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Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

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Urban Climate
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/uclim

Assessment of street-level noise in three different urban settings in


T
Tripoli
Nabil Mohareb , Sara Maassarani

Faculty of Architecture-Design and Built Environment, Beirut Arab University, Lebanon

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Keywords: Recent research shows that street-level noise represents one of the main noise sources in urban
Street-level noise spaces. The noise source includes various transportation modes, human activities and environ-
Noise spatial mapping mental sounds, such as the wind and rain. Continuous exposure to high-level noise may lead to
Noise analysis health and psychological problems that directly threaten public health and well-being. This paper
is an experimental study that aims to analyse street-level noise in three different urban settings in
Tripoli, Lebanon, characterized by two categories: type of main activities and historical/new
areas in the city of Tripoli. The data collection process is through sound and GPS data loggers
aggregated into GIS maps. The results are compared to the spatial configuration analysis of the
urban fabric, using space syntax theory and methods. The sound mapping could be the onset of
wider research for obtaining a full soundscape of the city of Tripoli, with the potential of being
applied in other cities.

1. Introduction: definitions and focus

According to the United Nations in 2014, more than 54% of the world's population reside in urban areas (Nations, 2014), where
the majority of daily activities occur on the street level, which comprises public, semi-public and private spaces. Noises are an
increasingly common feature of urban areas (King et al., 2012). They are the result of daily human activities or environmental
responses. It is perceived that noise has two aspects; one affects health and well-being, while the other provides information about
human activities. The latter is the focus of this paper.
This paper is an experimental study that aims to assess and compare the street-level noise in three different urban settings by
introducing walking noise experiences in Tripoli city in the north of Lebanon. This investigation aims to raise awareness of the noise
levels in urban spaces from the perspective of pedestrian usage of space while walking. The exposure to noise of the walking
experience is not considered in urban codes, as the main codes recommend fixed numerical noise levels designed for specific types of
activity, such as commercial, residential, historical areas or mixed usages. It is essential to begin with an initial discussion of noise
definitions and the main terms used in the paper.
Generally, noise is defined in most research as an ‘unwanted sound’. It can be classified into two categories: the necessary
informative noise from music, speech and other means of communication; and unnecessary noise, in the sense of not being urgently
needed. The reason that noise seems harsh or discordant to the ear is the lacking of tonal patterns, which is a result of its structure of
an extremely random, wide band of frequencies. Disturbance from noise might be more likely to occur from a sudden noise rather
than a continuous one of the same intensity (Moore, 1966).


Corresponding author.
E-mail address: n.mohareb@bau.edu.lb (N. Mohareb).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.uclim.2019.100481
Received 4 August 2018; Received in revised form 14 April 2019; Accepted 20 May 2019
2212-0955/ © 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

There are various definitions and terms used in the field of noise analysis; some of them are comprehensive while others are more
specific. The comprehensive terms tend to include all sounds from all sources that could be heard by a person across a variety of
spatial and temporal scales, such as the terms ‘acoustic environment’, ‘sonic environment’, ‘sound environment’, ‘aural space’ and,
more recently in the 1970s, ‘soundscape’ (Kang and Schulte-Fortkamp, 2018). Meanwhile, the specific terms try to keep it simple by
focusing on noise pollution or level occurrences, such as ‘environmental noise’, which includes all sources of noise except industrial
workplaces (WHO and JRC, 2011). The terms could be generated from the origins of sound, which is classified according to Gage
through three categories (Gage et al., 2004): biophonic, which has a biological base, such as the sound of birds; geophonic, which is
generated by physical phenomena such as wind, rain, flowing water and others; and, finally, anthrophonic, which is induced by
human activities.
The main scale of noise measurement is ‘decibels’ (dB), where 0.0002 dynes (unit of force) per square centimetre is equal to zero
dB. Since it is a logarithmic scale of sound pressure, the measurement of sounds that occur simultaneously cannot be the result of the
addition of each sound measured separately. Furthermore, human ears comprehend sounds differently to omnidirectional micro-
phones, as loud sounds are not necessarily expressed by higher values of decibels; it depends on a number of other main factors, such
as ‘frequency’ and direction of the sound incidence (Moore, 1966) (Kang and Schulte-Fortkamp, 2018). This is the reason for in-
troducing the weighting networks, such as (A), (C) and others. The sound reading is said to be ‘flat’ when it is not weighted, and it is
simply stated in decibels (dB), while the A-weighted decibel scale measures the sensitivity of the human ear to sounds at different
frequencies (Baloye and Palamuleni, 2015).
This paper focuses on noise analysis at the street level in urban areas as an initial step in noise understanding, which will be
followed by future detailed research. In addition, the paper uses the term ‘environmental noise’ or, for short, ‘noise’, which is affected
mainly by anthrophonic factors (human activities). The main measurement is dB, weighted A (dBA).

1.1. Risks and main source of noise

Environmental risks constitute 24% of the burden of disease, according to the public health experts (WHO and JRC, 2011). After
ambient air pollution and exposure to second-hand smoke (SHS), environmental noise was found to be the third largest environ-
mental burden of disease in a multinational pilot research project in Europe. Exposure to noise for a long time might cause health
impacts, such as annoyance, sleep disturbance, learning impairment, cardiovascular disorders, hearing impairment and tinnitus
(WHO, 2010); see Fig. 1. One in three individuals are annoyed during the daytime, and one in five have disturbed sleep at night
because of traffic noise. It has been shown to increase the risk of ischaemic heart disease, including myocardial infarction. Both road
traffic noise and aircraft noise increase the risk of high blood pressure (WHO and JRC, 2011).
The volume and speed of traffic on the roads are the main determinants of noise level (Moore, 1966; EEA, 2014) (see Fig. 2);
however, in some cases, noise might provide helpful information on urban activities and contribute to the sense of place (Kang and
Schulte-Fortkamp, 2018). For example, in Lebanon, the electricity provided by the official grid covers an almost-intermittent 12 h,
while private generators fill the necessary needs and gaps throughout the day. It is difficult to recognise which grid is on except for
the generator noises when they are operated. The noise reaches an average of 66 dBA in semi-closed areas when generators are
working, and drops to 54 dBA when they are off. It reaches an average of 56 dBA in open spaces on Sunday mornings, with minor
traffic noise, when generators are operating, and reaches 52 dBA when generators are off. In addition, during any political or sport
events, the celebrating party always expresses their point of view by using fireworks or loud microphones. Consequently, this noise
could identify the types of activities operating in open or semi-open spaces in the urban spaces of developing cities.

1.2. Sound noises in urban codes

From different research, it is obvious that real measurements, in general, exceed what the standards or guidelines would like to
achieve. For example, the European Environment Agency states that high environmental outdoor noise levels are defined for daytime
as 55 dBA and, for the night-time, anything above 50 dBA (EEA, 2017). These noise levels or similar are adopted in the majority of

Fig. 1. shows the severity of noise effects and number of people affected; source: (WHO and JRC, 2011), (Babisch, 2002; EEA, 2014).

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N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

Fig. 2. illustrates the number of people exposed to noise per decibel in Europe (EEA, 2014).

codes, even outside the European Union (EU). For example, in Saudi Arabian standards for community (mixed residential and
commercial), the limit levels are 60 dBA (day) and 55 dBA (night) (Zytoon, 2016). Iranian standards for commercial-residential zones
are 60 dBA (Monazzam et al., 2015). Australian guidelines indicate that noise should not exceed 55 dBA (day) and 47 dBA (night)
(King et al., 2012). However, real site measurements reveal that the current noise situations of cities exceed the limit values of the
standards. A study carried out in Valladolid (Spain) shows that noise varies between 60.8 and 75.5 dBA throughout the day (Carmona
Del Río et al., 2011). The average noise levels in London city during weekdays vary between 53 dbA and 74 dBA (London, 2016).
Commercial areas reached 84.4 dBA in Nigeria (Oyedepo and Saadu, 2009) and 73.91 dBA in Tehran (Monazzam et al., 2015); in
New York City, the mean street noise level was 73.4 dBA (Mcalexander et al., 2015), Vancouver was 61.7 dBA and San Fransisco was
65 dBA (King et al., 2012) (see also Fig. 2), while the majority of European cities are affected by road level noise that exceeds 64 dBA.

2. Noise analysis

Traditionally, there are three methods for acquiring sound informations in urban spaces: the first is the objective method, which is
based on analysing sound recording using its physical parameters in spectrograms. The second method is subjective, which is based
on the results of human perception of sound based on interviews, questionnaire or on-site observation and recording, such as the
soundwalk approach. The final method involves both objective and subjective techniques. In environmental acoustic research, the
soundwalk technique is frequently used. It is carried out with a structured protocol on a pre-defined walking route with a high level of
sonic awareness (Liu et al., 2014).
Hildegard Westerkamp contributed to the definition and spread of the soundwalking method (Radicchi and Henckel, 2018). He
stated: ‘We should listen to our cities as the native did to the forest’ (Westerkamp, 1974). This method advocates the prevalence of the
qualitative approach to soundscape analysis (Aletta and Xiao, 2018). Currently, the ISO working group has proposed a definition of
soundwalking as: the “perception and understanding of an acoustic environment, in context, by the individual, or by a society” (Bruce
and Davies, 2014) (Radicchi, 2017).
For detailed technical noise recording, the common sampling methods are using either the grid method or the stratification of
urban roads. The grid represents a verified reference for the noise level measurements in an urban environment, which covers
uniformly large urban areas under study. Identifying the grid size varies from one study to another, depending on the spatial and
morphological variations. This method has some drawbacks, mainly that the size of the grid means that it can't present exact noise
levels in a particular location (Zambon et al., 2016). Based on the accepted assumption that road traffic is the main source of noise in
cities (Wilson et al., 2016), the stratification of urban roads, by categorizing each street according to its use as a communication
route, its main function and its design features (Gozalo and Morillas, 2016) (Carmona Del Río et al., 2011), might be an acceptable
method in noise analysis. The previous two methods are used on a macro-scale level; however, a micro-scale analysis might need
soundwalk techniques with appropriate modification in order to reveal the level of noise that the users of urban spaces are exposed
to.
There are different approaches to conducting soundwalk research. Michael Southworth carried out studies of the soundscape of
public spaces in the city of Boston. He identified zones with a common sound identity, time changes and intensity to distinguish
places with a strong bond to the soundscape, which could be the equivalent of Kevin Lynch's visual descriptive elements of a place
(Kamenický, 2018). Maps were used in another study to highlight the spatial and temporal distribution of sound sources – other than
traffic sources – defined the urban sound levels and also studied the relationships between such distributions and landscape spatial

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N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

pattern indices (Aletta and Kang, 2015).


Some of the common soundwalk characteristics are a pre-designed route for the participants to follow, with structured ques-
tionnaires (if needed for the study) and stops at predefined checkpoints (Matsinos et al., 2017). Depending on the objectives of the
investigation, sites and walking routes are selected differently. Several studies included various types of urban spaces and elements
that contribute to the urban environment in their planned soundwalk routes.
Limiting the length of time spent on the walk between 30 min to an hour has been recommended because the participant/s may
otherwise feel fatigue, possibly influencing their soundscape perception (Jin Yong Jeon et al., 2013), especially if conducted in a city
(Radicchi, 2017). To capture various acoustic environments of the surveyed locations, individual soundwalks can be carried out at
diverse times of the day and on different days of the week (Jin Yong Jeon et al., 2013).
Expectations based on a previous knowledge of a place or the dominant type of land use might affect the perception or expectation
that that place may have a higher sound level values than others. Bruce and Davies (2014) found that over 80% of the participants
thought that the spaces sounded as they expected on the soundwalk in London and Manchester. They concluded it is possible that the
individual's expectation of a context will be a key factor in their perception of that space (Bruce and Davies, 2014). Their research
findings are very important, as one might expect that commercial areas, for example, should have higher sound level values than
residential ones.
By practicing soundwalking, we will also become aware that soundscapes are a “resource” rather than merely noise: they can tell
us about the social, cultural, economic, political and environmental lives of our cities' inhabitants (Radicchi, 2017), as mentioned
earlier in this paper.

2.1. Adopted methods of analysis

Based on the literature review, a pre-designed routes were selected in three different places in Tripoli. The routes were designed in
a way that the walking duration would not exceed 50 min (between 8 and 50 min). The type of walking was individual walking.
In order to carry out the analysis, a calibrated sound level meter (REED SL-4023SD) was used and a sound recording was made in
which to store samples of sounds (Sony UX560F Digital Voice Recorder), according to the ISO requirements (ISO, 1996-2:2007E),
along with a GPS data logger (AARONIA GPS logger include gyro/tilt sensor, compass and accelerometer) in order to identify the
sound level at real geo-points. The data were aggregated in a geographic information system (GIS) using Arc-Info software (version
10.3), in order to perform further analysis and extract thematic maps to locate the highest and lowest sound levels in relation to the
land use distribution. In addition, a segment line map layer was added to the GIS system, which shows the spatial relationship
between the city's routes using space syntax methods and techniques. The soundwalk is the result of the average of three mea-
surement taken during working days, both in the daytime (starting walking at 10:00 am) and night-time (starting walking at
7:00 pm). The average wind speed was 0.9 km/h, the average temperature was 26.5C and there was no rain. All the measurements
were conducted in November 2017.
As the listeners pass streets in a densely-built-up city center, they become part of that street's atmosphere for a moment (Aletta
and Xiao, 2018). This leads to the assumption that the spatial character of space reflects the spatial distribution of sounds (Barakat,
2016). Since noise pollution is a spatially dependent phenomenon (Cueto and Licitra, 2013), space syntax has been selected to
analyse the spatial configuration of the three different urban settings, for a number of reasons. First, it works across different scales,
starting from the micro-scale of a defined space up to the largest macro-scale of the city (Hillier and Vaughan, 2007). It is initially
based on street-scale data, in which people experience the city, meet, intersect and carry out economic and social transactions (Hillier
et al., 2007), thus it is related to the sound noise level of their activities. Second, it represents the non-discursive relationships
between spaces within the same site or acts as a comparative analysis between different sites, even with different scales. Finally, it
provides powerful conceptual and empirical support for the phenomenological claim of a reciprocal relationship between human
action, related to everyday spatial movement, and the qualities of the physical spatial environment (Seamon, 2007).
Two terms are used to refer to two different types of accessibility. Integration represents the main accessibility measurement; this
describes the average depth of a space in relation to all other spaces in the system, which calculates the closeness of each element to
all the others, and it is the accessibility of ‘to-movement’. Choice is another accessibility measurement, which represents how likely
each space is to be passed through on all the shortest routes from each space to all other spaces in the system, considering the degree
to which each element lies on a path between elements, and this is its potential of ‘through-movement’ (Hillier, 2005) (Mohareb,
2016). All measurements potentially attract other movements, with shorter trips defined as 400 m, medium trips as 800 m and longer
vehicle trips as radius N.
In this paper, the methodology of analysis is based on two main interests:

a. Comparing the spatial configuration relationships versus the level of noise;


b. Studying the organization and distribution of noise points on a scattergram.

3. Three urban settings in Tripoli

The coastal urban area of Tripoli is plain and does not exceed 10 m above sea level. The west coast of Mina, west of the Tripoli
International Fair, is currently vacant and devoted for residential development. With the development of new neighborhoods along
the road linking Tripoli to Mina (Azmi, Miatein and Mina Avenue), these two poles are connected by a continuous, built-up area.
However, this has been accompanied by a polarizing segregation between the poor ‘old city’ of Tripoli and the more prosperous ‘new

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city’ (UN-HABITAT, 2016 (updated 2017)), which affects the expected level of sound in these places.
On the socio-economic level, the city suffers from severe socio-economic segregation (Ginzarly and Teller, 2018), and the lack of a
clear economic driving force, except for restaurants/cafes and textile retail shops/stalls, that are distributed along specific streets.
Tripoli, like that majority of Lebanon's urban area, lacks a good quality of public transport network which, combined with the
minimal traffic control facilities (UN-HABITAT, 2016 (updated 2017)), pushes the residents to rely more on their private cars for their
daily trips, or informal public transportation that is less regulated. Street vendors are common in the historic part of the city, which
increases, along with the informal transportation modes, the level of sound associated with any walking experience.
According to the Lebanese ambient noise limit for intensity in different land zones (1996), the noise standard (dB (A)) in the
downtown, that includes commercial and administrative activities during the daytime, should be 55–65, and 50–60 in the evening.
The city residential area should be 45–55 dB A during the daytime, and around 40–50 at night (LEBANESE-MOE, 1996).
There is little research dealing with noise analysis in Lebanon in general, and less for Tripoli, except for specific parts of the city
(Iaaly-Sankari et al., 2010; Schenone et al., 2016). According to a previous study carried out by JICA, measuring 10 locations at high-
traffic roads in Tripoli, the average highest noise recorded was 85 dBA and the lowest was 73 dBA, with an average of 79.09 dBA
(JICA and CDR, 2001). It would be useful to check any improvement of noise level in the city.
The three selected urban settings represent various spatial conditions of Tripoli: commercial, residential and historical settings.
They have walkable routes that depend more on pedestrians at certain times of the day, which represents a common issue in the three
settings.

3.1. Spatial configuration

Al Mina setting is a historical fabric, where the majority of activities are residential, with minor small shops on some parts of the
ground floor level. It comprises low-rise historical buildings with three to five floors in height, and it has an organic (curve-linear)
spatial fabric. The street cross-sections vary from two metres (or less) to six metres wide. The area is mostly used by pedestrians,
except for the occasional passing motorcycles or cars for people living there.
Dam W Farz is a new residential area; one side of the selected setting has major commercial activities, while the other side is
purely residential. The residential buildings are up to 12 floors in height. The spatial fabric comprises gridiron linear routes, with a
width of two lanes on each side of the commercial street and two lanes only on the residential one.
The last setting is Al Tell. The selected route represents one of the oldest historical commercial routes in Tripoli. The spatial fabric
is curve-linear fabric, the buildings' heights vary from three to six floors (see Fig. 3) (A), and the commercial street's width varies
between one and two lanes.

Fig. 3. A & B illustrate the location of the three urban settings in Tripoli in relation to their spatial accessibility configuration analysis of space
syntax. Integration R 500 m represents pedestrian potential to-movement analysis within radius 500 m, while the Choice Rn represents the potential
vehicle through-movements in Tripoli City. The red colour represents high accessibility, while the blue coloured routes are more segregated.

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Table 1
highlights the correlation strength (Pearson correlation r and r2) and significant relationship (p-value) in relation to sound noise at the three different urban settings in Tripoli.

Dam W Farz Al Tell Al Mina


Day Night Day Night Day Night
Variables r r2 p-value r r2 p-value r r2 p-value r r2 p-value r r2 p-value r r2 p-value
Connectivity -0.204 0.042 0.100 0.032 0.001 0.803 0.243 0.059 0.032 0.098 0.010 0.414 0.048 0.002 0.688 0.063 0.004 0.604
Integ_Rn -0.118 0.014 0.346 0.087 0.008 0.502 0.210 0.044 0.064 0.335 0.112 0.004 -0.262 0.069 0.024 -0.003 0.000 0.982

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Integ_R500 -0.326 0.107 0.007 0.038 0.001 0.770 0.266 0.071 0.019 0.191 0.036 0.109 -0.214 0.046 0.068 -0.084 0.007 0.487
Integ_R800 -0.172 0.030 0.167 0.056 0.003 0.665 0.291 0.085 0.010 0.281 0.079 0.017 -0.234 0.055 0.045 -0.080 0.006 0.507
T_Ch_Rn 0.019 0.000 0.877 -0.015 0.000 0.907 0.124 0.015 0.278 0.210 0.044 0.077 -0.080 0.006 0.501 -0.265 0.070 0.025
T_Ch_R500 -0.305 0.093 0.013 0.137 0.019 0.287 0.008 0.000 0.942 0.238 0.056 0.044 -0.163 0.027 0.165 -0.209 0.044 0.080
T_Ch_R800 -0.340 0.115 0.005 0.119 0.014 0.358 -0.056 0.003 0.624 0.285 0.081 0.015 -0.144 0.021 0.221 -0.199 0.040 0.095

The shaded numbers illustrate high or low values.


Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481
N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

Generally, the selected action areas in Al Tell and Al Mina are more accessible to shorter trips (see Fig. 3 A & B), on the
measurement of ‘to-movement’ Integration R 500 m, which could be an average pedestrian walking distance or a short vehicle trip.
Dam W Farz setting is more accessible for longer trips (see Fig. 3 B), with Integration Rn.
From the Pearson correlation in Table 1, there is an obvious indication of a link between the noise level and the spatial con-
figuration of the street network, but the strength (r2) of that relationship is too weak and the relationship significance (p-value) is not
enough to state a strong link. Although the correlation is not highly significant, the outcomes might still shed light on the type of
relationship between noise and places. In Dam W Farz, there are negative correlations between the street network and the noise level;
the strongest numerical value is negatively correlated to the accessibility of longer distances (Choice with radius 800 m), which
scored r = −0.340, followed by the Integration of radius 500 m during the daytime. In contrast, there is no correlation at night on
any level. This deviation of correlation results could be explained by the land use distribution. In general, Al Dam W Farz was
designed as a residential area with minor commercial activities, and it should not attract much traffic compared to the spatial
configuration of the city; however, it has become an attraction to commercial activities, which have spread without any designed land
use regulation or constraints.
Al Tell is the only setting that has positive correlations during both day- and night-time. The correlations of noise and spatial
configuration during daytime are closely equal in both short and moderate trips (Integration of radii 500 m and 800 m), where people
tend to go to the commercial places (to-movement analysis); it increases for longer trips at night-time (Integration with radius N), as
the commercial activities are all closed. The action area is already designed to be a commercial street, which is why a stronger
correlation appears between noise and the spatial configuration of the street network; however, it is not highly correlated.
Al Mina has a negative correlation between noise and spatial configuration; like the outcome of Dam W Farz, it is more con-
centrated on long trips (Integration radius N, r = −0.262). The noise is not generated from the traffic flow, as it has minimum traffic
flow compared to the other two settings. It is generated, as mentioned earlier, by the electrical generators and the residents' outdoor
activities. Therefore, the noise level is not directly related to the spatial configuration (see Table 1).

3.2. Distribution of noise points

The distribution of day noise is different from the distribution at night-time for each of the three settings. This is obviously due to
the differences in types of activities and their operation time, in addition to their corresponding traffic.
In Dam W Farz, the source of noise is mainly from traffic flow during the daytime, while the commercial activities only have a
minor effect because they are more fully functioning at night. It is clear from the scattergram in Fig. 4 that the noise points are
distributed among different noise levels in both the residential and commercial street, while at night, the commercial noise level
tends to be concentrated, due to the fully functioning activities that equalise the traffic noise along the walking routes.
Al Mina setting has a different noise distribution during daytime: it is mainly concentrated due to the general sound of electrical
generators that echo through the narrow street cross-sections. The other sources of noise are the sounds of outdoor playing or chatting
by the resident youths, and other commercial activities. The situation is different at night, as the majority of commercial activities in
the historical section are closed, with minimum pedestrians or traffic flow, which is why the noise points are distributed along
different noise levels (see Fig. 4).
Although Al Tell is mainly a historical place, somewhat resembling Al Mina setting, the noise distribution is completely different
during both the day- and night-time; this is due to the type and distribution of activities. The action area is within a high-density
commercial street, which includes both regular and street vendors' commercial activities, in addition to high levels of traffic by-
passing the area. Therefore, each section along that street has a different noise level, which is clear in the scattergram shown in Fig. 4.
At night-time, all of the commercial activities are closed, and the only source of noise is the electrical generators and minimum traffic.
As a result, the shape of the scattergram that is produced from the recorded noise on the soundwalk can be used to read and
identify the noise distribution, which could give a clue to the level of noise and the future classification of the selected zones. The
result can be summarized in two classifications: concentration and distribution of noise levels (see Fig. 5).
The concentration of noise points represents a homogeneous noise level along the soundwalk distance. The entire walking ex-
perience results in the same average sound level, whether it is a high or low noise level (see Figs. 4 and 5). This concentrated shape
tends to appear when studying commercially oriented activities and high-traffic connected spaces. The distributed noise points
represent a heterogeneous noise level along the soundwalk trip. There are variations in noise level, due to the location and type of
activities and their operating times. This shape is resulting more in the historical and residential areas, with various traffic flows, thus
providing variations in the noise experience.
Having a closer look at the noise levels in Table 2, higher noise values were found in the historical fabric of Al Mina setting,
particularly at night, with a mean value of 76.7 dBA, while the most repetitive noise value was 79.5 dBA. From the earlier analysis,
the noise level there is not related to the types of activities, traffic density or spatial configuration. The noise is high due to the
morphology of the urban form, specifically the street cross-section, which is too narrow and has reflective surfaces, in addition to the
general noise from the electrical generators. Lower noise levels were located in the setting of Dam W Farz residential section at night,
with a mean score of 65.84 dBA and the most repetitive noise value being 63.3 dBA. This could be explained through the land use
analysis of the places. The majority of the ground floor activity is residential or ground garages, with minor, scattered commercial
activities that are not active after 6:00 pm (see Fig. 6).
The results reveal that the three settings in Tripoli are far above the values of outdoor noise level that was mentioned earlier from
the European Environmental Agency, which ranged from 50 to 55 dBA. They can equally be compared to the noise level of New York,
Tehran or London. However, the size and the type of activities in Tripoli city could not be compared to these cities; it is smaller,

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N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

Fig. 4. shows a scattergram of the sound points' distribution in each urban setting of the three locations in Tripoli City. (A) is the scattergram for
Dam W Farz; (B) highlights the scattergram of Al Mina; while (C) shows the scattergram of Al Tell.

Fig. 5. illustrates the two main shapes that show the distribution and concentration of noise points extracted from Fig. 4.

having a lower density and fewer commercial activities. Therefore, the results could be classified as high noise settings inside Tripoli
City.

4. Discussion and conclusion

This experimental research entails an assessment of noise levels from a pedestrian point of view. It tackles the experience of noise
exposure along walking paths (soundwalks) in three different settings, considering historical, residential and commercial routes. The
case studies are based in Tripoli City, which has expanded tremendously, and the number of activities has increased compared to the

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Table 2
highlights the soundwalk measurements in the three setting of Tripoli City.

Median (dBA)
Distances (m)
Day/ Night

Range (dBA)

Mean (dBA)
Freq. (dBA)

Max. (dBA)
Urban

Number of

Min. (dBA)

3rd Quart.
1st Quart.
Dura"on
se!ngs in

Points

(min.)

(dBA)

(dBA)
Tripoli

StD
Dam W D 675 1995 22.5 68.6 52.7 90.1 37.4 66.4 70 74.9 70.6 6.5
Farz
N 712 1995 23.7 63.3 46.1 88.8 42.7 62.2 65.8 69.6 65.8 6.0
resid.
Average 23.1 65.9 49.4 89.4 40.1 64.3 67.9 72.3 68.2 6.3
Dam W D 619 1995 20.6 70.9 58.1 90.4 32.3 65.8 69 72.1 69.4 5.4
Farz
N 606 1995 20.2 66.4 59.7 94 34.3 64.5 67.2 70.3 68.0 5.1
comm.
Average 20.4 68.6 58.9 92.2 33.3 65.2 68.1 71.2 68.7 5.2
Al Mina D 212 618.8 7.1 66.5 59.7 104.4 44.7 65.8 68.1 71.5 69.7 6.3
hist. fab. N 1105 618.8 36.8 79.5 60.1 96 35.9 72.4 76.6 80.7 76.7 6.2
Average 21.9 73.0 59.9 100.2 40.3 69.1 72.4 76.1 73.2 6.3
Al Mina D 287 453.8 9.5 74.6 48.2 96.5 48.3 66.6 70.5 74.6 69.8 7.2
new fab. N 492 453.8 16.4 72.6 56.7 95.1 38.4 70.7 75.1 79.4 75.1 6.8
Average 12.9 73.6 52.4 95.8 43.3 68.7 72.8 77 72.5 6.9
Al Tell D 1457 773.2 48.5 74.6 58.7 114.7 56 71.8 75.7 80.2 76.4 6.9
new fab. N 341 773.2 11.3 70.6 51 87.9 36.9 68.8 71.7 75.3 72.2 5.4
Average 29.9 72.6 54.8 101.3 46.4 70.3 73.7 77.7 74.3 6.1
Al Tell D 902 979.5 30.1 68.5 55.5 99.4 43.9 68.1 72 77.1 72.9 6.9
hist. fab. N 264 979.5 8.8 67.9 60.4 93 32.6 67.2 70.2 74.4 71.2 5.8
Average 19.4 68.2 57.9 96.2 38.2 67.6 71.1 75.7 72.1 6.4
High
value Abbrevia!ons: fab. = fabric; hist. = historical; comm. = commercial; resid. = residen!al; D = day; N = night;
Low StD= standard devia!on; Freq. = frequency (the number of !mes each value appears most)
value

The shaded numbers illustrate high or low values.

Fig. 6. illustrates a comparative analysis between daytime and night-time in the three urban settings of Tripoli.

situation in 2001, reported by JICA. Unpredictably, the city has become quieter, by an average of 7.83 dBA, when comparing the
results of JICA to this research. This issue requires further investigation with regard to the noise level evolution in specific settings
and the methods employed for sound measurement, in order to monitor the history of noise levels in any city.
In general, the proper assessment of noise levels in existing cities can provide a starting-point for improved soundscape design.
The factors that affect how people pass through the specific soundscapes of different areas are subjective to the expectations that are
formed through unique perceptions based on a certain context and previous or current experience (using questionnaires and

9
N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

interviews), as suggested by Matsinos et al. and Bruce et al. Contrarily to Bruce's method, this paper attempts to link the expectation
with the spatial configuration of the place, specifically the level of accessibility. Vast differences exist between the two methods. The
latter method relies on a spatial relationship that is available but needs more data (layers) such as land use and activity distribution,
which act as the variables. The former method depends on personal expectations or experience, that can vary from one person to
another and needs a huge number of test subjects in order to verify the results. This variation was true when the authors tested Bruce
et al.'s suggestions by conducting a primary interview with samples of residents and non-residents from the assigned areas after
measuring the sound levels. The interviewees were able to distinguish noise sources from traffic, utilities (generators and air con-
ditioners), human activities, nature and miscellaneous, abrupt sounds. When asked to indicate which sounds they noticed the most,
the results varied from residents to passers-by, where the former considered traffic to be the loudest sound while the latter were more
aware of the generator sounds. The residents were able to discern the monotonous sound of the generators only the second they were
turned off by finding something “missing” from what they expected to hear. The loudness of the emitted sound/noise was not the only
factor that made it annoying, but rather it for how long a person is subjected to that particular noise is also a factor, or how much the
sound itself intervened in the activity that a person is engaging in in the space. The participants' experience of the soundscape in the
three areas under study is somewhat related to personal factors (their initial place of residence and intended purpose of using the
space, for example). Introducing a different approach for this assessment (like space syntax, as discussed in this paper) can provide a
more solid base for comparison since the subjective analysis of the soundscape can vary as widely as the background experience of
different cultures, cities, and other factors.
Current urban codes determine the noise levels for outdoor spaces based on the type of activities concerned, which is the main
source of noise level categorization. These numerical noise levels are inadequate in cities that have variations in terms of their spatial
configuration and urban morphology. This is obvious in the three settings selected in Tripoli. Although the commercial sector of the
study, in Dam W Farz, is far livelier at night and attracts more people – in addition to their private vehicles – it still produces less noise
than Al Mina historical setting, which is more residentially-oriented at night. Thus, additional traffic, additional people and com-
mercial activities did not boost the noise level; the major difference is the street cross-section, meaning the street's width in relation to
the buildings' heights. Al Mina's historical fabric is more compact and the inner streets are much narrower. This study suggests that
the street cross-section ratio (height to width) is a major weighting factor that should be included in the noise codes. This point needs
further research to prove it, using more comparative case studies. It is difficult to allocate one code to a city or an activity in cities that
do not follow rigid zoning codes or a clear distribution of activities.
Furthermore, treating the entire street as a single unit when studying noise, as suggested by Gozalo, in this study, appeared to be
an inappropriate approach. Gozalo categorized the noise of streets based on the concept of street functionality. This procedure does
not suit an organic street network like the old city of Al Mina because, at each corner, the function changes. There is also a problem
associated with assuming that the entire street has similar, equally-distributed functions, which is untrue in most cases. The space
syntax method avoided this problem in 2005 by using segment lines: the lines between each street crossing, rather than axial ones
(the entire street). Although this paper is not the first to use space syntax with noise analysis (Dzhambov et al., 2014; Knöll et al.,
2015), it is among the first to attempt to link the spatial configuration with the soundwalks (dynamic movement rather than static
points or locations) with the noise analysis.
The spatial configuration analysis could predict the average noise distribution depending on the attractiveness of the traffic
movements in general; however, the variety of activities that occurs throughout the day and the urban morphology of the settings
could be essential weighting variables to enhance the model of noise assessment, in addition to measuring the variations between the
day and night noise levels. Spatial correlation with noise in a soundwalk situation might not be the best tool to employ – not because
the methods or tools are invalid, but due to the different nature of both analyses. The spatial configuration depends on the re-
lationship between the street networks; it is a static relationship and the numerical values would not change under different con-
ditions, while a soundwalk is a dynamic process that depends on walking and passing through different activities and traffic con-
ditions. Further investigation might be needed to improve the assessment model of noise analysis and include weighting variables.
The speed of the movements (time/distance) of the pedestrians in relation to the activity type is important for the noise exposure
permitted for pedestrians. The more time spent walking in open spaces, the more exposure to different noise levels, which depends on
a number of other factors, such as the land use distribution and operational time. For example, historical settings, such as Al Tell, do
not have the same noise levels on their streets throughout the day. The sound levels depend more on the typology of the activity –
oriented toward outsiders or local activities – the day or night operation time and, as mentioned above, the street morphology.
Measuring noise is a difficult task; the best practice research in the literature shows that fixed points are used to measure noise
(static situation); however, a moving situation (dynamic) always entails experiencing different noise levels. To clarify this further, the
noise receiver is either moving, and the noise source is moving as well, or the receiver is settled (static) and the noise source is
moving. In all situations, this is a dynamic process, which is why this paper uses a soundwalk method.
Finally, understanding noise levels should include both static and dynamic measurements to ensure the well-being of the re-
sidents, especially in compact settings, where walking is a major means of movement, in addition to the variation in street
morphologies.

Conflict of interests

I declare that there is no conflict of interest as far as we know.

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N. Mohareb and S. Maassarani Urban Climate 29 (2019) 100481

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