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19
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20 Carsten
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(Sahlins 2011), what this term actually refers nation of nature and law or substance and code
to has not always been clear (Carsten 2001, for conduct.
2004; Thomas 1999). One might imagine that It was crucial to Schneider’s argument that
substance could be used for all kinds of bod- substance and code were clearly distinct and
ily fluids or tissue—bones, flesh, saliva, blood, that they could occur alone or in combination
organs, breast milk, semen, and female sexual (Schneider 1980, p. 91). The categorical separa-
fluids, as well as hair, skin, and nails—either tion of the orders of nature and law and of sub-
singly or in combination. Often it appears that stance and code may, however, be considerably
it is precisely this nonspecificity that is being less easy to distinguish in practice than Schnei-
put to work. Interestingly, there is a tendency der proposed. Indeed, some kinds of kinship in
for the liquid, or at least the softer, squishier, North America and Britain involve an explicit
and more internal bodily matter, to be loosely blurring, mixing, or interpenetration of these
denoted by substance, whereas more clearly de- idioms (Baumann 1995; Carsten 2000, 2004;
lineated, harder and bonier bodily material, as Edwards 2000; Edwards & Strathern 2000;
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well as that which comes from the exterior sur- Weston 1991, 1995). These studies of kinship
face of the body, such as nails, hair, or skin, also demonstrate that the straightforward link
are referred to by their specific terms. I re- Schneider proposed for North American kin-
turn to these material properties of substance ship between the order of nature (or biogenetic
below. substance) and fixity or permanence was highly
Substance made its appearance in the an- questionable when applied to kinship in partic-
thropological literature in connection with par- ular ethnographic contexts in the United States
ticular regions: most notably Euro-America, or Britain. As Wade (2002, pp. 69–96; 2007) has
South Asia, and Melanesia. David Schneider fa- argued, the idea that nature may be more flex-
mously argued that in American kinship “rela- ible and malleable than is sometimes assumed
tives” were defined by “blood,” or “biogenetic also has important implications for understand-
substance”—terms that he equated. He empha- ings about race, which draw on the overlapping
sized two properties of blood relations: first, realms of kinship and heredity.
that blood relations were enduring and could Schneider’s analytic frame was transferred
not be severed, and second, that “kinship is to India in the form of an ethnosociological
whatever the biogenetic relationship is. If sci- model of South Asian transactions and person-
ence discovers new facts about biogenetic re- hood (Marriott 1976, Marriott & Inden 1977),
lationship, then that is what kinship is, and but here, in contrast with North America, bod-
was all along, although it may not have been ily substance and code for conduct were argued
known at the time” (Schneider 1980, p. 23). to be both inseparable and malleable. Con-
Blood and biogenetic substance [or “natural duct and interpersonal transactions, including
substance,” as he sometimes renders it (1980, sex, the sharing of food, coresidence, and gift-
p. 24)] are, however, left strangely unexplored giving, transmit moral and spiritual proper-
as symbols, as is the analytic shift from blood to ties of the person (Daniel 1984). This model
biogenetic substance—which, one might argue, has been critiqued for its oversystematization,
is itself a symbol for heredity in American kin- its tendency to ignore regional variations, and
ship (Carsten 2004, p. 112; Wade 2002, pp. 81– the radical opposition proposed between In-
83). Schneider proposed that relationships were dian monist and Western dualist notions of
built out of two orders in American culture, the person (Barnard & Good 1984; Barnett
nature and law, from which were derived two 1976; Good 1991, 2000; McGilvray 1982; Parry
elements, substance and code. Whereas some 1989).
relationships (a spouse or an illegitimate child) Discussions of Indian transactions and
existed by virtue of one of these only, “blood rel- notions of the person made reference to both
atives” derived their legitimacy from a combi- substance and code, sometimes in the form
with the Indian material. As well as flow and linking these to ideas about the body. That such
fungibility, Strathern’s analysis also rested on processes should be highlighted in analyses of
the disjunction in English between form and South Asian, Melanesian, and Euro-American
substance or content. Thus, in her reanalysis of kinship was not coincidental because these
Trobriand material, a mere replication of form were regions where anthropologists had found
(not involving exchange or transformation of it problematic or impossible to apply earlier
substance) is not seen as a substantive connec- models based on unilineal descent (Barnes
tion, which contrasts with Malinowski’ s (1929, 1962, Strathern 1992). The emphasis on fungi-
p. 3) earlier assertion about the relation be- bility also signaled a wider dissatisfaction with
tween a Trobriand mother and child (Carsten kinship models that emphasized permanent
2004, pp. 121–26; Strathern 1988, pp. 231–40; or unchanging aspects in the structure of
Weiner 1976). It is the substitutability or analo- kinship relations (Carsten 2004, Kuper 1988).
gizing property of substance that Strathern Analysis of ideas about reproductive processes,
(1988, p. 251) sees as enabling a transformation the body, and gender in Africa that builds on
of form into content, or inner substance. an earlier generation of Africanist scholars
These understandings are comparable to the (Beidelman 1980, 1993; Richards 1982; Turner
South Asian models cited, although differences 1967, 1969) and is influenced by the work
remain in terms of ideas about gender and the of Strathern and others reveals how bodily
person and therefore in the relations that en- processes here too are linked to wider social
sue from exchanges of substance (Busby 1997). and cosmological understandings of fertility
Strathern’s model rests on the idea of partible (Broch-Due 1999; Devisch 1993; Hutchinson
persons, composed of elements of male and 1996, 2000; Jacobson-Widding 1991, 1999;
female substances, and gender here is unsta- Kaspin 1996, 1999; Moore 1999; Taylor 1992).
ble and must be elicited through performance. The fact that the meaning of substance
Cecilia Busby suggests that Indian persons are in English makes no explicit reference to
permeable and connected through exchanges of fungible or transferable qualities suggests that
substance that merge within the body. These the cooption of this term had less to do with
substances, however, retain their male or fe- its meaning than with an analytic space in
male essence. Whereas in Melanesia, “the body the study of kinship. The centrality of ideas
is a microcosm of relations” (Strathern 1988, about substance in Christianity, particularly,
p. 131, cited in Busby 1997, p. 273), in South the connotations of transubstantiation in
India, flows of substance “are a manifestation the Eucharist, in which physical or spiritual
of persons rather than the relationships they transformation is precisely at issue (Bynum
create” (Busby 1997, p. 273). In Melanesia, 2007, Feeley-Harnik 1981), may, however,
22 Carsten
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Such associations might prompt further importance of its internal flow to health, and
questions about the explicit or implicit con- its external flow to reproduction, wounding, or
nections between physical properties of bodily death, as well as blood’s ready alterability, seem
substances and relations among persons. Here to give a unique range and power to its imme-
permanence and transience come into play. The diate associations and its potential for further
permanence of lineages, for example, may be in- elaboration. The symbolic weight and range of
voked by references to continuities of bone be- associations of the heart and/or liver as the vital
tween lineage members. By contrast, the softer, organ par excellence and also the seat of emo-
fleshier parts of human bodies that are less en- tions could be explained in a similar way. Al-
during may be metaphorically attached to as- though less obviously striking in appearance,
pects of relations that cease with death (Bloch the association of sexual fluids and breast milk
1988, Thompson 1988). And of course, similar with life itself and, as Turner suggested, the po-
kinds of dichotomous associations of soft flesh tential emotional resonance of processes of sex,
and hard bone with relative impermanence or reproduction, and maternal breast-feeding con-
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permanence occur in the absence of lineages, nect to the capacity of these bodily substances
as in the Malay or Euro-American examples. for symbolic elaboration. In considering what
These ideas highlight the metaphorical poten- makes these particular objects the subject of re-
tial of bodily material ( Jackson 1983, Lakoff lational speculation, we need to take into ac-
& Johnson 1980) and suggest that this poten- count material qualities, the contexts in which
tial is partly linked to its physical attributes they naturally occur, and the readiness with
but also to associations that may be readily which they can be associated with life itself or
made with vitality itself. The OED list of com- qualities of animation.
pound words involving blood, cited above, un- Blood may be particularly apt for this kind
derscores the association of blood with life and of metaphorical extension because it scores so
also, contrastingly, with death-dealing acts of highly in all three respects: It is visually striking,
violence. But this point also makes clear that it can be seen inside and outside the body—
some metaphors are more metaphorical than both routinely and in exceptionally dramatic
others. Blood seems to occupy a protean role in circumstances—and it can be obviously associ-
its capacity to be both metaphor and metonym ated with life or life’s cessation. The example of
(M. Mayblin, personal communication). De- blood also underlines how these three different
bates about transubstantiation in the Eucharist aspects are, in fact, inseparable and reinforce
(Bynum 2007) or the presence of blood in acts each other. I return to the special qualities of
of martyrdom (Castelli 2011) indicate that the blood below after considering transfers of other
symbolic potential of blood can be conceived in kinds of bodily matter.
a highly literal manner, whereas in other con-
texts (such as heredity or relationships) it may
be more removed from what it signifies. BODILY TRANSFERS;
To some extent, all bodily substances can be RELATIONAL MOVES
associated with vitality, and this notion may be The rather unsubtle connection I have made
one source of their aptitude for metaphorical between what we might think of as the lit-
extension. But some seem to be more “good to eral qualities of bodily substances and their
think”—or good to enact—than others. Blood metaphorical associations becomes immedi-
may be the most obvious example, but certain ately more complex if we explore the relational
organs, such as the heart or liver, and some dimensions of how they are apprehended. This
bodily fluids, such as breast milk or sexual flu- complexity reflects the fact that relationships
ids, have more symbolic potential than others. and their qualities cannot really be grasped in
Considering their attributes together, the vivid these terms: How would we tease apart literal
color and the liquidity of blood, the obvious or metaphorical dimensions of relationships?
24 Carsten
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Here, the animating qualities of bodily sub- to sheer revulsion” (Saner 2010, p. 3). Angerer
stance may suggest a way to explore what is himself reflected, “I suppose any kind of hu-
being transferred. man liquid takes on a weird, almost sexual, as-
Sexual intercourse and breast-feeding are pect. But we drink milk from animals and, to
two of the most common and obvious ways me, this isn’t that different” (p. 3).
that bodily fluids are transferred from one per- Concern about incest, although common, is
son to another. Nor is it surprising that they of course not the only register of transforma-
are often surrounded by an elaborate discourse tions effected by the transfer of bodily matter.
about the possible results of mixing or trans- The literature on the social implications of re-
ferring bodily material from one person to an- cent medical advances, including organ trans-
other. The consequences of the physiological plants and reproductive technologies, provides
processes of intercourse, pregnancy, and breast- illuminating material. Studies of patients who
feeding in terms of relations between sexual have undergone organ transplants reveal a strik-
partners, spouses, parents and children, and sib- ing tendency of many recipients to speculate on
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lings seem almost too obvious to mention. But the origins of donated organs in terms of the
in fact the symbolic elaboration of such pro- personal attributes of the donor and to under-
cesses is extraordinarily varied. Ritual proscrip- stand transformations of themselves as an effect
tions of caste appear to be at one extreme of a of incorporating these (Fox & Swazey 1992,
cultural elaboration concerned with controlling 2002; Lock 2002; Sharp 1995, 2006; Waldby
the possible consequences of too much mixing 2002). As Lock writes, “Body parts remain in-
(Daniel 1984, Lambert 2000, Marriott 1976, fused with life and even personality” (2002,
Marriott & Inden 1977). But Christian dis- p. 320).
courses about the creation of one flesh between Sharp’s study of organ donation in the
husband and wife and its implications in terms United States (2006) beautifully documents
of the potential for incest between siblings-in- how recipients of cadaveric organs articulate
law suggest here too a profound concern about connections to the kin of deceased donors in
the relational effects of mixing bodily substance. terms of kinship, the role of the donor mother
The long-running nineteenth-century British being particularly crucial for participants in
parliamentary debate over the possibility of such relations. Recipients speak of the “natu-
marriage to a deceased wife’s sister is one ex- ralness” of using the idiom of kinship in this
ample of this (Kuper 2009). context, and Sharp, following Schneider (1980,
In many cultural contexts, transfers of sex- 1984), underscores how the centrality of bio-
ual fluids, breast milk, or saliva are understood genetic concepts of relatedness in American
to have a directly transformative effect on the kinship makes the idiom of blood ties partic-
nature of the person and that person’s rela- ularly apt in cases of organ transfer. Her study
tions with others. As in the case of the con- also suggests that heart transplants are partic-
troversy over marriage with a deceased wife’s ularly likely to be understood to effect pro-
sister, often there are further repercussions of a found personality changes (Fox & Swazey 1992,
more indirect kind. Thus Malay women whom Pearsall et al. 2002) and are prone to rela-
I knew in the 1980s spoke anxiously about the tional elaboration in Western contexts. And
potential consequences of breast-feeding other this connects with the idea that the heart is
women’s children in terms of Islamic proscrip- thought to contain “the greatest amount of the
tions against marriages between them as adults donor’s essence” (Sharp 2006, p. 200) and is
(Carsten 1995; Parkes 2004, 2005). Perhaps it linked to understandings of it as the seat of the
is not surprising that media reports of New emotions, which have a surprising endurance
York chef, Daniel Angerer, who made cheese in Western contexts (Bound Alberti 2010), as
from his wife’s surplus breast milk, described well as to its direct association with sustaining
the responses as ranging from “mild yuckiness life.
can become the subject of what we could term cerns about the effects of transfers of bodily
relational speculation and of negotiation of substance, they arise in rather special circum-
ideas of personhood. Such negotiations of the stances. In placing such medical procedures
person and relationality are brought into play in alongside more everyday matters of breast-
decision-making at the beginnings and ends of feeding or sexual intercourse, we could consider
life (Kaufman 2005, Kaufman & Morgan 2005) these processes as a continuum encompassing,
and in considering the implications of fertility at one extreme, fleeting kinds of physical con-
treatment. Edwards (1993, 2000) has high- tact, such as concerns about touching or feeding
lighted concerns about the possible adulterous and, at the other, the most radical transfers rep-
connotations of gamete transfers as well as the resented by organ donation. Blood would seem
opportunities for incest to occur unwittingly to occupy a paradoxical place in such a contin-
between those who may not know they are uum. Blood flows are common and minor oc-
siblings. But, as in the case of those undergoing currences, but they can also signal extreme acts
surrogacy, participants may, in fact, avoid the of violence, illness, or death. Flows of blood can
disturbing implications of such procedures be intentionally elicited for ritual, medical, or
and instead emphasize and extend normative other purposes and can also occur involuntarily.
aspects of family ideology (Ragoné 1994). Such flows are thus at once both more everyday
Research carried out among patients receiving than donations of gametes or organs, but also
or donating gametes, however, demonstrates have unique qualities.
that relational moves can also be innovative In keeping with the range of contexts in
(Konrad 1998, 2005) and include stratagems which blood is found, the relevant literature
that have the effect of excluding inappropriate is dispersed across many subfields, including
adulterous or incestuous connotations. This religion, symbolism, kinship, politics, and
“flexible choreography” (Thompson 2001, medical anthropology (Bynum 2007, Copeman
p. 198; Thompson 2005) between elements 2009c, Feeley-Harnik 1981, Hugh-Jones 2011,
of nature and culture suggests a subtle and Knight 1991, Schneider 1980, Starr 1998). And
imaginative process of accommodating existing this is testament not just to blood’s importance
and future relations to quite new situations. as a bodily substance but also to its potential
Some have suggested that recent advances in “catchiness” in metaphor (Sperber 1985).
genetic medicine encourage a move away from Blood donation is of particular interest because
the malleability of blood in kinship thinking it encompasses many of these associations,
to a more fixed genetic essentialism (Finkler including medical, moral, personal, politi-
2000, 2001), or literalization, particularly in cal, national, kinship, and religious aspects
medical contexts. Growing evidence indicates, (Anagnost 2006; Baud 2011; Busby 2006;
26 Carsten
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Chaveau 2011; Copeman 2004, 2005, 2008, that underlie acts of donation as well as the
2009a,b; Reddy 2007; Sanabria 2009; Simpson profound guilt or obligation often felt by
2004, 2009; Street 2009). Although such asso- recipients, leading Renée Fox to write of the
ciations can be morally positive, it important “tyranny of the gift” (Fox 1978, p. 1168; Fox &
to note that, partly through the overlap of Swazey 1992, 2002, p. 199; see also Das 2010;
ideas of kinship, nation, and race—in both of Lock 2000, 2002; Simmons et al. 1987; Sharp
which blood and heredity are central (Wade 1995). Whereas such studies show the intense
2002, 2007; Williams 1995)—the flow of pressure relatives may feel to donate a kidney
blood through transfusion or heredity and to a close family member, the more diffuse
intermarriage may also be blocked in exclu- nexus of discourses and connotations of blood
sionary moves (Dauksas 2007, Lederer 2008, donation as good citizenship, nationalism,
Poqueres i Gené 2007, Strong 2009, Valentine histories of kinship, health, and other matters
2005, Weston 2001). Such linkages, which suggests the potential fruitfulness of analyzing
may be highly politically charged, have long blood or organs through the lens of the
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and specific histories in European cultures “entangled” and plural meanings of particular
(de Miramon 2009, Nirenberg 2009), but objects as they travel through biographical
neither historically in Europe nor elsewhere and social contexts (Appadurai 1986, Hoskins
is it necessarily the case that the symbolism 1998, Kopytoff 1986, Thomas 1991), a kind of
of blood connotes immutable essence rather “thinking through things” (Henare et al. 2007).
than a substance subject to change depending Assumptions about the adequacy of nonpay-
on environment, moral state, climate, sexual ment of donors to ensure safety are based on the
contact, food consumption, or other influences idea that payment is the only or the most serious
(Stoler 1992, 1997; Wade 1993, 2002). potential intrusion into the pure altruism of the
Titmuss’s foundational study of blood do- gift. But of course moral acts may bring their
nation, The Gift Relationship (1997), compared own significant rewards; blood donors as well
the policy implications of the altruistic unpaid as those who take blood from them, and those
donation of blood under the British National who administer and run blood transfusion ser-
Health Service with the payment of donors vices, have their own interests and histories of
in the United States and elsewhere. His con- relationships that may constrain or dictate their
clusion, that a system of unpaid donation was behavior. In Malaysia, many donors to whom I
safer because it ruled out the intrusion of com- spoke situated their acts of donation in stories
mercial interests into blood donation, has, in about their own families, including the previ-
the light of infected blood scandals set in train ous illnesses of close family members. Some
by the HIV/AIDS pandemic in France, China, took obvious pride in the small gifts or mate-
the United Kingdom, and elsewhere proven to rial forms of acknowledgment given to regular
be an oversimplification (Baud 2011, Chaveau donors. Some described how their donation was
2011, Feldman & Bayer 1999, Laqueur 1999, woven into their employment history; others
Shao 2006, Shao & Scoggin 2009, Starr 1998). knew or were connected in some way to blood
Nevertheless, Titmuss’s insistence on the im- bank staff who took their blood. These layered
portance of attempting to ring-fence a purely entanglements make clear that it would be ex-
altruistic system of blood donation to ensure tremely difficult to construct a system of blood
the safety of transfused blood is worth consid- donation divorced from human interest. Such
ering more closely. a system would have to be run by robots in a
The difficulty of insulating a morally world immune from human intervention.
charged altruistic sphere of donation is not, of The multiple imbrications and associations
course, confined to medical contexts (Douglas of donating blood have significant policy im-
1990, Weiner 1992). Studies of organ donation plications, but they also provide clues for un-
illuminate the complex play of motivations derstanding the links between relationality and
bodily substance. Although the gift relationship monetary renumeration, suggests resonances
may be a fertile trope through which to ana- between the two cases. Whereas payment for
lyze relations between donors and recipients or sex characteristically remains hidden or secret,
acts of donation, and also fits neatly into an al- however, blood donation is imbued with the
ready well-worked seam of anthropological dis- positive moral values of public giving.
cussion about the gift, it may also obscure the Pursuing for a moment the analogy be-
significance of other kinds of relations that en- tween blood and money, one key attribute of
able blood transfers to occur. the latter has been taken to be its function
as a means of exchange. Famously, money fa-
cilitates exchanges between spheres that may
BLOOD FLOWS: DONATION, be, to some degree, insulated from each other
MONEY, AND GHOSTS (Bohannan 1959, Maurer 2006, Parry & Bloch
Probing further the uncontained quality of 1989, Strathern & Stewart 1999). Although
blood that is revealed in studies of blood do- this is clearly not the prime function of blood
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nation, we could seek analogies in other objects (despite the suggestive metaphor of the blood
or beings that have similar unbounded proper- bank), we could nevertheless see some similar-
ties without blood’s liquid form. Here I briefly ity to money in the propensity of blood to flow
consider just two: money and ghosts. Although from one domain to another (Copeman 2009c,
these parallels may seem counterintuitive be- Street 2009).
cause they are drawn from outside the realm But we can discern another quality that they
of bodily substances, the propensities of money hold in common. If the metaphorical capacities
and ghosts to move between domains help il- of blood derive partly from its contribution to
luminate our understandings of substance and vitality and animation, it is worth noting that
relationality. money, although part of a world of inanimate
Given the sharp antipathy between com- objects, is also prone to be “enlivened” through
merce and transfers of blood in at least some metaphors of growth and fertility. Here, Marx’s
Western contexts, a comparison between blood (1954, pp. 76–87) observations on fetishism
and money might seem paradoxical. But the are pertinent. And of course these qualities of
problematic status of payment in the context money derive from its ability to acquire interest,
of blood donation, highlighted by Titmuss, to seed commercial or other projects, to grow
recalls another sphere in which monetary pay- in itself, or to make other things grow. In so
ment raises moral and categorical issues: sex. doing, it travels between persons, institutions,
And here too bodily transfers are involved. Sex and projects. Like blood, money may flow and is
and money are commonly deemed antithetical perceived as generative. It thus seems plausible
in the West, partly because payment for sex to link this flow, and the processes of increase
is redolent of a breach between the world of or depletion that thereby ensue, to the qual-
family and that of work, or the private and the ity of animation with which it is metaphorically
public (Day 2007). Payment for blood would endowed.
breach another closely related boundary: The commonalities between blood and
between a sphere of altruism and one of money thus derive from two linked attributes:
commercial interest (see also Ragoné 1996 on their circulation among different domains and
the similar tensions of commercial surrogacy their (incomplete or unstable) properties of an-
arrangements). Giving blood also traverses the imation. Movement among domains that in
boundary of the body/person and its inalienable other contexts are kept separate and a ques-
parts. That bodily exchanges should be involved tionable status of animation suggest one fur-
in both sex work and blood donation, and that ther analogy: ghosts. If blood is alive only to a
altruism is strongly evoked in the ideology of limited extent—it cannot by itself sustain life,
the family, whereas the world of work is one of and donated blood and blood products have a
28 Carsten
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relatively short shelf-life—ghosts can be viewed find the threads that might connect these ideas,
as incompletely dead. Unable to “rest in peace,” I have set out some points for comparison. Sug-
they seek to intrude in the lives of the living. gesting that a consideration of the metaphor-
But one might also reverse this proposition be- ical capacity of different substances is linked
cause it is not necessarily clear whether it is the to their material and sensual properties is one
dead or the living who are the most unwill- such avenue for comparison. Relative density,
ing to give up their connection. Intriguingly, softness or hardness, color, smell, and alterabil-
Sharp comments on the persistent appearance ity or permanence may play a role in just how
of ghosts in the narratives of the kin of cadaveric “good to think” a substance is. But the contexts
organ donors in the United States, “extending in which substances occur, their bodily associ-
the life,” as she puts it, “of a donor beyond the ations, seem to be another crucial vector in the
grave” (2006, p. 155). But the capacity of ghosts aptitude of particular substances for metaphor-
to make their presence felt is limited by various ical elaboration, and here flow and transfer-
factors, including the particular locations with ability enhance such capacities. Breast milk and
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which they are associated and the times when sexual fluids stand out as substances whose oc-
they may appear. currence involves being passed between bodies
The most well-known tendency of ghosts is (in contrast, say, to saliva or urine). Although
their ability to pass through solid objects and they originate within bodies, these substances
to inhabit different spheres: the worlds of the flow between bodies and persons—sometimes
dead and that of the living. Like blood, one in emotionally charged contexts—and are par-
might almost say ghosts flow between domains. ticularly prone to invite speculation about the
Vampire spirits are, of course, a special class of relations enabled by such transfers. Crucially,
ghosts with an affinity for blood (White 2000). they may be literally life-giving.
Perhaps it is not coincidental that a contem- I have suggested that, by virtue of its many
porary efflorescence of vampire stories in the extraordinary qualities, blood is worthy of spe-
popular culture of the United States, United cial consideration. Perhaps most significant of
Kingdom, and elsewhere has closely followed all is the fact that its flow within and from the
widespread public anxiety about infected blood body is closely bound up with life itself. If ex-
in the context of HIV/AIDS and bovine spongi- cessive bleeding is closely connected with death
form encephalopathy (BSE) epidemics. As en- (I was told by Malay informants in the 1980s
thusiasts of the Buffy the Vampire Slayer se- that death occurred when all blood had left the
ries and many other such modern tales know body, whether or not this was visible to the hu-
all too well, the quality of blood that vampires man eye), transfusions of blood are the apotheo-
seek above all is its animation. Fresh supplies of sis of that which is life-saving. It is perhaps not
living, human blood keep vampires going. Al- surprising that blood donation is often taken
though much about this genre can be the sub- to be a supremely altruistic act that can be at-
ject of enjoyable innovation, the desire for this tributed with all the values of secular good citi-
animation remains constant. zenship, religious giving, and familial duty. The
uniquely animating properties of blood are as-
sociated with the properties of flow and move-
CONCLUSION ment that connote vitality. Through the analo-
Any attempt to link together ideas about bodily gies of money and ghosts, I have underlined
substance with understandings of relatedness is the ways in which transfers and flow between
at risk of being either too general or too par- domains entail both physical and imaginative
ticular. Not only are these topics very broad, connections among objects, bodies, or realms
but the ways in which they manifest themselves that are linked by such media.
seem all too obviously culturally and historically The ways in which relationality is under-
situated. Negotiating between specific cases to stood to derive from flows of substance are
heightened by the polyvalent properties that I informants, and as if such usages did not come
have described. Thus striking material quali- already encumbered by peculiarly weighty (and
ties, special contexts of occurrence or a close culturally particular) baggage (see Ingold 2007,
association with life itself or life-giving proper- pp. 110–11). Trying to disinter these multi-
ties, may together enhance the emotional reso- ple associations has involved picking apart dif-
nance as well as the tendency for metaphorical ferent properties whose co-occurrence is not
extension of particular bodily substances, and always coincidental. The quality of animation
hence the likelihood of their being a vehicle for that is above all signaled by flow and move-
the elaboration of ideas about relatedness. Such ment (just as being at rest or immobile can sug-
qualities, I suggest, tend to pile in on each other, gest its opposite) perhaps accounts for a very
creating and extending further resonances and widespread connection that can be made be-
associations in a self-fulfilling manner. Some tween substances that flow within and between
objects are indeed naturalized in many worlds. bodies and relations that are apprehended in
In writing this review, I have been struck by terms of such flows. That such connections are
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:19-35. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
by Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro on 11/08/12. For personal use only.
how often, and in how many contexts, I have prone to be made in diverse cultures should not,
come across such phrases as “blood relations” however, blind us to the equally striking cul-
or “blood ties” used by anthropologists in unre- tural and historical specificity of how they can
flective or unanalyzed ways, without specifying be constantly elaborated and reimagined in new
if these locutions are their own or those of their ways.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am very grateful to Jacob Copeman, Sarah Franklin, Ian Harper, Toby Kelly, Rebecca Marsland,
Maya Mayblin, and Jonathan Spencer for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this
article and to Julie Hartley and Joanna Wiseman for help preparing the bibliography and collecting
materials. Writing was made possible by a Leverhulme Major Research Fellowship.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Prefatory Chapter
Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011.40:19-35. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
by Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro on 11/08/12. For personal use only.
Lucy Suchman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
The Archaeology of Consumption
Paul R. Mullins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 133
Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology
Michael D. Frachetti p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 195
Archaeologists and Indigenous People: A Maturing Relationship?
Tim Murray p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
Archaeological Ethnography: A Multitemporal Meeting Ground
for Archaeology and Anthropology
Yannis Hamilakis p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 399
Archaeologies of Sovereignty
Adam T. Smith p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 415
A Century of Feasting Studies
Brian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 433
Biological Anthropology
Menopause, A Biocultural Perspective
Melissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p53
Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding
of Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and
Associated Conditions
Tessa M. Pollard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution
of Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257
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Sociocultural Anthropology
Substance and Relationality: Blood in Contexts
Janet Carsten p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p19
Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides
T.M. Luhrmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p71
Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology
Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87
Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies
Jeffrey H. Cohen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 103
Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of Contemporary
Climate Change
Susan A. Crate p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 175
Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality
of Immigration in Dark Times
Didier Fassin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213
Contents vii
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viii Contents
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Indexes
Errata
Contents ix