Turgeon - Tale of A Kettle

The American Society for Ethnohistory
The Tale of the Kettle: Odyssey of an Intercultural Object

Author(s): Laurier Turgeon
Source: Ethnohistory, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Winter, 1997), pp. 1-29
Published by: Duke University Press
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The Tale of the Kettle:Odysseyof an
InterculturalObject
LaurierTurgeon, Laval University
Abstract.This articleseeks to explainwhy the European-made kettlebecamein-

vested with culturalidentityfor Quebecersafter havingmade a detouramong
Amerindiangroups.The uses to which the objectwas put in the cultureof origin
are reviewed;its transculturalpathwayis retraced;and, finally,its new functions
in the cultureof receptionareidentified.Theapproachis modeledon the so-called
historical-geographicmethoddevelopedin the studyof folktales.It is assumedthat
the materialobject,no less thanthe orallytransmittedtale, bearsthe markof the
use made of it, and situatinga singleobjectin the context of its productionand
receptionseemsto be the most reliableway to understandthe roleof objectsin the
constructionof culturalidentity.Two principalsourcesare used to illustratethe
materialaspectsof this process:the travelaccountsfromNew Franceandthe mu-
seumcollectionsderivedprimarilyfrom archaeologicalexcavationsoverthe past
hundredyearsor so of Amerindiancontactsitesin northeasternAmerica.
The idea for this study goes back to a visit to the Musee de la Civilisation
in Quebec City on the occasion of an exhibition devoted to cultural con-
tact between the French and the Amerindians in New France. Presented
in i992 as the "Rencontre de deux mondes" (Meeting of two worlds), the
exhibition was designed to commemorate the five hundredth anniversary
of Columbus's discovery of America and to contribute to the reconciliation
of Quebecers and Amerindians after the tragic, searing events caused by
the Mohawk resistance at Oka, Quebec, in i9go.1 This confrontation had
attracted the attention of journalists all over the world, and accounts of
it had appeared regularly in North American and European newspapers.
By highlighting the theme of cultural exchange and transfer, the exhibi-
tion's organizers undoubtedly sought to stress the harmonious relations
Ethnohistory44: I (winterI997). Copyright?) by the AmericanSocietyfor Ethno-

history.ccc 00I4-i80i/97/$I.50-

2 Laurier Turgeon
that had once existed between the French and the Amerindians in the St.
Lawrence valley (underthe French colonial regime) and, in so doing, hoped
to negotiate-outside official channels-new alliances with contemporary
Amerindian groups in Quebec. While at the outset the project elicited pro-
tests from the Amerindians, their subsequent participation in the working
out of its basic concept and scenario made consensus possible and led to
an exhibition acceptable to both parties.
One object displayed in the initial part of the exhibition, a copper
kettle, quite naturally attracted one's gaze, not only because of its impres-
sive dimensions (it was about 6o cm in diameter) but also because of the
shining curve of its midsection turned outward toward the beholder. It
beckoned to me because, in looking straight at it, I could see the outline
of my own image, as in a mirror. Below, on the left-hand side, a label ex-
plained that the kettle was among the first objects exchanged by the French
in North America.2This object might serve then as a point of entry into the
study of relations between Quebecers and Amerindians and, more gener-
ally, of the mediating function that objects perform in interculturalcontact.
It might also shed light on the process by which historical objects become
part of our museum heritage and thus enter into modernity.
The Cultural History of Objects
The study of material objects of European origin among Amerindian

groups has for a long time been dependent on the utilitarian concept of
technological acculturation.The claim is that European objects completely
transformed Amerindians' way of life, making them rely on Europeans,
who possessed the techniques for manufacturing and repairing such ob-
jects. Having lost their mastery of traditional technology, Amerindians
could do nothing but adapt to the European way of life. For instance,
Calvin Martin
(175), in his study of copper kettles among the Micmacs,
stresses the thesis of "technological determinism."He maintains that Euro-
pean copper kettles replaced the natives' large wooden kettles because they
were lighter, stronger, and more practical for cooking. Easier to trans-
port as well, the European kettles supposedly provided the stimulus for
the Micmacs to divide into small, highly mobile groups and to become
specialized hunters of fur-bearing animals. This "capitalist" behavior is
said to have supplanted traditional settlement patterns and ways of life
(ibid.: iz8). Although there is certainly a basis for Martin's argument, I
believe that the motivating factors and the mechanisms in question were
altogether different. The phenomenon of appropriation, not acculturation,
was involved.
My approach is based on the proposition that objects, no less than

Odysseyof an Intercultural
Object 3
people, possess a cultural life. Instead of dwelling on the techniques of

their production or on their exchange value, I prefer to reconstruct the tra-
jectories of objects to find out how they are used in the shaping of group
identities (see Appadurai i986: 3-5; Segalen and Le Wita i993: I7-22;
Weiner i992). The study of objects avoids, to some degree, the confines
of the classical monograph, which tends to limit the field of observation
to a single group, obscuring its competitive relations with other groups.
After all, interculturaltension explains why the members of a given group
feel the need to define and identify themselves as a group.3 Following the
pathways of objects through time and space, from one group to another,
permits us to demarcate the space within which contact has occurred and
to better understand gradations of meaning as we resituate things in their
culturalcontexts (StockingI985: 3-I4; Thomasi99I: 28-30). The study
of objects allows us access to the nonverbal expression of intercultural
relations, to the concrete actions of daily life that at times remain unen-
cumbered by words (Glassie i99i: 253-56). Words, as we know, do not say
everything; they frequently deceive, or conceal more than they show, or
even deflect or alter meaning.
Recourse to material culture seems all the more justified in this study
because the Amerindians, in the absence of writing, left no verbal testi-
mony to their experience, apart from oral history. Although the written
records of the French, particularly in the form of travel writing and his-
tories of New France, describe the behavior, attitudes, and beliefs of the
Amerindians, they systematically filter information in ways that rhetorical,
narratological, or thematic analysis can lay bare but rarelycorrect. What is
more, the travel accounts themselves unveil the significance of material ob-
jects in intercultural communication. In his Histoire de la Nouvelle-France
Marc Lescarbot (i6o9), a lawyer for the parliament of Pariswho accompa-
nied Champlain on his first journeysto Canada, gives a detailed description
of the lingua franca or pidgin that the Basques and Micmacs had ham-
mered out to do business together. The few extant words designate objects
and groups that played a part in commercial exchange, or they evoke the
relations between trading partners.4More than a mere palliative for a lan-
guage gap or even a total language barrier,the material object became the
preferred means of exchange and communication. The re'colletmissionary
Gabriel Sagard (i990: z66), who spent the winter of i623-24 among the
Hurons, notes that the latter acknowledge the "great mind" of the French,
who "alone are able to make the most difficult things, such as axes, knives,
kettles"5 (my translation). Despite the ethnocentricity of this remark, we
see that the object was the means by which the Amerindian conceived and
assessed the other, at least in initial contacts with the European.
In this article I seek to identify the uses made of an object in the cul-

4 Laurier Turgeon
ture of origin, to reconstruct its transculturalpathway, and to uncover the

new uses to which it was put by the receiving culture. My approach is in-
spired by the "historical-geographic" method developed for the study of
folktales, in which all the known versions of a given tale are gathered, their
movement through time and space is reconstructed, and textual variations
are explained through the contexts of reproduction and reception.6 The
basic principle is that the material object, like the orally transmitted tale,
bears the mark of its use. I study a single object in order to see it in its
particularity, to demarcate the contexts of its production and reception,
and, finally, to illuminate the mechanism of interculturalexchange.
To grasp this process in its material aspect, I use two main sources:
travel accounts from New France and the museum collections that, for the
most part, derive from archaeological excavations over the past century
or so at Amerindian contact sites in northeastern America. These sources
are abundant and complementary.The corpus of travel accounts from New
France is one of the richest from North America, in terms of the num-
ber of published accounts and the quality of ethnographic description in
them (Atkinson i920). The material culture of the Amerindians of north-
eastern America is doubtless the best-known and most studied from the
two Americas, at least for the period of recent prehistory (thirteenth to
fifteenth centuries) and of the first contacts (sixteenth to early seventeenth
centuries). The sites excavated and artifacts cataloged for the Iroquoian
groups from the Great Lakes region alone are more numerous than for the
Aztecs of the valley of Mexico City (Ramsdan I993). Thanks to reliable
dating methods for the sites, we now have a detailed chronology of the
collections and can reconstruct the cultural sequences. The archaeological
collections allow us to confirm the uses made of objects described in the
travel accounts and to follow the evolution of Amerindian material culture
from the end of the prehistoric period. Thus we can examine, with reason-
able reliability, the repercussions of the introduction of European objects
for the Amerindian way of life.
Copper in Europe
In fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe copper was primarilyemployed

to make objects for everyday use. Although it was used more than ever
in coinage as a response to strong inflationary pressures and the demand
for "hard"currency (Spooner I956: 30-32), red copper-its natural color
is actually pinkish-continued to lose ground to silver and especially gold.
The growth in the circulation of copper coinage, often called "black
money" on account of the fear inspired by its successive devaluations (Vilar

Object 5
I974: ziz),was a sign of its "vulgarization."The fact that this metal, when
alloyed with zinc, produces "yellow copper" or brass, which was increas-
ingly used as imitation gold, suggests why copper in its natural form was
becoming debased.
Less suited, therefore, to distinctive and symbolic purposes, copper
came to be favored in the manufacture of industrial products and domes-
tic objects (Westermanni98i). It was no doubt the rapid expansion of the
military industry that most contributed to the development of the European
copper market in the sixteenth century. More resistant to corrosion than
iron, copper was introduced into the manufactureof cannons and muskets,
for which there was an ever-growing demand in war-torn Europe. It was
also used to reinforce the hulls of ships and to trim the roofs and fountains
of public buildings and private dwellings (Jeannin I977: 72-77). It was
likewise used in the fabrication of the large cauldrons needed for brewing
beer or rendering whale blubber, as well as for a widening range of domes-
tic articles: kettles, urinals, basins, trays, serving dishes, and candlesticks
(Poncelet I936: I7; Douxchamps-LefdvreI977: 40).
Copper production increased in response not only to stepped-up de-
mand in the European market but also to the growing potential for export
to American and African markets. Indeed, copper was one of the first Euro-
pean products to be exported to North America in significant quantities.
For example, Micheau de Hoyarsabal, a Basque ship captain from Saint-
Jean-de-Luz, borrowed funds in I584 for the purchase of approximately
ioo kettles of "red copper," according to a notarized contract from Bor-
deaux.7In I586 Hoyarsabal procured 2og "new red copper kettles trimmed
in iron"-presumably the handles and support bands were of iron-and
zoo more the following year for trade with "the savages of Canada."8 Ship-
ments destined for the eastern coast of America-known as the "Florida
coast" 9-appear to have been more varied. The ship L'Aiglede La Rochelle,
outfitted in I565, included a cargo of kettles, bracelets, harness bells, ear-
rings, awls, and needles, all of copper, for trade with "the inhabitants of
the country."10The amounts of copper sent to Africa were greater still. In a
typical contract, notarized in Antwerp in I548, the powerful Fugger family
promised to deliver to the king of Portugal, for trade with the "Negroes
of the Guinea coast," 750 quintals of rings, 24,000 urinals, 5,300 barber's
basins, and IO,50o kettles, all of brass (Herbert I984: I27). The main Euro-
pean export to Africa, copper was exchanged for slaves, pepper, ivory, and
even gold (Herbert i98i: Iz5).11
The copper shipped from La Rochelle and Bordeaux came from the
Germanic and Scandinaviancountries. La Rochelle notaries made mention
of "kettles from Namur" purchased in large quantities through Antwerp

6 LaurierTurgeon
Figurei. Two brasskettles,typicalof those found in northernFranceand Flan-

ders.The bail attachmentsare simplerectangularpiecesof brassattachedto the
lip with two or three brass rivets. George MacDonaldCollection,Bartibogue,
New Brunswick,Canada.
middlemen (Trocme and Delafosse I95Z: 75). Specialists in kettle making,

ironmongering, and sheet-metal craft, Flemish coppersmiths worked espe-
cially in brass, produced with locally mined zinc and copper imported in
sheets from central Europe (Douxchamps-Lefevre I977: 45). Copper ar-
rived in Bordeaux via the same route and from Sweden as well. In I583 the
Bordeaux merchant Jehan de Pinssun became partners with a Hamburg
merchant so as to purchase several shipments of Swedish copper, no doubt
to meet the demand created by the development of the North American fur
trade. Lacking the means of production to fill all these orders, merchants
in Bordeaux often had to call on coppersmiths in outlying areas, in the
Garonne and even the Dordogne, during the I580S.12
Kettle typology allows us to identify the production sites. The kettles
from Flanders and northern France are often made of brass and reveal
a peculiar manufacturing technique: the rim is folded over an iron ring
to form the lip, and the two bail attachments-simple rectangular pieces
of brass attached to the lip with brass rivets-hold up a rolled handle of
wrought iron (Fitzgerald et al. I993: 48). The kettles from southwestern
France, on the other hand, are made of red copper, and the flared rim has

Odyssey of an InterculturalObject 7
Figure2. Red copperkettle,probablymanufacturedin southwesternFrance.The

bail attachments,madeof long iron bands,are rivetedonto the kettlejust under
the lip. GeorgeMacDonaldCollection,Bartibogue,New Brunswick,Canada.
been produced by bending the inner wall toward the outside, roughly at
a ninety-degree angle; the bail attachments, made of long bands of iron,
are riveted onto the kettle just under the lip. On the larger kettles, the two
extremities of the handle, passing through the bail attachments, stick out
several centimeters so that they can be held (ibid.: 45) These kettles can still
be seen in homes and museums in the Landes region and in Basque coun-
try, and they are indisputablyakin to the sixteenth-century kettles found at
Amerindian sites.
Amerindian Uses for Copper
The use of European copper spread rapidly and widely in northeastern

North America beginning in the second half of the sixteenth century. Intro-
duced by Norman, Breton, and Basque fishermen, the copper was first
traded in the coastal regions of eastern Canada and then began to circu-
late freely among the Micmac groups of the Acadian peninsula; these sites
contain the largest amounts of it (Whitehead 1993: 23-70). Moving along
prehistoric trade routes, the copper quickly began to travel southward and
then up the great rivers of the eastern coast of America: the Kennebec,

8 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Laurier
Turgeon
Montagnais St. wrne
4.
SaguenayRiver PI 3
oAlgonquin ~
~%oMicmnac
La 7
Hrn Huron
Petun 4
Neutral
Erie
Oan
15
Ohio ie
Map i. Distributionof CopperKettlesFoundon Native AmericanContactSites

(i6th-i7th Centuries)
1. PiCtou2. Northport3. Tabusintac4. Ashuapmuchuan 5. St. Nicolas 6. Chase
7. Ball 8. Graham-Roger9. Milton Height io. Hamilton ii. Christianson12.
Grimsby13. FactoryHallow 14. Tram15. Madisonville
the Hudson, and the Susquehanna (Bourqueand Whitehead 1985: 327-28;

Bradleyand Childs i99i: 9). Copper was brought to the St. Lawrencevalley
by the Basques as early as the I58os; from there, it reached the Algon-
quian groups of northern Quebec (Moreau and LangevinI992: 42; Denton
I994: 78; Langevin et al. I995: 307-20), as well as the numerous Iroquoian
groups in the Great Lakes region (Fitzgeraldet al. I993: 47-49). Before the
end of the decade it had spread as far as the distant Ohio River valley, to
the heart of the continent (Cowan i992: 14).
The copper kettle was not the only articletraded. Axes, knives, swords,
and "other iron goods" were common in Basque and La Rochelle cargoes
of the period.'3Along with the metal items could be found sewing materi-
als and accessories of "diverse kinds" (needles, ribbons, and raised satin),
often accompanied by hats, bed linens, and "ccottes"(long jackets with

Object 9
"basques"or tails)in Scottish"foreze."14 The Amerindianscertainlymade

use of theseEuropeangarments,for at CapeNeddick,on the Mainecoast,
in i6oz the EnglishexplorerJohn Breretonmet up with a Basqueshal-
lop mannedby six Amerindians,one of whom was wearinga jerkinand
sailor'sbreechesin black serge,as well as shoes and socks (Bourqueand
WhiteheadI985: 327-28). Tradegoods also includedvariousglass beads
andcasksof flourandprunes(LeBlantandDelafosseI956: 338,354).15 Yet
articlesof copperexceededall othercategoriesin importance.Theyalways
headedthe lists of tradegoods drawnup by notaries.They were likewise
the first Europeanobjectsto appearat Amerindiansites, and later they
came to dominatearchaeologicalfindsof Europeanorigin (TriggerI976:
2z4; BradleyI987: I30; Wray et al. I987: 249; Fitzgeraldi990: II3).
But copper fit into Amerindian belief systems and representations of
the world long before the arrival of the Europeans (Miller and Hamell
i986: 3i5). Archaeologists have shown clearly that pre-Columbian groups
were already exploiting copper deposits in the Appalachians and the Cana-
dian shield (Leonard I993). The earliest European travelers commented
frequently on the Amerindian fascination with copper. For example, Ver-
razano, who in I524 encountered Algonquians in Narragansett Bay (the
present-day site of Newport, Rhode Island), noted that men and women
alike wore "earpendants in the manner of the Orientals, particularlystrips
of chiseled copper, a metal this people values more than gold. The latter ...
is not esteemed; indeed, it is the metal most scorned, on account of its
color, people's taste favoring blue and red" (Julien et al. I98I: 89; my
translation). The same attitude was prevalent among the St. Lawrence Iro-
quoians, who on several occasions spoke to Cartierof the marvelous realm
of the Saguenay, where they found "the red copper they call caignetdaze"
(Bideaux i986: I32, I57; my translation).'6
The intrinsic qualities of this metal explain its popularity among the
Amerindians. Quite malleable in its natural state, copper readily lends itself
to the fashioning of small decorative objects. Corrosion-resistant,it can be
kept a long time, and a simple rubbingwill returnthe luster to it. Moreover,
its red color, underscored by the travelers, was reminiscent of blood and
thus helped make copper a powerful symbol of life among all the peoples of
the American Northeast (Miller and Hamell i986: 325). Signifying fertility
and vitality, red was likewise the color of power. More than the other at-
tributes of the metal, its redness was what endowed copper with its virtues.
Sometimes copper objects were coated with red ocher to make them even
redder.'7
Copper of European origin, however, acquired statutory and symbolic
functions beyond those of native copper during the prehistoric period.
Amerindian groups assigned greater value to European copper, no doubt

Io LaurierTurgeon
because of its intrinsic properties and its singularity. It came in the form
of something new and virtually unreproducible (kettles); it was also vastly
more abundant and more rigid. Its provenance apparently increased its
representational power. If native copper disappeared from sites after the
introduction of European copper, it is surely because the latter was judged
superior.
European copper was reserved for ceremonial and ritual use. Among
the Iroquoian groups of the Great Lakes region, copper kettles did not
replace traditional earthenwarepots, which continued to be used for every-
day cooking (Bradley I987: I3I). Instead, the kettles were hoarded inside
the house, where they enhanced the decor (L'IncarnationI971: 776). They
were taken off display only for special feasts, which called for the prepa-
ration of "sagamites,"fatty corn-based soups consumed by the celebrants.
The kettles were often broken down, before ever being used for cooking, to
fashion body ornaments: bracelets, rings, pendants, and earrings (Bradley
I987: I30-36; Moreau and LangevinI992: 42). These reworked kettle frag-
ments were worn in battle or on diplomatic missions, for holidays or for
funeral rites. They were thought also to be endowed with healing powers
and were offered either to the shaman or directly to the patient.'8
But the kettle itself seems to have been the most sought-after copper
object. Certain groups accumulated hundreds of them. Marie de L'Incar-
nation (I97I: 776), the Ursuline nun who lived in Quebec City from i639
to i67z, recounted that in i665 French soldiers took "fully four hundred
kettles, and the rest of their riches" from a group of Mohawks, which
suggests that the kettles figured among their most precious goods. The
travelersall acknowledge the importance assigned to the copper kettle, but
none as clearly as Nicolas Denys, in his Histoire naturelledes moeurset pro-
ductionsdes peoples de l'Ameriqueseptentrionale,published in i672: "The
kettle always appeared to them [the Amerindians], and still does, the most
precious thing they can get from us" (d'Entremonti98z: 259; my transla-
tion). Although the observers do not explain why the kettle was so prized,
the uses to which it was put lead one to believe that it affirmed, more than
any other object, the cohesion and continuity of the group. The kettle is
repeatedly brought up in travel writings not as a mere object but as the
attracting pole of an act of socialization, whence the often-penned expres-
sion faire chaudiere. "Bringing out the kettle" signified a convocation at
which food-the source of life, it need hardly be said-was to be shared.
The importance of a feast could be measured by the number and size of the
kettles marshaled for it (Sagardi990: z3z-33). It was likewise in "a large
kettle," Sagard (ibid.: z4z) reminds us, that the "disemboweled" bodies
of captives were cooked, to be eaten "in a feast" (my translation). The

Object II
kettle assumed, therefore, a role in anthropophagy: it was the locus of the

enemy's transformation into nourishment, the place in which the other's
life was appropriated for transmutation into self.
The kettle also played a central role in the "feast of the dead," which
was, according to the Jesuit Jean de Brebeuf, the most important ritual
amongthe northernIroquoians(ThwaitesI959, IO: 278). Celebratedespe-
cially by the Hurons, the Petuns, and the Neutrals, at intervals of twelve
to fifteen years, and, as a rule, before a village was relocated, the festi-
val brought together all the villagers, in particular those in whose families
there had been a death. The bodies of the dead, temporarily buried either
in the houses or outside the village, were exhumed (FitzgeraldI979: 45),
and the bones, thought to enclose the "souls" or the lives of the dead,
were brought to the ceremony. Carefully stripped of any flesh, cleaned, and
gathered into deer or beaver hides, the bones were deposited into a com-
mon grave, together with offerings made by the relatives and friends of the
deceased: kettles, of course, and also axes, bracelets, bead necklaces, and
"other things they judge to be of value," so that the dead could "display
their booty and their riches that very day in the other life" (Sagardi990:
z96; my translation).
The most detailed description of such a feast is given by Brebeuf for
the Huron village of Ossossane in i636. About a dozen persons, standing in
the grave, "placedthree large kettles right in the middle"-the kettles them-
selves reproduced the form of the grave-and arranged the bones "close
together all around [them]" (Thwaites I959, IO: 298; my translation). Ex-
cavatedby the archaeologistKennethKidd(I953: 364-67), this ossuary-
seven meters in diameter-contained about a thousand skeletons, placed
around three kettles, more or less as Brebeuf describes. In his account Bre-
beuf admits that the Hurons called this ceremony "the kettle" and not
the feast of the dead, as the French did. He thereby unveils the link that
the Hurons made between the kettles used for cooking and those used for
burial. The culinary rite and the funeral rite formed a continuum, because
the "captains"spoke of the latter "even in the most serious councils under
the sole name of kettle." Brebeuf adds that the chiefs, in speaking of the
observance, "appropriateall the terms from cooking; in such a way that to
say hasten or delay the festival of the dead, they will say cool or stoke up
the fire underneath the kettle .. . and to say the kettle is overturnedwould
be to say that there will be no festival of the dead" (Thwaites I959, IO: z78;
my translations). Far from a celebration of death, "the kettle" assured the
passage from life on earth to life in the great beyond, "in the land of souls."
The kettle was thus the object of mediation par excellence between this life
and the "other life."

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Figure 3. Wood-cut representing the "Feast of the Dead" from Franqois Lafitau,
Moeurs des sauvages ameiiquains, Paris, Saugrain, 1724-

Odyssey of an Intercultural Object I3
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14 Laurier Turgeon
:~~~~~~~'O
An.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~f
Figure 5. Perforated copper kettle from Tabusintac, New Brunswick. New Bruns-
wick Provincial Museum, St. John, New Brunswick, Canada.
funeral objects, in a compact mass, which was then placed on a birch-

bark-and-hide rug and arrayedalong the bottom of the grave (Whitehead
I993: 84-88).
Comparativelysmall, Micmac graves most often contain the remains
of one or a few individuals. Even so, they have been found to hold a number
of kettles, to which the Micmacs had ready access through direct contact
with the Europeans. As a rule, the kettles have been placed upside down
over the remains and grave goods and are, in turn, covered by beaver skins
or moose or bear hides (ibid.: 54_55).19 Many of the exhumed kettles show
no trace of fire or wear but do carry the marks of deliberate destruction,
effected with picks and axes to permanently deprive the kettles of their
utilitarian function.20For example, the three kettles taken from a tomb in
Tabusintac, New Brunswick, had been buried upside down and on top of
each other, in the shape of a pyramid; the one that formed the base was
intact and enclosed human bones, while the other two were empty and had
been deliberately perforated (Smith i886: I4-i5). The salient point is that
the undamaged kettle shows signs of wear, while those that were pierced
are, for all practical purposes, new. Could it be that the new kettles, which
most likely were buried shortly after having been acquired, without ever

Object I5
having been used by the living, had been hacked and gashed so that they
would seem to have been used? Ironically, mutilating them may have been
a way of giving life to them. Be that as it may, what emerges is the intention
to withdraw them from circulation, to appropriate them (for other aims),
even to sacralize them. No longer operative below ground, they could be of
service only to the souls in the great beyond; they thus became sacrificial
offerings destined to strengthen the gods or reincarnatedbeings.
In a rare instance of dialogue in his account, Nicolas Denys alludes to
the mediating function of the kettle and may even reveal its underlying sig-
nificance. He reports the explanation of a Micmac "savage,"to the effect
that the "soul" of the kettle would be "of service to the deceased in the
other world." He then specifies that the European kettle is buried with
the mortal remains, because it is "a newly introduced utensil with which
the other world is not [yet] supplied" (d'Entremonti982: 259; my transla-
tion). Denys's "savage"is suggesting that the "other world" is inaccessible
to Europeans. Amerindians alone had access to that world and had the
ability to introduce European objects into it, through their funeral rites.
Indeed, the kettle served the deceased, not the other way around, and he
or she transported it to the other world. The sacrificial object was thus a
conveyor of identity, because it was an appropriated object.21The kettle
that had been pierced and buried reflected on the power of its owner rather
than on that of its creator, on the act of appropriation rather than on that
of mediation. In any case, attributing the power of mediation to an object
was just one means of endowing it with strength.
In the final analysis, the function of the kettle seems to have been
more political than eschatological. Brebeuf alludes on several occasions to
the unifying force of "the kettle." Prepared well in advance, "in the most
secret and most important councils" (Thwaites i959, Io: z8i), the cele-
bration mobilized the inhabitants of the eight or nine villages of the land
and those of "the foreign nations that may be invited to it" (ibid.: z8i) to
participate in a series of ceremonies lasting seven or eight days. Lodged
by the inhabitants of the host village and nearby settlements, the guests
took part in the discussions, games, and processions "from morning until
night" (ibid.: 289), in anticipation of the burial of the bones of the dead
on the final day of the celebration. At this most solemn moment everyone
gathered around the gravesite, with the kettles arrayedin the center and a
wooden gallery on each side; at the back, in "a sort of staging very well
made" (ibid.: 293), bundles of bones suspended from poles were placed at
center stage, as it were. Brebeuf compares this layout not to a French ceme-
tery but to the Place Royale, in Paris. Constructed under Henry IV, this
square (the present-day Place des Vosges) was still thought of, in the reign

i6 LaurierTurgeon
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. ..5. ::.

...::.
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of. Louis:XVIIIas the most imposing s.. ._ onein Paris and, conse tly,
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politicarahe thaE-relgiu
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nity was equallybrought together in death. Defleshed and disjointed,
the~wal
nologuer be ultimate deomposition

iodenutifie (sveaux P993: Roya). Thresn
anonymity weaswitessedn but ats
tofatheindividualo thereturcntouriginalm
itsanestorsandeeni ose in
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te incrnatonf en
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the wreeneaat
Greate shrtlied.
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607).
(a 98: 2). Sml
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, politi.
cemeteresbecae widesread sonafte contactase muchmong the
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ravelgoderanchedougt

Object I7
of these goods were of European origin (TriggerI976, I: 242-43; Bradley

i987: ii0; Fitzgerald I990: 557). It is noteworthy also that the European
objects turn up in burial grounds, almost never in villages or at campsites
(Wray et al. I99I: 393; Fitzgerald i990: I03), which confirms their mainly
mortuary use. The emergence of even stranger practices can be observed.
For example, among the Senecas, thousands of whose tombs have been ex-
cavated, the graves become deeper, and the bodies, oriented eastward at
first, progressively turn westward (Wrayet al. i987: 245). By the end of the
sixteenth century half of these skeletons are turned westward (Wrayet al.
I99I: 398), as if salvation now lay in the direction of the continent and no
longer in that of the rising sun, the origin of the white man. The festival of
the dead, collective burials, and funeral offerings all tend to disappear with
the breakup and dispersal of Amerindian groups in the second half of the
seventeenth century (Hickerson i960: 8i).
Regroupings in death merely reflected the partnerships and coalitions
in life. The appearance of cemeteries among the Senecas corresponded to
the emergence of villages and of a specific tribal identity (Wrayet al. i987:
239). It seems likely that this happened around the time that the Senecas
and the other four Iroquois groups, also in the process of formation-the
Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks-established their confed-
eration (Trigger I976, I: i63). Farther north, another regrouping created
the powerful Huron confederation, comprising about twenty villages and
thirty thousand inhabitants (Thwaites I959, 9: 3I2; Delage i985: 6o). These
larger political entities no doubt saw themselves as a means of counteract-
ing the threat posed by the other: first the Europeans and then the local
enemy, for the Iroquois and Hurons were often at war. While the origins of
these coalition-building movements remain unclear,the European presence
and hostilities among Iroquoian groups reinforced and accelerated them.
The copper kettle became the rallyingpoint for individuals and groups,
because its force of attraction was stronger than that of any other known
object. Around the kettle people gathered for festivals of life and of death;
around the kettle they reflected on the community and on what they wanted
it to become; around it, too, they rekindled such hopes. A site for the
convergence of beings, the kettle sparked the emergence of new ritual prac-
tices as well. During this period of interculturalcontact we see a tendency
toward the ritualization of daily activities. In addition to the elaboration
of mortuary ceremonialism, we observe the marked development of heal-
ing rites in response to epidemics. The act of smoking also assumes a
more ceremonial and sacred character, as shown in the greater frequency
with which pipes appear in burial sites, increasingly decorated, moreover,
with anthropomorphic and zoomorphic effigies (Mathews i980: 298-305;

8 Laurier Turgeon
O'Connor I994: 43-6i). More than just a sign of identity, the kettle con-
ferred identity. As much through political coalitions as through the cultural
practices it inspired, it helped prevent or even contain disorder, instilling
vitality in those who possessed it.
Euro-Canadian Reappropriations
These copper kettles remained buried until Euro-Canadian scholars-

above all, archaeologists and anthropologists-exhumed them, reappro-
priating them as objects of scholarly inquiry. During the second half of the
nineteenth century American and, later, Canadian archaeologists began ex-
cavating Amerindian burial grounds to better understand the objects they
contained. This was not an isolated development: European archaeologists
of the same period, imbued with romanticism and nationalism (Trigger
i989), avidly sought the funeraltrappings and corporeal remains of ancient
races, or even of saints, in hopes of bringing these collector's items back to
the nation as part of its patrimony. The growing interest in human skele-
tal remains also derived from the appearance of evolution theory, which
interpreted racial difference as a function of evolutionary lag time and di-
vided people into three main developmental phases: savagery, barbarism,
and civilization. It then became imperative to find morphological proof
of human evolution, from the primates up, by excavating prehistoric sites
(Stocking i988: 7-8).
In Quebec there were two precursors, one anglophone and the other
francophone. John William Dawson, a geology professor at McGill Uni-
versity, was the first to publish reports of a prehistoric site. He described
objects found by workers excavating a building site: human skulls, ceramic
fragments, pipes, stone axes, and iron and copper fragments of European
origin (Martijn I978: I4). Dawson believed that this collection, now pre-
served as part of the McCord Museum's holdings, in Montreal, came from
Hochelaga, the large St. Lawrence Iroquoian village that Cartier visited
during his I535-36 expedition. Dawson's work had been anticipated by
that of Joseph-Charles Tache, a professor at Laval University, who had
excavated sixteen Huron ossuaries in Ontario during the i850s. He had
probably been trained by Charles Brasseurde Bourbourg, a French priest
teaching at the Quebec City seminary in the late i840s who later became
a leading expert on ancient Mexican artifacts (ibid.: I2-I3). While Tache
left no published account of his archaeological digs, he did establish a mu-
seum at Laval University, the Musee Tache, undoubtedly the first museum
in Canada devoted to Amerindian archaeology and history (Bergeron and
Milot I993: 3). We know that the museum contained "copper [kettles],"

Object I9
because three specimens found in Huron ossuaries were exhibited at the

Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists, held in Quebec City in
September i906.22
It is perhaps no mere coincidence that these pioneering explorations
took place during the period of rising ethnic tension and political agitation
that led to Canadian confederation in i867. Those in charge of the digs
were also active participants in political debates and in the establishment
of the Canadian state. Dawson, president of the Board of Public Educa-
tion as well as an archaeologist, had a decisive impact on the creation of a
Protestant and English school system in Quebec (Eakins and Eakins i990:
256). Tache, whom his friends called "the Iroquois" because of his strong
interest in the Amerindians, was a legislator as well as editor in chief of the
French Canadian daily Courrierdu Canada. Canada's representativeto the
World's Fair held in Paris in i855, Tache was made a knight of the French
Legion of Honour by Napoleon III. A fervent nationalist, he militated in
favor of the rights of French Canadians while the Constitution of i867 was
drawn up (Nadeau i990: II05). Although we shall probably never know
Tache's motives in excavating the Huron ossuaries, we can be fairly sure
that he was familiar with Brebeuf's account and therefore with the cen-
tral role of the kettle in the festival of the dead. The early Jesuit accounts
were widely studied at the time, for after a fire had destroyed the exten-
sive library of the Quebec legislature in i854, several priests from Laval
University and the Petit Seminaire of Quebec City prepared a first edition
of the Jesuit writings, which appeared in i858. Is it not possible that "the
Iroquois" wished to tap into the power of the object and thereby awaken
the dormant energy of its possessor?
While the kettle never acquired the symbolic value for the Euro-
Canadians that it had for the Amerindians, it has continued to serve as a
resource for museum collections in eastern Canada and the United States.
The ritual of taking possession of a kettle is reminiscent of that undertaken
by Amerindians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In accordance
with the canons of the discipline, the place of discovery and removal is
designated by the name of the landowner and then assigned an identifica-
tion code made up of letters and numbers (the Borden code, as it is known
in Canada). The object undergoes a transfigurationin the laboratory. It is
carefully decluttered and cleaned: extraneous matter adhering to its sur-
face is removed, such as rusted iron, birch bark, hair, and fragments of
hides preserved by the mineral salts in the copper (Whitehead I993: 23;
Chretien et al. I995: 2iz). The fragile iron handles and bail attachments
are washed with distilled water and then rustproofed to prevent further
deterioration. Now purified, the object is marked with the identification

20 Laurier Turgeon
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Scotia Provincial Museum, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada.
code and with an inventory number, after which these references are tran-
scri I 1
as an arti 11
complete the ritual, curators give the artifact a protective coat to ensure
its preservation: the deteriorating parts of the kettle are coated with wax,
and then everything is wrapped up either in acid-free paper or in strips of
white polyethylene foam. This white envelope furnishes the "bare bones"
of the ob'ect 1just
with a new skinJ as the hides did in the Amerindian burial
I
process; thus the ob'ect
I is given new life. Finally, it is "buried" in museum
storage or at some other well-guarded preservation site, under lock and
key. Removed from circulation, safe from prying eyes and hands, the kettle
has once more been sacralized. This time, 1it has been appropriated not in
the name of religion but in the name of science.

Object ZI
Conclusion
The copper kettle served as a catalyst for identity formation because it was
an appropriated object. The act of appropriation, more than the object
itself, produced the creative tension involved in identity formation. It is as
if the acquisition of European objects through trade allowed Amerindian
groups to consolidate, extend their alliances, and distinguish and reinforce
themselves in relation to other Amerindian groups. However, exchange
with Europeans also opened a breach through which the latter penetrated
the native group; thus it was necessary for this group to develop certain
symbolic practices and, perhaps even more important, to affirm its identity
by recourse to objects whose origin lay with the other. Far from a sign of
acculturation, the burial of Europeanobjects represented a definite form of
appropriation, a means of taking them out of circulation, of putting them
beyond the reach of their creator. The copper kettle, more than any other
European object, made possible the journey of souls to the other world,
where, less threatened, they could hope to enter another life.
Similarly, when Euro-Canadians exhibit an Amerindian object, they
express a double movement of opening up and shutting out. First, by res-
urrecting funeral objects, they resurrect those to whom they belonged.
The study of indigenous objects is motivated by our desire to renew our
knowledge of human society and to convey it to others. At the same time,
the dead, in being resurrected, can become threatening. Therefore the re-
appropriated object must be sealed off by new symbolic schemes and new
discourse. We take possession of the object and transform it physically: it
is unearthed, inventoried, coded, classified, and placed elsewhere for safe-
keeping. It becomes part of a new order and acquires new meanings. A
scientific discourse aimed at explaining group acculturation also shuts out
the other, who is made to disappear, no less. Indeed, the notion of accul-
turation is based on a negation, for the objective is to retrace the stages
of a process by which the other is transformed. In this altered state the
Amerindian is, at best, a "metis," a being who no longer has any claim
to authenticity. Traditionalism, nowadays quite pronounced among cer-
tain Amerindian groups, may be, in fact, a reaction against the scientific
discourse of acculturation.
Every organized society seems to be subject to tensions surrounding
the question of identity, some of them centrifugal and others centripetal.
A society experiences, on the one hand, the need to open up in order to
be renewed, regenerated, reinforced, and, on the other hand, the need to
shut itself off in order to guarantee its cohesion, continuity, stability. The
kettles, like human groups, oscillate between two positions: upright, they

22 Laurier Turgeon
open out toward others, furnishing them the nourishment required for life;
upside down, they shut others out, affording their contents protection and
security.
Notes
I wouldliketo thankRealOuellet,DenysDeldge,RobertSt.George,DanielArse-
nault,and MichelineAubinfor theircommentson andcorrectionsof the draftof
this text; LouiseBernard,who kindlydid the typing;and Ronnie-GillesLe Blanc
of the Centrefor AcadianStudiesat the Universityof Moncton,FiddleTheriault
of ArchaeologicalServicesfor the provinceof New Brunswick,and RuthHolmes
Whiteheadof the ProvincialMuseumof Nova Scotia,who gaveme full accessto
theirextensivecollectionsof Micmackettles.Thisprojectcouldhaveneitherbegun
nor been completedwithout the financialsupportof the HumanitiesResearch
Councilof Canada,the Fundfor TrainingandAid for Scholarsof the Ministryof
Educationof Quebec,and the Officeof Quebecin Acadia.I am also gratefulto
the Ecoledes HautesEtudesen SciencesSociales(EHESS), in Paris,which invited
me to serveas guest lecturerin NovemberI993 and thus enabledme to become
familiarwith the workof JeanBazin,AlbanBensa,andEmmanuelDesveaux,who
givegraduateseminarsat the EHESS.
i Fora thoroughanalysisof this conflictsee Boileaui99i.
z Unfortunately,thereis no catalogfor the exhibition,but Dufour(iggz) sum-
marizesits contents.
3 Amselle (I990: 54-6z) shows clearlythat the constructionsof identity,and
eventhe definitionof culture,resultfromthe competitiverelationshipsamong
groups,an "intercultural balanceof power,"andnot fromtraditionor collec-
tivememoryas a historicalprocess.I also relyon theworkof Fallet al. (I994);
Grossberget al. (i99z), who owe so muchto the school of Birmingham; and
particularlyBazinandBensa(I994).
4 The pidgin lexicon of the Micmacsincludeswords such as atouray(Basque
atorra, "shirt"), echapada (ezpata, "sword"), mouschcoucha(biskotxa, "hard-
tack"), martra(marta,"martin"),matachiaz(patatxa, "bracelets"),basquoa(Bas-
koa, "Basque"), normandia (Normandia, "Norman"), chabaia (Xabaia, "Sav-
age"), canadaquoa (Kanadakoa, "Canadian" or "Amerindian dwelling in
Canada"), mercateria(merkataria,"merchant"),adesquide(adeskide,"friend"),
and ania (anaia, "brother"). See Lescarbot I609: 6z6-45; Bakker i989.
5 SagardI990, the latest critical edition, is the most complete and most reliable.
6 Olof Nygard (I958) and especially Velay-Vallantin (I992: II-42) have renewed
this method in accounting for the transformation of tales as a function of his-
torical contexts and of the role of storytellers and audiences in their reproduc-
tion. Instead of seeing folktales as immutable productions of tradition, Velay-
Vallantin gives them new life by describing their recompositions and social and
cultural reappropriations.
7 Departmental Archives of the Gironde, Notaries (ADG), 3E 5425, fols. 449v-
450V (z8 April I584). My translations.
8 ADG, 3E 5425, fols. z65v-z67r (30 April I586); 3E 5428, fols. 84r-86r (6 Febru-
ary I587). Notarial records are decidedly incomplete. Since the Basque notarial
records of the sixteenth century have disappeared, one is forced to work with

those of Bordeaux, where mention can be found of ships from Saint-Jean-de-

Luz and Ciboure that docked there for provisions. I have been able to identify
only three ships at Bordeaux for the period I580-i600 whose trade items
aboard were described, out of twenty-two Basque ships bound for Canada
(Turgeon et al. i99z: I58). But it is legitimate to suppose that every ship had a
cargo similar to that carried by the identified ships (between one hundred and
two hundred kettles), which means a potential trading stock of between three
thousand and four thousand kettles.
9 That is, the whole eastern coast of North America, from present-day Nova
Scotia to the Florida peninsula (Turgeoni9g90: 84).
IO Departmental Archives of the Charente-Maritime,Notaries, 3E 2I49 (zo June
I565)
II ADG, 3E 5424, fols. 507v-5o8r (I April I583). The notary specifies that the
copper will be loaded onto one or several ships.
I1 A goodly number of kettles were made in Bordeaux, for on 30 March I580
Micheau de Hoyarsabal bought "kettles trimmed in iron" for trade from
Gerault Freiche, the master kettle maker from Bordeaux (ADG, 3E 5420, fols.
546v-547r). Jehan de Pinssun dealt with kettle makers from Bordeaux such as
Jehan de Sondencq (ADG, 3E 5407, fols. 45v-46r [IO January I585]) and An-
thoine Moysson, "masterof the forge of Marquai les Perigueux" (ADG, 3E 54z6,
fol. 274v [I1 March I585]). He also had commercial links with Rene Duret of
Bayonne and Martin Dagarrette of Saint-Jean-de-Luz,two merchants active in
the fur trade (ADG, 3E 5456, fols. 464r-464v [8 May I585]).
I3 ADG, 3E 5425, fols. 449v-45or (z8 April I584); 3E 5427, fols. z65v-z67r (30
April I586). The I584 contract concerns the purchase of i,9zi knives, so axes,
and "several"swords.
I4 ADG, 3E 5427, fols. 270v-27Iv, 277v-27gr (I and 3 May I586). Foreze is doubt-
less a thick woolen cloth well suited to the rigors of the Canadian climate.
I5 ADG, 3E 5425, fols. 449-450 (z8 April I584). The notaries name two types of
glass beads: the "patinotes of Gayet," or jet (shiny, black, hard coal), and the
"turgyns" (colored "Venetian blue"), purchased in lots of fifty thousand, no
doubt the turquoise beads found by the hundreds by archaeologists on Amer-
indian sites of the Atlantic coast and Great Lakes.
i6 It is not impossible that Europeancopper was already circulating in the interior
of the continent by the time of Cartier.The Amerindians he encountered on the
island of Montreal told him that their brass (necessarily of European origin)
came from the south and their red copper from the north, from the Saguenay
region, where Basque copper kettles would be brought toward the end of the
century (Bideaux i986: I56 -57).
17 Certain copper objects from the Northport Micmac site were coated with red
ocher. Copper and red ocher are often found together (Whitehead I993: 4I,
55, 69; Chretien et al. I995: zo6, zo8-9). Several travel accounts from New
France allude to the importance the Amerindians attached to the color red. The
baron of Lahontan, for example, mentions his encounter with the "nation of the
Essanapes,"which means "the keepers of the red rock" or catlinite, from which
the Amerindians made their calumets (Ouellet and Beaulieu I990, I: 399; my
translation).
8 In the Jesuit accounts there are several examples of copper objects offered as
gifts during healing rites (Thwaites I959, IO: I74-76, i86; I5: I78; I7: I78, 204).
1g At the burial sites of Saint-Nicolas (Chretien et al. I995: zo6-7) and at one

24 Laurier Turgeon
in Pictou (Whitehead I993: 55), some of the bones and offerings were found
outside the upside-down kettles, no doubt because they could not hold all the
items or because the burial had been hasty and disorderly.
zo I have studied the collections of kettles from the following sites: Pictou (ten
kettles), Northport (four), Bartibogue (four), Tabusintac (three), and Moncton
(one). The collections are maintained by the Acadian Museum in Moncton; the
Provincial Museum of New Brunswick, in St. John; and the ProvincialMuseum
of Nova Scotia, in Halifax.
zi Here I am followingup on an idea of Bazin's(i986: 272), developedin a
magisterial article devoted to things as gods. Aug6 (i988) also clarifies the
mechanisms by which the sacred is materialized in his study of the god as
object.
zz See the catalog of "manuscripts and items printed in the languages of the sav-
ages and also of Indian relics" exhibited at the conference (Bibliotheque du
Musee de l'Amerique franqaisei906).
23 In Canada the laws governing the ownership of archaeological objects vary
from province to province. As a general rule, landowners are deemed the pro-
prietors of such objects found on their property, but they almost always agree
to donate them to a public institution (museum, municipality, ministry, etc.).
Usually, archaeologists obtain the landowner's signature on an official certifi-
cate of donation before the excavation begins. Thus virtually all archaeological
objects pass into the public domain.
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Turgeon - Tale of A Kettle

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The American Society for Ethnohistory

The Tale of the Kettle: Odyssey of an Intercultural Object

This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Sun, 10 Nov 2013 18:25:00 PM

LaurierTurgeon, Laval University

Abstract.This articleseeks to explainwhy the European-made kettlebecamein-

Ethnohistory44: I (winterI997). Copyright?) by the AmericanSocietyfor Ethno-

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The Cultural History of Objects

The study of material objects of European origin among Amerindian

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people, possess a cultural life. Instead of dwelling on the techniques of

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ture of origin, to reconstruct its transculturalpathway, and to uncover the

In fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe copper was primarilyemployed

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This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Sun, 10 Nov 2013 18:25:00 PM

Figurei. Two brasskettles,typicalof those found in northernFranceand Flan-

middlemen (Trocme and Delafosse I95Z: 75). Specialists in kettle making,

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Figure2. Red copperkettle,probablymanufacturedin southwesternFrance.The

Amerindian Uses for Copper

The use of European copper spread rapidly and widely in northeastern

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Montagnais St. wrne

Map i. Distributionof CopperKettlesFoundon Native AmericanContactSites

the Hudson, and the Susquehanna (Bourqueand Whitehead 1985: 327-28;

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"basques"or tails)in Scottish"foreze."14 The Amerindianscertainlymade

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This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Sun, 10 Nov 2013 18:25:00 PM

kettle assumed, therefore, a role in anthropophagy: it was the locus of the

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..... . .... !!Jim ;ii

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:: !:;::: a a: :: a: :: "qm; :-:' -

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funeral objects, in a compact mass, which was then placed on a birch-

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~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.. ..5. ::.

the cete of th real (hmignell 193 0)f Brebu ha chse a1

th-ame time the community was rec tit in the rnite b

nologuer be ultimate deomposition

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of these goods were of European origin (TriggerI976, I: 242-43; Bradley

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These copper kettles remained buried until Euro-Canadian scholars-

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because three specimens found in Huron ossuaries were exhibited at the

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IIIIIIII, 17 : ::o1 . .....-1. -:i

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those of Bordeaux, where mention can be found of ships from Saint-Jean-de-

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This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Sun, 10 Nov 2013 18:25:00 PM

Bergeron, Yves, and Jocelyne Milot

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tion technologique du Quebec subarctique. Recherches amerindiennes

This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Sun, 10 Nov 2013 18:25:00 PM

This content downloaded from 200.3.149.179 on Sun, 10 Nov 2013 18:25:00 PM

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