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Woman in Yoruba Religious Images

Author(s): Rowland Abiodun


Source: African Languages and Cultures, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1989), pp. 1-18
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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African Languages and Cultures 2, 1 (1989): 1-18.

WOMAN IN YORUBA RELIGIOUS IMAGES

Rowland Abiodun *

Studies by Odugbesan, Thompson and Drewal on woman in the cont


and religion among the Yoruba speaking peoples have improved our
limited perception of the image of Woman in Yoruba culture (Odug
199-211). In an attempt to further stimulate scholarly interest in t
and contribute to our understanding of Yoruba art, this paper will f
place of women in art and in ritual. Looking first at some data deri
Yoruba oral literature and traditional thought, both of which, in m
are valid forms of social commentary,1 I will proceed to highli
aspects of the image of Woman as represented in Yoruba art.
Even though much of Yoruba religious activity and aesthetic
seems to be male-dominated, we have not much authority from Yor
traditions and visual art for assuming that this picture is acc
example, we are not quite certain of the sex of Oduduwa (Odtid
progenitor of the Yoruba culture, since we have as much evid
considering Oduduwa feminine as we have for considering him
(Lucas 1948, and Idowu 1962).
Looking at the purported 'crown of Oduduwa' (Fagg 1980: fig
Idanre in Ondo State of Nigeria, we are immediately struck by its sim
another crown from Ilesha in Oyo State, worn by women as recent
years ago. The Idanre crown, though old and simple in app
essentially complete. It is roughly conical in shape and has all the im
attachments which aid its identification as a truly authentic symbo
authority among the Yoruba. William Fagg describes the crown thu
It has an amorphous and untidy appearance, but consists largely of st
red beads which are mostly stone but may include some coral... I
includes a rather miscellaneous assortment of beads... It (the crown
very much like the Benin coral and carnelian crowns, but does look li
ancestor of the falling curtains of seed beads on the crowns of the nin
and twentieth centuries. (Fagg 1980: 12).

The crown from Ilesha is called ad6 Aforilokin and it is wo


most senior priestess of Owari (QwAri), the third or fourth Owa (Q
of Ijeshaland. Like Oduduwa, Owari was a warlike, temperament

I am very grateful to my informants, Pa Adeniji of Iwo, Olobun of O


mother, Madam V. S. Abiodun of Owo for the valuable information that
with me. I am also grateful to Dr. Bade Ajuwon, for reading through m
of Yoruba texts, and to Professor Pierre Verger for drawing my atte
article on Iyd Mi Osoronga.
1 This paper was originally presented at a workshop on 'Visual a
commentary in Africa', SOAS, December 1981.

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2 Rowland Abiodun

powerful ruler according to Ijesha oral tradition.2 The afori$


also resembles the purported 'crown of Oduduwa' in many ways. It
possible that they may have functioned in similar contexts.
Both crowns possess the 6bt, 'a tuft or a kind of medicinal pack
magical power', attached or sewn to the top of Yoruba crowns (Dre
Sometimes concealed under heavily beaded decorations or disgu
motifs on crowns, the 6ui must never be opened or its contents rev
wearer of the crown. The vitality, force, and authority of a divin
seem to be closely connected with the magical ingredients in this 6a
The veil (ib6ji) which is an important part of the Yoruba crown
in the Idanre and Ilesha examples. Intended to hide the identity of
who is supposed to operate from the height of an orisha (6rila)
the ibbjli of the ~forigoktin suggests how the Idanre crown
looked in actual use. The priestess of Owari holds a white horse-tai
in her right hand and a two-piece wand of office with the lef
several rows of tightly-packed beaded necklaces, along with
expensive neck chain which hangs down well past the torso. Flank
sides by her women supporters, the priestess displays her sy
authority, power, and influence.
From available archaeological finds mainly at Ile-Ife, the sacred
Yoruba, the presence and power of women would appear to b
antiquity. The brass figure pair (Willett 1967: pl. 10, colourpl.
Ita Yemoo in Ile-Ife in 1957, as well as other terra-cotta heads foun
same city by Frobenius in 1910 give some indication of their status
In the brass pair, the slightly shorter figure with narrower
appears to be the female. Her wrapper cloth is tied high enough on
to partially cover the breasts, which is in agreement with the
women still wear their wrapper when there is no babA 'blou
shoulder bead (or cloth) sash (or belt) hangs diagonally across the m
with the tied end resting just on the left hipside. This diagonal sh
or belt, I imagine, is a mark of the woman's status and possib
affiliation. This assumption makes sense when we look at the attir
female cult called Yeye Olorisha (Yeye Ol6ri$a) in Owo, which
one hundred miles east of Ife. Here, the cult members wear a
diagonal shoulder sash across their chest. The female brass figu
an important chieftain with all the regalia of office which is not
inferior to that of her male counterpart.
As to the terracotta heads found in the Olokun (Ol6kun) g
Frobenius in 1910 (Willett 1967: pl. 22), we are not certain of the i
the woman represented, though we could interpret her look a
dignified and as qualifying her as one of 'our mothers', that

2 Rev T. M. Ilesanmi, personal communication 1981.

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Woman in Yoruba religious images 3

having special powers. She wears the ?wowh hairstyle which is still found on
some traditional wood carvings depicting women.
The art of hairplaiting and hairdressing is an important one for women in
Yoruba mythology. The river goddess Oshun (O$un) takes charge of that
profession, for which reason she has been nicknamed Sheegesi ($sg6ssi) 'the
Hair Expert with the Beaded Comb'. Still treasuring this heritage, cult
members of Yeye Olorisha in Owo spend hours and sometimes days doing
their hair elaborately for the annual Igogo festival to honour Oronsen
(OrQn$nn), a female deity. The hairdo is not considered complete without the
insertion of ornate brass and, of recent, plastic combs which hold up bright red
parrot feathers. Dressed thus, these women at the peak of their performance in
the Igogo festival create their own aesthetic atmosphere, magically charging it
with their 'bird (eye) power'. This 'bird power' like ae, 'a form of
prophetic power', enables women to accomplish anything that they wish. It is
probably because of this power also that men fear to move too close to these
cult members as they believe that they may lose their sexual potency. It is
interesting that the red parrot feather which is on this occasion believed to
possess the magical power to alter the nature of persons and objects, is also
prohibited in the blacksmith's premises lest his metals change their chemical
properties.
Besides adding to the power and beauty of the human face and head which
is the focus of much aesthetic interest in Yoruba art, hairplaiting has an
important religious significance in the Yoruba tradition. The hairplaiter/dresser
is seen as one who honours and beautifies Ori-inu (Ori-ini), lit. 'inner head',
the 'divinity' of the Head, also taken to be the visible representation of one's
destiny and the essence of one's personality. Hairplaiting is thus highly
regarded, as a good Ori-inu will to some extent depend on how well its
physical counterpart has been honoured and treated. It is also primarily for
this reason that most Yoruba will be most reluctant to haggle over the charges
of a hairplaiter or dresser.
Seen in the above light, Oshun, the 'Hairplaiting Expert with the Beaded
Comb', is believed to have the power to influence the destinies of men and
gods, orisha, for better or for worse. Oshun's presence is crucial to the
sustenance of life and order on earth. She is the source of potency for most if
not all male-dominated cults like the Egungun (Egungfin) 'ancestral
masquerades', Oro (Orb) 'the collective male dead, whose voice is the bull-
roarer', Gelede (Go?ldo) 'to honour our mothers' and Ifa (IfA) 'the Yoruba
divination deity'.
The following Ifa divination verse3 demonstrates the dependency of most
orisha on Oshun for their power, influence and smooth functioning. (The
Yoruba is given as an appendix to this paper.)

3 Pa Adeniji, personal communication 1976.

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4 Rowland Abiodun

*. .? .. ..

Top:
S ' ., ! R.. . -.'... ad;. for:f.oktn
k~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~j95 :ii ' - ''.'..'..

Top:Bottom: eye
add Aforigokun, the crown of Owani, ol6rA
Ilesha (p. 1)

Bottom: yeye oldrl $a dressed for Igogo, Owo (p. 2)

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Woman in Yoruba religious images 5

It was divined for the sixteen Odu


Who were coming from heaven to earth.
A woman was the seventeenth of them.
When they got to earth,
They cleared the grove for Oro,
Oro was there.
They cleared the grove for Opa,
Opa was there.
They prepared a grove for Eegun,
10 They made a home for Eegun.
But they did not do anything for Oshun,
Nicknamed 'Sheegesi, the owner of the beaded comb'.
So, she decided to wait and see
How they would carry out their mission successfully;
So Oshun sat and watched.
Beginning with Eji-Ogbe and Oyeku meji,4
Iwori meji, Odi meji, Irosun meji
Owonrin meji, Obara meji, Okanran meji,
Ogun-da, Osa, Orangun meji and so on,
20 They all decided not to countenance Oshun in their mission,
She, too, kept mute,
And carried on her rightful duty,
Which is hairplaiting.
She had a comb.
They never knew she was a witch
When they were coming from heaven.
God chose all good things;
He also chose their keeper,
And this was woman;
30 All women are witches.
And because all other Odu left Oshun out,
Nothing they did was straight.
They went to Eegun's grove and said,
'Eegun, let things be straight,
It is you who straightens the four comers of the world,
Let all be straight.'
They went to Adagba Ojomu
Which is called Oro,
'You are the only one who frightens Death and Sickness.
40 Please help drive them away.'
Healing failed to take place;
Instead sickness deteriorated.
They went to Ose and begged him
To let the rain fall.
Rain didn't fall.
Then they went to Oshun
Oshun received them warmly,
And entertained them,

4 These are eleven of the sixteen odu ifa

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6 Rowland Abiodun

But shame would not let them confide in Oshun,


50 Whom they had ignored.
They then headed for heaven
And made straight for Olodumare,
Who asked why they came?
They said it was about their mission on earth.
When they left heaven,
And arrived on earth,
All things went well;
Then later, things turned for the worse,
Nothing was successful.
60 And Olodumare asked,
'How many of you are there?'
They answered,'Sixteen.'
He also asked,
'When you were leaving heaven, how many were you?'
They answered, 'Seventeen.'
And Olodumare said, 'You are all intriguers.
That one you left behind,
If you do not bring her here,
Your problem will not be solved.
70 If you continue this way,
You will always fail.'
They then went to Oshun,
The woman with the beaded comb.
And said, 'We have been to the Creator and He said,
After admitting that they never knew that all Odu derived from Oshun.
That our suffering would continue
If we failed to recognise and obey Oshun.'
When they got to the earth,
All the remaining Odu wanted to pacify and please Oshun,
80 But Oshun would not go out with them,
Unless the baby she was expecting
Would go out with them.
Oshun, however, indicated that if the baby she was expecting,
Tured out to be male,
This male child
Would go out with them.
But if the baby tured out to be female,
She (Oshun) would have nothing to do with them.
She said she knew of all they (Odu) have eaten and enjoyed;
90 Particularly all the heads of dog and he-goat they ate.
As Oshun was about to curse them all, Ose covered her mouth.
the remaining Odu started praying
That Oshun might deliver a male child.
They then started begging her.
When Oshun delivered,
She had a baby boy
Whom they named Ose-Tura.

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Woman in Yoruba religious images 7

Acting in perfect agreement with the meaning of her name, which is 'the vital
source', Oshun demonstrates her indispensability to a successful political,
economic, religious, and social life. Her praises include:
She is the wisdom of the forest
She is the wisdom of the river
Where the doctor failed
She cures with fresh water.
Where medicine is impotent
She cures with cool water.
(Beier 1970: 33)

It is perhaps for this reason that the Yoruba accept that the Creator-God put
women in charge of all the good things on earth. Without their sanction, no
healing can take place, rain cannot fall, plants cannot bear fruit and children
cannot come into the world. It is therefore considered to be good luck if one's
first child is female. Such parents are believed to start with QwO (r0 'the hand
of propitiation' (Abraham 1958), perhaps better understood as the 'cool hand
of propitiation' which enswues ease and success in any undertaking. For
related reasons, perhaps, parents frown on prolonged bachelorhood. Even
though they realise how cLifficult it is to sustain a marriage, parents,
nevertheless, press their so:ns to get married because they believe that a
successful life cannot really start until one has a wife or wives. This ese
'verse' from Osetura (OsOtira) in Ifa literature points to this belief:
Aini obinrin k6 $e X dAk< lAsAn
Bi a dAk lAsan, enu ni I yQ ni
Nini ej(, Aini ?ran
tnia k6 1'6binrin
6 td k6 kaw 1 '6ri sQkin gba oja 1Q
Ki iS.e bran Asej
Oran AsesA kO.

Having no wife calls for positive action,


To keep quiet is to invite trouble and inconveniences,
Having a wife is as difficult as having none;
One without a wife
Should cry and weep publicly in the market place.
It is neither an extreme action,
Nor an over-reaction.
(Ogunbowale 1966: 1)

Yoruba tradition also suggests that women of any age are potential witches
who possess ey?, the 'bird power' given them at creation. The recognition of
this extraordinary power by society has caused men to appease women 'our
mothers' (lya wa Osbr6hga), a term used synonymously with 'witches'
(Aj6). Consequently, in many parts of western Yorubaland, the Gelede cult,
for example, functions actively to placate 'our mothers'.

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8 Rowland Abiodun

In Owo's most important festival to honour Oronshen the favour


a past Olowo (QOlOw) 'the ruler of Owo town', Yeye Olorisha,
women's cult plays a leading role. It would appear that the overall
prosperity of the town rest with them. All visual evidence p
influence and power of women. Male chiefs including the Olow
hair to respect and acknowledge the authority of the godde
Depending on the status of a chief, one, two or three red parrot
stuck in the hair with or without the brass comb. The Olowo
wears two long white egret feathers to distinguish him as the Ob
of Owo. Is it reasonable to assume that wearing these egret feathe
kind of acknowledgement of the 'bird power' mentioned earlier in
The blouse and big skirt worn during this festival can
interpreted as feminine. The skirt, called ab6blikin in Owo is
what Yoruba descendants still wear in the new world to mark themselves as
high priestesses of Yemoja (YemQja), the Yoruba matron deity. The exact
significance of this very imposing skirt was not revealed to me. But in its
context of use, it seems to radiate feelings of majesty, power, affluence, and
increase, mainly through its arresting white colour and overwhelming size.
As we search for the meaning and significance of the Abblfkiin we find
the Ifa divination container published by Robert Farris Thompson (1971) quite
relevant formally and functionally to the basic concept of Ab6blktin and
Yoruba feminity. This wo6den bowl-with-lid echoes the shape of b6lliktmn
when worn while also conveying a strong visual sense of protection and
stability. Carved to look like a female figure whose main body is made up of
the top and bottom halves, the bowl-like container, retainer and protector of Ifa
divination objects as well as the powerful bird, ?ey. Both arms are spread out
as the hands rest on a relatively large and rotund torso, thus creating an
imposing visual configuration which radiates a commanding presence, a
female authority whose influence is felt by men and orisha. We are reminded
of the powerful image of Oshun, the seventeenth Odu with whom the destinies
of the remaining sixteen male Odu rested, and also of the seventeenth object
(usually a little ivory head) called Olori-Ifa (01lri-If ), the Chief of Ifa
among the sixteen sacred palmnut kernels called ikin.
Olowo's role in Owo is somewhat like that of Oshun or Olori-Ifa among
the sixteen Odu. The Olowo is also regarded as the source, and sustainer of
the community's peace and prosperity. He asserts this role ritually,
dramatically, and choreographically during the Igogo festival. Combining the
dignity and colour of the elaborate Abbliikun costume with the penetrating
metal-gong agogo music and the graceful wave-like dance movements, the
Olowo effectively moves the hearts and bodies of his subject For example, in
response to the movement and the size of the Abbl6iktn, the crowd greet the
Olowo thus:

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. eSS_~ --s*,9fi<&5 '? ;L1l
__

v Voman in Yormba religious images 9


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IS ~u .? ; , -5.* 5 & r,$ 8i$ g _ 1 =l f twe ',- '* ,, , S -

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Top: The Olowo with plaited hair and egr

Bottom: Male chiefs dressed as wome

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10 Rowland Abiodun

Okun ArdgbArigbi
The mighty, expansive ocean
AkatA-11A bori ?gho mAdl
The great wide umbrella-like protector of Owo

Ogod so t(-tx
The prolific banana tree which bears much fruit

We get the impression that the Olowo assumes Oronshen's powers in this
festival, even though he himself prays to be protected by her in the new year:
OrQnw$n mA dun un '01Qgh? 9ma re, meaning 'Oronshen, let no evil thing
come near Olowo, your offspring.'
In Ondo, another major Yoruba town situated some 45 kilometres south-
east of Ile-Ife, there is the Olobun (Ql1bun), otherwise known as Oba Obinrin
(Qba Obinrin) 'female ruler', who is in charge of the market and plays an
important role in the installation rites and ceremonies of the Osemawe
(Os6maw6) 'the male ruler' of Ondo. She wears the white egret feather in
addition to a red parrot feather like any of her male counterparts in Yorubaland.
She carries a white horse-tail fly whisk to mark her high status, and wears an
immaculate white outfit every day of her life. She wears red tubular coral
beads on her neck, wrists and ankles on ordinary and important days
according to Ondo tradition. When seated on her throne, Olobun always has
before her on the ground a calabash container, on top of which stringed white
cowrie shells have been placed in a special order. IgbA aj6 'the calabash of
wealth' symbolises the important office of Olobun as the Lord of the market
and the controller of all commercial transactions. Until Olobun passed away in
1980 she actually visited the market several times each month, touching
important market stalls and commercial establishments with her OpA-a j 'the
staff of wealth', i.e. her staff of office. Such rounds, it is believed, boost
trade and improve the community's economic situation.
Politically, the Olobun and her female chiefs feature prominently, holding
positions and supporting candidates for high offices in the town. At the
installation of the Osemawe in the late 1970s, the Olobun presented the Oba-
elect to the people of Ondo at a most important public gathering. During the
installation rites, Olobun's chiefs and other leading high priestesses in Ondo
performed purification sacrifices to pave the way for a peaceful reign. Though
the apparent role and presence of women appears to be to counteract any
negative forces and magic, we get subtle hints regarding their hidden but active
influence and power. It calls to mind the way the Eegun (Edglin) 'the ancestral
masking organisation also known as Egungun' operates in Yorubaland.
Viewed essentially as 'concealed power', Pierre Verger (1965) recorded a
tradition that Eegun may have belonged to women originally. That is, of
course, apart from the fact that women especially as ato 'female triplet' hold
very important positions in this otherwise male cult.

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Woman in Yoruba religious images 11

Though very rarely mentioned by field informants, there are indications


that the fact of being female contributes to the power of women and perhaps
also their entry into and participation in the Eegun cult. For example, the
clitoris is traditionally believed to possess some kind of 'power', similar to the
power possessed by the Eegun, for according to an informant, both are
concealed, unseen, and use the power of 'our mothers'. This is the reason,
perhaps, behind the belief that any man, no matter how medicinally skilful or
powerful, can be disarmed by a woman.
Is it reasonable to assume that much of the importance of, and status
ascribed to, women is derived from their deified counterparts as they operate in
the Yoruba religious cults? The worship and propitiation of female deities like
YemQja, O?un, Oya, lyamapb, O16kun, Osa, Qgb?si and many others in
various parts of Yorubaland are still very active. In addition to their
specialised functions in different localities, these deities are approached for
health, wealth, children, and protection, all of which constitute the most
important benefits of life.
It is, however, not easy to receive benefits from any deity without
propitiation and sacrifice. The attributes of women qualify them for this role.
Hence in most of the local cult ceremonies, females, especially virgins and
those who have passed through menopause, are active in placatory and
honorific roles. They are also charged with carrying and performing
sacrifices.
In the preparation of very powerful Yoruba medicines, the one for curing
mental sickness in particular, the patient's mother's breasts are washed into a
concoction which is drunk by the patient. Also, if a man experiences a series
of inexplicable disasters in his occupation or private life, he is usually advised
to perform a ritual suckling of his mother's breasts to avert a repetition of these
undesirable events. This is a means of purifying the source and essence of
one's being. It is also believed that through this ritual suckling, a person is
once more protected by a mother's powerful influence.
The power of women appears to be similar to that of water, with which
most female deities are associated. Water is an active ingredient in the Yoruba
preparation of Or) 'a softening agent/medicinal preparation' as also is the fluid
from a snail and the oil from red paln kernels. All of these are believed able to
effect harmony, peace and to eliminate tension and reduce heat through magic
powers. Thus, a person's ori 'inner spiritual head and destiny' can be
improved or 'softened' if it is considered 'hard' (le). The following
incantation for $r? medicine shows how water operates:
Bi ooru bA ml,
AbObo ni i bo
Bi ind ba i j6 koko,
Omi lAl fi I pa d.
OgOrt, inA mA rl1 omi 19,
Ogert

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12 Rowland Abiodun

Ti ina bac 1i omi,


Ti k6 padA lyiln omi
tr? pOtt
Ogoro ind mA ril6 omi 1o,

InA k6 gbod? 16 ?$$?


K6 16 e wonl od6
(Adeniji, personal communication 1976)

When the weather is blazing-hot


It is the fan that pacifies it.
When the fire is glowing,
We use water to quench it.
Sweeping past, fire is chasing water,
Sweeping past.
If fire chases water,
And does not turn back,
Propitiation is the answer
Sweeping past, fire is chasing water.
The glow of fire,
Fire should not chase its glow
Into the river.

In Oshun rites, these attributes are symbolised by the fan and by water. This
is a soothing, disarming and softening kind of power, also called or? which is
capable of normalising, negating, or rendering impotent any other power, life,
or substance. Here, like water, ~r operates noiselessly and
unceremoniously. Such is the nature of the power of 'our mothers'
represented in their praise-names recorded by Beier:
Mother who kills without striking
...My mother kills quickly without a cry
Mother who kills her husband and yet pities him.
(Beier 1958)

Whatever enables women to extinguish life in this manner, that is, without
visible or materially attributable force, presupposes her fore-knowledge of
metaphysical principles of life including its source. This fact makes wome
indispensable to normalcy, orderliness, increase and progress in the tradit
society.
With the power of or) which can be either positive or negative in effect,
women are not only feared, but their cooperation is sought in all endeavours.
Without their cooperation, nothing would be possible:
6 ni gbogbo ohun ti 6nli bA n Se,
Ti kb bA fi ti obinrin kuri un,
6 ni k6 1e se6$e...
6 ni ki wmn 6 mAa fi ibA fur obinrin
6 ni ti wOn bA ti fi lbA fun obinrin,
Ii1 ay6 yi6 maa t6r6.
(Verger 1965: 218)

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Woman in Yoruba religious images 13

In anything we do.
If we do not guarantee the place of women,
That thing will not succeed.
He said, 'we should acknowledge the power of women',
He said, 'if we acknowledge their power,
The world will be peaceful'.

And in the following verse, we find the grave consequences of ignoring 'our
mothers':

Won difa ftn lyami 6$6r6Ahg


Ti won Ai tikble ?run bQ wa sild aye...
W(n llni ti k6 bc fi t'awQn Se,
AwQn 6 maa bAA j,
AwQn d mAa k6 ifun 6nia;
AwQn 6 mAa je ojid nla,
AwQn 6 mAa mu $jo nnla;
Nwgn 6 si ni gb6hbn enik?kan.
(Verger 1965: 218)
It was divined for Iyami Oshoronga,
Who was coming from heaven to earth;
They said whoever refused to acknowledge them,
They will afflict him.
They will take his intestines;
They will eat his eyes;
They will drink his blood
And no one will hear a sound.

Almost as a rule, in Oro there is no forced action, no physical combat or


naked force. The qualities of Or> assume aesthetic significance in Yoruba art.
Movement is suggested through rhythmic forms and creative use of space.
Faces conceal their emotions in most Yoruba sculpture, and would appear to
be functioning 'noiselessly' like our mothers until all opposition towards them
is dissolved.
Women have no doubt influenced Yoruba artistic processes and criticism
far more than scholars have so far acknowledged. The iconography of irCko
'the Ifa divination tapper' provides a good example of the striking appearance
of women in Yoruba sculpture. The irOko consists usually of three sections;
the topmost or pointed-end section; the middle section, and third or bottom
section, in order of importance. Elsewhere (Abiodun 1975), I have suggested
that the topmost part symbolises the inner, spiritual ori, while the middle
section usually a human head or a kneeling nude woman figure holding her
breasts, symbolises humanity choosing its destiny, ori from Ajala (Ajala) in
heaven. To the Yoruba, this choice of destiny is probably the most important
in the creation of man, and it is significant that woman has been chosen to
handle the assignment. The woman uses ikdnl?-abiyamQ, 'the kneeling with
pain at child-birth', often regarded as the greatest act of reverence that can be

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14 Rowland Abiodun

shown to any being, to appease and 'soften' the gods and solicit their s
Equally effective in honouring their gods is the nudity of the kneeling
which is believed to make her wishes come true. For the same reason, a
husband will be disturbed if his wife threatens to undress during a
disagreement.
The figure of the kneeling woman carrying a bowl is common to all the
cults including Ifa and Oshun cult repertoire. In Ifa, it is known as Agere if
or ibbri ifi (Fagg et al. 1982: pl. 15), and in the Oshun and other cults
generally as arugbi 'she who carries the calabash'. The thematic functions of
the woman are to carry, honour and beautify sacrifice. But in actual use, the
Babalawo (Babalcwo) keeps ikin, the sixteen sacred palm-nuts of divination,
in the bowl. And in this context, the woman both physically and symbolically
elevates ikin, creating for them a fitting aesthetic atmosphere (Abiodun 1975:
447-50).
A frequent image is the kneeling woman carrying a cock (Fagg et al. 1982:
pl. 41, 66), most likely for sacrifice. No aspect of traditional religion is more
important that sacrifice. Indeed, it is believed that it is through sacrifice that
le-Ife, the original home of the Yoruba, was established.
In other examples of agere-ifd women predominate in the representation
of clients celebrating after successful divination. Jubilation of this kind would
be incomplete without women, whose participation constitutes the beauty of
the occasion.
In the helmet masks of north-eastern Yoruba (sometimes known
generically as el4fCn or as epa), a common theme in the superstructure is that
of a kneeling woman with two children, sometimes called bt6hp6rb (see Fagg
et al. 1982: pl. 13, 47 for similar examples). During a festival at Ikerin it is
usually singled out for praise. Hailed as bt6bp6r6 niyi SlYfOn 'ttAhp6r6,
the pride of Elefon', she is an embodiment of all that can be considered
beautiful in the Yoruba context. Beauty in this context includes the gift of
children which most women pray for during the festival. 6t6ip6r6 is painted
with black, red, yellow and white colours to make her beauty visible even at a
distance. She has a very elaborate hairdo (?wewo), and large well-defined eyes
to accentuate the face. The long and beautiful neck wears a choker and a string
of beads, while decorative body paintings emphasise the roundness of the
arms and breasts. The fullness and erectness of the breasts contribute to the
beauty of womanhood, as can be found in the following lines of the Ifa verse.
Funfun niyi eyin;
tgtn gagaagA niyi Qrtn;
Qmu sikisikisiki niyi obinrin.
(Abimbola 1968)

Whiteness is the beauty of the teeth,


The long and graceful neck is beautiful,
Full and erect breasts make the beauty of women.

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Woman in Yoruba religious images 15

Smaller kneeling figures represent children, a very important blessing in


Yoruba society. A popular Yoruba song has the prayer for this blessing as its
theme:

6 ni 6un 6 f0tfn gbOmoj6


6un 6 f6sl gb<mopQh
bun A tarAn bosun,
Ktldlibt yeyeye
bun A sl j6 wQja;
KtldliDbd yeye,y
6un 6 diri ?weow,
KUldifibd yeyeye
OpyeY kdl&mbti
6un a si mo$ingtn
Kldtfbtd yeyeye
OyeYe KdlDfibtb.
(Adeniji, personal communication 1976)

She prays that she may dance with a baby in her right hand;
That she may sling a baby on her back with the left one;
That she may immerse her velvet in camwood
(That she may bear children);
Kulumbu yeyeye
That she may plait her hair in the owewe style,
Kulumbu yeyeye
Oyeye Kulumbu
That she may ride on horse back;
Kulumbu yeyeye
Oyeye kulumbu.

If children are considered so desirable and beautiful, then it is understandable


that the woman through whom the child comes into the world must be so
highly regarded. Thus the vagina, which is sometimes referred to as bna-
Qrun 'path from heaven'; Qmti 'breasts' through which one is fed during the
most tender period of life; and iklinl?-abiyamQ 'the kneeling with pain at
child-birth', have acquired a powerful aesthetic and ritual significance in
Yoruba religion and art.
As already demonstrated, Yoruba oral and poetic traditions deal with the
ritual and aesthetic roles of women in Yoruba society.5 But more importantly,
in the Yoruba traditions of visual art we find images which provide us with
clues to important values and concepts, particularly those that may have
disappeared or become changed with time, and perhaps impossible to
reconstruct from any other source.
While much work has already been done on contemporary women,
comparatively little attention has been given to their past in Yoruba tradition.
This situation is far from ideal, as tradition is still very much a part of the
contemporary scene in Africa. More detailed research into the concepts of

5 The author has discussed this subject in Abiodun (1983).

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16 Rowland Abiodun

women in Yoruba tradition would undoubtedly reveal attribu


unrecognised.

(Illustrations supplied by the author).

APPENDIX

A difa fin awon Odt mtAdinl6gun


TiwOn Atlkble brun be wa sikble aye,
Obinrin 16$e lkttadlnlo6gn won
Nigba won del aye,
WOn lagb6 or6
Or6 wA nini won
WOn lagb6 opa,
Qpa rfbe rfbe
WOn lagb6 E6gun,
10 Won tegbAlo f'Edgin,
Won 6 wa Se fun 0sun,
S$egosi 0166y& iytn
6 wd ni 6un 6 maa w66
Bi wQn 6 se ?d ti e e e dcA
f fi sil o jare
Ati Orl tjiogb6, Oyekd m jl
lw(ri mdji, Odi mdjl, lr6stn mdji,
OwOnrin mjli, ObArA mji, OkAnrcn mdji,
6Ogndi, OsA, OrAngdn mji At i booboo 1Q.
20 WQn 6 bd md OSun 1Q s6de me
Ni 6un nAA bA si dAk
Ni 6 bn nSi$4 rr
Ori ni 6 maA ndi,
6 w ni 66ya kan,
WQn 6 m p6 aje ni.
Nigba won ti ntOrun be,
L'016dmdmA r ti yan gbogbo awon ire,
6 si wa yan alAtld6 wOn,
Eyi un si ni obinrin
30 Obinrin gbogbo 16 lAj~
WQn 6 wA mid sun,
W(n $e gbogbo nikan k6 gun
Wen wa lagb6 egiln
Wen ni eegun jO 6 iJn o
IwQ lo jt kl igun ayd mOrorin 6 gtn,
JO 6 gun o
Wen wa 1 si Adagba 6j6mi,
Eyi ni Or6
Iwo nikan ni o i derA ba ikt dort bartn,
40 Bani 16 won l1 o
Aisan k6 ni san

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17
Woman in Yoruba religious images

Yi6 wa bi regede
Won wa 1Q sod(Q OQs
K6 jo k6j6 o re,
Oj66 re
WOn wa l1 sQdQ Qsun
Osun ki won daradara
0 si Se won lAlej6
ttiju k6 jE ki won 6 lee fini han Osun
50 Ti wQn ti fi QwO ti tiro sOhin
WOn wA kojil si ?run
0 di d? O16dtimAr6
WOn ni ki 16de?
WOn ni O16diumAr 16 fun wQn
Nigba ti wQn t 1Q
Nigba ti wQn del aye,
WOn $e, gbogbo 0 dara lo
Ni gbogbo nAkan wa yi,
K6 si bamu mo
60 WOn b bi won pd,
tyin m6166 1Q wa?
WOn ni awQn mOrindinl6gn
WOn ni igba nA lo nijoun,
tyin md166 1 1Q?
WOn ni awQn metadinl6gun ni
Q1Orun wA ni onirikisi ni yin
lkan te yQ shhin un,
TOO ba 1? p6 wa,
Oro k6 ni se S?e.
70 Bi e se maa n $ed
Ti yi6 maa bajO na ni un.
Won wa oQ sOdO 0sun,
WOn ni lty 016Oly Iy un,
AwOn dOd? $ldac bayii 16 wi
A s ara 0sun ni won ti yQ gbogbo Odd
lya ni yi6 je yin,
Ti ? k6 bc mi ti $Sun e.
Ni wOn bA de dde Aye,
Awon Odu ti 6 ki f maa mu Q0un lQ s6de,
80 Osun ni 6un 6 ni maa bA wQn 19 s6de
6 ni oyun ti rfbe nikin 6un
Ni yi6 mAa ba wQn 1Q s6de
6 ni t'6un bA bimo,
Ti d bA jO Qklnrin,
Qkinrin nca ni yi6 mAa
BAayin 1Q s6de.
Ti 6 bA si je obinrin,
Oun yi6 yQ ti bun si ahin
6 ni gbogbo ohun ti wQn je ni 6un mQ
90 Ori Aja, 6ruko ti wen ti je ni 6un me.
Nigba ti Qsun fQ fQhun, Os~ 16 fQWQ boo lenu.
AwQn Odt yoku wa A b~bo p6

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18 Rowland Abiodun

Ki 0sun d bi QmQkinrin
Wqn wA fA be
Nigba ti 0sun yd bimQ,
0 bi Qkinrin
WOn sl so ( nl Os -tdrA.

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