needs" model of stress, accountsforfailedefforts to mobilizea network?
emotionalsupportaddressesa fundamental human whataccountsforthetransformation of some but
need,a pointwhichWeiss(1974, 1982b)arguedin not otherpotentialsupporters intoactualprovid-
his discussionof theprovisionsof social relation- ers?) are applicableto thestudyof social support.
shipsand whichis madeby othersas well (House
1981,p. 31; Turner1983,p. 109; Pearlin1985,p.
51); thatis, thebehaviordesignatedby the term DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
emotional support is required without regard to
stressorsbecause it meets a presumedneed for Futureresearchshouldcontinueto examinethe
attachment. Emotionalsupport,however,is also timingof support,focusing,in particular,on
seen as importantin thepresenceof a stressor,an supportsequencingand transitional
learning.
explanationcongruent withtransactional and tran- Supportsequencingappearsto be a promising
sitionalmodelsof stressand support.It is thetype area of inquirybecause there are inconsistent
of supportthatfunctions to reducethefeelingsof of theprocessit entails.This point
interpretations
discomfort and insecuritythatare (1) associated emergesfroma comparisonof differing analyses

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258 JOURNALOF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

of the sequence in which various supportsare supportive are influenced by thecontextin which
appropriate. Caplan (1981) suggeststhatthereare theyoccur.Severalresearchers haverecently noted
four"phases of response" to stress,in each of the importance of analyzingsupportcontextually
whicha copingfunction takesplace. The firsttwo (Shinn, Lehmann, and Wong 1984, p. 56;
phases consistof problem-solving, in whichthe Shumakerand Brownell1984, pp. 13, 30; Cohen
tasksaretoreducethethreat orescapeit,tochange and Syme 1985, pp. 9-11; Pearlin1985, p. 54),
theenvironment or enablethe individualto leave includingthecontextsof situation, time,personal
it,and/orto assisttheindividualin acquiringnew characteristics, social structure,
and culture.
capabilitiesto changeexternalcircumstances. The Researchersexamine "situational"contextin
thirdand fourthphases are emotion-focused and analyzingthe"specificity"of support;thatis, the
involveintrapsychic effortsto come to termswith relationship betweentypeof stressful situationor
the stressfulevent and its sequelae, a process stressorand type of support.The "temporal"
analogous to griefwork.Thus, Caplan sees the context,as notedabove,refersto bothitsplace in
responseto stressas involvingthe sequence of a sequence of stressfulevents and its position
problem-solving and then palliation. He also relative to the durationof a transition.The
suggeststhathelpgivenoutofsequencewillnotbe "personal" contextrefersto therole of personal
effective.Emotion-focused (or palliative)support, dispositionsin the assessmentof supportive
Caplansuggests,is primarily intrapsychic andwill behaviors,a topic which has been analyzed in
be accomplishedmoreor less effectively without termsof constructssuch as "learned helpless-
intervention. ness," "locus of control,"and withreference to
Weiss (1976) it will be recalled,delineatesa the "social psychologyof helping" (cf. Heller
model in which the sequencingof supportis 1979; Brickman,Rabinowitz,Karyuza, Coates,
emotional, cognitive,andmaterial, or, in Caplan's Cohn,andKidder1982;Eckenrode1983;Folkman
terms,firstpalliationand thenproblem-solving. 1984; Shinn et al. 1984; Chesler and Barbarin
Weiss (1976) and Caplan (1981), then,present 1984; Wortmanand Lehman 1985; Rook and
apparentlycontrasting models of the timingof Dooley 1985).
support,but are these different interpretations Less attention has beenpaid to the"structural"
relatedto different empiricalsituations?Pearlin contextof support,whichrefersto social relation-
notesthat"each problemforwhichsupportsare ships and the social networksconstructed from
mobilized may have its own naturalhistory" them.The influenceof social relationships and
(1985, p. 48). By studyingthe ways in which social networkson supporthas been studied
individualsmobilizeand utilizesocial supportin primarily froma cross-sectional, staticpointof
relationto different stressfulexperiences(thereby view. Researchershave tendedto see a social
combining typological and processualanalyses),it relationship or a social networkas givenand fixed
shouldbe possibleto deal withthisissue. (cf. Eckenrode and Gore 1981). They have
The second aspect of the timingof support overlookedthedynamicsby whichtheboundaries
concernstransitional learning.This refersto the of relationships and networksare transformed or
ratesat whichpeoplelearnnewassumptive worlds maintained (cf. Jacobson1985). For example,the
in responseto different typesof stressfulsitua- roleoffriendship indicatesingeneraltermsa setof
tions.Fromtheirworkon maritalseparationand rightsand duties,includingthose of givingand
bereavement, Parkes and Weiss suggestthat it getting support. But actual friendshipshave
takes approximately fouryears to constructand histories andpeopleinterpret currentactionsin the
consolidate a new assumptiveworld. Future lightofpastbehaviorsandfuture expectations.It is
researchshouldexaminedifferences in thetimeof these relationalhistories,measuredagainst the
recoveryfromdifferent losses and the conditions abstractnorm, which shape the perceptionof
underwhichit varies.For example,it seemsthat behavior.Moreover,notonlyrelationships change,
theintegration of stepfamiliesis a processwhich but social networks,too, have changingbound-
may be completedby fouryears,but which in aries. It is necessaryto ascertainhow such
many instancesextendswell beyond that time alterations influence theenactment andthepercep-
(Papernow1984). tionof support.
Future researchcan also address issues of Of all thesecontexts,least attention has been
contextualanalysis.Boththeappraisalofeventsas paid to the "cultural" context,whichrefersto
stressfuland the evaluation of behavior as thoseideas, beliefs,and valueswhichpeoplehold

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SOCIAL SUPPORT 259

aboutpersonsandthesocialrelationships in which family"?I believethatsheunderstood thequestion

theytakepart.Ideas aboutautonomy, dependency, as referring to thoseoccasionson whichherentire
and-reciprocity, forexample,shape the ways in familygatheredtogether, whichoccurredonlyon
whichindividualsdefinesupport,as well as give, holidays. In this example, as in others (cf.
get, accept, or reject it (cf. Shumakerand Berkman1985,pp. 256-57), theculturalmeaning
Brownell1984). Moreover,different communities of social contacts imposes serious limitationson
(or culturesor sub-cultures) hold differentideas social networkanalyses, since a networkcon-
abouttheprovision,receipt,and circumstances of structedwithoutregard to "taken-for-granted"
support.Liebow (1967) and Stack (1974), for relationships (such as thosefamilymemberswith
example,describethethinking of peoplelivingin whomthewomanis in dailycontact)distorts the
chronicpovertyaboutfriendship and kinshipand pictureof an individual'ssocial embeddedness.
how thisbearsuponvarioustypesof support. All of thesecontextsilluminate themeaningof
The importanceof the culturalcontext of social support.Much efforthas been directed
behavioremergedclearlyin fieldworkwhich I towardsanalyzingthe situationaland temporal
conductedto supplement surveyresearchon the contextsof support,althoughthese occur in
relationships betweenstress,social support,and separateresearchtraditions. Theirintegration is a
the utilizationof a health care center (cf. useful conceptualdevelopment.There remain,
Eckenrodeand Gore 1981; Eckenrode1983). I also, personal,structural, and culturalcontextsto
intervieweda female, single-parent household be examinedin the attemptto understand what
head who describedherselfas having"trouble" supportis and how it works.
withher adolescentson. She viewed his violent
behavioras the source of her "trouble." When
askediftherewereanyoneto whomshecouldturn NOTES
forhelpwiththisproblem,she said no. It was not 1. Many reviewersattestto the need for conceptual
the case, however,thatno one was availableto clarification
(cf. Kessler,Price,and Wortman1985,
assisther, since her boyfriend (who was not the p. 542; Brownell and Shumaker 1984, p. 5;
boy's father)had offeredto help her.Rather,she Wortman1984, pp. 2339-40; Procidanoand Heller
believedthatshe had to deal withthissituation 1983, p. 2; Heller and Swindle 1983, p. 99;
by
LaRocco 1983,pp. 9 1-92; Thoits1982,pp. 145-48;
herself,becauseshe feltsolelyresponsible forher Gottlieb1981, pp. 31-34; House 1981, pp. 15-40).
son, as indicatedby a remarkshe made in 2. The divisionof thosewho workon issuesof social
reference to his illegitimatestatus.This woman's support into "stress" researchersand "loss"
beliefsregarding theallocationofresponsibility for researchersfollowsthe distinction made by Parkes
(1971, p. 102). Whileit is a usefulclassification,it
theraisingof herson influenced herperception of overlooks certain "stress" researcherswho are
theappropriateness and availability
of support. concernedwiththe temporaldimensionof support
Moreover,a respondent'sanswerto the ques- and otherprocessualproblems.I will distinguish
tion, "Who is available to provide supportto betweenanalystswhose workcorresponds to three
you?", is culturally conditioned.Whenaskedin a differentmodels of stress-"needs," "transac-
tions," and "transitions,"-a classification which
separate questionnaire(completedprior to the cross-cutsthatof "stress" and "loss" researchers.
follow-upinterview thattookplace in herhouse) 3. Not all theoriesof stresshave been particularly
aboutcontactswithherfamily,thewomanreferred relevantto the conceptualization of support.For
to above,respondedthatshe had "no contactwith example,researchon "stressfullife events" (cf.
HolmesandRahe 1967;Dohrenwend andDohrenwend
the family,only on holidays"; however,when 1974) focuseson the relationship betweenevents
interviewed, she relatedthatshe takescare of her whichare thought to provokestressand subsequent
retarded sister,wholivesacrossthestreetwithher illness episodes. Given the emphasis on the
fatherand one of herbrothers, and therefore sees measurement of sucheventswhichcharacterizes this
the threeof themon a dailybasis. Furthermore, researchtradition,itis notsurprising
thatpsychosocial
factorswhichmightmoderate therelationshiparenot
she has two othersistersand two otherbrothers emphasized,althoughrecently researchershavepaid
who live in nearbycommunities. She and one of moreattention to theconditionsunderwhichstress
thesesistersareparticularly "close," andshecalls does and does not correlatewith physical and
her"at leastonce a week," and moreoftenwhen psychological pathology (cf. Dohrenwend and
Dohrenwend1981). Thus, much of this research
she has a problem.If the womanwas in factin overlooksthefactthatnoteveryoneexposedto such
frequent contactwithfamilymembers, why,then, stressful
eventsbecomesill andthatsuchvariation in
did she respondthatshe had "no contactwiththe healthoutcomesappearsto followfromdifferences

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260 JOURNALOF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

in thecapacityof individuals to meetdemands(for ers have a well-developedparadigm,as I have

readjustment), and/orfromthe different resources
(including social support)whichindividuals are able
to mobilizein copingwithsuchstressful events.For
a fullerdiscussionofthelimitations ofthelifeevents
modelofstressforthedevelopment of socialsupport
concepts,see Lazarusand Folkman1984; Lazarus,
DeLongis,Folkman,andGruen1985. Fora viewof
stressfullifeeventsresearch,see Dohrenwendand
Shrout1985.
4. A noteon thisterminology is in order.The terms
"needs"and"transitions" arerelativelyunproblematic,
but "transactions"may call for clarification.I
borrowitfromtheworkof Lazaruswhoarguesthat
thelocusofstressis tobe foundneither intheperson
nor in the environment but in the relationships
betweenthem,relationships whichhe describesas
"transactions" ratherthanas "interactions" inorder 10.
toemphasizethe"reciprocity ofcausation"between
personand environment (cf. Lazarus and Launier
1978). Lazarus and membersof his researchgroup
also use the term relational to referto their model
(cf. Lazarus et al. 1985). A similarorientation is
evidentin the "person-environment fit" model of
stress(cf. Pervin1968; French,Rogers,and Cobb
1974; Caplan 1979). Indeed,transactional analysts
describe their own model and the "person-
environment fit" modelas examplesof "relational
approachesto stress" (cf. Folkman1984, p. 840)
and see similaritiesbetweentheirworkand thatof
Pearlinand his associates(cf. Lazarusand Folkman
1984,p. 241; Pearlinand Schooler1978).
5. Observershave also notedthatsocial relationships
function notonlyto offersupport butalso as sources
of stressin so faras theyconstitute demandswhich
may tax an individual'scapacity(cf. Croog 1970;
Wellman1981; Hammer1981; Shinnet al. 1984).
6. Therehas also beena corresponding development in
studiesofthosewhogivesupport, in works
resulting
which analyze types of supportersand types of
supportnetworksand theirrelationto types of
supportgiven (e.g., Croog, Lipson, and Levine
1972; Finlayson 1976; Walker, MacBride, and 12. Herzbergerand Potts (1982) suggestthatwomen
Vachon 1977; Wortman1984; and Cohen and
McKay 1984).
7. Unlikethoseworkingwiththe "needs" model of
stress,transactionaliststendto conceptualizetypes
of supportnot by their specificcontents(e.g.,
emotional,cognitive,and materialsupports)but
ratherbythegeneralcoping"functions"theyserve.
8. The logic of explainingbehavioralvariations in the
stage models is comparableto thatcallingfor an
examination oftheroleofpsychosocial factorsin the
biomedicalmodelof disease,healthand illness(cf.
Cassel 1976; Engel 1977; Eisenberg1977), which,
itscriticsnote,otherwise failsto accountforthefact
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