Place, Networks, Space - Theorising The Geographies of Social Movements

Place, Networks, Space: Theorising the Geographies of Social Movements
Author(s): Walter Nicholls

Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 34, No. 1
(Jan., 2009), pp. 78-93
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of
British Geographers)
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Place, networks, space: theorising the
geographies of social movements
Walter Nicholls
This essay examines how geography affects the different types of networks underlying
social movements. The principal argument of the paper is that networks forged in
particular places and at great distances play distinctive yet complementary functions
in broad-based social movements. Not only does the articulation of these different
types of networks result in complementary roles, but it also introduces key relational
dynamics affecting the stability of the entire social movement. The purpose of the
paper is therefore threefold: to provide a conceptual framework for interpreting the
complex geographies of contemporary social movement networks, to stress the
contributions of place-based relations in social movements and to assess how activist
places connect to form 'social movement space'.
key words social movements networks relations place territory
Department of Sociology, University of Amsterdam, Spui 21, 1012 WX Amsterdam, The Netherlands
email: wnicholl@csulb.edu
revised manuscript received 22 July 2008
these various positions have contributed to revealing

Introduction
the mechanisms and dynamics associated with the
In recent years, human geographers have become various spatialities of human relations. The central
increasingly interested in social movements and analytical task at hand is therefore not to show
contentious politics. This interest stems from a how one form of spatiality is more important than
general recognition that social movements are an another, but rather to show how these spatialities
important vehicle for transmitting the radically articulate with one another in actually existing social
diverse grievances and views of civil society to the movements (Jessop et al. 2008; Leitner et al. 2008).
state. What has been interesting is that geographers Much of the recent research on social movements
have not only examined what gives rise to social has revealed that networks play a pivotal role in
grievances, but also how place, scale and space coordinating principal activities and tasks (Routledge
affect the ways in which people translate their 2003; Diani 2005; Diani and Bison 2004; Tarrow and
grievances into collective forms of political action McAdam 2005). While networks are indeed impor-
(see Routledge 1993 1997 2003; Miller 2000; Miller tant for social movements, the ways in which these
and Martin 2003; Wolford 2004). In spite of these networks are constituted geographically play a
important contributions, some have begun to decisive role in shaping their specific fun
question the validity of the concepts used to social movements and the relational dynamics that
understand and interpret the geographies of collective unfold within them. In this sense, a central proposition
action (Featherstone 2003 2005; Amin 2004; Massey of the paper is that the different geographical fea-
2004; Marston et al. 2005). It is suggested that tures of networks play different functions in social
concepts based on territorial notions of place and movements. Activists have important connections
space have lost their saliency in a world increasingly to distant allies and these connections permit the
constituted by relational flows. What has been flow of information, financing and political backing
interesting about these debates is not that one between them. However, activists are typically
position is more persuasive than the other but that embedded in strong tie relations with allies in
Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 34 78-93 2009

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
Journal compilation © Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2009
Place, networks, space 79
their localities. These strong tie relations provide political process are played out (locations), social
a distinctive set of resources (emotional, material and and organisational relations develop to mediate micro
symbolic) that are essential for successful mobilisa- responses to macro level processes (locale) and
tions. In this sense, the weaker connections of dis- spatial imaginaries form to give people a sense of
tant allies and the stronger ties of their proximate meaning in their particular worlds (sense of place)
counterparts permit the flow of distinctive yet (Agnew 1987, 28). Agnew maintains that the three
complementary resources. Thus, understanding social basic elements that constitute place overlap through
movements requires us to account for the particular the everyday practices of actors:
geographical constitution of the complex networks
By way of example, home, work, schools, church, and
that underlie them.
so on form nodes around which human activities circulate
This is a theoretical paper that outlines one approach
and which can create a sense of place, both geographically
to interpret the complex geographies of social move-
and socially. Place, therefore, refers to discreet if 'elastic'
ment networks. The first section of the paper exam- areas in which settings for the constitution of social
ines how different concepts of place (territorial relations are located and with which people can identify.
versus relational) have been employed to interpret The 'paths' and 'projects' of everyday life ... provide the
the activities of social movements. Following from practical 'glue' for place in these three senses. (1987, 28)
this, the paper examines the distinctive properties
found in places of activism. The third section exam-
Sociological attributes of actors (i.e. class, race,
gender, sexuality, etc.) are important in shaping
ines how places are strung along to form a 'social
general political dispositions; however, these attributes
movement space'. And the final section of the
paper assesses how the distinctive relational dynamics
become politically meaningful through geographically
embedded exchanges between friends, allies and
in these spaces affect what activists can and cannot
adversaries. Social relations and networks structured
do during periods of intensive mobilisation.
in places therefore mediate how general sociological
attributes are translated into the actual political dispositions
Territorial and relational conceptions of people.
of place Others have focused more narrowly on how

relations forged in place influence the solidarity
This section distinguishes between 'territorial' and
and cohesiveness of collective political action.
'relational' conceptions of place. Both examine
Several researchers have suggested that place-based
social relations in distinct locations but they emphasise
networks generate certain 'relational attributes' such
different aspects of these relations: the first emphasises
as trust, loyalty, and duty that facilitate the mobili-
the structured cohesion of relations in particular
sation of resources and tighten solidarities. In a
sites and the latter highlights the contingent interactions
of diverse (sociologically and geographically) actors. study of social justice movements in Los Angeles,
These analytical differences result in important Nicholls (2003) showed that repeated collabora-
tions between immigrant associations, unions, faith
differences in how we interpret the effects of place
on the structure and function of networks in social organisations and left-wing academics produced a
strong sense of trust between leading actors, heighten-
movements. It must be noted that writers contributing
to either territorial or relational conceptions of
ing capacities to mobilise high grade resources to
various collective efforts. Others have shown that
place differ in a number of ways. However, their
place-based solidarities motivate people to join and
shared theoretical assumptions about place and
stick to social movements even when risks to life,
space justify their placement in distinctive groups.
liberty and property mount. In his study of the Paris
Commune,
Territorial approaches to place: structuration of Gould (1993 1995) shows that neigh-
social networks
bourhood solidarities played a much more important
role than class in motivating people to risk their
John Agnew (1987 2002) has provided a powerful
lives and freedom to the cause.
framework for assessing the roles of place on
political behaviour. Largely informed by 'structuration'
What tied workers from different occupations together
theory, he argues that the central processes in the in the Commune were the tangible bonds they experienced
production and reproduction of social relations as neighbours, not the abstract bonds of joint structural
and institutions occurs through distinct territorial position in the capitalist mode of production. (1993,
units. Places are sites where wider economic and 751)

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80 Walter Nicholls
Others have stressed the importance of place for 1 place-based relations translate general sociological
generating the cultural and cognitive frames that attributes (i.e. class, race, gender, etc.) into mean-
guide collective actors. Cultural representations of ingful political values, dispositions and interests,
place (i.e. 'sense of place') provide people with 2 place-based relations provide relational and cog-
categories to make normative evaluations of what nitive attributes that strengthen the cohesiveness
battles are worth fighting for, what battlesofare best actors
collective and
left to others, who to cooperate with, and who to 3 the solidarity derived from place-based relations
dispute (Emirbayer and Gamson 1994, 1441; Wolford makes collective action possible but it also creates
2004; Auyero 2006). These different approaches new cleavages that can threaten the extension of
stress how place strengthens the relational and the movement.
symbolic solidarities that bind activists into

common political projects. A relational approach to place: contingent
David Harvey employs Raymond Williams' interactions of diverse people
concept of 'militant particularism' to stress the A number of geographers have recently questioned
contradictory character of place: place facilitates the basic assumptions underlying the territorial
enhanced solidarities but these in-group solidarities view of place (Amin and Thrift 2002; Amin 2004;
can introduce cleavages that limit the extension Massey 1994 2004 2005 2007; Marston et al. 2005). It
of movements. Regarding the first point, Harvey is argued that people who reside within a common
notes, 'The crystallization of a relatively permanent location have very different sociological attributes,
histories, and geographical ties and mobilities.
and coherent form of local organization, though not
Cohabitation
sufficient, is a necessary condition for broader kinds of in the same location does not by
political action' (Harvey 2001b, 192; emphasis added). necessity produce distinctive political dispositions
A basic requisite for collective power is that actors or solidarities. It is often the case that a person's
develop a degree of organisational and ideological sense of political community is more clearly
cohesion in places. However, the more a group's shaped by her or his relations with others living on
collective power is derived from internal cohesion, the other side of the world than those living next
the wider the chasm between this clique and the door.' Moreover, globalisation has accelerated the
various others in the political field. In this sense, flow of people, resources and ideas across space,
the factors necessary for collective political action making it increasingly difficult for relations in
(i.e. place-based solidarities) are the same that particular places to harden into distinctive social
unleash the dynamics of particularism that fracture and political units. Concepts that stress structured
social movements. The dialectic logic of cooperation political relations in distinct geographical areas (i.e.
and conflict (captured in the term 'militant particu- territory and scale) are increasingly problematic in
larism') is present in all movements and becomes a world defined by mobility and flux (Amin 2004,
manifest in two different ways: 'place in itself' and 33). Finally, Massey stresses that territorial conceptions
of place typically feed a politics of nostalgia rather
'place for itself (Harvey 2001a). In the first instance,
localised solidarities and relational attributes are than one of progressive change (1994 2004; also see
viewed as a means of nourishing and feeding larger Amin 2005). Territorial conceptions of place fuel
scale political struggles. Frames such as 'justice' and 'localist or nationalist claims to place based on eternal
'equality' help overcome disputes from multiple essential, and in consequence exclusive, characteristics
particularisms and make it easier to maintain the of belonging' (Massey 2004, 6).
universal character of the movement. By contrast, Place matters but in a way that is different from
'place for itself' is when place is conceived as the territorial perspectives described above. For exam-
both the means and ends of a political mobilisation. ple, Amin and Thrift (2002, 72-3) argue that places
Interests are tied to protect place from forces that within the city should not be viewed as bundles
threaten a group's status, privilege and way of life. of thick and over-socialised relations that produce
Secessionist mobilisations, gated communities, Nim- distinctive political dispositions and strong-tie
byists and regionalist movements all reflect these solidarities. Rather, these places are areas where
types of movements. actors with different statuses, geographical ties and
In sum, the 'territorial' view highlights three mobilities interact in fleeting and unstructured
distinct ways in which place-based social networks ways. These interactions occur through a range of
play distinctive roles in social movements: institutional arenas like public areas, schools,

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libraries, transportation, associations and govern- If space is really to be thought of relationally, and also
ment agencies (this is referred to as 'light institu- if Latour's proposition is to be taken seriously, then
tionalism'). Ideas and feelings are transmitted in 'global space' is no more than the sum of relations,
contingent interactions. Some interactions may become connections, embodiments and practices ... Space is
not outside of place; it is not abstract, it is not somehow
more routinised than others, but rarely to the point
'up there' or disembodied. (Massey 2004, 8)
of hardening into structured and strong-tie rela-
tions. These types of interactions play a crucial role This position suggests that networks thread activities
in influencing the political identities and power in different places to form a range of different
relations of people. Anderson (2004), for example, spaces with varying structures, logics and geometries
shows that when diverse people interact in these
of power. Place and space do not display any
settings, differences tend to be more openly nego- qualities that differentiate one from the other;
tiated and social boundaries eased.
space is simply a loose aggregation of the qualities
found in those different places. Just as there is no
People are repeatedly exposed to the unfamiliar and thus
have the opportunity to stretch themselves mentally, singular type of place, there is no singular type of
emotionally, and socially ... And often, though certainly space as its constitution depends on the articulation of
not always, the end result is a growing social sophistication particular activities in various places.
that allows diverse peoples to get along. (2004, 29) Featherstone (2003 2005) has been at the fore-
front of applying some of these ideas to the study
Others have pointed out that many of the institutions
of social movements. He suggests that geographers
where interactions occur can also reinforce power need to 'transcend a tendency in political geogra-
relations (Bourdieu 1985). These institutions (i.e.
phy to counterpose local and global, of space and
schools, hospitals, markets, etc.) have their own place' (2003, 405). These types of binaries are prob-
distinct rules which reflect the power relations found
lematic for both normative and analytical reasons.
in general society. When diverse people interact in First, they privilege local relations over distant ones,
these settings, the prevailing rules governing social with the former assumed to be more authentic and
interactions often reinforce hierarchies rather than
therefore more politically legitimate than distant
break them down. Thus, places matter because they relations and forces. Such views reinforce reac-
contain numerous institutions or sites where diverse tionary, localist and nationalist claims to power.
interactions occur. These contingent interactions
Second, these binaries fix the interests and identi-
help deconstruct and/or reinforce power relationsties of actors to distinct places, and consequently
in various ways. lead to representations of actors as essentially dif-
Massey goes on to argue that the view of place as ferent from one another and engaged in zero-sum
bundled and territorialised relations has also rein- negotiations with adversaries. Such a perspective
forced the rather unhelpful place/space binary. Such masks the complex relational exchanges between the
a binary maintains that space refers to the abstract multiple actors that are responsible for shaping inter-
economic and political forces that unevenly
ests and identities. The cleavages that mark movements
structure the lives of people and place refers do not to the reflect a local (internally homogenous)
simply
sites where people forge relations and negotiate and non-local (externally different) divide.
with these abstract forces (this overlaps with the
structure-agency binary, see Leitner and Miller Imagining spatial relations in this way becomes a
2007). This binary projects opposed and essentialist condition for thinking about the political as the site of
qualities on relations developing in space (fluid, multiple conflicts and antagonisms. For actors craft
their political identities through the ways they engage
general) and place (fixed, particular). In an effort to
with geographies of power relations. They do not have
overcome this binary, Massey suggests that we
fixed interests constituted in relation to already existing
begin to conceive of 'space' as the sum of concrete
spatial configurations of power. (Featherstone 2003, 408)
activities that occur in places, unevenly assembled
through a series of relational networks. Space is Before discussing how the most fruitful ideas of the
not more than the sum of these activities; it does territorial and relational approaches can be integrated,
not bear any qualities that distinguish it from theI highlight two shortcomings with the latter approach.2
individual places that constitute it (this might be First, while the object of study is agency and
considered to be geography's version of 'methodo- relations (see Marston et al. 2005), there has never
logical individualism'). been a clear effort to theorise collective action. This

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82 Walter Nicholls
is partly because the 'collective action question' is between the individual parts. The aggregation
seen as suspect on normative grounds. When of individual parts through these (meso-level)
disparate actors are conceived as cohesive forces, mechanisms therefore results in (macro-level)
essential identities and fixed interests are projected structures that have distinctive properties and
on the actors involved (Amin 2005). This not only qualities of their own. Wright's intervention sup-
silences the internal differences within the collec- ports the basic MI assertion that macro structures
tive but it also legitimates territorial claims made need to be broken down into their constituent
on the basis of essential cultural identities. This parts in order to avoid the reification of structures.
provides ideological cover for a range of reaction- However, he also argues that to understand how
ary politics, from defensive nativists to offensive micro, meso and macro elements produce distinc-
colonisers. While these concerns are valid, an overly tive effects on the lives of people, we need to
cautious approach to collective action can result in separate and carefully assess the specific properties
important theoretical problems. Advocates of this of each. Applying these insights to geography, it
approach study the agency of political actors but can be argued that the spirit behind Massey's
they have not developed the appropriate conceptual argument is a valid one. We should not reify space
tools to understand how disparate actors become and see it as a 'thing' that is essentially different
powerful political subjects in their own right. The from place. However, the radical reductionism
importance of group cohesion (through organisa- advocated by Massey and others goes too far and
tional and ideological means) for the attainment of blurs the distinctive properties of place and space.
collective goals therefore remains underexplored. Space is made up of a variety of places but the mechan-
As a consequence, the approach has difficulty
ismsaddress-
linking these places together produce a space with
ing key questions: How is it that diverse actors comeand properties that are qualitatively different
dynamics
and stick together in the face of huge risks and from the properties of its constitutive places.
uncertainties? What are the principal mechanisms Thus, the 'relational' view highlights various
binding these actors together? How do actors learn ways in which networks developing in places can
and innovate upon their activities? How does group play distinctive roles in social movements:
cohesion augment the political power of actors? In
1 place creates opportunities for diverse actors with
what ways do the mechanisms binding actors together
similar dispositions to establish contact with one
introduce new problems for achieving political
another,
goals? Thus, the absence of a theory of collective
2 the interactions between diverse actors can help
action deprives this approach from addressing how
breakdown and/or reinforce power relations, and
activist networks in particular places can become 3 activist nodes in places constitute and are consti-
powerful and cohesive drivers of political change.
tuted by their broader social movement space.
Second, the assertion that space is the sum of its
Their particular activities feed into their broader
constituent places (Massey 2004) is suggestive but
social movement networks but their placement
also parallels the assertions and problems of 'meth-
in this particular space also shapes the parame-
odological individualism' (MI) (Elster 1986 1989). MI
ters of their own action.
confronts the agency-structure issue by eliminating
the analytical distinction between the two. It does
this by suggesting that a particular conception of a
Both territorial and relational approaches of place
structure (i.e. state, capital, etc.) can only be valid
have their distinctive strengths and weaknesses.
when reduced to the individuals (i.e. politicians,
The remainder of the essay will extend the debate
entrepreneurs, etc.) that constitute it. Large struc-
by synthesising the strengths of both. It does this
tures should therefore have homologous qualities
by putting forth two arguments:
and properties as the individual units constituting
them. It is in this sense that large structures are 1 Strong ties and solidarities built up in particular
viewed as the sum of their individual parts. Erik places over time contribute to enhancing the
Olin Wright (1997) has countered that the process of collective powers of social movement activists.
aggregating individual units into broader structuresHowever, places also consist of multiple 'contact-
requires their coordination through a variety of points' where diverse activists come into contingent
mechanisms created for that particular purpose, interactions with multiple others (i.e. the 'light
thereby introducing new dynamics and relations institutionalism' of Amin and Thrift). These

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contingent encounters help whittle away at the that such resources will not be squandered by the
boundaries of insular cliques, permitting the malfeasance or ineptitude of others (see Diani 1997;
flow of new ideas and information between Tilly 2005). Tilly remarks that
diverse activists.
Trust networks, consist of ramified interpersonal
2 Places where activist nodes form are strung
connections, consisting mainly of strong ties, within which
together to constitute a loosely constituted 'social people set valued, consequential, long term resources and
movement space' (i.e. consistent with Massey's enterprises at risk to the malfeasance, mistakes, or failure of
argument). The process of aggregating activist others. (2005, 12; original emphasis)
places into a social movement space introduces
Thus, different types of networks perform different
a new set of relational dynamics that are very
functions in coordinating activists: weak ties help
different from those found in the individual
circulate information to different activists, and
places constituting it (i.e. avoiding the concep-
strong ties enable activists to contribute their scarce
tual pitfalls of methodological individualism).
resources to risky collective struggles.
Although strong ties and social capital are not

Making activist places: structuring circumscribed to particular localities and places (see
activists and multiplying interactions Tilly 2005), place possesses qualities that facilitate
strong tie relations:
The mechanisms used to coordinate collective
action in general (typical mechanisms include 1 Proximity provides various opportunities for
markets, hierarchies, networks3) vary according to diverse activists to connect with one another.
the types of action being undertaken. For example, Most importantly, there are more opportunities
the mechanisms involved in making the collective that issues cut across the specialised areas of
actions of soldiers, stock traders and activists vary particular organisations. For example, local labour
greatly. Social movements are different from other unions may develop a concrete interest in envi-
forms of collective action because they are forms of ronmental issues because polluting industries
politics made up of a diverse range of organisations are located in the neighbourhoods of their work-
and individuals. The heterogeneous character of ing class constituents. While national labour and
social movements makes it difficult to integrate environmental organisations can appreciate over-
and coordinate diverse and independent agents lapping concerns and interests at an abstr
into vertically-integrated, hierarchical organisations.local organisations understand this in visce
Consequently, the coordination of disparate activists In addition, there is greater likelihood that activ-
is achieved primarily through social networks ists located in the same area will have many
(della Porta and Diani 1999; Diani and Bison 2004). common acquaintances to broker connections
Granovetter has noted that different types of between them. Thus, proximity creates more
networks perform different types of coordinating opportunities for issues to overlap between
functions (Granovetter 1973 1983). 'Weak ties' unconnected organisations and more brokers to
between actors (i.e. loose acquaintances) permit the introduce these organisations to one another.
distribution of information. The circulation of com- 2 If proximity provides more opportunities for
mon information (symbols, political information, new connections, it also reduces the costs and
events, etc.) to loosely connected actors provides risks associated with making these connections
them with a common set of signals which allows happen. The uncertainty of new partnerships is
them to adjust their individual activities in com- typically high because nobody knows what these
mon ways. While this permits a degree of coordi- partnerships will yield. The risks associated with
nation, weak ties typically cannot persuade activists new partnerships increase when the returns
to contribute their more valued resources to high are uncertain and start-up costs are high. Small,
risk political ventures. Strong ties play a more resource-scarce organisations (i.e. comprising
important role here because they generate forms of the base of most social movement networks) are
'social capital' like norms, trust, emotions and inter- particularly sensitive to these types of risks. By
pretive frames.4 When these forms of social capital lowering start-up costs and uncertainty, proximity
are present, emotional obligation persuades actors reduces the risks associated with new partner-
to deploy their highly valuable resources
ships.to high-risk
While it is certainly possible for resource-poor
ventures and trust provides enough assurances organisations to develop working partnerships

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Journal compilation © Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographer
84 Walter Nicholls
with distant others, the risks associated with their valuable resources to high risk enterprises,
these partnerships make them less probable. greater certainty that such contributions will be put
Hence, proximity reduces important financial to good use and not squandered by the ineptitude
barriers and risks of new partnerships, enabling or malfeasance of others, and face higher barriers
resource-poor organisations to develop and nur- to exist when risks begin to mount. This does not
ture relations with organisations they would have mean that local activists are bound to one another
otherwise shunned if located at a great distance. in permanent communities of struggle. Organisa-
3 Finally, the geographic stability associated with tions like immigrant associations, unions, churches,
proximity facilitates ongoing contacts and discus- etc. have their own affairs to attend to and constitu-
sions between organisations with overlapping ents to serve. However, when common grievances
interests. When organisations reside within the do arise, the stored social capital in existing rela-
same location over time, a stable base exists for tional networks allows these different organisations
repeated collaborations between these groups. to draw on norms, trust, frames and solidarities to
Following on Coleman's work on social networks quickly re-group and fight another battle. In this
(1988 1990), repeated encounters between differentsense, the social capital stored in these networks
agents in a geographically stable environment not only enhances the mobilisation capacities of
activists but it also functions as a bridge between
increases the likelihood that their networks tighten
into relatively coherent clusters or cliques. For specific campaigns and cycles of resistance. Rather
example, in a discussion concerning the networks than having to re-create the wheel for every new
of South Korean students from different social round of struggle, local activists can draw on the
backgrounds, Coleman shows how the habitual stored social capital of their networks and rapidly
interactions of students through local associations,respond to new threats with an important show of
clubs and churches allowed strangers to develop force. In France's counter-revolutionary region of
the Vendee, for example, heightened mobilisation
strong norms and trust for one another (1988, 107).
The norms and trust forged through thousands capacities were maintained throughout the nine-
of these local clusters enabled students across the teenth century because of the stored social capital
country to mobilise in high-risk confrontations with of priests, peasants and landed elites (Tilly 1964).
the dictatorship. Moreover, geographic stability While the concept of place employed thus far is
enables activists to engage in frequent face-to-face
consistent with the territorial view of place, place is
ritual interactions which charge newly established also an area that harbours multiple 'contact points'
connections with strong emotional power (see that spur new interactions between diverse others
Collins 2004). The more diverse activists interact (Amin and Thrift 2002). In a study of urban places
in particular social movement rituals (i.e. meetings, in Chicago, Richard Sennett (1971) employed the
protest events, etc.), the stronger the emotional concept of 'contact points' in a similar way to Amin
attachments to one another and the general cause. and Thrift's concept of 'light institutionalism'. For
Sennett, places are made up of a number of points
Thus, the proximity of place creates more opportunities where diverse groups are brought together into
for diverse organisations to connect to one another, direct interactions with one another. Sennett sug-
lowers the costs and risks for organisations to gests that constant interaction between diverse
experiment with new partnerships, and provides groups weakens the boundaries between self and
the stability needed to consolidate new relations other, making it possible for people to 'discover'
into tightly clustered relational units. In this sense, common interests and values across traditional cul-
tural and sectoral divides. As cognitive boundaries
one of the strategic values of place is that it provides
are lowered and mutual values are discovered,
favourable geographic conditions for relatively strong-tie
diverse individuals are better able to step outside
networks to develop between different activists. These
stronger ties generate forms of social capital that of their conventional boxes, assess the diverse ideas of
enable diverse actors to mobilise and coordinate their others in their milieu, and appropriate these ideas
resources in contentious political enterprises. While to treat their own particular problems.
'place' does not possess a monopoly on social capital, For activists, the multiple contact points (i.e. protest
it facilitates strong, social capital generating ties. events, meetings, public places, forums, political
When activists share a powerful stock of social institutions, etc.) found in places brings them
capital, they face greater motivation to contribute into regular interaction with diverse people and

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
organisations. Frequent interactions along a string accepts this general premise, it also maintains that
we are obligated to focus on the process of stringing
of contact points create more opportunities for diverse
activists to talk to one another in non-competitive places into a relatively coherent social space, and
environments. While a particular place may have a following from this, assess how this process introduces
range of common contact points where diverse relational dynamics in space that are distinct from
activists may interact, proximity ensures that such the dynamics found in the individual places
interactions are frequent and routine enough to constituting it. The process of stringing local activist
whittle away at the cognitive boundaries separat- clusters into a social movement space does not
ing self and other. As the cognitive boundaries occur naturally and is the result of the distinct
between these groups weaken, activists become moments outlined below.
more willing to listen to one another and appropriate
the ideas of other groups. These more open lines of 1 Establishing new connections/confronting old
communication between diverse actors produces obstacles6
an environment that is conducive to the innovation What mechanisms connect local activists to distant
of activist repertoires. Even though two activists do allies in the first place?
not necessarily belong to the same strong-tie clique
or cluster, the openness of their dialogues allows * Brokerage refers to the development of relations
them to share and exchange ideas of how to get between two or more unrelated actors through
things done. In this sense, place can be conceptualised
the mediation of a third-party broker (della Porta
as locations with a variety of stable contact points, and Diani 1999; Diani 2003; Tarrow and McAdam
providing opportunities for diverse activists to forge 2005, 127). The broker (a common acquaintance,
new and constantly shifting lines of communication withorganisation, ally, etc.) creates opportunities for
diverse people and organisations. Such open lines of activists with similar concerns to meet. Movements
communication are conducive for social innovation. that spread through brokered ties are potentially
Place therefore has qualities that support two more powerful because they build bridges across
complementary relational dynamics in social move- geographical, social and institutional boundaries.
ment networks (reflecting territorial and relational These types of relations provide activists with a
conceptions of place). On the one hand, it provides greater opportunity to draw on resources and legit-
favourable conditions for diverse activists to initi- imacy beyond their traditional base of support.
ate and strengthen ties in areas of common interest. * Public meetings, events and demonstrations also
As these ties strengthen over time, they become serve as important mechanisms for connecting
important generators of rich social capital. The potential allies. Events like large demonstrations
shared social capital between local activists improves and the European Social Forum provide diverse
their abilities to deploy their scarce resources for activists opportunities to encounter one another
risky political enterprises. On the other hand, place in unstructured ways. Diverse individuals with
provides diverse activists with multiple 'contact overlapping interests communicate with others,
points' where they can come into interaction with assess similarities and explore possibilities for
others in their milieu. While these complex interac- joint action (Ayres 2002; Routledge 2003; della
tions can spawn new alliances, they also play a role Porta 2005). These events are important 'contact
in lowering cognitive barriers, freeing the flow of points' where geographically dispersed activists
information between different organisations, and have opportunities to establish connections and
spurring innovation. When these two relational discover commonalities with distant others.
dynamics complement one another in a place, activist
* Communication technologies and high-speed inter-
networks become strong enough to maximise local net facilitate new connections with distant allies,
mobilisation capacities and open enough to spur the but they also help sustain newly established rela-
innovative capacities of the local activist community.
tions initiated through brokers and events. As
Bennett (2005) notes in his study of the internet's
role in transnational movements, its function is
Stringing places together into a social
primarily to assist maintaining contact between
movement space
distant allies, circulating information and coor-
Massey suggests that we should view space as the dinating events. New encounters may occur on
aggregation of particular places." While the paper the internet but rarely do these encounters develop

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86 Walter Nicholls
into strong working partnerships. Thus, estab- skills, facility in diverse environments, etc.). The
lishing and maintaining connections between capacity to communicate in multiple languages
distant allies typically involves all three mecha- and cultural contexts enables these activists to
nisms, with brokers introducing two or more comfortably interact with radically different gro
activists at events and activists maintaining in constantly shifting environments. Thus, more
relations through the internet and encounters at affluent activists possess the economic capital needed
other events (Routledge 2003). to overcome the barriers of distance and the cultural
capital needed to overcome the barriers of cultural
When activists forge ties with distant allies, they and linguistic diversity.
typically face important obstacles. Broadening the By contrast, resource-poor organisations and
geographical and social base of a political insurgency individuals typically lack the financial resources
necessarily introduces a wide range of diverse needed for greater mobility, reducing their capaci-
actors into the mix (della Porta and Tarrow 2005; ties to start and develop relations with diverse and
Tarrow and McAdam 2005). These diverse actors distant others. Moreover, as international border
have different ideological traditions, organisational crossings have become stricter over the past decade,
logics and cognitive frames for assessing grievances. these organisations may lack the legal status and
While broadening the alliance provides activists administrative skills to contend with enhanced
with access to new resources and sources of restrictions. In the event that new contacts are
legitimacy, these networks are somewhat fragile established with distant others, they are more
because of the radically diverse traditions, likely to lack the cultural capital needed to engage
ideologies and organisations involved. The distance with strangers over long stretches of time. These
between these organisations compounds the organisations often possess contacts with far off
problems of diversity because it reduces the time acquaintances but their lack of economic and cul-
needed for diverse actors to meet, share ideas and tural resources can impede frequent and stable
engage in common actions. This means that there interactions. The instability and infrequency of
are fewer opportunities for forging the norms, trust
these relations reduces the likelihood that they
and cognitive frames that help diverse actors evolve into substantive partnerships. Thus, reduced
overcome destabilising differences. economic and cultural capital makes it more diffi-
cult for these activists to contend with the obstacles
2 Unequal capacities to overcome the obstacles of of distance and diversity, reducing their abilities
distance and diversity to strengthen relations across geographical and
While all activists face the obstacles of distance and cultural boundaries. As these organisations do not
diversity, not all possess the same levels of economic derive great value from distant ties, they are more
and cultural capital to overcome them (Routledge likely to invest their scarce time and resources on
2003). The resources possessed by more affluent strengthening local ties.
individuals and organisations7 enable greater mobility Activists therefore face the obstacles of diversity
by providing the disposable income needed to and distance differently: whereas a small number
afford high-speed internet, faxes, conference fees, of activists possess the resources (economic and
hotels and long distance travel. Moreover, these cultural capital) needed for mobility and communi-
activists are also better able to contend with legal cation with diverse others, many poorer organisa-
and administrative restrictions that impede cross- tions have greater difficulty overcoming physical
border travel. Higher rates of mobility allow these and cultural boundaries. This grounds these latter
more affluent activists to establish new contacts organisations more firmly in particular localities.
with diverse allies and sustain contacts through The suggested relation between resources and
repeated meetings and ongoing communication. In mobility (social and geographic) is by no means
more formal terms, the capacity to overcome the an 'iron law' but a general tendency shaping the
barriers of physical space provides diverse and geographic options of different activists and organ-
distant activists with more time to forge sufficient isations. We can certainly find cases where rela-
levels of trust and confidence in others. Finally, tively resource-poor organisations have been more
activists in possession of economic 'capital' are mobile than their more affluent allies in a social
likely to possess important levels of 'cultural capital' movement network but this generally tends not to
as well (i.e. languages, writing and communication be the case.

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
3 The strategic role of mobile activists: building cognitive means to identify with struggles abroad.
frames and connecting locals to distant allies Thus, mobile activists play two crucial roles: they
As most social movement organisations are relatively actively forge new unifying frames, and they build
poor and face important obstacles to mobility, the new connections between local activists and distant
burden of developing durable contacts with distant allies.
allies falls primarily on the shoulders of the more

affluent and mobile activists. These activists play 4 Uneven solidarities: high levels o
two roles in establishing these connections. First, but low levels of social capital
their increased mobility and cultural dexterity permit
The factors described above produce uneven levels
them to engage in frequent and stable interactions of solidarity between the local activists and their
with activists elsewhere. Frequent interactions help distant allies.
diverse activists form new discursive frames that Mobile activists provide connections and diffuse
help provide a common sense of identification frames that help locals develop a sense of identifica-
(della Porta 2005). Through repeated conversations tion with distant others. Identification with strug-
and debates at meetings and events, common gles elsewhere may encourage locals to reframe
values and ideas are identified and assembled into and realign their particular battles to reflect the
loosely configured discursive frameworks. Della ideas of the general group. For example, activists in
Porta suggests that these discursive frames assist a locality may have long struggled against toxic
diverse activists to discover common grievances, waste facilities (Pulido 1996). Through travels to
targets and values. For example, activists who workshops in other places, mobile activists encounter
repeatedly attend events of the European Social other organisations facing these same issues. The
Forum have forged what della Porta terms 'tolerant reinsertion of these mobile activists back into their
identities'. Such identities highlight common local milieu allows them to diffuse information and
grievances (e.g. neoliberal globalisation), common ideas to their less mobile comrades. Local activists
targets (e.g. MNCs, states and transnational learn how their particular struggles share common
institutions), and the importance of respecting the traits with those elsewhere and discover a power-
differences of the diverse organisations. ful discursive frame to articulate their common
Second, not only are these more mobile activists concerns (i.e. Environment Justice). As locals come
important in forging a common 'ideological space' to identify with these distant battles, they may
to frame particular struggles, they are also the key realign their discourses, claims, targets and reper-
brokers that connect resource-poor organisations to toires to reflect those of the general movement.
activists in distant lands (Diani 2003 2005). More Cognitive identification with this general movement
affluent activists from particular localities can engage
therefore precipitates locals to transform what had
in stable interactions with diverse others through been a highly localised battle into one particular
repeated travel and costly communication infra- front in the general struggle for Environmental
structures. When these mobile activists go back to Justice. Thus, the identification of locals with allies
their home base, they talk with their more locally elsewhere provides sufficient levels of solidarity to
grounded allies about the similarities between their realign local struggles with general social move-
particular struggles and those in distant lands. ments, transforming a particularistic battle into a
These activists use their strong reputation (as leaders
new front in this loosely constituted movement.
of important organisations, ministers, labour unions, However, identification does not automatically
etc.) in local activist clusters to vouch for the legitimacytranslate into strong trust, norms and emotional
of distant allies and the similarities of their strugglescommitments to these distant others. Resource-poor
(see Coleman 1988). These conversations help locals organisations (i.e. the bulk of local activist clusters)
to discover commonalities across traditional boundaries are faced with great constraints on their mobility
and identify some of the general causes responsible and are therefore deprived of the repeated face-to-
for their common grievances. In addition, these more face encounters that help produce strong trust,
mobile activists also help introduce new discursive norms and emotional commitments with distant
frameworks (i.e. 'tolerant identities') that help others. They may identify with distant struggles
locals conceptualise their connections with distant and follow their activities, but the absence of
others. In this sense, they assist in connectingrepeated and concrete encounters diminishes shared
locals to distant allies by providing them with the
social capital between them. Mobile activists may

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
88 Walter Nicholls
vouch for distant allies but they cannot make locals stringing individual places together into a coherent
develop strong levels of trust and emotional com- space introduces relational dynamics that are
mitment to those people and organisations. It is not distinct from those found in the places that
a matter that they distrust distant allies but rather constitute it. As will be seen in the next section, the
that they don't know them well enough to take extra- specific relational dynamic of this space affects
ordinary risks on their behalf. Thus, the obstacles how movements operate in actual mobilisations.
facing resource-poor organisations results in uneven
levels of social solidarity between locals and
A movement in mobilisation: formalising
distant allies. Whereas many locals may identify
divisions and aggravating cleavages
with distant allies, they may also lack strong ties
to the individuals and organisations making up Social movements have two moments. In the first
those struggles. moment, they are made up of loose connections
between many activists who share grievances, identify
5 Limits on coordination with a common discourse and ideology, and employ
High levels of identification and low levels of social similar tactics and strategies in their particular
capital influence how activists within a network political fields (see Diani and Bison 2004; Tilly 2004).
are coordinated. Social movements typically lack Unity within the movement is a function of identification
centralised command functions to coordinate the with a general cause rather than concerted and
diverse actors making up the network. In the coordinated activities between the different units
absence of these formal hierarchies, solidaritythat constitute
plays an it. In the second moment, this loose
important role in persuading network affiliates to network of affiliated activists is activated for more
abide by common rules and strategies. Relatively concerted and coordinated campaigns (Tarrow 1998).
high levels of identification can persuade resource- Coordinated campaigns are intensive forms of
poor local activists to adopt some of the discourses, collective action because they require the formulation
claims and tactics of the general movement. of a common strategy, the coordination of resources
However, low levels of social capital (i.e. and
trust,
roles,norms
and the emergence of an infrastructure
and emotional solidarities) reduce the capacity of to steer and oversee the campaign. Increased
movement leaders to persuade local activists to coordination and centralisation of social movement
networks enables activists to better pool a

follow particular rules. Locals may respect movement
leaders, but these distant leaders may not enjoy their collective resources, but it also intensifies the
enough trust and emotional commitment by locals stress on the relational dynamics highlighted above.
to persuade them to follow central commands.
Moreover, when these commands conflict with Mobilising resources across space
existing obligations on the ground, locals are likely When social movement networks shift onto a
to shrug off the requests and continue to pursue mobilisation footing, activists develop an infrastructu
their activities. Uneven solidarity (high identification/
that enables them to steer and coordinate the
low trust) means that the leaders of the network collective. Such an infrastructure often takes the
have limited capacities to control and coordinate form of a coalition. The emergence of such an
the different parts of the network. Locals may infrastructure requires a handful of activists to
adjust their language and activities to become more perform essential leadership functions including
consistent with the general spirit of their movement strategising, steering, and coordinating activities
(Mann 1986). The leadership is typically made up

but they typically resist efforts to directly command
and control local activities. In this sense, the 'space of the more affluent elements of the movement.
of social movements' is characterised by a strong The economic and cultural capital of these activists
centrifugal pull, with local activist clusters guarding enables them to overcome important sociospatial
their autonomy against network centralisation. obstacles and interact with diverse and distant
counterparts. Sustained contact over time permits
distant activists to develop a common sense of
Places of resistance are indeed strung together to trust, shared norms, emotional obligation and
form a relatively coherent social movement space. know-how. Because they trust that their contributions
However, this social movement space is not simply will be matched by those of their partners and their
the sum of its individual parts. The process of contributions are likely to be put to good use, this
Trans Insr Br Geogr NS 34 78-93 2009

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
handful of affluent and mobile activists are more Individuals and organisations in these localities
draw on their existing strong tie networks to
likely to invest their time, personnel, money, knowledge
and logistical materials into the infrastructure of mount new rounds of mobilisations but now under
a campaign. As the principal investors in setting the banner of the national coalition. The strong
up coalitions and campaigns, these activists will trust, commitment and know-how shared by local
typically assume leadership roles as well. activists enable them to launch intensive mobilisa-
All parties in a network may agree that achiev- tions in their localities and regions on behalf of the
ing goals is paved by network consolidation and national campaign. Affiliation therefore permits
centralisation. However, leaders face a number of national coalitions to appropriate the high mobili-
constraints in consolidating networks. On the one sation capacities of tightly bound activist clusters
hand, local activists may identify with distant while simultaneously permitting locals to maintain
others and a common cause, but they also view their operational autonomy.
centralisation as a threat to their autonomy and Second, individually, resource-poor locals typi-
operations. On the other hand, network leaders cally do not contribute substantial material resources
have weak mechanisms to overcome this local reti- to coalitions. The scarcity of their resources and the
cence. Low levels of social capital between centre absence of strong trust for national leaders increases
and periphery limit the power of leaders to persuadethe risks associated with making substantial contri-
locals to cede their autonomy to distant and rela- butions directly to a national campaign. Individual
tively unknown leaders. Flimsy or absent hierar- organisations contribute but these contributions are
chical structures limit the ability of leaders to limited to resources that can be easily substituted and
compel cooperation as well. Weak ties and weak do not strain the reproduction of the organisation.
hierarchies also result in low barriers to exit, with The contributions from local organisations are
local activists leaving networks when faced with therefore restrained, resulting primarily in generic
overly aggressive leaders. Thus, local reticence and substitutable resources (financial donations,
coupled with weak coordination hinders the abili- information, demonstrators, etc.) to the national coali-
ties of leaders to pool, coordinate and deploy col- tion. However, when pooled with the contributions
lective resources. Successful leadership requires of other organisations and those of more affluent
balancing competing needs: the need to establish a individuals and organisations, these resources can
centralised command structure and the need to respect amount to an important reservoir of economic power.
the concerns of the movement's multiple peripheries. The contributions of local activists allow national
If the tendency of local activist clusters is to campaigns to fulfil important functions. On the one
resist central coordination, in what ways are they hand, the affiliation of local activist clusters with a
incorporated into national and transnational cam- larger campaign provides national leaders with
paigns? Local organisations that affiliate with cam- well-established mechanisms to penetrate multiple
paigns contribute in two complementary ways. localities, recruit individuals within those localities
First, a cluster of local activists may affiliate with and mobilise intensively on behalf of a national or
national and transnational coalitions. Affiliation transnational cause. The national leadership can
with a coalition means that locals maintain their simply appropriate the existing mobilisation infra-
operational autonomy but an effort is made to structures in multiple localities and regions rather
coordinate the timing of their events, the discourses than engage in the costly enterprise of creating
and symbols employed in these events, and the new infrastructures from scratch. In this way, the
types of targets chosen. For example, the national infrastructures in multiple localities provide a coa-
immigrant rights coalition in France, Contre l'Immi-
lition with depth and breadth. Local infrastructures
gration Jetable, has local variants in most large cities
provide the coalition with depth by allowing it to
throughout the country. These local coalitions are penetrate the grassroots of localities and create a
primarily made up of organisations that already stronger sense of commitment among locals to the
had a long history of cooperating in the arena of movement. Local infrastructures also provide the
immigrant rights. Rather than national leaders cre- movement with breadth by expanding the cam-
ating and directing these local branches, these clus- paign's profile across space and placing pressure
ters of local organisers identify with the national on more politicians and policy makers. Broadening
network and agree to adopt the name, slogans and the scale of a mobilisation in this way provides the
some of the talking points of the national coalition. leadership of national campaigns with a stronger

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
90 Walter Nicholls
lever to negotiate with state officials (Tarrow and socially constructed rules based on the particularistic
McAdam 2005). On the other hand, the tangible experiences of leaders do not valorise the experi-
resources contributed by smaller organisations can ences and practices of all partners equally (Bourdieu
be used to finance many of the more costly outlays 1985). Such rules are often designed in 'good faith'
of a campaign. While these resources enable but they also reflect the particular world views,
leaders to coordinate national actions such as norms and dispositions of their designers (typically
demonstrations, boycotts and letter-writing cam- the more affluent mobiles). The organisations
paigns, they also permit leaders to invest in higher most familiar with these rules and their normative
end activities like paid staff, legal battles, lobbying underpinnings are in a better position to benefit
efforts and media campaigns. Thus, local contribu- from them. As resource-poor and peripheral organ-
tions to national campaigns enable a series of isations are less familiar with the dominant rules
crucial functions. and norms, they have greater difficulty responding
to them. This places another important obstacle to
Internal divisions, power relations and conflicts their participation in strategic decision-making
When social movements are activated into actual processes. This in turn fuels a sense of institutional
campaigns, we witness the emergence of a distinct and symbolic marginalisation. Routledge (2003)
division of labour, one that is shaped directly by provides an excellent example of this in his analy-
the different geographies and mobilities of its sis of the People's Global Action network. While
diverse participants. Affluent and mobile organisations the more affluent leaders of this network designed
possess resources (economic, cultural and social rules (in good faith) to guarantee equal access and
capital) that enable them to overcome the obstacles communication, such rules were based on European
of distance and diversity and forge the initial assumptions of communicative equity and justice.
infrastructure of national and transnational coalitions. Having less experience with such rules and norms,
A place in the coalition's leadership circle results the poorer organisations of the Global South had
from their active participation in developing and greater difficult participating in interactions, resulting
designing the coalition. As leaders, they are charged in feelings of estrangement and marginalisation.
with developing a strategy, pooling the resources Second, as locals broaden their worlds by particip-
of the diverse activists constituting network, deploying
ating in diverse and extensive networks, they expect
those resources to achieve strategic objectives, and that these better connections will translate into
persuading diverse activists to coordinate some of more status and power for their organisations.
their activities with those of the coalition. By contrast, Prominent coalitions do enhance the power and
organisations with less economic and cultural capital status of coalition members but this status and
have greater difficulty overcoming the obstacles of power is distributed unequally. Constant contact
distance and diversity. As distance and diversity trap with political elites and perpetual media exposure
organisations in their localities, they have fewer allows the affluent leaders to reap much of the
opportunities to develop sustained relations with status and power flowing to prominent coalitions.
distant others. This reduces the likelihood that these The enhanced status and power of these affluent
organisations will take an active role in designing, organisations is used to widen the funding base of
developing and directing national and transnational already affluent organisations, fuelling their growth
coalitions. Instead, they contribute their intensive and prominence in the social movement network.
mobilisation capacities and generic resources to the The unequal distribution of status and power con-
national coalition, with both contributions permitting tributes to widening the material inequalities
the national coalition to perform key functions. between affluent and poorer organisations, aggra-
While this internal division of labour enhances vating class-like tensions within the collective. Thus,
the collective power of activists, it also aggravates while incorporation in broad campaigns increases
internal cleavages based on class, culture and the expectations of poorer local organisations, the
geography. reality of distributional inequalities typically results
First, affluent leaders not only decide the main in sharp antagonisms between the more and less
activities of the coalition, they also play an impor- affluent activists within a social movement net-
tant role in designing the rules of interaction and work. When this form of material subordination
governance. Most progressive coalitions take extreme is coupled with the institutional and symbolic
care to ensure equal access within the coalition, but marginalisation described above, resentment against

ISSN 0020 -2754 © 2009 The Author.
affluent activists can lead to a breakdown of the tie relations to regularly interact and share ideas
coalition. with the diverse others that make up a local activist
milieu. The qualities of place therefore favour a
network structure that is both internally well struc-
In sum, social movement networks must intensify tured and open to contacts with multiple others in
their activities and mobilise in a concerted fashion the vicinity. Such a network is strong enough to
to achieve collective political goals. Mobilisations convince activists to mobilise their valuable resources
require formal divisions of labour, with some activists to risky political enterprises and open enough to
assuming leadership roles and others playing circulate innovative ideas between diverse groups.
supportive roles. While such divisions make these When activists in places connect to one another,
collectives much more effective and powerful, they they form what I call a 'social movement space'.
also introduce important cleavages and antagonisms Though such a space is an aggregation of individ-
that threaten to destabilise them. The longer the ual places (Massey 2004), the process of aggregat-
campaign, the more difficult it is for the different ing these places produces qualities and dynamics
participants to overcome these conflicts. These that are very different from those found in the
types of internal cleavages make it impossible for places constituting it. Activists face a number of
social movements to stay on a mobilised footing for barriers when connecting activist places. Those with
extended periods, with most coalitions eventually the greatest resources at their disposal (economic
fragmenting along class, cultural and geographical and cultural capital) are in the best position to
lines (Tarrow 1998; Tarrow and McAdam 2005). forge the connections and infrastructures needed to
bind these places together. The ability to overcome
geographical and cultural obstacles makes it possi-
Conclusion
ble for 'mobile' activists to forge a coherent social
This paper is essentially about the role of geography movement space but in doing this, they introduce
in shaping social networks. While human geographers new points of antagonism that pit them into con-
have become attentive to the importance of networks, flictual relations with their less mobile and more
the discussion in the discipline remains underdevelopedlocally grounded comrades. When this network of
and one-sided (i.e. drawn primarily from Bruno diverse activists remains loose, such conflicts stay
Latour's Actor Network Theory). This paper has relatively latent and inactive. However, when the
sought to broaden the conceptual field by introducing
network begins to mobilise intensively on behalf of
other theorists into the mix (Granovetter 1973 1983;
a cause, conflicts erupt between the centre and the
Wellman 1979; Coleman 1988 1990; Emirbayer and multiple peripheries, with the latter finding that
Goodwin 1994; Diani 2004). These scholars have participation results in new forms of subordination
shown that different types of networks play and marginalisation within the collation.
different functions in collective action, resulting in
a variety of rich and useful concepts such as strong
Acknowledgements
ties, weak ties and social capital.
Building on these observations, I argued that I would like to thank John Agnew and Justus
geography and mobility play central roles in gener- Uitermark for their helpful comments on an earlier
ating the particular network structures of social version of this paper. The three reviewers and the
movements. Place possesses particular qualities that editors also provided a number of excellent sug-
influence the shape of social networks that emerge gestions to improve the paper.
within it. On the one hand, the proximity and sta-
bility associated with place favour the formation of Notes
strong-tie relations. The emergence of actors bound
1 The idea that proximity is not a necessary condition
by strong norms, trust, emotions and cognitive
for community was introduced by sociologist Melvin
frames facilitate the mobilisation of valuable and
Webber (1964) in his concept of 'community without
scarce resources to risky political ventures. On the
propinquity'. For more on this issue, see Wellman
other hand, place is made up of a number of con- (1979).
tact points where diverse actors can come into 2 The critique of the relational approach is not intended
regular interactions with one another. This 'light to dismiss the view in its entirety. The objective is to
institutionalism' allows actors embedded in strong- highlight conceptual elements that limit our abilities

ISSN 0020-2754 © 2009 The Author.
92 Walter Nicholls
to explain key aspects of social movements. The criti- Auyero J 2006 Spaces and places as sites and objects of
que of the territorial approach has already been pre- politics in Goodin R and Tilly C eds Oxford handbook of
sented in the first paragraph of this section. There is contextual political studies Oxford University Press, Oxford
no need to reiterate the arguments made above. 564-78
3 For a discussion of how these mechanisms have been Ayres J 2002 Transnational political processes and conten-
theorised as distinct ideal types, see Granovetter tion against the global economy in Smith J and Johnston
(1985). H eds Globalization and resistance: transnational dimensions
4 Norms provide different actors with a common set of of social movements Rowman and Littlefield Publishers,
references of whether a particular grievance merits Boulder CO 191-206
some kind of collective challenge from below. Bennett L 2005 Social movements beyond borders: organ-
Strong collective norms among allies provide them ization, communication, and political capacity in two eras
with rules and sanctions to govern collective behaviour of transnational activism in della Porta D and Tarrow
and high barriers to exit (Coleman 1988 1990). Trust S eds Transnational protest and global activism Rowman
provides assurances and certainty that contributions & Littlefield, Boulder CO 203-26
to an enterprise will not be squandered by the Bourdieu P 1985 The forms of capital in Richardson J G
malfeasance or ineptitude of others (Coleman 1988 ed Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of
1990; Portes 1998; Tilly 2005). Shared emotional education Greenwood, New York
energy produced through ritualised encounters such as Coleman J 1988 Social capital in the creation of human
protests, meetings and negotiations fuels dedication capital The American Journal of Sociology 94 95-120
to the cause and solidarity to one's allies (Collins 2004). Coleman J 1990 Foundations of social theory Harvard
Common interpretive frames provide the tacit University Press, Cambridge
know-how to realise complex tasks (see Storper and Collins R 2004 Interaction ritual chains Princeton University
Salais 1997). Press, Princeton NJ
5 Paul Routledge nicely captures this idea through his Della Porta D 2005 Multiple belongings, tolerant identities,
concept of 'convergence space' (2003). and the construction of 'another politics': between
6 The state can also be an important obstacle but the the European Social Forum and the local social fora in
analysis here will focus only on distance and diver- della Porta D and Tarrow S eds Transnational protest and
sity. The importance of the state as both facilitator and global activism Rowman & Littlefield, Boulder CO
obstacle of these networks will require a future paper Della Porta D and Diani M 1999 Social movements: an
dedicated to this subject. introduction Blackwell, Oxford
7 Affluence is understood in relative and not absolute Della Porta D and Tarrow S eds 2005 Transnational protest
terms. While activists and organisations may be more and global activism Rowman & Littlefield, Boulder CO
affluent than others in their immediate network, this 175-202
does not mean that they are 'rich' in absolute terms. Diani M 1997 Social movements and social capital: a net-
Many social movement organisations may be poor work perspective on movement outcomes Mobilizations
when compared to richer organisations in their soci- 2 129-47
ety, but these same organisations may still possess Diani M 2003 Leader or brokers? Positions and influence in
more resources than some of their less affluent allies social movement networks in Diani M and McAdam D
in the movement. It is argued that such resource eds Social movements and networks: relational approaches to
advantages place activists and organisations in a collective action Oxford University Press, Oxford 105-22
better position to overcome the obstacles highlighted Diani M 2005 Cities in the world: local civil society and
above. global issues in Britain in della Porta D and Tarrow S
eds Transnational protest and global activism Rowman &
Littlefield, Boulder CO 45-69
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Place, Networks, Space - Theorising The Geographies of Social Movements

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Place, Networks, Space: Theorising the Geographies of Social Movements

Author(s): Walter Nicholls

key words social movements networks relations place territory

revised manuscript received 22 July 2008

these various positions have contributed to revealing

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of place Others have focused more narrowly on how

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symbolic solidarities that bind activists into

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Although strong ties and social capital are not

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allies falls primarily on the shoulders of the more

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networks enables activists to better pool a

(Mann 1986). The leadership is typically made up

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when compared to richer organisations in their soci- 2 129-47

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Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 34 78-93 2009

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