Historical background of trade union:-

At First, the trade union was established in United Kingdom. The activities of trade union were found in
United Kingdom. From the beginning of 19th century, movement of trade union was found in many
countries in the world. But they had no unity like present time. After the historical revolution, the trade
union commotion has gotten popularly. Huge number of industry was established in the world that time.
As a result, owner and labors were increased. They were divided into two groups, one is owner group
and another is labor group. Labor group tried hard and soul for establishing their rights. As a result, law
was passed in many countries in favor of trade union. In 1836 the trade union commotion was found in
Brussels, which is treated as INTERNATIONAL MOVEMENT OF TRADE UNION.

Formation and Registration of trade union in Bangladesh: According to INDUSTRIAL ORDINANCE of

1969, trade union is bound to register. To apply for registration, require some papers with information.
These are mentioned bellow-

1) Application for registration: To submit any application for registration of trade union require one
application with signature of president and secretary of that trade union.
2) Required conditions for application: Every application has to submit to the register for registration of
trade union and bellows information will be included with application.

a) Name of the trade union and address.

b) Date of formation of trade union.
c) Name, age, address, occupation of the officials.
d) Description of all salary payee employees.
e) Name of the branch, union and their registration number in case of federation.

3) General conditions for registration of trade union: If, when the trade union is formed and bellows
information are not included in the constitution than the trade union will not capable to register.

a) Name of trade union and address.

b) Objectives of trade union.
c) Conditions for using general fund of the trade union.
d) Name of the convener committee and their method of election.
e) List of the members.
f) Constitution of trade union and the procedure of correction and the procedure to cancel.
g) Procedure to be member of trade union.

4) Registration: After getting all papers of pre conditions, the register can include as registry in certain
registration paper and within 60 days register provide registration certificate. No trade union action can
be taken prior to registration.

Principles of trade union: Every organization has some principles. On the basis of these principles
workers, employees and organization are conducted. On this way trade union has some principles which
principles they follows. These principles are describing bellow:

1. Unity is strength: The main principle of trade union is unity is strength. Without unity, workers can not
discuss about their problem with management which can solve the management of this organization.
Because management would not like to discuss with one worker without any group of worker.
2. Equal pay for equal work or the same job: Every worker hope that he or she will get reasonable salary
or wages for his works at the same job. But sometime management does unfair practice. The
management does not pay equal wages for equal works.
3. Security of services: Employees feel insecure about their risky job in the factory. Only one source of
living is wages of workers. As a result, the worker fare loses the job. Only powerful trade union can
ensure permanent job security and safely work place by bargaining with management.

Features of trade union in Bangladesh: Bangladesh is an agricultural country and also developing
country. So here worker are available working in the various industry. As a result many trade unions are
established. These trade unions has some features, these are discussed bellow:
• Leaders and members of the trade union are not well educated.
• Trade union plays a great role in the movement of democracy.
• Most of the trade unions are financially weak.
• Maximum trade unions are interconnecting with political parties.
• Effective, efficient, honest leaders are absent in trade union.
• Leaders of trade unions are self oriented.
• Discriminatory behavior is observed in the trade unions.

Why do workers join a trade union:

Workers join the trade union on the basis of this principles “Unity is strength”. And another reason is
describe bellow:

• Getting proper wages: The main reason of joining the trade is gotten proper wages from the
management. As a result, they get economic security.

• To restrain management: Sometimes the management takes action which is irrational, illogical,
discriminatory or prejudicial to the interests of labor. That time trade union takes initiative to restrain
management.

• To secure end of the job: After ending the job, illness, accident, disability, unemployment and old age
to secure or protect their life by getting something from management
.
• To communicate with management: To communicate their views, aims, ideas, feelings, and
frustrations to the management.

• Recognition of work: Every worker want to get recognition of their work and these recognition are
promotion, economic facilities etc.

• Establishment of cordial labor management relationship: By trade union worker can maintain cordial
relationship between worker and management. As a result, they can solve their problem willingly.

Present condition of trade union in Bangladesh: In Bangladesh trade union does not go forward for
some difficulties. The environment which is need for establishing an effective trade union is not
available in Bangladesh for this bad labor management relation system are liable. Better labor
management relation system creates discipline among the members. The effect and effort of trade
union is very weak in our country. The main cause behind weak trade union action in Bangladesh is bad
labor and management relation system. Management and labors stands against each other, if the labor
management relation goes wrong. In Bangladesh each and every trade union is established with the help
of political parties. Internal conflict is another problem of trade union. They have contradiction among
them. The trade union is divided into many groups. So, the trade union commotion is failed. In
Bangladesh one trade union stands against another one. This clash does a great obstacle to the labor
commotion. The labors who are engaged in trade union are not well educated. The labors who are
engaged in trade union are not efficient and effective. The trade union of Bangladesh is financially very
weak.

“Workers join in a TRADE UNION to protect their ECONOMIC HAZARDS and other problems, but today’s
trade union is deviated from their principles and involved into destructive activities. So the government
should take initiatives to stop the unethical and unlawful activities of trade union.”

How trade union objectives are achieved:

• The organization of trade union on the basis of the expertise in an industry in which its members are
employed such as general unions and professional employee’s organizations.
• Recognition of trade union is as the bargaining agent or representative union, which is entitled to
advocate the interest of its members.
• Collective bargaining which is the essence of industrial relations.
• Grievances processing and handling procedures are dealt with by correction of situation or by a
channeling.
• Arbitration by which unsettled or unsolved disputes can be settled by an outside agency.
• Political pressure exercised through legislators who are callable of bringing about changes in labor
laws.

Why most of the trade unions have not effectively participated:

• Lack of awareness on their part of the importance of mutual insurance.
• Employees looked upon by employers with hostility and distrust.
• Suffer from class conflicts, divergent interests; inter union and intra union rivalries, multiplicity,
financial weakness, outside leadership, and ignorance of needs of the rank and file of their members.
• Lack of education, cultural backwardness and social and linguistic heterogeneity of their membership.

From the above discussion we get that trade union is a voluntary association. They work or join in the
trade union for protect their life by getting security, economic development and well work environment
etc. But in present the trade union divert into establishing the power of political patties. This is not main
reason of establishing the trade union. As a result, trade union can not achieve their ultimate goal. I
think government should take initiative to protect or restrict their activities of trade. I am not agreeing
to stop the activities of trade union. If government stops their activity then they can not achieve their
rights. Without stopping their activities government should take initiative. These are discussed bellow:

1. Need to create skilled leadership.

2. The leadership should come from the rank.
3. They should have clearly vocalized objectives and a coherent and well conceived.
4. It should be a solid foundation.
5. Organize training and education for the worker and leader of worker.
6. The government should influence the trade union by helping of industrial division of Government.
7. Government should not take any trade union as associate organization of political parties.
8. Government should take initiative at which the outsider can not influence the trade union.
9. Drupe the false changes levied at labor right defenders for carrying out their legitimate.
10. Enter into genuine and constructive dialogue with union representative and labor rights defenders to
develop sound industrial relation.
11. Step all repression of workers, trade unions researchers, and workers right activities and policies
advocates.

Stagnation of labour movements in the era of globalisation

The readymade garment industry has emerged as the main manufacturing sector in Bangladesh
since the 1980s when the World Bank and other international agencies in cooperation with the
local elites ushered in an export-oriented development policy in the third world. The sector has
also attracted a large number of unskilled rural women. Major issues ranging from low wages,
worsening working and physical conditions of the factories, lack of welfare facilities such as
healthcare, day-care, housing, education for the workers’ children, physical and sexual
harassments, etc have yet to be addressed in a telling manner, either by the state or by the
owners. Although there is no bar, the workers in the RMG sector seldom address the labour
issues using labour unions. In a broad sense, the labour unions in Bangladesh in the era of
globalisation have completely failed to address labour rights although the workers in this sector
are ‘absolutely exploited’ by the owners as some social scientists, such as Ronaldo Munck, think.
Thus, it is very important to identify the major constraints of labour movements in Bangladesh in
the RMG sector in the era of globalisation.

Firstly, labour movement in Bangladesh, in modern sense, is very weak although some
Bangladeshi writers (mostly activists) see a glorious past of labour movements in Bangladesh.
Even if we accept those movements as partially successful ones, those movements, in a broad
sense, are the offshoots of various political movements developed against various repressive
regimes such as colonial and military ones. Hence, many historical peasant and worker
movements, integrally related to the broad political movements, lacked independent working
class character. Some notable political movements that merged labour movements are Fakir-
Sannyasi movements, Faraizi movements, Swadeshi movements and Khilafat-non-cooperation
movements against the British colonial regime, six-point demand movements during the 1960s
and the anti-autocratic movements during the 1980s. Hence, broadly speaking, modern labour
movements in Bangladesh developed in the 1905s, 1920s, 1930s, 1960s and 1980s in various
sectors were parts of the ongoing political movements launched for the national liberation and or
the restoration of democracy, far from the sole agendas of the working class.

Secondly, unlike Revisionism philosophy in Germany, Syndicalism in France, Fabianism in

England, or Class Collaborationism in America labour unions in Bangladesh could not develop
any unique labour ideology or philosophy. This limitation was even identified 50 years ago by
some social scientists when they studied the constraints of labour movements in the British
colonial rule. The possible ideologies that could have developed in this region were the radical
and leftist kind of labour movements, developed during the 1920s, 1930s and 1960s in the jute
and cotton mills, and the tea gardens in Bombay and Bengal and the Sattagrah ideology, i.e. non-
militant, peaceful and democratic movements, introduced by Gandhi in the cotton textile mills in
India in the 1920s. The possibility of emergence of a radical-militant kind of labour movement
was foiled partially by the influence of the Cold War politics, by the hegemonic influence of the
US, by the collapse of the Soviet Union, and partially by the existence of the traditional social
formation (largely based on feudal and peasant relations) that has yet to be transformed into a
modern form. Also, lack of union culture is a remarkable historical feature in the labour unions
in Bangladesh. Contributions toward the union in the form of membership fees, internal union
democracy and transparency, regular meeting and agenda settings, development of new
leadership through votes, having permanent union offices and officials, institutional mechanism
for developing working class solidarity, the prerequisites for modern unionism, are all absent in
the labour union politics in Bangladesh.

Thirdly, like the development of the major social and political institutions, development of the
labour unions and labour movements were immensely influenced by the 200 years of British
colonialism. Hence, similar to the forms of political protests developed by the political parties
during the colonial regime, labour unions in Bangladesh developed various forms of protest
movements such as street protest, occupation or gherao of a manager’s office or a factory,
spontaneous and sporadic outburst, vandalism, assault and militancy largely representing
spontaneous, unorganised and unplanned forms of protest movements in the twenty-first century.
In fact, absence of formal channels and absence of social justice in the colonial regime (since
colonial regime was essentially an exploitative regime in the history) rendered these primitive
forms of protest movements in Bangladesh. Absence of the formal-modern channels of easing
workers grievances are still absent and hence the primitive kinds of movements still continue as
the colonial nature of the state and colonial attitudes of the elites dominate in the society
opposing workers’ unions right.

Fourthly, labour unions in Bangladesh could not develop independently because of their
overwhelming dependency on the political parties and leaders amalgamated during the colonial
regime. It is interesting to mention here that, unlike in the west, a large number of political
leaders in this subcontinent holding the powerful positions of presidents, prime ministers and
ministers were the main executives of the All India Trade Union Congress and other labour
unions. Similarly, using state power various political parties in power started politicising labour
unions beginning during the 1930s. Two such notable examples are the Bengal National
Chamber of Labour, and the Indian National Trade Union Congress developed by the Muslim
League and the Indian National Congress respectively when the parties were in power in Bengal
and other provinces in India. Both the labour organisations were developed opposing the
hegemony of the communist leaders dominating in the All India Trade Union Congress, the
umbrella organisation of the workers during the colonial regime. Later, the successive regimes in
Pakistan and Bangladesh, especially the military rulers, politicised labour unions and thereby
undermined the interests of the working class. Thus, politicisation of labour unions and inter-
union rivalry became one of the main barriers for strong labour movements in Bangladesh. It is
very interesting that unlike the domination in the public sector unionism, political parties in
Bangladesh have yet to develop any intimate relationships with the labour unions in the RMG
industries. Hence, labour unions in the RMG sector do not get strong supports from the major
political parties in Bangladesh. One possible cause might be that that many political leaders
belonging to the mainstream political parties became the owners of many readymade garment
industries since RMG business has been a very profitable one.

Fifthly, backward, docile and timid nature of the migrant rural women workers are the major
constraints forming labour unions and launching labour movements in the RMG sector. Because
of overwhelming majority of the rural migrants women, who did not have any past experience,
who uphold feudal allegiance toward their owners and other management officials, and who have
been socialised with traditional purdah system and patriarchal values, the owners exploit these
meek and docile workers absolutely. Hence, because of feudal, religious and traditional gender
relations, women workers do not even think about raising questions against any management
decisions and their exploitations, let alone organising unions or launching protest movements.
Also, paternalism that has guided political-social relationships for a long time in a feudal and or
semi capitalist country like Bangladesh also works in the contemporary industrial relations. In
fact, this paternalistic attitude obstructing the development of formal industrial relationship still
exists both among the workers and the owners of the RMG industries. Most of the RMG workers
are illiterate and hence they don’t have any knowledge about workers’ rights and labour laws.

Finally, ‘overdeveloped’ and ‘soft’ nature of the state, gelatinous and premature nature of civil
society, absolute profit-seeking motives of the owners, role of military rules in spreading neo-
liberal and unregulated market forces, the irresistibility of capital in terms of power of the
multinational corporations and the supranational organisation such as the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation all have undermined the labour
movements in Bangladesh in the era of globalisation. As we see, in the most postcolonial states
the military, civil bureaucracy, politicians and business elites are the main beneficiaries enjoying
enormous power. Intervened by military rules, many third world countries, such as Chile, Brazil,
Philippines, Indonesia, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc, produced the prototypical structural features in
terms of labour-capital relations. In a very common fashion, these military dictators implemented
the neo-liberal agendas by introducing structural adjustment policy, patronised the powerful
business elites while repressed and suppressed the workers’ rights either by banning the activities
of labour unions or by introducing the ‘politics of cooption’.
In Bangladesh, the two successive military regimes restrained labour protests by buying many
radical and left labour leaders and by providing them lucrative state posts such as ministers and
advisors. The other two major apparatuses such as civil bureaucracy and political parties have
immersed into corruption, nepotism and lootings, whose members seldom think about the
welfare of the poor workers. The essence of ‘overdeveloped state’ is very similar to what Gunner
Myrdal termed the third world states, i.e. the notion of ‘soft state’. According to Myrdal, all third
world states are inefficient in terms of managing huge activities by various public wings, rather
than by the civil society being common in the west. In reference to the labour rights of the poor
workers, we see that the state does not provide enough supports to the poor workers since the
poor workers are powerless and have no voices. Although Bangladesh ratified various ILO
conventions and although labour rights are vividly conceded in the constitution and other labour
policies and documents, violations of labour law and ILO ratification is a very common thing;
very little evidence might be found where the state officials monitor the applications of labour
laws and the ILO conventions.

In fact, no actions are taken against the owners even though concomitant violations of labour
laws and ILO conventions have been a common phenomenon in all the private sectors including
the RMG industries. Since the colonial regime, on many occasions, it has been found that the
workers’ protest movements have been instigated by the repressions of the state and the private
forces of the employers, i.e. by the state police and hired thugs. In fact, for both the premature
development of the educated middle class and civil society, the poor workers do not get any
moral supports, valuable resources and pressures that might be acted otherwise as a pressure to
the powerful state apparatuses and the employers on behalf of the working class.