Professional Documents
Culture Documents
By S u s a n B o y n t o n , S a r a h K a y, A l i s o n C o r n i s h ,
and Andrew Albin
1. Introduction
By S u sa n B oy nt on
Writers throughout history have commented on the elusive nature of sound, its
ubiquity in human experience, and its mysterious effect on the soul. In the litera-
ture of the Middle Ages, with its strong oral component, sound can become the
subject as well as the substance of the text. Literary thematization of sound is a
common thread in the three essays that follow, which all engage with the critical
discourse of sound studies, a profoundly eclectic area of inquiry grounded in phi-
losophy and aesthetics, the history of science and technology, religion, sociology,
and social history, in addition to ethnomusicology and the history of music.1 The
authors’ shared focus on the materiality of sound aligns them with the subfield of
historical sound studies, which focuses on the social history and ethical implica-
tions of sound production and listening.2
One of the central concepts in historical sound studies is the notion of aurality,
encompassing both auditory culture (including the production and reproduction
of sound) and the history of audition (habits of hearing and listening).3 In recent
decades medievalists have turned their attention to these aspects of premodern
sonic practices and environments.4 Joyce Coleman coined the use of the term
“aurality” to characterize late-medieval reading practices.5 Building on the forms
1
Volumes illustrating the range of sound studies include Hearing Cultures: Essays on Sound, Lis-
tening, and Modernity, ed. Veit Erlmann (Oxford, 2004); Keywords in Sound, ed. David Novak and
Matt Sakakeeny (Durham, NC, 2015); Music, Sound, and Space: Transformations of Public and
Private Experience, ed. Georgina Born (Cambridge, UK, 2013); and The Sound Studies Reader, ed.
Jonathan Sterne (London, 2012).
2
Some influential publications in historical sound studies include Richard Cullen Rath, How Early
America Sounded (Ithaca, 2007); Bruce Smith, The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: At-
tending to the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999); Mark Smith, Listening to Nineteenth-Century America
(Chapel Hill, NC, 2001); Hearing History: A Reader, ed. Mark M. Smith (Athens, GA, 2004); and
Jonathan Sterne, The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction (Durham, NC, 2003).
3
On aurality see particularly Veit Erlmann, Reason and Resonance: A History of Modern Aurality
(New York, 2010); Ana María Ochoa Gautier, Aurality: Listening and Knowledge in Nineteenth-
Century Colombia (Durham, NC, 2014); Benjamin Steege, Helmholtz and the Modern Listener
(Cambridge, 2012). The range of subjects encompassed by auditory culture is reflected in The Audi-
tory Culture Reader, ed. Michael Bull and Les Back (Oxford, 2003).
4
Jean-Marie Fritz, Paysages sonores du Moyen Age: Le versant épistémologique (Paris, 2000).
Studies of the soundscape of antiquity include Maurizio Bettini, Voci: Antropologia sonora del mondo
antico (Turin, 2008); and Shane Butler, The Ancient Phonograph (New York, 2015).
5
Joyce Coleman, “Interactive Parchment: The Theory and Practice of Medieval English Aurality,”
Yearbook of English Studies 25 (1995): 63–79; Coleman, Public Reading and the Reading Public in
Late-Medieval England and France (Cambridge, UK, 1996).
Speculum 91/4 (October 2016). Copyright 2016 by the Medieval Academy of America.
DOI: 10.1086/688003, 0038-7134/2016/9104-0003$10.00.
Sound Matters 999
of orality in early French literature described by Evelyn Birge Vitz and Brigitte
Cazelles, Mark Cruse has theorized the sonic character of literary manuscripts.6
The nature and significance of sound itself was a subject of enduring fascination
for medieval writers. Jean-Marie Fritz points out the emergence of an “acoustical
perspective” in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, as witnessed by increasingly
detailed descriptions of musical performance and sound.7 Musicologists’ contri-
butions to historical sound studies have employed both musical and nonmusical
sound as evidence, in addition to texts and images.8 Reinhard Strohm invoked the
notion of the soundscape (the sonic environment comprised of ambient noise of
all kinds) a quarter century ago in reference to the aural landscape of medieval
Flemish towns, including bells, processions, and other types of performance.9
Natural and artificial sounds also comprise essential components of the urban
and rural sites studied by architectural historians.10
Nevertheless, the inherent intangibility of sound makes it a slippery form of
historical evidence, especially for the study of the distant past. The field of sound
studies has tended to focus on modernity because sound-recording technology,
even in its infancy, offers the possibility of a putatively fixed object. To study
sound as an element in the cultural history of earlier periods depends on wit-
nesses that are by necessity less direct. Just as writing is a secondary vestige of
language, music (although often written down) is only imperfectly represented in
conventional notation; it demonstrates the instability of the relationship between
a nonlinguistic aural object and its written trace. A musical score or a historical
account of musical performance is far from a static referent. Instead, it highlights
the difficulty of capturing music in images and words. Musical notation must be
supplemented to some extent by an oral tradition,11 particularly in the case of
6
Evelyn Birge Viz, Orality and Performance in Early French Romance (Woodbridge, 1999); Bri-
gitte Cazelles, Soundscape in Early French Literature (Tempe, AZ, 2005); Mark Cruse, “Matter
and Meaning in Medieval Books: The Romance Manuscript as Sensory Experience,” Senses and
Society 5 (2010): 45–56; and Cruse, “Pictorial Polyphony: Image, Voice, and Social Life in the Ro-
man d’Alexandre (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 264),” in The Social Life of Illumination:
Manuscripts, Images and Communities in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Joyce Coleman, Mark Cruse, and
Kathryn A. Smith (Turnhout, 2013), 371–402.
7
Jean-Marie Fritz, La cloche et la lyre: Pour une poétique médiévale du paysage sonore (Genève,
2011), 109.
8
Emma Dillon, The Sense of Sound: Musical Meaning in France, 1260–1330 (New York, 2012);
Elizabeth Eva Leach, Sung Birds: Music, Nature, and Poetry in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, 2007).
9
Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1991), 1–9. The term “soundscape”
was coined by R. Murray Schafer in The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the
World (Rochester, VT, 1977). For a useful methodological discussion of the concept and its applica-
tions see David Samuels, Louise Meintjes, Ana María Ochoa, and Thomas Porcello, “Soundscapes:
Toward a Sounded Anthropology,” Annual Review of Anthropology 39 (2010): 329–45.
10
Most recently, Sheila Bonde and Clark Maines, “Performing Silence and Regulating Sound: The
Monastic Soundscape of Saint-Jean-des-Vignes,” in Resounding Images: Medieval Intersections of
Art, Music and Sound, ed. Susan Boynton and Diane J. Reilly (Turnhout, 2015), 47–70; and Tom
Nickson, “The Sound of Conversion in Medieval Iberia,” in Resounding Images, 91–107.
11
The literature on the oral traditions in medieval music is too vast to address here. Some over-
views that cite previous literature are Susan Boynton, “Orality, Literacy, and the Early Notation of
the Office Hymns,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 56 (2003): 99–168; Peter Jeffery,
Re-envisioning Past Musical Cultures: Ethnomusicology in the Study of Gregorian Chant (Chicago,
1992); Oral and Written Transmission in Chant, ed. Thomas Forrest Kelly (Farnham, UK, 2009); Ken
neth Levy, Gregorian Chant and the Carolingians (Princeton, 1998); and Leo Treitler, With Voice and
Pen: Coming to Know Medieval Song and How It Was Made (New York, 2003).
12
Hendrik Van der Werf over half a century ago coined the expression “notationless musical cul-
ture,” which became a widely used term. See Hendrik Van der Werf, “The Trouvère Chansons as
Creations of a Notationless Musical Culture,” Current Musicology 1 (1965): 61–68.
13
Susan Rankin, “Capturing Sounds: The Notation of Language,” in Cantus Scriptus: Technolo-
gies of Medieval Song, ed. Lynn Ransom and Emma Dillon (Piscataway, NJ, 2012), 11–38.
14
Leach, Sung Birds.
15
Thomas E. A. Dale, “Monsters, Corporeal Deformities, and Phantasms in the Cloister of St-
Michel-de-Cuxa,” Art Bulletin 83 (2001): 402–36; Elizabeth Valdez del Álamo, “Touch Me, See Me:
The Emmaus and Thomas Reliefs in the Cloister of Silos,” in Spanish Medieval Art: Recent Studies,
ed. Colum Hourihane, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 346 (Tempe, AZ, 2007), 35–64.
16
On this form of representation see most recently Matthew Shoaf, “Picturing the Voiceless in an
Age of Visible Speech,” in Voice and Voicelessness in Medieval Europe, ed. Irit Ruth Kleiman (New
York, 2015), 213–34; Shoaf, “The Voice in Relief: Sculpture and Vocal Surplus at the Rise of Natural-
ism,” in Boynton and Reilly, Resounding Images, 31–45.
17
John H. Arnold and Caroline Goodson, “Resounding Community: The History and Meaning of
Medieval Church Bells,” Viator 43 (2012): 99–130; and Alain Corbin, Village Bells: The Culture of
the Senses in the Nineteenth-Century French Countryside, trans. Martin Thom (New York, 1998).
18
While space does not allow for a thorough review of theorization of voice here, for an overview
of some current musicological approaches to the voice see “Colloquy: Why Voice Now?”, convened
by Martha Feldman, Journal of the American Musicological Society 68 (2015): 653–85.
19
No musical notation survives for this office, but the chant melodies could be reconstructed hy-
pothetically by analogy with chants that exhibit the same verse structure.
20
See, for example, Gunilla Iversen, Laus Angelica: Poetry in the Medieval Mass, ed. Jane Flynn
(Turnhout, 2010), a translation of Iversen’s Chanter avec les anges: Poésie dans la messe médiévale,
interprétations et commentaires (Paris, 2001); Lori Kruckenberg, “Neumatizing the Sequence: Spe-
cial Performances of Sequences in the Central Middle Ages,” Journal of the American Musicological
Society 59 (2006): 243–317; and Judith Oliver, Singing with Angels: Liturgy, Music, and Art in the
Gradual of Gisela von Kerssenbrock (Turnhout, 2007).
21
Jacques Attali, Noise: The Political Economy of Music, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis, 1985), 4.
Susan Boynton is Professor of Music at Columbia University, New York (e-mail: slb184
@columbia.edu)
By Sa r a h Ka y
The concept of “soundscape,” developed in the 1960s by the Canadian com-
poser and writer R. Murray Schafer in relation to that of “landscape,” promotes
exploration and knowledge of the world through hearing as much as through
Speculum 91/4 (October 2016)
Sound Matters 1003
sight, since it is as much made up of sounds as it is of visual stimuli. As with a
landscape, a soundscape may include the human but is not limited by it; for ex-
ample, some of the sounds it includes exceed what the human ear can perceive.1
Schafer’s term has been taken up by medievalists seeking to discover the import
of the sonorous in opposition to the visual, to situate music within the larger
field of ambient sound, and to recontextualize the sounds produced by humans
within the totality of human and nonhuman acoustic effects.2 These dimensions
of the soundscape enable connections to be drawn between its study and other
approaches currently being explored by medievalists, such as ecological criti-
cism and critical animal studies, approaches united by the way they call into
question the prevailing anthropocentrism of scholarly discourses on medieval
culture.
In this article, I consider how human and nonhuman sounds combine in an
imagined soundscape at a specific historical moment, that of the troubadours and
their songs; and I ask what the implications of this combination are for how these
songs might be interpreted. Several topoi of medieval poetry put in question the
exclusively human character of song. One is that linking air, breath, or “spirit.” Air
is the element of both winds and breath, many troubadours speak of it as exciting
or carrying their songs, they are aware of sharing breath with other living beings,
and conscious too of its potentially spiritual nature; the essay in this cluster by Ali-
son Cornish examines how, following Aristotle, sound in Dante results from the
violent disruption or breaking of air. Another topic is the notion of canor analyzed
in the essay by Andrew Albin that concludes the cluster. A mystical saintly sound-
stuff, canor is inaudible in itself and yet mingles with and infiltrates liturgical chant
performed by, or in honor of, the saintly late fourteenth-century Richard Rolle.
My own focus is on a third topos that crosses over between human and nonhu-
man and that these other essays also address: that of “voice,” vox, which medieval
writers used to refer to the human production of words and music, and also for the
voicings of birds, other animals, angels, and sometimes instruments too. Taking
my cue from the posthumanism implicit in the concept of soundscape, I develop
(rather than answer) a question implicit in many troubadour compositions—
and articulated, too, in their manuscript copies—namely, how human is song?
1
See in particular R. Murray Schafer, The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of
the World (Rochester, VT, 1993).
2
See Brigitte Cazelles, Soundscape in Early French Literature (Tempe, AZ, 2005); Jean-Marie Fritz,
Paysages sonores du Moyen Âge: Le versant épistémologique (Paris, 2000); Fritz, La cloche et la lyre:
Pour une poétique médiévale du paysage sonore (Genève, 2011); and Emma Dillon, The Sense of
Sound: Musical Meaning in France, 1260–1330 (Oxford, UK, 2012).
3
The key post-Heideggerian thinker for the forms of thing-oriented criticism practiced by many
medievalists is Graham Harman, e.g., Tool-Being: Heidegger and the Metaphysics of Objects (Chi-
cago, 2002).
4
Martin Heidegger, “What are Poets For?,” in Poetry, Language, Thought, trans. Albert Hoft
stadter (New York, 1971), 89–139.
5
Letter from Rilke to a reader, quoted by Heidegger, “What are Poets For?,” 105.
6
“What are Poets For?,” 139.
7
Ibid., 118.
8
Thus “Song is existence” and “To sing the song means to be present in what is present itself”:
ibid., 135.
9
Giorgio Agamben, L’Aperto: L’uome e l’animale (Turin, 2002); trans. Kevin Attell, The Open:
Man and Animal (Stanford, CA, 2004). My quotations are from the latter.
10
Ibid., 79.
11
Agamben also cites Heidegger’s essay on “The Origin of the Work of Art” which elaborates on
the opposition between “world” as what is opened by Dasein and “earth.”
12
See David Hult, “Editor’s Preface,” Yale French Studies 67 (1984): iii–vi: the verbal dimension of
closure means that, at the same time as closing, it points to an opening.
13
Agamben, The Open, esp. 16.
14
Ibid., 80.
15
For how the Orpheus myth served to reflect on song, see Susan Boynton, “The Sources and Sig-
nificance of the Orpheus Myth in ‘Musica Enchiriadis’ and Regino of Prüm’s ‘Epistola de harmonica
institutione,’” Early Music History 18 (1999): 47–74. My thanks to Susan Boynton for this reference
and her assistance elsewhere with this paper.
16
The swan and nightingale are regularly found in troubadour and trouvère lyric, though curiously
not the siren.
17
According to Ovid, Metamorphoses 11.1–19, the Maenads are drawn by Orpheus’s singing and,
as part of their vengeance on him, try to drown it in their clamor.
18
Sarah Kay, “Chant et enchantement dans l’oeuvre de Guillaume de Machaut: Métamorphoses du
risque et du désir,” Revue des langues romanes 118 (2014): 447–68.
19
Elizabeth Eva Leach, “Grammar and Music in the Medieval Song-School,” in Medieval Gram-
mar and the Literary Arts, ed. Rita Copeland, Christopher Cannon, and Nicolette Zeeman (Oxford,
UK, 2009): 195–211, at 200.
20
Jean-Marie Fritz, Paysages sonores, 190–202; Elizabeth Eva Leach, Sung Birds: Music, Nature
and Poetry in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, 2007), 28–53, recapitulated in Leach, “Grammar and
Music,” 196–98.
vox
↓
distinct confused
(capable of being written) (incapable of being written)
vox
↓
articulate
(can be meaningful) ↓ non-articulate
(cannot be meaningful)
↓
↓
↓
distinct confused distinct
↓ confused
The effect of this second distinction between articulate and inarticulate voice is
to privilege all human sounds over all sounds voiced by other sources. The two
categories of human voice—whether they can be notated (vox distincta) or not
(vox confusa)—are alone credited with conveying meaning and thus deemed ex-
pressive. Animal sounds, even if they are writable, are by definition inarticulate
or meaningless. At their lowest, in an extreme manifestation of their own closed-
ness, they cannot even be written down, like the chattering of a jay or the croak-
ing of a frog. Officially, then, the art of song is human and exclusively so; but this
outcome is achieved only through prolonged contesting of the opposing view.21
When many of the early troubadours compare their songs with those of birds,
they seem to make use of their shared organ, the voice, in order knowingly to put
in question once more the human prerogative of song, or at least quizzically to
inquire, just how human is it? This is the question Jaufre Rudel seems to pose in
“Pro ai” (262.4):22
21
Augustine’s role in this outcome attests the endurance of his “sovereign decision” in favor of an ex-
treme anthropocentrism that was not shared by other inheritors of the Platonic tradition, such as Eriugena.
On Augustine, see Boynton, “Sources and Significance,” 68, and Leach, Sung Birds, 52; on Eriugena, see
Peter Dronke, “La creazione degli animali,” Intellectuals and Poets in Medieval Europe (Rome, 1992),
193–217, at 199–202.
22
I identify troubadour songs by their PC numbers (originating in the bibliography of Pillet and
Carstens) and cite them as updated in the Bibliografia elettronica dei trovatori, at http://www.bedt.it
/BEdT_04_25/index.aspx (accessed 31 May 2016).
What does Jaufre mean by turning the landscape into a soundscape and evoking
it as his teacher?24 Perhaps he is asserting, contrary to the prevailing wisdom,
that the melodies of nature can be taught like other rational pursuits and that his
own song follows the vox of birds whose music is a grammatical, that is, a writ-
able and hence a teachable art. This would undo the schism between human and
animal voices and restore the simple distinction between distinct and indistinct
ones. Alternatively, he might be using the image paradoxically within the fourfold
division of vox so as deliberately to place the troubadour’s song on the nonhu-
man side of the divide, along with other natural sounds. Then his song would
be distinct but nonarticulate: unlike speech it would not be primarily engaged
in expressing a meaning, it would be an act of uttering (énonciation) but not an
uttering of something (énoncé). In favor of this second possibility is the fact that
Jaufre comes close to composing nonarticulate (and barely writable) sounds in his
“Non sap chantar” (PC 262.4), which starts by running through the categories of
the art of composition—melody, verse form, rhyme words, and their subordina-
tion to a rational theme or even to reason itself—only to protest in line 5 that the
beginning of his song begins quite differently:
Non sap chantar qui so non di
ni vers trobar qui motz no fa,
ni conois de rima co·s va
si razo non enten en si.
Mas lo mieus chans comens’aissi:
com plus l’auziretz, mais valra. a a
(lines 1–6)25
[No one knows how to sing who can’t make a tune, or “find” a vers if he can’t com-
pose [rhyme] words, or recognize how rhyme works, unless he understands the theme
in itself. But my song begins like this: the more you hear it, the more valuable it will be.
ee ee]
The editor prints the final line of each stanza in a form that repeats the rhyme
vowel. The repetition marks the prolongation of the final syllable when the song
was sung, but thereby introduces what look like nonsense syllables into the verbal
23
Text from Giorgio Chiarini, Il canzoniere di Jafre Rudel (Roma, 1985), song 2, reproduced on-
line at http://www.rialto.unina.it/BdT.htm. Translations are mine.
24
An analogous question is raised by Guilhem IX, 183.1, line 3, which refers to birds as singing
each in their “lati” (Latin). See Guglielmo IX d’Aquitania: Poesie, ed. Nicolò Pasero (Modena, 1973),
song 1.
25
Chiarini, song 1.
26
See Chiarini’s note to this line in his edition, 60.
27
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 22543 (chansonnier R), fol. 63r.
28
Fritz, La cloche et la lyre, 53: “. . . ce chant est moins une forme esthétisée ou hyperbolique de la
parole que le signe d’une parole impossible.”
29
On voice in Marcabru see also Ruth E. Harvey, “‘Rhymes and Rusty Words’ in Marcabru’s
Songs,” French Studies 56 (2002): 1–14, and Matilda Bruckner, “Marcabru’s Estornel: On Ventrilo-
quism or the Art of Putting Words in Your Belly,” French Studies 68 (2014): 451–64.
a unique way.31 Selections from the major troubadours are placed so as to begin
at the start of a fresh recto—and really major ones at the start of a fresh quire—
with an opening author portrait, an enlarged initial, sometimes with an animal
or bird perched on the ascender, and an animal, bird, or grotesque bas de page.
Middling poets are positioned in the larger spaces remaining; they are not graced
with a portrait, but they do get an enlarged initial, sometimes with an animal or
bird perched on the ascender, and an animal, bird, or grotesque bas de page. And
the really minor poets are used to fill up smaller spaces: no portrait or enlarged
initial for them, but each gets an animal, bird, or grotesque bas de page. Every
troubadour, then, comes together with a creature of some kind at the foot of the
page where his section begins, busy with its own concerns and somewhat derisive
of the text above, while only really important troubadours are represented as
human. A stark exception to this generalization, the very first troubadour in the
codex, Giraut de Bornelh, not only has no bas de page but is not accompanied by
any animal at all, since, whereas other troubadours are portrayed on horseback,
he is depicted at his desk (fol. 1r). Seemingly he is the only troubadour whose
humanity is not in any way compromised or questioned: the only one to sing with
an uncontestably articulate and writable voice.32
The other major figures with which M opens are Folquet de Marselha and
Bernart de Ventadorn. The lone Marcabru song that M includes is placed be-
tween the more prestigious selections of lyrics by Raimbaut d’Aurenga and Ar-
naut Daniel, each of whom has a portrait, enlarged initial, and bas de page. The
images accompanying Raimbaut have been defaced, and it is hard to make out,
lurking beneath the famous “Ar resplan la flors enversa” (389.16) with which
his selection opens, the sirenlike creature with a sword, accompanied by another
figure with a fishlike tail (fol. 135). The portrait of Arnaut Daniel on horseback
provides a perch for some kind of falcon or hawk, and his siren is more visible
(fol. 143). These animal images frame the first song in his section of the anthol-
ogy, the likewise well-known “Si·m fos Amors de joi donar tan larga” (29.17).
Sandwiched between the works of these two “stars,” Marcabru’s “Dirai vos
senes duptansa” (293.18) is unceremoniously attributed to Raimbaut d’Aurenga
(fol. 142v).
Aside from the sirens that accompany Raimbaut d’Aurenga and Arnaut Daniel,
the bas de page creatures shadowing the texts of all the other troubadours have
not been chosen for their singing ability. Their voices rank at the lowest level of
the four-term scale, since they are neither meaningful nor distinct: lions, hawks,
30
Anne-Claude Lamur Baudreu, “Aux origines du chansonnier de troubadours M (Paris, Bibl. nat.,
fr. 12474),” Romania 109/2–3 (1988): 183–98.
31
François Zufferey, “À propos du chansonnier provençal M (Paris, B. N.: fr. 12474),” in Lyrique
romane médiévale: La tradition des chansonniers, ed. Madeleine Tyssens (Liège, 1991), 221–44, at
258.
32
See Ursula Peters, Das Ich im Bild: Die Figur des Autors in volksprachigen Bilderhandschriften
des 13. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Cologne, 2008), 27. I would dissent, however, from her description of
the author portraits in M (and also in C) as “unproblematic,” 25.
33
For example, Guilhem de Bergueda has a lion (fol. 23r), as do Folquet de Marselha (fol. 25r) and
Rigaut de Berbezilh (fol. 99r); Guilhem de la Tor has a hound above and a hawk below (fol. 87v),
Alegret also has a hawk (fol. 117r), Cadenet a peacock (fol. 152r), Peire Bremon Ricas Novas a fowl
of some kind (fol. 21v), Peire de Blai a wolf (fol. 158r), Jaufre Rudel a boar (fol. 165r), and Guilhem
Ademar a serpent (fol. 68r).
34
This song is however identified as Marcabru’s in the index to M, so this presentation is likely a
copying error.
35
Only five human portraits remain: see Peters, Das Ich in Bild, 29 and n. 39.
36
For example, Peire d’Alvernhe has a sheep (fol. 178r), Jaufre Rudel a lion (fol. 214r), Gui d’Ussel
a hound (fol. 215v), Uc de Saint Circ a peacock (fol. 224r), Rigaut de Berbezilh an eagle (fol. 219r), as
also Elias de Barjols (fol. 221r), Bertran de Born a gryphon with maybe a vulture (fol. 136v), Gaucelm
Faidit two serpents (fol. 60r), and so forth.
37
For example, Raimon de Miraval (fol. 75r), Guilhem de Bergueda (fol. 210r), Guilhem de Cabes-
tanh (fol. 212v), or Peire Bremon Ricas Novas (fol. 253v).
38
An “irreverent explosion of marginal mayhem” as Michael Camille calls it: Image on the Edge:
The Margins of Medieval Art (London, 1992), 22.
39
A high-resolution scan of this folio is available on the BnF Gallica site http://gallica.bnf.fr
/ark:/12148/btv1b60004306/f15.image.r=francais%2022543, accessed 31 May 2016.
40
The forms of these first lines are taken from Simon Gaunt, Ruth Harvey, and Linda Paterson,
eds., Marcabru: A Critical Edition (Woodbridge, 2000). All subsequent citations of edited lines are
drawn from this same edition, which is also available online at http://www.rialto.unina.it/BdT.htm,
accessed 31 May 2016. Translations are likewise taken from the printed version of the edition, though
I have slightly adapted them in some cases.
41
Geneviève Brunel-Lobrichon, “L’iconographie du chansonnier provençal R,” in Lyrique romane
médiévale: La tradition des chansonniers. Actes du colloque de Liège, 1989, ed. Madeleine Tyssens
(Liège, 1991), 245–71, at 268–69.
42
I emend R’s singular “comensa” to the plural and translate accordingly. Given the use of the
oblique “trobador” in place of the expected nominative, “so” could likewise be a singular, but the
absence of an article before “so” and the placing of the rubric like those in other chansonniers that
introduce a group of songs make the plural more likely.
43
Gaunt, Harvey, and Paterson, Marcabru, line 2. R reads “lo uers el so.”
44
Fritz, La cloche et la lyre, 122–24.
45
“Estz lauzengiers, lenguas-trencans—/ cuy Dieus cofonda e azir—/ meton proeza en balans,”
151–17; “Eyssamens son domnas trichans / a sabon trichar e mentir” (22–23); “d’aqui naysso·l mal-
vat cuiar, / q’us no·n ama joy ni deport, ni·n auza hom entr’ ellas parlar” (26–28).
See Camille, Image on the Edge, 20–46, on marginal art as a form of annotation or gloss.
46
See Fritz, Paysages sonores, appendix 2, 335–424, on the sounds made by animals, citing a large
47
number of “authorities” ranging from Pliny to Thomas of Cantimpré and Albertus Magnus. For the
unicorn specifically, see 367–68, and the centaur, 381. According to the verse bestiary of Theobaldus,
“Onocentaurs likewise have a double nature: in them there is an ass combined with a man’s body. Very
many men are thus two-faced in their behavior, saying one thing to you, the next moment doing an-
other; what they say in public does not accord with what they do in private. In just the same way there
are many who talk about virtue and indulge their vices; how dazzlingly attractive these men find the
stage.” Cited from P. T. Eden, Theobaldi Physiologus: Introduction, Critical Apparatus, Translation
and Commentary (Leiden, 1972), para. 10.
48
As Gaunt, Harvey, and Paterson point out in their commentary on this passage, Marcabru here
seems to be following a Latin model, maybe Eugenius of Toledo.
3. Words and Blood: Suicide and the Sound of the Soul in Inferno 13
By A l is on Cor nis h
Despite the ink-stained hands of our ancestors and the carpal-tunnel syndrome
of our contemporaries, for the ancient grammarians it was very clear that the
essential matter of words was sound. Priscian begins his grammar with sound,
for which he uses the word vox (“voice”): “According to the philosophers, vox
is ‘very fine air when it is struck.’” The matter of words is voice, or sound; the
matter of sound is air that has suffered violence. As Chaucer’s eagle in the Hous
of Fame puts it, “speche is soun” and “soun is noght but air y-broken.” Priscian
goes on to say that letters combine to produce sound, “as if it were a body,” but,
as the grammarian quickly notes, sound is a real body, consisting of air that is
Thanks to Sarah Kay and Andrew Albin for initiating this collaboration in New York and to Susan
Boynton for her eloquence, both oral and written.
not the unmistakable pitch, cadence, and dynamics of each individual speaking
at a certain unrepeatable moment in time. For this we need sound recordings
in kinds of matter that, unlike air, do not as easily forget the violence done to
them. In a recent New Yorker article about the Berkeley physicist Carl Haber,
who has succeeded in digitizing early recordings made in wax, soot, and shellac,
Alec Wilkinson observes that “anything you can embed sound in you can scratch,
crease, crumple, bend, break, tear, warp, or melt.”2 Some people have theorized
that, even without recording technologies, sound itself is only apparently ephem-
eral. Its disturbance of the air is permanent, though faded to the point of in-
audibility. Wilkinson notes that “Guglielmo Marconi, who sent the first radio
message, in 1902, believed that with a microphone that was sufficiently sensitive
he could hear Jesus delivering the Sermon on the Mount, and in 1925 a writer for
the Washington Post speculated that a radio was capable of broadcasting the
voices of the dead.” Other sources Wilkinson cites have imagined that “all sounds
that ever existed [are] still present, hovering like ghosts.” In Paris in 1860, one
of the most intriguing early recorders, or “archeophonists,” embedded his own
voice singing a folksong in soot on a piece of paper. Only in 2008 did Carl Haber
figure out how to digitize this ingenious trace so that it could be heard. Its in-
ventor had aimed only for it to be “read,” believing that this series of squiggles
would be “more revealing of character” than that other, older technology for
recording speech—writing—in that it would preserve “a visual record of the pitch
of someone’s voice, how loudly he spoke, and with what emphasis.” This the
inventor defined as “living speech,” while “our manual or printed calligraphy is
nothing but dead speech.”3
What is writable is not speech, but a remnant of that audible event. Its dead-
ness derives from what is lost, the sound that once disturbed matter. In this way,
sound would appear to be more like soul than body, since the body is dead when
the soul leaves it. But if, on the contrary, it is sound that is the body of speech (“a
real body, consisting of air that is struck”) then what writing preserves is the soul,
the meaning that can be written in another matter, the matter of letters (“a letter
is a sound that can be written separately.”)4 Voice, which for the grammarians is
the basis of their art, is already a subcategory of sound. A sound that is a voice is
already evidence of something inaudible as well as immaterial: the soul.
1
Priscian, Institutiones grammaticae 1.1–3, in Medieval Grammar and Rhetoric, ed. Rita Cope
land and Ineke Sluiter (Oxford, 2009), 172–73. Hous of Fame 2.762, 765, in The Complete Works of
Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. Walter W. Skeat, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1894–97), 3.23. Thanks to Karla Taylor for
pointing this out to me. As Andrew Albin has commented in conversation, Chaucer’s eagle is some-
thing of a “blowhard,” giving an obtusely material definition of what voice is.
2
Alec Wilkinson, “A Voice from the Past: How a Physicist Resurrected the Earliest Recordings,”
New Yorker (May 19, 2014): 50–57.
3
Against this assumption that “the voice is precisely that quantity which, before Edison, eluded
transcription,” Shane Butler argues for the “phonographic claim” of ancient literary works: Shane
Butler, The Ancient Phonograph (New York, 2015), 13–14.
4
“Unless sounds are remembered by men, they perish, for they cannot be written down”: Isidore
of Seville, Etymologies 3.15, in Source Readings in Music History, ed. William Oliver Strunk and Leo
Treitler (New York, 1998), 149.
Speculum 91/4 (October 2016)
Sound Matters 1017
The grammarians distinguished between sounds that could and could not be
written, as well as between meaningful (articulate) and nonmeaningful ones. An
example of articulate sound that can be understood, but not written, is “when
human beings hiss or groan: for although these sounds indicate some intention
of the person who delivers them, they cannot be written.”5 Articulate sound is a
hallmark of the human, one of those lines that divide the human from the beast,
as Sarah Kay notes in her essay, showing how troubadour song tends to cross
that line. Music, in its rationality, based essentially on arithmetic, is really above
or prior to the human, since it is an activity shared with the angels, even now,
while they are in heaven and we on earth, as we can see in Andrew Albin’s study
of Rolle’s angelic canor. Indeed, in Boethius’s famous three kinds of music (mun-
dana, humana, and instrumentalis) only the lowest was audible to the senses.6 In
considering the inherent hierarchies of the medieval soundscape (from angels to
humans to beasts) we can go a step lower, to the subanimal, to the category of
vegetables, who do not have voice. This is the monstrosity of Dante’s suicides:
tree men who bleed words.
The speech act of the suicides in the circle of violence in Dante’s Inferno is
horrific from the very start because normally trees do not talk; unlike animals
with breath and blood, they do not have voice, because that implies an animating
principle that can intentionally shape the sounds they make. The speech of these
tormented thorn bushes has become an involuntary release of pent-up material
(“words and blood”) and it must be brought about by external violence, by peck-
ing harpies, by the haphazard destruction of other sinners and black hounds who
chase them through the woods, or by an unsuspecting pilgrim advised to “break
a branch” if he wants to know where the voices are coming from. Yet violence
is necessary in the production of all sound, because sound is a breaking (fractio)
of air. When Chaucer’s talking eagle says that “the air is twist with violence, /
and rent,” he is echoing the contemporary scientific understanding of sound.7 A
thirteenth-century commentator on Aristotle’s treatise On the Soul explains: “For
the generation of sound [three things] are required: something hit, something do-
ing the hitting, and a medium. The body that initiates the vibration is as much
an active cause of the sound as the body that vibrates, because the first is the ac-
tive cause of sound in so far as it breaks the air, yet the vibrating body holds the
air and does not let it get out easily. Air is the subject of that breaking and that
breaking is sound.”8
5
Priscian, Institutiones grammaticae 1.1, in Strunk and Treitler, Source Readings, 172.
6
The musica mundana is the music made by the heavenly spheres as they turn against each other,
inaudible to humans. The musica humana has to do with the relationship of soul to body. Only mu-
sica instrumentalis, which includes vocal (naturalis) as well as instrumental (artificialis) music, is the
kind you can hear: Boethius, De institutione musica 1.2, ed. G. Friedlein (Leipzig, 1867), 188–89.
7
Chaucer, Hous of Fame 2.775–76.
8
“In generatione soni requiruntur percussus et percutiens et medium. Et tam verberantis quam
verberatus est causa activa soni, quia corpus verberans est causa activa soni in quantum frangit aerem,
corpus autem verberatum retinet aerem et non permittit ipsum faciliter ire. Aer ergo est subjectum
illius fractionis et cetera talis fractio fit sonus”: Simon de Faversham (c. 1260–1306), Quaestiones
CXIV in Aristotelis libros de anima, in Vox atque sonus: Studien zur Rezeption der Aristotelischen
Schrift “De anima” und ihre Bedeutung für die Musiktheorie, ed. Michael Wittmann, 2 vols. (Pfaffen-
weiler, 1987), 2.38.
Speculum 91/4 (October 2016)
1018 Sound Matters
Sound is precipitated by violence, produced out of what Algazel called a vehe-
ment percussion or separation.9 Although the act of eliciting the sonorous poten-
tial out of matter is natural, the conditions of soundmaking essentially require
violence.10 Indeed, for the commentators on the pseudo-Aristotelian Problemata,
sound is a suffering (passio) of the air, caused by the collision of solid bodies.11
Sound can also be produced where something does not seem to be striking
something else, as another fourteenth-century commentator notes. For example,
when we break a piece of wood by bending it, there would seem to be no per-
cussion or blow, and yet there is a loud sound when it snaps.12 Or, in another
example, if someone puts fresh chestnuts under hot ashes without first cutting
their skins, they will produce a very loud noise when they explode. The sound
from the broken twig, it is explained, comes when it returns impetuously to its
natural curve from which it was being bent away with violence. The explosive
sound from the chestnuts has to do with wet matter being transformed into dry
air, which occupies more space and must necessarily find an exit by bursting
through the uncut husk.13
9
“Sonus vero est quiddam quod fit in aere propter undationem accidentem aeri ex motu fortissimo
proveniente ex vehementi aliquorum inter se percussione vel separatione. Tunc autem contingit ex
percussione cum concurrunt sibi fortiter duo corpora, et aer qui erat inter ea excluditur violenter;
tunc vero contingit ex separatione, cum movetur aer violenter inter duo corpora quae separantur, et
fit sonus cum commotus aer pervenit usque quo pervenit motus commotionis”: Algazel, Physica 4,
De anima vegetabili et animali et humana 3.3, in Algazel on the Soul, ed. Eva St. Clair, Traditio 60
(2005): 47–84, at 64. See also Albertus Magnus, “Quid sit sonus?,” Summa de creaturis 2.24.1, in
Albertus Magnus, Opera omnia, ed. August Borgnet, 38 vols. (Paris, 1896), 35:233.
10
“Illa est falsa, quod omnes conditiones circumstantes generationem soni, sunt violentae. Sunt
enim conditiones soni ex parte materiae: actus enim sonativus educitur de potentia materiali, et pro-
portio illius ad ipsam non est violenta, sed naturalis. Sed verum est, quod conditiones agentis violen-
tae sunt”: Albertus Magnus, “Utrum generatio soni sit naturalis vel violenta?,” Summa de creaturis
2.24.3, in Albertus Magnus, Opera omnia, 35:236.
11
“Est autem sonus passio vel accidens ex motione aeris causata collisione corporum solidorum
auditu proprie percepta”: Pietro d’Abano, Expositio Problematum 11.1, quoted in Charles Burnett,
“Sound and Its Perception in the Middle Ages,” in Second Sense: Studies in Hearing and Musical
Judgement from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century, ed. Charles Burnett, Michael Fend, and Pe-
nelope Gouk (London, 1991), 43–70, at 66.
12
“Etiam dictum est, quod requiritur fortis ictus, modo in frangendo lignu flectendo ipsum non
fit ictus, eo quod non fit approximatio duri ad durum sed potius remotio duri adverso. . . . Modo
conplicatu lignum ultra naturam iste partes de quibus tibi dixi extenduntur et partes versus quas sit in-
curvatio condempsantur ultra naturam et tunc fractionis partes ligni rarefacte ultra naturam et partes
condemsate ultra naturam inpetuose redeunt ad naturalitatem et situm suum, quod non fit sine ictu et
percussura. Et pro hoc apparet, quod hic causari sonus et causa dicitur”: Blasius Pelacanus de Parma
(1347–1416), Quaestiones in Aristotelis De anima libri I–III, in Wittmann, Vox atque sonus, 2:124.
13
“Quod causatur sonus fortis et magnus cum sub cinibus ignitis ponuntur castaneae recentes,
habentes corticem non scissam alicubi, quia hic non videntur concurrere ea, quae dicta sunt primo
articulo, ut percutiens et percussum. . . . Responduntur, quod et putandis est castaneam recentem
habere in se multitas humiditatem aquosam. Cum autem ponitur ad ignem sub cinibus cortice eius
non scissam, tunc caliditas ignitis agens in castaneam generat ex ea materiam ventotem, scilicet trans-
mutando materiam aquosam in aerem. Et claris est, quod aer generatus ex materia aquosa occupat
maiorem locum, quam facebat illa aquositas. Ergo oportet, quod substantia castaneae dividatur. Et
quia non potest exire ista ventotitas nisi per subitam fractionem corticis cortex frangitur, quae ultra
naturam est extensa et tunc partes redent ad locum et situm, ut primo”: Pelacanus, in Wittmann, Vox
atque sonus, 2:124–25.
The sound and substance spluttering from the uncured log on the fire are de-
scribed as a meteorological event. Dry heat encountering moist cold produces
a wind that then needs to escape from its confinement. It is, like all weather, a
matter of flatulence. From the simile of the hissing log, Leo Spitzer concluded that
“the language of the plant-men is mere flatus vocis, wind-begotten speech,” that
the genesis of this speech is a “purely material process,” and, most memorably,
that speech has become simply a matter of “bodily discharges”—an involuntary
effluence of words out of the body, like blood.15
The expression flatus vocis has the pejorative sense of “empty speech,” “mere
words,” or “voice-fart,” as Valerie Allen has suggested in her 2010 book On Far-
ting.16 The image of “hot air” may well be a critique of this soul’s literary output.
As notary and intimate secretary to the emperor Frederick II, Pier della Vigna
(c. 1190–1249) authored legal documents, epistolary prose, and vernacular po-
ems.17 As many critics have noted, in the canto Dante has him seem almost to
14
Citations of the Inferno are from Dante Alighieri, La Commedia secondo l’antica vulgata, ed.
Giorgio Petrocchi, 4 vols. (Milan, 1966–67). Translations are mine.
15
“The fact that Dante chose to describe a hissing, guttering fire-log by way of characterizing the
genesis of speech in his uomini-piante shows that he conceived this as representing a purely physical
process: the issue of blood and cries is on the same low ‘material’ level as is the issue of sap and hiss-
ing sound from a fire-log. Indeed, the fact that we have to do with speech of a non-human order, with
speech that is a matter of bodily discharges, was already suggested by the terrible line usciva inseme pa-
role e sangue”: Leo Spitzer, “Speech and Language in Inferno XIII,” Italica 19 (1942): 81–104, at 89.
16
Valerie Allen, On Farting: Language and Laughter in the Middle Ages (New York, 2010), 160.
Dante gives us a bona fide fart a little further on, made by the devil Malacoda to muster his troops by
means of his rear end (“ed elli avea del cul fatto trombetta,” Inferno 21.139.)
17
On the literary style of the historical Pier della Vigna and its echoes in the canto, see William
A. Stephany, “Pier della Vigna’s Self-Fulfilling Prophecies: The ‘Eulogy’ of Frederick II and ‘Inferno’
13,” Traditio 38 (1982): 193–212. On the ethical implications of rhetoric in the canto, see Simone
Marchesi, “‘The Knot of Language’: Sermocinatio and contrapasso for the rhetoricians in Dante’s
Inferno,” Romance Languages Annual 9 (1998): 254–59.
18
Bruce Holsinger, Music, Body, and Desire in Medieval Culture: Hildegard of Bingen to Chaucer
(Stanford, 2001), 1 and 261.
19
“Vox autem sonus quedam animati. . . . Non enim omnis sonus animalis, vox est, sicuti diximus.
Est enim et lingua sonare, et sicut tussientes. Sed oportet, et animatum verberans et cum imagina-
tione aliqua. Significativus eni quidam sonus est vox, et non respirati aeris, sicut tussis”: Aristotle,
De anima, 402b5–6 and 420b31–2, translatio antiqua from Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on De
anima 2.18, in Doctoris angelici divi Thomae Aquinatis Opera omnia, ed. Stanislas Fretté and Paul
Maré, 33 vols. (Paris, 1875), 24.111. An anonymous commentator adds that the image accompany-
ing the sound should come with the desire to signify either naturally or conventionally: “Ad hoc enim
quod sonus dicatur vox seu dicatur fieri ab anima inquantum huius requiritur, quod sit cum ymagine
et appetitu intendente ad aliquid significandum, quia omnis vox est significans naturaliter vel ad
placitum”: Anonymous, Quaestiones super Aristotelis libros De anima I–III, in Wittmann, Vox atque
sonus, 2.90.
20
“Et dictis patet, quod in formatione vocis anima est principalis agens et utitur aere ut instru-
mento ad formandum vocem. . . . Anima igitur in formatione vocis est percutiens et arteria percussum
et aer respiratus est medium”: Anonymus, Quaestiones, in Wittmann, Vox atque sonus, 2:90–91.
21
Charles Burnett, “Hearing and Music in Book XI of Pietro d’Abano’s Expositio Problematum
Aristotelis,” in Tradition and Ecstasy: The Agony of the Fourteenth Century, ed. Nancy van Deusen
(Ottawa, 1997), 153–90, at 156.
22
“Brutis animalibus inest vox, per quam solummodo explicant laetitiam aut tristitiam, seu conve-
niens seu disconveniens, sicut latrans canis”: Pelacanus, in Wittmann, Vox atque sonus, 2:116. The
harpies who live in the wood of the suicides are ambiguous part-animal, part-human beings; they too
The irony is, of course, that Pier is here because of his own pitilessness when
he violently took his own life, the life of a man, not of an animal (let alone one so
unlikeable as a serpent) or of a plant (let alone a useless thorn bush). The infer-
nal punishment—metamorphosis into plant rather than animal—suggests that he
mowed himself down as if he had been a crop or a clump of weeds—a bloodless,
presumably painless act, palatable even to vegetarians. The basic capacity of soul,
even a vegetable one, is to live; the suicide’s final form is a constant reminder of
that basic natural inclination, so violently negated in the act of self-murder. It is
also part of the monstrosity of the punishment for a plant to have a voice.
The torment of the suicide seems to be equal to the torment of the suicidal: to
feel “trapped” inside a body from which one yearns for release, constricted like
expanding hot air inside the casing of a chestnut. Successfully separated from his
body at death, his soul is now “tied up” or “bound” in the knotty limbs of this
infernal tree. Addressing him as an “incarcerated soul” (spirito incarcerato), Vir-
gil asks Pier on Dante’s behalf, since the pilgrim is too upset to speak,
di dirne come l’anima si lega
in questi nocchi; e dinne, se tu puoi,
s’alcuna mai di tai membra si spiega.
(Inferno 13.88–90)
[. . . to say how the soul is tied in these knots; and say, if you can, whether any soul ever
unfolds itself from such limbs.]
It is clear that the suicide, as Virgil here suggests, has a Platonic view of the
soul: that it is simply “housed” or “clothed” or “imprisoned” by the body, from
which it longs to be free—a view readily apparent in the Aeneid where Aeneas
asks his father how souls in Hades, cleansed of memory by the river Lethe, could
“crave our daylight so” or might ever be persuaded to “return to bodies’ dead
have voice; perched in the trees like birds, they make their “laments”: “fanno lamenti in su li alberi
strani” (Inferno 13.15).
23
“Multa animalium vocem non habent, ut quae sunt sine sanguine, et sanguinem habentium pi-
sces. Et hoc rationabiliter: siquidem motus sonus est.” Compare the translatio recens: “sonus motio
quaedam aeris est”: Aristotle, De anima 2.18, in Thomas Aquinas, Doctoris angelici divi, 24.111. See
also Elizabeth Eva Leach, Sung Birds: Music, Nature, and Poetry in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca,
2007), 21–24.
These lines are remarkable for their splitting of the single self of Pier (me contra
me) into guilty perpetrator and innocent victim and for the obvious impossibility
of a disdainful soul to flee disdain by fleeing its body. The soul cannot be sepa-
rated from itself. And even if death does separate the soul from the body, this is
only temporary, because human beings are a composite of these two, not one im-
prisoned in the other. According to Aristotle, rather than Plato, the soul is united
to the body as form to matter.
As Teodolinda Barolini observes, “Suicide as Dante treats it is best considered
in the context of the doctrine of the resurrection of the body, which is a doctrine
that claims the inseparable personhood of soul that is embodied and of body
that is ensouled. Neither can be divided from the other: together, for all eternity,
they compose self.”26 Although Aristotle believed neither in the resurrection of
the body nor in the immortality of the individual soul, his doctrine of form and
matter serves to support both. The differing views of soul and body are taken
up in the discussion of the resurrected body in the supplement to the third part
of the Summa theologica. Platonists saw the weakness of the human body as a
hindrance to happiness (“the soul, to be happy, must avoid all bodies”), and re-
cent heresies held that bodily things were inherently evil, just as spiritual things
were inherently good. Neither of these would be concerned with the body’s resur
rection, since it would be alien or even detrimental to man’s final happiness. A
24
Virgil, Aeneid 6.719–21, 724–34, trans. Robert Fitzgerald (New York, 1981), 185.
25
Macrobius, Commentary on the Dream of Scipio 2.45, trans. William Harris Stahl (New York,
1970), 130.
26
Teodolinda Barolini, “Inferno 13: Our Bodies, Our Selves.” Commento Baroliniano, Digital
Dante (New York, 2015), http://digitaldante.columbia.edu/dante/divine-comedy/inferno/inferno-13/,
accessed November 30, 2015.
Can wind become voice? Aristotle says that voice is the sound of an animated
body, a body with a soul. It is not mere ventositas, as in the heated chestnut or
log, or even in the deliberate playing of an instrument. Inanimate things can only
have the semblance of voice. What Pier has now for a body is a hollow wooden
casing into which he can force air to produce sound: a kind of musical instru-
ment. Aristotle in fact uses a wind instrument and a stringed instrument (the flute
27
“Unde Porphyrius dicebat, ut Augustinus dicit, in libro de Civ. Dei, quod animae, ad hoc quod
beata sit, omne corpus fugiendum est. . . . Haeretici posuerunt, omnia corporalia esse a malo prin-
cipio, spiritualia vero a bono. . . . Quidam vero posuerunt totam hominis naturam in anima constare,
ita ut anima corpore uteretur, sicut instrumento, aut sicut nauta navi. Unde secundum hanc opin-
ionem sequitur quod, sola anima beatificata, homo naturali desiderio beatitudinis non frustraretur.
Et sic non oportet ponere resurrectionem. Sed hoc fundamentum sufficienter Philosophus, in II de
Anima, destruit, ostendens animam corpori, sicut formam materiae uniri”: Thomas Aquinas, Summa
theologiae, tertiae partis supplementum 75.1, ed. Pietro Carmello, 3 vols. (Turin, 1956), 3:283. Trans-
lation from Summa theologica, trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province, 5 vols. (New York,
1947), 5.2863.
28
Inferno 13.103–8: “Come l’altre verrem per nostre spoglie, / ma non però ch’alcuna sen rivesta,
/ ché non è giusto aver ciò ch’om si toglie. Qui le trascineremo, e per la mesta / selva saranno i nos-
tri corpi appesi, / ciascuno al prun de l’ombra sua molesta.” The body hanging from the tree is an
iconographic reference to Judas, whose suicide is sometimes seen as a greater betrayal of Christ than
the kiss that identified him to the Roman authorities. See Anthony Cassell, Dante’s Fearful Art of
Justice (Toronto, 1984), 46–56; and Robert Hollander, “Pier delle Vigne and Judas Iscariot: A Note
on Inferno XIII,” Electronic Bulletin of the Dante Society of America, July 12, 2014, www.princeton.
edu/~dante/ebdsa/hollander_071214.html#two, accessed November 30, 2015.
29
“Vox autem sonus quidam animati. Inanimatorum enim nullum vocat, si secundum similitudi-
nem dicitur vocare, ut tibia, et lyra, et quaecumque alia inanimatorum, extensionem habent, et melos
et locutionem”: Aristotle, De anima 2.18, in Thomas Aquinas, Doctoris angelici divi, 24.111.
30
“Tertium in quo vox instrumentorum habet similitudinem vocis est locutio, id est discretio et in-
terruptio sonorum ad similtudinem locutionis. . . . Oratio enim per dictiones distinguitur et dictiones
per sillabas et hoc accidit propter diversas percussiones aeris ab anima. Et similiter soni instrumen-
torum distinguntur secundum diversas percussiones, ut puta diversarum cordarum vel diversorum
flatuum et cetera, et cetera habent similitudinem locutionis”: Anonymous, Quaestiones, in Wittmann,
Vox atque sonus, 2.91.
31
“Anima igitur in formatione vocis est percutiens et arteria percussum et aer respiratus est
medium. Deinde dicitur quae est in his partibus, quia licet anima sit tota in tota in toto, ut est forma
substantialis, tamen secundum quod motiva principaliter est in corde sive secundum quod motum
corporis”: Anonymous, Quaestiones, [Vat. lat. 3016], in Wittmann, Vox atque sonus, 2:88–89.
32
“Hoc proprium formae substantialis quod det materiae esse simpliciter; ipsa enim est per quam
res est hoc ipsum quod est”: Thomas Aquinas, Quaestiones disputatae de anima, quaestio 9, trans.
John Patrick Rowan, Corpus Thomisticum, www.corpusthomisticum.org/qda01.html#64775, ac-
cessed November 30, 2015.
33
Inferno 13.94–95: “Quando si parte l’anima feroce / dal corpo ond’ ella stessa s’è disvelta.”
break faith with Pier, because he did not believe him and threw him in jail. And
whether or not Pier is innocent of breaking faith with that lord, from whom, like
Saint Peter, he received the keys to lock and unlock his heart, he is certainly guilty
of breaking faith with another, worthier Lord, who never breaks faith.35
Breaking faith with Christ, at the root of the suicide’s despair, is also a blind-
ness to the Incarnation of the Word, the ultimate speech act. Augustine uses the
reality of human speech, whereby thoughts become sounds without losing their
integrity as thoughts, as an illustration of the Incarnation: “Just as when we
speak, in order that what we have in our minds may enter through the ear into
the mind of the hearer, the word which we have in our hearts becomes an out-
ward sound and is called speech; and yet our thought does not lose itself in the
sound, but remains complete in itself, and takes the form of speech without being
modified in its own nature by the change: so the Divine Word, though suffering
no change of nature, yet became flesh, that He might dwell among us.”36 Thus it
is not just that voice is a sign of soul; articulate speech is a sign of the incarnation
of the divine in the human.
Apart from this Christological truth inscribed in human experience, faith is al-
ready necessary on the level of ordinary conversation. Faith is belief, on which the
efficacy of speech depends. The infernal wood is so unbelievable that Virgil warns
Dante that he will see things that could “remove belief (fede) from my speech.”
Indeed it is precisely because of a failure to believe, according to Virgil, what he
could only have seen before in his own verses (in the episode of Polydorus meta-
morphosed into a bush in Aeneid 3), that Dante the protagonist inflicts violence
on the suffering soul, thereby eliciting his blood and words. This act is precipi-
tated by the strange line, “I believe that he believed that I believed,” which illus-
trates a fundamental hazard of ungrounded human communication.37
The matter of words is not just sound, but voice; and voice is the sign of an ani-
mate being, a soul that is not just using a body to make a sound, but a soul that is
that body. Elizabeth Leach has connected the late-medieval retheorizing of the
human soul as both rational and embodied with the medieval concept of music as
a similar conjunction of rationality and materiality.38 Suicide aims to break the
essential bond between body and soul, a bond evident in the very fact of voice
34
Inferno 13.73–75: “Per le nove radici d’esto legno / vi giuro che già mai non ruppi fede / al mio
segnor, che fu d’onor sì degno.” For the historical Pier’s idolatrous eulogy of Frederick II, equating
him with Christ, see Stephany, “Pier della Vigna’s Self-Fulfilling Prophecies.”
35
Inferno 13.58–59: “Io son colui che tenni ambo le chiavi / del cor di Federigo.”
36
“Sicuti cum loquimur, ut id quod animo gerimus in audientis animum per aures carneas illabatur,
fit sonus verbum quod corde gestamus, et locutio vocatur, nec tamen in eundem sonum cogitatio nos-
tra convertitur, sed apud se manens integra formam vocis qua se insinuet auribus sine aliqua labe suae
mutationis assumit, ita verbum dei non commutatum caro tamen factum est ut habitaret in nobis”:
Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana 1.13.26, ed. and trans. R. P. H. Green (Oxford, 1995), 22–25.
37
Inferno 13.25: “Cred’ ïo ch’ei credette ch’io credesse”; 13.46–51: “‘S’elli avesse potuto creder
prima,’ / rispuose ’l savio mio, ‘anima lesa, / ciò c’ha veduto pur con la mia rima, / non averebbe in
te la man distesa; / ma la cosa incredibile mi fece / indurlo ad ovra ch’a me stesso pesa.’” On belief
as the theme of the canto, see Dennis Looney, “Believing in the Poet: Inferno XIII,” Allegorica 13
(1992): 39–52.
38
Leach, Sung Birds, 21.
39
Inferno 13.138: “soffi con sangue doloroso sermo.”
40
1 Cor. 13.1: “Si linguis hominum loquar, et angelorum, caritatem autem non habeam, factus sum
velut aes sonans, aut cymbalum tinniens.”
By A ndr ew A lbin
In late fourteenth-century Yorkshire, it was not uncommon to hear angels sing-
ing—not just on pageant wagons bearing golden-faced and -throated choristers
in Corpus Christi plays, not just in churches and chapels reverberating Sanctus,
sanctus, sanctus during the daily ministrations of Mass, but also in the recesses
of the souls of the pious, made hungry for heavenly harmonies by the writings
of a local saintly figure, Richard Rolle of Hampole. Never canonized, Rolle was
among the most enthusiastically embraced of a spate of fourteenth-century York-
shire saints, with veneration at his shrine lasting past the dissolution of the mon-
asteries.1 Rolle also stood among the most widely read of medieval England’s
authors, composing hundreds of pages of spiritual and mystical literature surviv-
ing in some 470 attested manuscripts dating between 1390 and 1500.2 In Latin
and Middle English, this most influential forebear of medieval England’s mystical
tradition exhorts his readers to turn from the world to the love of God and ex-
tols the trio of spiritual sensations for which he is best known: heart-borne heat,
fragrant sweetness, and, loftiest of all, a constant, transcendent state of inwards
coparticipation with the heavenly choirs Rolle terms canor.
Although he authored his texts primarily for solitary religious dedicated to the
contemplative life, Rolle’s writings came to circulate well beyond the anchorhold
following his death in 1349 as a cult took root around his burial place at the
Cistercian nunnery at Hampole. Miraculous visions and cures from beyond the
grave multiplied, and his remains were translated to a stone tomb in the third
I am grateful to Christopher Baswell, Susan Boynton, Alison Cornish, and Sarah Kay for their
generous encouragement, thoughts, and feedback on various drafts of this essay.
1
See Jonathan Hughes, Pastors and Visionaries: Religion and Secular Life in Late Medieval York-
shire (Woodbridge, 1988), especially 82–95, 202–75. Hughes’s readings are, however, regarded as of
uneven quality.
2
Nicholas Watson, Richard Rolle and the Invention of Authority (Cambridge, 1991), 31.
Emendatio vitae and Incendium amoris, where Rolle dwells more explicitly on his
mystical sensations than in his vernacular works, were also translated into Middle
English at the beginning of the fifteenth century, widening the audience for ghostly
heat, sweetness, and song well beyond what the hermit had originally envisioned.
As Rolle’s mysticism traveled further and further from the solitary’s cell, how-
ever, it began to take on new spiritual and social meanings, a cause of increas-
ing anxiety among custodians of the church. While he held the archbishopric of
York, Thomas Arundel and his circle strove to redeem Rolle’s texts from heretical
interpolation, given that his vernacular writings, especially his English Psalter,
had begun to attract Lollard audiences.4 Lay audition of canor appears to have
become a particularly vexing problem: Walter Hilton, one of the more uneasy
inheritors of Rolle’s mysticism, authored his epistle Of Angels’ Song to help rein
in the phenomenon among worshipers too rude to discern grace-given canor
from delusions of grandeur. Where fiery love and divine sweetness were familiar
figures from Cistercian, Franciscan, and Victorine mystical writings, and thus
relatively uncontroversial, hearing canor was as contentious as it was catching:
Rolle describes it as an experience reserved for elect souls and a token of advance
admission to the angelic hierarchy. Audition of and participation in heavenly
song could thus be a powerful sign of spiritual authority, at the same time that
its private and unverifiable experience placed its authenticity deeply in question.
It was against this cultural setting that an elaborate rhymed office honoring
Saint Richard the Hermit was composed in the early 1380s. Rolle’s Officium
is no modest undertaking: it describes a major feast of nine lessons containing
numerous newly composed liturgical items, including a vita spread over the les-
sons of Matins and a Mass celebrating Rolle’s memory, together with a Miracula
recounting Rolle’s posthumous prodigies in the lessons of the octave following his
feast day. The office survives without music notation. As a secular office, the Of-
ficium was intended for performance not in the monastery but in ecclesial spaces
that welcomed all Christian worshippers, including pilgrims to Rolle’s shrine at
the nunnery at Hampole where the office was most likely performed.5 One won-
ders, though, whether Rolle’s wonder-working body was rolling in its tomb at
these developments: despite the anti-intellectual and egalitarian posture of some
3
The construction of Rolle’s tomb by a local layman, “quidam paterfamilias Rogerus nomine,”
is the subject of the first miracle of Rolle’s Miracula: Reginald Maxwell Woolley, The Officium and
Miracula of Richard Rolle, of Hampole (New York, 1919), 82. André Vauchez writes that the transla-
tion of a saint’s remains to an above-ground tomb often amounted to unofficial canonization in the
minds of the laity: Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1997), 20.
4
Hughes, Pastors, 216–45. See also the introduction to Two Revisions of Rolle’s English Psalter
Commentary and the Related Canticles, vol. 1, ed. Anne Hudson (Oxford, 2012).
5
Despite the opening rubric’s admission that Rolle’s office is only to be sung “postquam fuerit ab eccle-
sia canonizatus” (after he shall be canonized by the church), scholarly opinion largely agrees with Vau-
chez that “there is good reason to think that this was a purely formal clause or pious falsehood” and that
“such statements . . . reveal both awareness of the rules in force and every intention of ignoring them”:
Vauchez, Sainthood, 96 and 96 n. 36. The endowment of masses at Rolle’s chapel at Hampole and the
success of his cult suggest a devotional climate amenable to the Officium’s performance. There are even
signs it may have been sung outside Hampole: a chaplain of Saint Giles’ church, York, possessed a paper
copy of the office that he later left to the library of Saint Leonard’s Hospital in 1427: Hughes, Pastors, 94.
6
“Rolle is a spiritual elitist who never wrote a whole work directly for the laity and was mainly
interested in the few capable of seraphic or ‘fervent’ love”: Nicholas Watson, “The Middle English
Mystics,” in The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. David Wallace (Cambridge,
1999), 539–65, at 548.
7
Chapter 47 of the Melos amoris, for example, is constructed as a disputatio on this topic. An-
timonastic sentiment recurs repeatedly, if less disputatiously, over the length of the Incendium amoris.
8
A dubious enterprise, as Nicholas Watson points out: see Watson, Invention, 295–98.
9
This is not to say that scholastic thinkers were uninterested in the angelic voice: see Ghislain
Casas, “Language without Voice: Locutio angelica as a Political Issue,” in Voice and Voicelessness in
Medieval Europe, ed. Irit Ruth Kleiman (New York, 2015), 13–28.
10
Freeman, “The Priory of Hampole and Its Literary Culture: English Religious Women and Books
in the Age of Richard Rolle,” Parergon 29/1 (2012): 1–25.
11
Ibid., 4–8.
12
The archbishop of York, John Thoresby, threatened the nunnery with closure in 1353 due to its
impoverished state: Ibid., 3.
13
Hughes cites the approval of Rolle’s teachings at the Council of Constance in Pastors, 226. Free-
man provides citations for the remainder of these events in “Priory,” 15–16.
14
Richard Rolle, The Psalter, or Psalms of David and Certain Canticles, ed. H. R. Bramley (Ox-
ford, 1884), 1–2.
15
Freeman, “Priory of Hampole,” 16. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne describes the significance of this
model of collaborative authorship for late-medieval women in “‘Reading Is Good Prayer’: Recent
Research on Female Reading Communities,” New Medieval Literatures 5 (2002): 229–97, at 246–47.
In this respect, the Officium stands as strong evidence “that knowledge of Latin was not completely
extinct, even in the fourteenth century, among English nuns”: Alexandra Barratt, “Small Latin? The
Post-Conquest Learning of English Religious Women,” in Anglo-Latin and Its Heritage, ed. Sian
Echard and Gernot R. Wieland (Turnhout, 2001), 51–65, at 65.
16
Freeman cites most of these critical opinions in “Priory of Hampole,” 15; for Hughes, see Pastors,
264. For the decline in fourteenth-century canonizations, see book 2, part 2 of Vauchez, Sainthood.
17
Thomas Heffernan holds up Rolle’s Officium as exemplary of this hagiographical subgenre: see
“The Liturgy and the Literature of Saints’ Lives,” in The Liturgy of the Medieval Church, ed. Thomas
Heffernan and E. Ann Matter (Kalamazoo, 2000), 73–105, at 104.
18
All quotations of the office are taken from Woolley, Officium. All translations are mine.
19
Arnold van Gennep first theorizes liminality in Les rites de passage (Paris, 1909). Victor Turner
elaborates on van Gennep in his influential The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chi
cago, 1969); see especially the chapter “Liminality and Communitas,” 94–130. See also Victor Turner,
“Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage,” in Symposium on New Approaches
to the Study of Religion: Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society, ed. June Helm (Seattle,
1964), 4–20.
20
For heterotopic spaces, see Michel Foucault, “Of Other Spaces,” trans. Jay Miscowiec, Diacritics
16/1 (1986): 22–27.
21
I analyze Rolle’s acoustic sensitivity at greater length in “Listening for canor in Richard Rolle’s
Melos amoris,” in Kleiman, Voice and Voicelessness, 177–98.
22
Naoë Kukita Yoshikawa also comments on the “state of liminality . . . accessible to congrega-
tions as they experience the liturgical rites which commemorate a saint’s feast day” in “Veneration of
Virgin Martyrs in Margery Kempe’s Meditation: Influence of the Sarum Liturgy and Hagiography,”
in Writing Religious Women: Female Spiritual and Textual Practices in Late Medieval England, ed.
Christiania Whitehead and Denis Renevey (Toronto, 2000), 177–95, at 178.
23
Chapter 16 of the Incendium amoris offers just such a dialogue, though its text is distinct from
Lesson 6’s responsory.
24
The hymn plays a similar retrospective function when it is sung again at Vespers on the evening
of Rolle’s feast day.
Here, Rolle’s miraculous deeds are said to preach and to multiply sweet rem-
edies for the sick, recalling the praise the hermit received in “Totis precordiis,”
25
For a discussion of aesthetic sweetness as knowledge, as persuasion, and as medicine in the
Middle Ages, see Mary Carruthers, “Sweetness,” Speculum 81/4 (2006): 999–1013.
The reported location of this book is intriguing. That it “ly3t in cheyn bondes”
suggests a library; no evidence exists for such a library at Hampole Priory, though
one would not have been impossible given the good fortunes Rolle’s cult brought
the house by the mid-fifteenth century. More provocatively, the preface can also be
26
Freeman, “Priory of Hampole,” 19–21.
27
Bramley, Psalter, 1–2.
28
John Newton, one of Rolle’s most assiduous readers and correctors of the late fourteenth century,
“left his volume of Rolle’s works to be horned and nailed in the cathedral of York where it was acces-
sible for the local gentry”: Hughes, Pastors, 225.
29
Anne Bagnall Yardley alludes to similarly gendered negotiations of power in the nunnery in Per-
forming Piety: Musical Cultures in Medieval English Nunneries (New York, 2006), 51. This effect is
strikingly echoed in the hymn for matins, a contrafact of Thomas Aquinas’s “Pange lingua” written
for the Feast of Corpus Christi in praise of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, transformed
in the Officium into praise for Rolle’s scorn for the world and the real presence of canor in his soul:
“Dum deuota meditatur rapitur in iubilum” (While he reflects on devout matters, he is ravished in
ecstatic song).
30
In his commentary on the Magnificat—the concluding commentary of the English Psalter—Rolle
describes a pregnant Mary immersed in canor: Bramley, Psalter, 523–24.
***
One fundamental condition that of necessity shapes the authorship of the litur-
gical office is its expected realization as musical sound; the text of an office can-
not but register its anticipated future residence in the singing voice. This must be
doubly true of Rolle’s Officium, given his mysticism’s elevation of the sonorous as
the privileged channel of highest sanctity. It should come as no surprise, then, that
a careful reading of the Officium’s text, even in the absence of notated music, can
help us reconstitute domains of meaningful sonorous experience arising from the
performance of the office, especially among the nuns at Hampole Priory, whose
experiences I have endeavored to reimagine here.31
For them, canor may very well have been the melodies they themselves sang in
the presence of Richard Rolle’s tomb, in their capacity as vessels through which
inward mystical song graciously flowed into acoustic space. Not merely acous-
tic aesthesis, the sounds filling Hampole Priory stimulated the entire sensorium,
coaxing sweetness onto the singing tongue, stimulating hands that had thumbed
the leaves of Rolle’s books, in the visual presence of the hermit’s tomb, image,
and autograph, all of these contributing their reverberant share to the liturgy’s
festival of song. Performing Rolle’s Officium at Hampole was thus a much more
complex business than may appear at first glance: besides its function as an act of
worship, it attracted the nuns into Rolle’s vita; it circulated his charismatic virtus
on the breath of their voices; it metamorphosed sung melody into a complex ma-
terial, textual, devotional, sensorial, and ritual apparatus that, on the experiential
plane, rendered inwards canor outwards soundstuff in the regulable and regular
environment of the liturgy. For lay pilgrims, for ecclesiastical visitors, for men-
dicant confessors, and most richly for the nuns of Hampole themselves, angelic
song thus emerged out into the open—not a Heideggerian Open describing the
topography between animal and human that Sarah Kay explores in her essay, but
a mystical Open articulated in the caesura between human and angel.
Like Kay, in reconstructing Rolle’s office at Hampole, I am interested in sound-
scape, in the combination of human and nonhuman sounds in a historically spe-
cific arrangement. An important distinction between our texts’ relationships to
the soundscape obtains, however, at the level of the imagination. The chanson-
niers Kay analyzes are interested in evoking a soundscape in the imagination
at the same time that they script music that may open up future occasions for
performance. The Officium, in turn, is interested in scripting a sounding space
of performance that involves and exceeds imaginative work. It augments the
31
I have taken encouragement for reconstructing medieval devotional experiences from method-
ological provocations in Rachel Fulton’s “Praying with Anselm at Admont: A Meditation on Prac-
tice,” Speculum 81/3 (2006): 700–733, and Monika Otter’s “Entrances and Exits: Performing the
Psalms in Goscelin’s Liber confortatorius,” Speculum 83/2 (2008): 283–302.
32
Steven Feld, “Waterfalls of Song,” in Senses of Place, ed. Steven Feld and Keith Basso (Santa Fe,
NM, 1996), 91–135. Bruce Smith reworks Feld’s “argu[ment] for the existential force of hearing in
the shaping of cultures” (47) in historical terms in The Acoustic World of Early Modern England:
Attending the O-Factor (Chicago, 1999).
Andrew Albin is assistant professor of English and Medieval Studies at Fordham Univer-
sity (e-mail: aalbin@fordham.edu)
Speculum 91/4 (October 2016)