Indian Anthropological Association

Internally Displaced People from Kashmir: Some Observations

Author(s): Charu Malhotra
Source: Indian Anthropologist, Vol. 37, No. 2 (July-Dec. 2007), pp. 71-80
Published by: Indian Anthropological Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41920041
Accessed: 16-04-2020 05:53 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Indian Anthropological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and

extend access to Indian Anthropologist

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Internally Displaced People
from Kashmir: Some Observations

Charu Malhotra

Abstract

In recent times the scale of conflict induced displacement has increased, leading to the increase in
the numbers of refugees or internally displaced person IDPs. Since the end of the Cold War,
increasing numbers of people have been forced to leave their homes as a result of armed conflicts,
internal strife and systematic violations of human rights IDPs. There is also the desire by the
international community to contain refugee flows by providing assistance in the countries where
the conflicts originate. The present study analyzes the implications of process of internal
displacement among the Kashmiri people1. It explores the response strategies employed by the
people who got displaced from Kashmir from 1989-1990 onwards because of the rise of armed
conflict. The displaced Kashmiri people resettled all over India and some even moved abroad.

Keywords: Internally Displaced Persons, agency, Gender Relations, Identity

Introduction

Internally displaced persons are people or groups of people "who have been
forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence in
particular as a result of, or in order to avoid the effects òf, armed conflict,
situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or natural or human
made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized state
border. "(Hampton 1998: 5) The definition does not encompass those who
migrate because of economic causes.

Both the IDPs and the refugees are forcibly displaced from their homeland
but an adequate conceptual clarification of the two terms is required. IDPs and
refugees face similar conditions as far as the coercion that compels their
movement and the sociological impact of displacement is concerned. The
difference between IDPs and refugees mainly lies in the fact that while refugees
are made to cross international borders, IDPs live in a refugee like condition
within the country itself. The refugees have an established system of international
protection and assistance; IDPs on the other hand, fall within domestic
jurisdiction and under the authority of state concerned, without legal or
institutional bases for the international community to provide protection and
assistance.

CHARU MALHOTRA, Research Scholar, Centre for the Study of Social Systems.
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Email: charusawhney@yahoo.co.in

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
72 INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE FROM KASHMIR

In Indian context there w

Large-scale internal displac
when the region came under
beginning of 1989, the min
notices to quit Kashmir. Pa
called for a boycott against
state. Kashmiri Pandits, the
minorities were thus forcibly

The Kashmiri Internally D

group. Most of them belong
displaced Kashmiri Muslims
constitute a minority among

This study defines how the

displaced persons.' The ass
'displaced persons are not pass
of social organization, who us
community'.

The activities of displaced Kashmiri people reach far beyond merely securing
physical survival, even when that is critical. Internally displaced persons, and
others living under dire circumstances, are also social and cultural beings, and
issues of identity, dignity and social standing remain important to them and are
incorporated in their strategies.

The analysis of internal displacement must take into account the reflexivity
shown by the displaced community in the new surrounding. In 'Constitution Of
Society' Anthony Giddens (1984) puts forward the view that sociologists and lay
actors are both involved in developing "sensitizing concepts", which allow us to
understand how individuals in the process of interaction produce and reproduce
the social structures (Cohen, 1989). The agency on the part of the victims and the
other institutions in addressing the situation needs to be recognized. IDPs are
social actors rather than categories of need. Displacement might then be regarded
as a transformation-a process-rather than a fixed (and temporary) reality in
people's lives.
Although structures exist, the displaced people, the state and humanitarian
agencies use rules and resources in reproducing structures through space and
time. Displacement has impacted the social organization of the Kashmiri people-
kinship networks, gender relations, family organization, neighbourhood relations,
community bonding, and marital status.

Field Setting
Field research for this study was carried out among the IDPs in the camps in
Jammu region and in apartments in Noida2. In Noida there are 600-700 families
who are Kashmiri IDPs. In Sector-34 Noida itself, there are around 200 families.

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Indian Anthropologist (2007)37:2, 71-80 73

In Noida the field research was carried on in Him

Dhawalgiri apartments3.

Almost 2.5 to 3 lakh Kashmiri people have been d

(Mishra, 1999). According to the data gathered from
office in Jammu, there are highest number of reg
Jammu and Delhi. There are around 34,131 registered
the Jammu region. 5,889 families are living in cam
28,242 families are living outside the camps in Jam
are living in Delhi and rest in other parts of coun
registered families living outside J&K is 21,684. T
various parts of India are as follows

Name of the state Number of families

Haryana 929 families

Punjab 319 families
Uttar Pradesh 500 families
Maharashtra 208 families
Madhya Pradesh 169 families
Chandigarh 114 families
Rajasthan 58 families
Karnataka 38 families
Himachal Pradesh. 1 1 families

According to the data gathered from the relief commissioner's office in

Jammu, out of 34,131 registered families in Jammu there are around 30,206
Hindu families, 2,170 Muslim families, 1,749 Sikh families and 6 families
belonging to other communities5. It is however, to be noted that statistics of the
IDPs are at best estimates and are at worst misleading. Many of the displaced
persons may not have registered with the state authorities or may prefer to stay
anonymous.

Ethnic, family or religious affiliations are often the prime determinants of the
success with which a displaced population integrates with a local population. The
significance of the migration networks in reducing the uncertainty of migration is
to be recognized (Mishra, 2001:18). Migration networks can be defined as sets of
interpersonal relations that link migrants with relatives or friends or fellow
countrymen, convey information, provide financial assistance, facilities for
employment, give support in various forms and accommodation. Migration
networks can be seen as a form of social capital, in so far as they are social
relations that permit access to employment or higher wages. Thus migration
networks exist as a form of social capital providing social support to the
displaced Kashmiri people.

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
74 INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE FROM KASHMIR

The informants in camp

Because of the familiarity o
economic reasons the infor
displaced people moved to
which has an abundance o
moving to Noida was the ava

In Jammu on the other ha

houses, the Kashmiri IDPs
Purkhoo(phase 1,2 and 3)
Mishriwala, Nagrota(l,2 an
factory Kathua. Field rese
1 (comprising of 499 fam
Purkhoo- 1 (comprising of 6

Ninety percent of the di

and abundance of written
Kashmiri Sikhs, Kashmiri
Through fieldwork the ai
various communities. In
Kashmiri Brahmins, Kash
Kashmiri Hindus in the cam

The people living in the ca

rural areas of Kashmir- K
interviewes in camps in Ja
dairy farms, orchards or
camp areas are educated up
other hand were in junior g
Jammu, or had built grocery
tenements. The governme
payment, only basic pay. Wh
relief in the form of ration
For the camp people living
areas to the urban area of Jammu.

Most of the people interviewed in Noida were from Srinagar city. The
informant interviewed in Noida sector 34 apartments - Dhawalgiri, Himgiri,
Aravalli and Nilgiri were government officials, retired government officials
living with their children or educated professionals working in private companies
in Delhi or Noida. They reported that they moved here because of economic
security of jobs. The younger educated generation moved first and secured jobs.
Unlike population of the camp area, which is largely Kashmiri, the IDPs in Noida
live amongst people who belong to different states in India. The apartments in
Noida have multicultural population.

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Indian Anthropologist (2007)37:2, 71-80 75

In the camp area the One Room Tenements (ORT

are separated by narrow lanes just big enough for a pe
hand in Noida are single family independent multi-sto

Initially for a few months people in the camps in J

which would soak in rain or get blown away in the
tents stood was covered with grass and life in the tent
had to beware of creatures like snakes and scor
provision of electricity, water had to be fetched f
persuasion, ORTs were built for the displaced peop
roofs and were small structures about 10 feet to 15 fe
that it was suffocating for entire families compr
residing in one ORT. The term they used for thei
(pigeon cage). Different corners of the ORTs are div
dining room and drawing room. Now the governmen
ORTs pakka (strong) by having a roof made of bricks.

In the apartments in Noida the Kashmiri IDP

apartments. These apartments are spacious and have
bedrooms and dining room. There is sufficient space f
members to live. The apartments have all the basi
electricity.

Most of the people living in Jammu reported that t

host community towards the displacement wa
community looked at the displaced people as a thre
competition in the field of jobs and education. Th
have moved to the newly constituted National Capit
are abundant economic opportunities. It was remark
that "Noida is a sea where everyone got absorbed."

Reshaping of Community Relations

There has been a perceptible impact on the

displacement. The displaced people are utilizing va
integrate in the host community to cope with the cha
which took place due to displacement.

In the camp area, relations between neighbo

informants reported that they were quite helpful.
however, the informants reported that the bondi
neighbours as it was back in Kashmir. Secondary re
There is isolation felt by the elder generation
community.

If we view the marriage patterns the informants held that back in Kashmir
arranged marriages were preferred. Though they are still preferred, but inter-caste

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
76 INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE FROM KASHMIR

marriages are increasingly

educated professional classes
work in professional sphe
the host community may b
dearth of kulgurus (family
sometimes it becomes imp
generation now sees little p
which earlier used to take
available on rent both in
Kashmir, on ceremonial oc
food. It was reported that n
host community to have the

Displacement has also led

Back in Kashmir, the disp
joint family. Now in the c
each married couple has
accommodate joint familie
joint families or in nuclear
Noida most of the people
their son, his wife and the

Cultural Change
Many cultural changes t
every day life of the pe
informants reported that th
the people held that they
located in their homeland. T

The religious enthusiasm

the same. The relatives are
possible for the relatives to
who used to visit the Kashm
Kashmir does not visit the
is an attempt at cultural reg
borrowed from another K
area. In Noida, however, p
as it is expensive to call the

Certain festivals have los

kangri becomes obsolete in
festival associated with kan

In Kashmir, the Pandit m

which was short in comp
Kashmiri Hindu informan

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Indian Anthropologist (2007)37:2,71-80 11

does not permit them to wear pherans. The walls

Noida were adorned with the pictures of the Ka
Mata Roop and Sharika Bhagwati. In few of the
the apartments in Noida many of the families repor
custom of sitting on Kashmiri rugs in the drawin
Jammu and Noida were decorated with Kashmiri e
or carpets.

The Sikhs interviewed by me reported that their lifestyle with regard to diet,
dress and language was similar to that of the Kashmiri people but their religion
was different from the Kashmiri Hindus. The Sikhs and Kashmiri Muslims
interviewed in Jammu camps admitted to visiting gurudwaras and mosques
respectively in Jammu. The displaced Dogri Rajputs reported that even after
displacement, they are in touch with their Dogri culture as Jammu has a
predominant Dogri population. They spoke in Dogri in Kashmir and continue to
do the same in the host community.
Gender Relations Reconstituted

Displacement has impacted gender relations in a very specific way. In Noida

and Jammu women reported of feeling unsafe in comparison to Kashmir. In
Noida, a woman reported feeling unsafe in the metropolitan region of Delhi. Sh
held that before militancy started, Kashmir was very safe for women. A Kashmiri
Muslim neighbour would protect a Kashmiri Hindu.

The women in the camp area complained of boredom. In Jammu, the women
are confined to the one-room tenements. It was reported that in Kashmir they
lived in a community and had a busy lifestyle. They were involved in various
chores in the kitchen. They used to make their masala (food ingredient) or wer
involved in their kitchen gardens they reported.

There are no separate bathrooms attached to the ORTs and even to bathe the
women have to walk a distance. One of the informants held that when the ORTs
were not constructed and tents stood in their place she had to walk a distance
even to fetch water.

Earlier fewer women worked outside. The educated professional women,

however, go out to work. Women go out to work in Noida and feel that they have
greater exposure to jobs and education after displacement to Noida. Some of the
young women are engaged in private jobs. Both in Noida and in Jammu, it was
reported that now the women exercised greater freedom of movement. They no
more felt apprehensive about wearing a bindi as in the host community they were
not singled out as a Hindu woman.

Internally Displaced Children

Internally displaced children face challenges to their inheritance, cultural and
linguistic rights. The elder generation in Noida apartments lamented that their
children have lost touch with Kashmiri culture. The children in Jammu and

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
78 INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE FROM KASHMIR

Noida reported that the

comparison to their grandpa
the fixture prospects in Ka
militancy in Kashmir ther
fixture they see themselves

Elderly at Loss
It is more difficult for the
they were used to living i
women have to adjust to c
Noida. Many of the elderly
health problems. Many of th
the elderly men and women
as they are confined to thei
be mobile and interact with

It was observed that man

cards and smoking in th
community living and wor
with the camp life. They w
aged men and women in N
converse in Hindu or Eng
population. Many of them ar

Reshaping of Identity Rel

The notion of nationhood
term 'kashmiriyať does no
had a hidden political agend
held that the term did no
solidarity which it symb
'kashmiriyať. With the ris
minority community Mus
needs to look more close
migration to generate alter
reality. Therefore we see
'imagined community' beli
kashmiriyat identity which

Emerging Power Politics

Disruption in social relati
existing power structures
local cultural traditions h
associated with displaceme
reinforcement of a shared

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Indian Anthropologist ( 2007)37:2 , 71-80 79

been a growth of various political organizations, mo

Panun Kashmir Movement is one of them.

As the displacement of Kashmiri Hindus began a variety of

associations provided support to the displaced people in India and abroad. The
All India Kashmiri Samaj took the leadership role with Delhi as the nerve centre.
These organizations have been a major source of support to the displaced people.
The objectives of the Samaj are essentially of a coordinating nature. The Samaj
provides immense support to the displaced Kashmiri people in putting forward
their timely demands. The president of the All State Kashmiri Pandit Conference
interviewed by me narrated how the welfare organization took various efforts to
help the displaced people when the initial exodus took place. It also aims at
propagating the Kashmiri language, culture and heritage. For this purpose a
monthly journal 'Koshur Samachar' is published. There is thus a communal
reinforcement of a shared struggle.

The agency on the part of the victims and the other institutions in addressing
the situation needs to be recognized. The role of the state and the welfare
organizations is considered secondary to their own efforts by the respondents in
Jammu and Noida. The role of the state is, however, recognized by the people
living in the camp areas. The role of the state is to be recognized in providing
relief, ration and ORTs to the displaced people. The people living in the camp
areas, however, reported of a casual attitude on the part of the government in
providing them the appropriate infrastructure.

Although identified as 'migrants' by the government of India the displaced

people feel that the term has a negative connotation for them as they are not mere
migrants who got voluntarily displaced from Kashmir. Because of civil conflict
the displaced people are forcibly displaced from Kashmir. The displaced
Kashmiri people wish to be called 'Internally Displaced Persons'.
Conclusion

Although Kashmiri Pandits are dislocated from Kashmir, they are coping
with changes in culture. Their economy has been adversely affected but they are
negotiating to survive in the new host communities. The displaced people ar
utilizing various response strategies to deal with the changes in their social
structure owing to displacement. Thus, displacement has both personal and
political losses and gains. There are differences in the agency exercised by the
different categories of individuals within the stratification system. The displaced
Kashmiri people need to be recognized not simply as 'victims' but their agency
needs to be acknowledged. The displaced people are not passive spectators
Through their active participation, they have given a new meaning to their life in
the current setting. Therefore structures, as Giddens (1984) held are not only
constraining but also enabling.

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 80 INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE FROM KASHMIR

Acknowledgements

I am thankful to my supervisor Dr.

constantly determined to work cons

Notes
1 This paper is based on my M.Phil dissertation submitted in 2004 to the Centre for the Study of
Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi and fieldwork (2004 to 2007) for ongoing
Ph.D study.

2In order to conduct the study both primary and secondary sources of information is relied on. The
techniques of data collection are unstructured interviews and questionnaires to yield both
quantitative and qualitative data. The sample size was 100. 50 respondents were interviewed in
Noida and 50 were interviewed in Jammu. Through non-participant observation the attempt is to
observe camp life, the living conditions, the behavior patterns, culture, and economic conditions of
the people displaced to Jammu and Noida.

3The figures were obtained from the Kashmiri Resident Directory Noida, 2004.

4The figures were obtained from the Relief Commissioner's office in Jammu in 2006. These are the
estimate figures of The Government of India (Ministry Of Home Affairs).

5 Ibid..

6 These figures were obtained from the Relief Commissioner's office in Jammu in 2006.

References

Cohen, I. J. 1989. Structuration Theory : Anthony Giddens and the Constitution of Social
Life. New York: St. Martins Press.

Hampton, J. (ed). 1998. Internally Displaced People : A Global Survey. London:

Earthscan Publications Ltd.

Kumar, M. 2001. "Status of Refugees in South Asian States," Journal of Peace Studies ,
8(2): 50-60

Madan, T.N. 1931. Family and Kinship: A Study of the Pandits of Rural Kashmir.
Bombay: Asia Publishing House.

Mishra, N. 2001. Migration as A Survival Strategy. Delhi: Author's Press.

Mishra, O. 1999. "Kashmiri Pandits: Aliens In Their Own Lands," In S.B. Roy, (ed.)
New Approach: Kashmir, Violence in Paradise. Calcutta: Deep Prakashan: 117-125.

Sorensen B.R. and M. Vincent (eds.) 1998. Caught Between Borders : Response
Strategies of the Internally Displaced. London: Pluto press.

Turton, D. 2002. "Forced Displacement and the Nation-State," In J. Robinson (ed.)

Development and Displacement. New York: Oxford University Press: 30-42.

This content downloaded from 157.42.82.89 on Thu, 16 Apr 2020 05:53:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms