Professional Documents
Culture Documents
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
SF-TH Inc is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Science Fiction Studies
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAH4 421
Michelle Reid
Cyberpunk aims to depict the deterioration of the conditions of the present, and
nation-states are exemplary forms of human community (and one might say of
historical complacency, ripe for attack) in the present. This concern has inspired
some unusually respectful responses to nationality. As the near-future of
corporate globalization becomes realized, nations and nation-states come to
represent bases for resistance. (226)
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
422 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 423
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
424 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
way to the country) has also broken down. The country is now isolated, and
there is an absence of safe havens and communities implied by the broken
buildings and streets.
A fear of contaminated land has merged with a fear of racial contamination.
Consequently, instead of fluid movement between cultural groups in a
heterogeneous urban sprawl, de Lint's Canada disintegrates because space is
jealously guarded as a means of preserving distinct racial identities. Enclaves
based on cultural and racial distinctions are not uncommon in cyberpunk texts.
Indeed, Michael Longan and Tim Oakes describe such a convention in reference
to Neal Stephenson's The Diamond Age:
Svaha imagines a similar society that is divided into "spatially discrete tribal
zones"; the barriers between such zones are, however, far less permeable than
those identified by Longan and Oakes. Different ethnic groups live in close
proximity to one another but maintain rigid segregation. A person's place of
residence is entirely determined by racial identity. This direct mapping is
demonstrated by the nicknames given to different sections of society. The
privileged East Asian business workers and yakuza crime operatives living in the
Megaplexes are known as "Plex babies" (28). The excluded underclass of
mainly white Canadians in the sprawl are called "Squat rats" (7). The First
Nations groups are known as "Clavers," a derisive and aggressive-sounding
shortening of "Enclavers" (119). All non-indigenous Canadians are termed
"Outlanders," denoting their exclusion from the Native Enclaves (74). In de
Lint's Canada, one cannot simply become part of a different collective group by
"living in the space they have carved out as their own." This is emphasized by
the rigid barriers segregating different spaces, such as the mysterious high-tech
force fields surrounding the Enclaves, and the strict patrols and checkpoints
restricting entry to the Megaplexes. This disintegration of living space can be
read as an interrogation of Canada's self-proclaimed multicultural identity based
on the spatial metaphor of the mosaic.
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 425
United States, polar border with Russia, Atlantic border with Europe, and
Pacific border with Asia. This suggests that the country is hemmed in by more
powerful neighbors who could encroach on Canada's thinly defined territory.
New stresses the positive, oscillating flexibility of borders, however, arguing
that such boundaries operate more like three-dimensional metaphors than fixed
edges. They do not signify a binary "either-or" relationship, but a complex
association of "both/and' (5). This appreciation of borders also applies to
internal relations within Canada. The fact that Canada has been colonized twice,
first by the French, then by the British, means that national narratives have to
acknowledge that the land has a layered ownership and identity. Models of the
Canadian nation are decentered and based on a permutation of different regional
and provincial identities-for example, the "two solitudes" model of Anglophone
Canada and Quebec; the isolated but prosperous West (Alberta and British
Columbia); the Center (Ontario) versus all the other provinces; and certain
amalgamations based on a shared landscape and terrain, such as the Maritimes
and Prairies.
The most high-profile transformation of this decentered identity into a
national virtue came in 1971, when Canada adopted multiculturalism as an
official government policy, becoming the first country to do so. Many modern
Western nations now claim to be multicultural in some way. Canada has a more
specific, officially defimed relationship with the concept of multiculturalism,
however, as demonstrated by the Canadian Multiculturalism Act of 1985, which
is designed to respect the differences of different cultures within Canada while
also claiming such respect as "a fundamental characteristic of the Canadian
heritage and identity" that "provides an invaluable resource in the shaping of
Canada's future" (Department of Justice, Canada). Multiculturalism has been
adapted into a striking example of border rhetoric celebrating the Canadian
multicultural mosaic. The differentiated mosaic provides a positive alternative
to the strategies of absorption and amalgamation promoted by the American
melting pot."
Critics of Canadian multiculturalism, such as Bharati Mukherjee, question
the gridlocked rigidity that underpins the idea of the mosaic. Sharmani Gabriel
analyses Mukherjee's view of the American melting pot as a model that enables
vital processes of interconnection and intermixing and contrasts it with her view
of the Canadian mosaic as a model that enshrines barriers rather than overcom-
ing them. Gabriel states that, for Mukherjee,
Svaha shows a Canada that has pursued this rigid mapping of cultural onto
spatial divisions to its extreme, leading to the disintegration of the nation.
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
426 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAH4 427
First Nations Land Ethic: A New Model for Integration in Canada. The
desire for a reintegrated social order in the novel is demonstrated by a striki
example of urban infrastructure: the CanNational Very High Speed Transit
system. This transport network is run by a company that has a nationwide
presence and a name that suggests the possibility of a reunified Canadian nation:
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
428 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
to the Canadian sf anthology Northern Stars (1994): "this country has been
shaped, from its inception, by the kind of utopian dreams one encounters only
in the most visionary scientific romances.... Consider the national railroad that
stitched together this obviously impossible confederation" (14). The CanNational
transport system in Svaha suggests that Canada can be unified by ambitious
social projects that link spaces as a means of fostering communal interaction.
The CanNational, however, is only an indication that a route to reintegration is
possible. After the failure of the Canadian multicultural ideal, de Lint's Canada
needs a new social model.
This social model is based on First Nations' relations with the land. It is
instigated by the main protagonist Gahzee, who adopts a mediator role
throughout the novel. Gahzee is sent out of his tribal Enclave on a mission to
recover a lost flyer that crashed in the Outlands (another example of Svaha's
emphasis on transportation in the material world, as opposed to the instant
navigation of virtual reality common to most cyberpunk texts). Once one of the
People has left an Enclave they can never return, making Gahzee's mission more
than a simple chase or caper plot. His permanent exile means his task is also to
negotiate the social spaces and relationships of the Outlander world in which he
must now reside.
Gahzee's negotiation of the unfamiliar urban environment is aided by his
entries into Dreamtime where he receives guidance from the Kachina-hey, the
dream teachers of the People. This Native dream-space might be read as a
spiritual alternative to the cyberspace explored by "console cowboys" such as
Case in Neuromancer. It could also be read as a response to the casual slippage
between metaphors of technology and mysticism in texts such as Gibson's Count
Zero (1986), in which Voodoo beliefs are used merely as a vehicle for ghosts in
the machine. Although the Dreamtime is accessed through meditation and not
by any technological means, the dream landscape overlaps considerably with the
urban landscape, creating a mixed spiritual and social space. For example, when
the Kachina-hey come to Gahzee telling him that he needs to embark on a
journey to become a "Twisted Hair," or mediator, he is standing "high on top
of one of the abandoned buildings in the TOPQ corridor, looking out across the
wounded land" (109). The longer Gahzee spends in the Outlands, the more his
dream visions occur in a landscape ravaged by pollution: "The elder led him out
of the vast building into a flat square. All around stood buildings similar to the
one they had just quit, manufacturing nothing but noise, pouring filth into the air
from their smokestacks" (178-79). This indicates how closely the spiritual
integrates with the material world, and demonstrates that Gahzee's mediator role
has a strong ecological dimension.
This overlapping of social, spiritual, and environmental relationships within
the same space fits with interpretations of the "land ethic" of traditional First
Nations cultures. In his collection of essays In Defence of the Land Ethic (1989),
J. Baird Callicott criticizes recent romantic characterizations of the human-
nature relationship attributed to traditional Native peoples. He argues that in
light of recent ecological damage, "traditional American Indian cultures came
to symbolize a lost but not forgotten harmony of human beings with nature. This
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 429
most recent Indian mystique blends nostalgia and optimism" (203). Callicott
attempts a more rigorous corroboration of this land wisdom by cross-referencing
early historical portrayals of Indian culture with later ethnographic studies and
current-day First Nations testimonies. He acknowledges that it is impossible to
ever recover a "pure" or "original" Native land wisdom from this complex
nexus of accounts, each with their own biases and distortions. Moreover, such
a totalizing approach is misleading, as different Native groups have their own
structures for organizing relationships with the land. Callicott's study concen-
trates only on the Algonkian and Ojibwa groups (in Svaha, Gahzee belongs to
an Anishnabeg [Ojibwa] enclave; hence he could be considered to share in this
heritage).
Callicott argues that the Algonkian and Ojibwa relationship with the
environment was neither a simple animistic reverence for nature nor a utilitarian
hunting-farming exploitation of the land, as is commonly believed. Instead it wa
based on an integrated social system:
That's not to say we live in utopias.... It's true our lands are green. Our homes
are no longer primitive tents and lodges. Our technologies are as concerned with
the clean disposal of wastes as they are with advances. We have cities, integrated
with their environment, but we also keep our old traditions. (122)
This can be read as a future adaptation of the land ethic in which the human
community is situated in a wider environmental community with the reciprocal
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
430 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
obligations and responsibilities that this relationship brings. The land is regarded
as a social space, not just in terms of being the place where a society is located,
but also in terms of how this society relates to its environment. The future
development of the land ethic in Svaha acknowledges that the land is hybridized
and cannot be returned to a former "natural" state; hence the People respond in
kind with a hybrid mix of spirituality and technology.
The People's social relationship as part of a wider environmental community
is only partial, however. Gahzee's journey in the Outlands forces him to
recognize that such a reciprocal relationship cannot stop at the boundaries of the
Enclaves: "Now he perceived them for what they were: not simply lands ruined
by their present keepers, but also lands abandoned by the People" (43). Gahzee
depicts the People's voluntary withdrawal as a justified response to past
oppression. Yet, paradoxically, this act of separation means that the People are
still connected to the rest of Canadian society because their seclusion is regarded
as a deliberate and harsh sentence of exclusion by those outside the Enclaves.
Gahzee tells Lisa that some of the People wish to pursue such punishment to its
conclusion: "In our councils there are those who argue that we must finish what
your people have begun-cleanse the world of you and all your works so that we
may lead the world onto a new Wheel" (122-23); the interrelation between land
and society means any environmental "cleansing" would also entail ethnic and
cultural "cleansing." Gahzee realizes, however, that the People's merging of
technology and spirituality on a land that has a layered identity questions ideas
of segregation and cultural purity from inside their own Enclaves.
Gahzee fmds that his interaction with Lisa and other Outlanders continues to
raise questions about the People's segregation. He begins to teach Lisa about the
beliefs of the People. As a result of this teaching, Lisa finds that she can enter
the Dreamtime, first under Gahzee's instruction and then entirely on her own.
Her spiritual journeys show that the most sacred space of the People is also open
to Outlanders, which challenges the ideas of racial and cultural purity maintained
in the Enclaves. At the end of the novel, Gahzee uses Lisa's ability to enter the
Dreamtime in order to persuade the tribal elders that the People should open
their Enclaves and re-establish links with the Outlanders. Initially, the elders are
reluctant, and they continue to regard the preservation of the land and the plight
of the Outlanders living on it as separate concerns: "This knowledge you have
brought can change the way we perceive the Outlanders-it gives us hope that
one day the earth shall regain her former glory-but it cannot change our
decision" (303).
Gahzee maintains, however, that such segregation is at odds with the
People's view of the environment as social space. In the final chapter, the
thriller plot of rival factions each trying to seize the lost flyer is superseded by
the hope of reintegration. Gahzee asserts that "I mean to go among the
Outlanders ... and teach them the path with heart" (301). The word "path"
recalls the images of blocked streets earlier in the novel and suggests that Native
models of interrelated space, and journeys through such space, provide the
means to reconnect the segregated living areas in the TOPQ.
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 431
Gahzee claims the deserted Maniwaki Enclave as the base for this ne'v
hybrid tribe, indicating that this new integrated social model radiates from what
was once Canada. Significantly, the text begins and ends in two specific En-
claves-"Kawarthas" and "Maniwaki," respectively (4, 301)-that are both
situated in Canada and have existing Canadian place names that are themselves
Native names. This confirms that the land has a layered identity in which
individual locations serve as a reminder of the country they once formed.
Vestiges of the land's old identity are present in its new identity, as it has
changed from a tribal homeland to a reserve and National Park, then to an
Enclave, and now possibly to a new communal space. This is in accordance with
Smith's view, discussed at the beginning of this article, that collective identities
are constructed upon enduring connections to history and homeland; they do not
impose themselves upon passive populations as if upon a tabula rasa (Smith
179).
At the end of Svaha, the old Canadian nation is not restored, but a new
multicultural tribe is founded in the space that was once Canada. This wider
social identity can be compared to the "Pan nationalisms" envisaged by Smith
as a more viable alternative to a globalized culture. Smith regards these
collectives primarily as social groupings based on a "family of cultures," as
opposed to political or economic units (186). He writes, "Pan nationalisms, by
reminding burgeoning states and nations of a wider cultural heritage to which
they are joint heirs, help to counteract the fissiparous tendencies of minority
ethnic nationalisms and the rivalries of territorial state nationalisms" (186-87).
Gahzee's new tribe is not a regression to former Native ways of life but a
reminder that the American continent is connected by a series of indigenous
cultures that existed prior to the political boundaries imposed by European
settlers. A tribal structure combines local interaction with a sense of belonging
to much larger language and cultural groups.6
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
432 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
Come the big business invasion from Japan and China, it was the blacks that got
the shaft again. Only this time the whites went down with them. All they were
good for was to scrabble out a living in the squats with the other rats. Chinas too
lazy to make it in the Plexes. The criminals that lost their citizenship and got
tossed out. (209)
Ragman complains that black people like himself are unjustly oppressed and
dispossessed; however, his observation that the whites also also have gone down
"this time" conveys a sense of justice that they finally got what they deserved
for their years of dominance. There is a strong parallel between the situation of
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 433
white Canadians and the criminals who are tossed into the squats, in
the white society is now being punished for the social injustice it condoned and
perpetuated while in power. The phrases "got the shaft" and "went down" imply
a diagranunatic representation of the social hierarchy in which changes in status
are represented by changes in height.
Gahzee's, Lisa's, and Ragman's narratives suggest that history in Svaha is
constructed according to balanced, schematic inversions: reserves to Enclaves;
inclusion to exclusion; top of society to bottom of society. This is very similar
to the idea of the Wheel of Fortune, in which changes in status are directly
linked to changes in height on the wheel; history is represented as a cycle of
rises and falls. Gahzee offers an alternative to this structure, but one that is still
based on the model of a wheel, when he teaches Lisa about the spiritual beliefs
of the People:
This view is based on existing concepts of First Nations medicine wheels and the
Midewiwin (medicine society) of the Ojibwa Nation. This structural representa-
tion of Native beliefs ("the opposite of present is not past, but absent") provides
a striking contrast with the Outlander society that values historical progress and
status.
Although Gahzee is identified as a mediator and teacher of Native spiritual-
ity, he does not seem to follow Native models of teaching and learning. In their
analysis of how current educational practices in Canada impact upon Native
students, Dennis H. McPherson and J. Douglas Rabb state that Native models
of education are flexible and indirect. According to McPherson and Rabb, these
education practices "may be summed up in words like 'respect' and 'noninterfer-
ence'" (63). This ethic of noninterference precludes direct instruction:
It is a common remark that if you ask an Elder for advice you will never get a
straight answer. You will often be told a story which seems to have nothing
whatever to do with the question asked or the problem raised. You are given the
autonomy to discover the relevance of the reply and hence to work out the
problem for yourself. This is a sign of respect. It is also a method of instruction
which fosters independent thinking and self reliance. (63)
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
434 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
other cultures, "not to be politically correct, but for the sake of veracity.
Nothing is worse than the uninformed author; all they do is spread stereotypes
and often outright lies." Gahzee's explicit teaching methods in the text may be
an extension of this authorial concern not to misguide the audience.
There is a didactic emphasis throughout. Inclusion in Gahzee's new hybrid
society of People and Outlanders depends upon learning the spiritual beliefs of
the People. As Ragman complains, "Does this mean we all gotta learn about
these frigging Wheels?" (305). Although this is a lighthearted joke, it reinforces
the idea that entry into this new community is conditional on accepting Native
spirituality. Moreover, Gahzee's new community is called a "tribe," further
highlighting that this society is firmly based on Native models. On the one hand,
this is a positive endorsement of Native beliefs, suggesting they are more
conducive to forming hybrid communities than Western models of society. On
the other hand, the overriding emphasis on Native spirituality raises questions
about the extent of hybridity enabled in this community, which is dependent
upon a single set of beliefs and practices.
The most problematic aspect of the reintegration of society and space at the
end of the text involves Gahzee claiming the Maniwaki Enclave as the base for
his new tribe. The fact that this new community is closely identified with a
specific area of land fits with the correspondence between territory and
collective identities in the text. The founding of this new home hides a more
worrying act of dispossession, however. The Maniwaki Enclave is empty
because all the residents have been killed by a spore released into the Enclave
at the command of the yakuza boss. This spore only targeted the human
population, then deactivated, leaving the land free of contamination-a
seemingly convenient plot-device intended to clear a space for a new community
without its members having to bear the responsibility of dispossessing others.
Yet it is ominous that a supposedly reintegrated society takes advantage of land
that has been wiped clean of its former inhabitants.
The clearing of the Maniwaki Enclave fits with the schematic and spatial
rendering of historical narratives throughout the text. The lives and histories of
the People living in the Maniwaki Enclave are conveniently "balanced out" by
the new community that takes possession of the land. Indeed, this quick
substitution adds an ironic inflection to Gahzee's assertion that, "to the People,
the opposite of present is not past, but absent" (137).
The prioritization of spatial relations in Svaha seems to be a positive attempt
to overcome the legacies of past problems that continue to lead to separation and
segregation. Lisa distances herself from connections to her past and to her white
settler heritage: "We had nothing to do with it. Our ancestors fucked up-but all
we've ever done is tried to survive in the mess they left us. Why the hell
shouldn't we get a chance?" (302). Her assertion that the Outlanders have
suffered enough suggests that the schematic reversals between Enclave and
Outlander societies are perhaps a means of balancing out past injustices before
a truly integrated community can be formed in the space that was Canada. Yet
although Svaha imagines a new social model that reconfirms the primacy of the
First Nations in the land from which they were dispossessed, the text risks
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 435
NOTES
1. For a discussion of how the hybrid space of de Lint's "Otherworld" e
continual encounters between "Old World" and "New World" myths, see Steve
2. See Department of Justice, Canada (paragraphs c and d of the section en
"Interpretation").
3. According to the 1996 Canadian census, the top two places of origin for
immigrants to Canada are Hong Kong and China. See Statistics Canada.
4. William Gibson tells how he based his representation of Japanese identities o
experience of living in Canada; he had not visited Japan before writing Neuromanc
he regularly came into contact with Japanese culture in his home city of Vancou
an interview with Takayuki Tatsumi, Gibson says that "Vancouver is filled with
affluent Japanese people.... There are Japanese restaurants and nightclubs tha
entirely to Japanese tourists" (qtd in Ketterer 145).
5. The Canadian government commissioned a review into "Project Sidewinder"
found that the initial report was poorly researched and used inflammatory,
mongering language. The project team was required to write a second, more me
and rigorous draft. Although the threat of East Asian criminal gangs infiltrating Can
businesses is supposedly fairly low, it is still an issue that incites controversy in C
See Government of Canada, Security Intelligence Review Committee.
6. In Svaha, there is an indication that the People have already formed a Pan-t
understanding with other peoples "who maintain their traditions, who care fo
world as they might a brother or sister-or a mother" (123). Yet this wor
connection with other "tribes" privileges indigenous groups as the only ones w
have an ethical relationship with their land. At the end of the novel, Maori, Masa
Soyot "Twisted Hairs" arrive to support Gahzee's assertion that such connections
not be limited only to those people who can claim tribal heritage. They endorse h
Pan-national model that radiates from Maniwaki over former tribal connections.
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
436 SCIENCE FICTION STUDIES, VOLUME 33 (2006)
WORKS CITED
Callicott, J. Baird. In Defence of the Land Ethic: Essays in Environmental Philoso
Albany, NY: State U of New York P, 1989.
Csicsery-Ronay, Jr., Istvan. "Dis-Imagined Communities: Science Fiction and the Future
of Nations." Edging into the Future: Science Fiction and Contemporary Cultural
Transformation. Ed. Veronica Hollinger and Joan Gordon. Philadelphia: U of
Pennsylvania P, 2002. 217-37.
De Lint, Charles. Svaha. 1989. New York: Tor, 1994.
. "Afterword from the 1995 Dark Side Press edition of Mulengro. " Spring 1995.
31 October 2005 < http://www.sfsite.com/charlesdelint/mulengro.htm >.
Department of Justice, Canada. "Canadian Multiculturalism Act." 1985. 31 October
2005 <http://laws.justice.gc.ca/en/C-18.7/index.html>.
Gabriel, Sharmani Patricia. "'Between Mosaic and Melting Pot': Negotiating Multicul-
turalism and Cultural Citizenship in Bharati Mukherjee's Narratives of Diaspora."
Postcolonial Text 1.2 (May 2005). 31 October 2005 < http://www.pkp.ubc.ca/pocol/
viewarticle.php?id=208 > .
Gibson, William. Neuromancer. 1984. London: Voyager, 1995.
. Count Zero. 1986. London: Voyager, 1995.
Government of Canada, Security Intelligence Review Committee. "Annual Report 1999-
2000." Report No. 125, Project Sidewinder. 31 October 2005 <http://www.sirc-
csars.gc.ca/annual/1999-2000/secla_e.html >.
Grant, Glenn. "Introduction." Northern Stars. Ed. David G. Hartwell and Glenn Grant.
New York: Tor, 1994. 11-14.
Hutcheon, Linda. The Canadian Postmodern: A Study of Contemporary English-
Canadian Fiction. Toronto: Oxford UP, 1985.
Ketterer, David. Canadian Science Fiction and Fantasy. Bloomington: Indiana UP,
1992.
La Bare, Joshua. "The Future: 'Wrapped ... in that mysterious Japanese way'." SFS
27.1 (March 2000): 22-48.
Longan, Michael, and Tim Oakes. "Geography's Conquest of History in The Diamond
Age." Lost in Space: Geographies of Science Fiction. Ed. Rob Kitchin and James
Kneale. London: Continuum, 2002. 39-56.
McPherson, Dennis, H. and J. Douglas Rabb. "Indigeneity in Canada: Spirituality, the
Sacred and Survival." International Journal of Canadian Studies 23 (Spring 2001):
57-79.
Murphy, Graham J. "Imaginable Futures: Tea From an Empty Cup and the Notion of
Nation." Extrapolation 45.2 (Summer 2004): 145-61.
New, W.H. Borderlands: How We Talk About Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998.
Shainblum, Mark and John Dupuis. "Introduction." Arrowdreams: An Anthology of
Alternate Canadas. Ed. Mark Shainblum and John Dupuis. Winnipeg, Manitoba:
Nuage, 1997. 7-8.
Smith, Anthony D. "Towards a Global Culture?" Global Culture: Nationalism,
Globalization and Modernity. Ed. Mike Featherstone. London: Sage, 1990. 171-91.
Statistics Canada. "Top 10 Places of Birth for Total Immigrants, Immigrants Arrivin
Before 1961 and Recent Immigrants for Canada, 1996 Census-20% Sample Data."
31 October 2005 < http://www.statcan.ca/english/census96/nov4/ tablel .htm >.
Steven, Laurence. "Welwyn Wilton Katz and Charles de Lint: New Fantasy as a
Canadian Post-colonial Genre." Worlds of Wonder: Readings in Canadian Science
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
URBAN SPACE AND CANADIAN IDENTITY IN SVAHA 437
ABSTRACT
This article analyzes Charles de Lint's 1989 novel Svaha as an example of how distinct
national identities can endure in the globalized future espoused by most cyberpunk texts.
Instead of imagining a generic urban sprawl in which it is increasingly difficult to
maintain a stable social or communal identity, Svaha addresses issues of Canadian
identity based on the division of living spaces by various social and cultural boundaries.
The article begins by assessing Istvan Csicsery-Ronay's argument that science fiction
shows little interest in the future of nations, a notion I counter by means of Anthony D.
Smith's claims for nationality as an enduring connection to history (time) and homeland
(space) that extends both before and after the current political incarnation of the nation-
state. The article then offers a reading of the segregated urban space in Svaha as a
response to the legacy of Canada as a settler colony that prioritizes immigrant identities
over First Nations identities. In the novel, the mosaic model of Canadian multicultural-
ism that resulted in the fragmentation of the country is replaced by a more integrated
model based on a First Nations land ethic. The article ends by considering some of the
problems with the optimistic conclusion of the novel, in which space is used to overcome
historical legacies of dispossession.
This content downloaded from 200.27.73.13 on Tue, 04 Jul 2017 18:33:45 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms