Prager ee ee ee ene te em RAR Pes ee ee Peay G a ets ere ere ere SARUM oat eee a) RIVISTA DI STORIA DEI MARI ~ ZEITSCHRIFT FUR DIE GESCHICHTE DER MEERE ‘ Recrrye f Z ® Cn CaN ae eeGONCALO MARTINS: AJESUIT PROCURATOR, BUSINESSMAN AND DIPLOMAT IN THE ESTADO DA INDIA INTRODUCTION ‘Men trained in the school of Spiritual Exercises, the Jesuits make it their profession to channel the most ‘unseemly means «for the greater glory of God» - Ad ‘majorem Del gloriam. They assume as «principle and foundation» of their activities that all things are crea- ted to be used to praise, reverence and serve God the Creator of the universe. The use is guided in practice by another principle, defined as tantum quantum in the Jesuit jargon, meaning insofar as it helps to attain the goal. Magis, or excellence in performance, is ano- ther ideal impressed on every member, Such training of Loyola's men generally succeeded in producing, if not pioneers, at least dedicated footsloggers in any job ‘entrusted to them, always arousing extremist reac- tions from their contemporaries. Uncritical admirers and hostile critics abound, and they have given rise to many a myth that depict Jesuits asa breed of super- ‘men or a band of sinister elements!. Soon after the establishment of the Order, the Jesuits fanned out far and wide, Francis Xavier initiated the history of their achievements in the East almost exactly 450 years ago, when he set his foot on the Goan shore on 6th May 1542. The paulistas, as the Jesuits in Asia came to be known after their headquarters in the college of St. Paul in the old city of Goa, distinguished themselves by their zeal in direct conversion-drive, as well as by their equally zealous involvement in literary and scientific pursuits, in polities, and in trade, ‘until Marquis of Pombal conceived his plan of revi- vving the sagging fortunes of the Portuguese empire by depriving the Jesuits of their power, wealth and right to exist. he history of the Jesuit involvement is intimately bound up with the history of the social, economic and political formations of their times and of the places where they functioned. Hence, its impor- tance needs no labouring, The religious and academic 119 TEOTONIO R. DE SOUZA Director, Xavier Centre of Historical Research, Goa contribution of the Jesuits has been subject of many studies and publications, their participation in diplo- ‘macy and politics has lent to somewhat less investi- gation; but their financial transactions and involve~ ment in trade have evoked more conjectures than proportionately satisfying well-documented works’. Instead of opting for one more institutional study of the Jesuits in Portuguese India, this present life-sketch of Gongalo Martins seeks to bring alive and personify the structures that he represented and within which he functioned. The performance of many individual Jesuits has already found place in written history, but ‘most such writings belong to hagiographical nature. Gongalo Martins is likely to be an easy victim of devil’s advocate, and as such a most unlikely candi- date for sainthood, even though he may have provided the material wherewithal for many Jesuits to aspire towards it and to attain it. He does not figure in the edifying letters» of the Jesuits. This is understand- able because of the nature of his work as procurator of the missions and of the Queen of Portugal, and ‘occasionally as diplomatic envoy of the Portuguese goverment in Goa. All this did not fit in the normal scope of the «edifying letters» of the Society, even though he enabled others to perform for «edification» The prudent silence which the Society of Jesus always maintained regarding the activities that could invite easy criticism and misunderstanding from the outsi- ders is generally what has lent to more myth-making and what makes it difficult for the historians who have to depend on reliable evidence to study the acti- vities of personalities like Gongalo Martins’. Itis hoped that this little bio-sketch will help unvei- ling to some extent the «mysterious», not necessa- rily less edifying, aspect of Jesuit history, and will simultaneously throw some more light on certain ‘events in Indo-Portuguese history with which Gongelo Martins was closely connected. He has left for us a shorthand sketch of the Estado da India with which he was familiar: «From the oldest to the youngest, rare are the persons who perform their duty. Of zeal for the service of the crown there is little. Portugueseexploits are scarce. Graft in administration has flou- ished, the martial spirit has faded, valour is non-exis- tent and cowardice is rampant»*, It is not surprising if in such a context of laxity and lassitude, cormup- tion and venality, the activity of this Jesuit seeking to harmonise Goa and Mammon had to find intense resentment on the part of lay rivals and prudent silence con the part of his co-religious. PERSONAL BACKGROUND Gongalo Martins hailed from the northernmost hilly Portuguese province of Minho. Even though his vil- lage of Santiago de Poiares in the concelho of Ponte de Lima lay in a fertile area on the bank of river Neiva', he seems to have shared the tendency of the Minhotos to migrate for better prospects, particularly when the empire still offered attractions overseas, We have examples of his contemporary Minhotos who display- ed notable capacity for adaptation and integration and success in Asian milieu. Alvaro Reis de Tavora had served with distinction for aver seventeen years in the carreira da India. His son Antonio de Tavora served in the coastal fleets of western India and set- ted in Goa as a casado, playing an active role in the administration of Goa municipality and the Holy House of Mercy*. And he was writing to his father in Viana do Castelo in 1596 suggesting that his younger brother, a law-student, could come and make a for- tune as a judge or crown attorney in India’. Francisco Branco d’Araujo was a native of Ponte de Lima and came out to India few years after Gongalo Martins in 1623, and traded substantially from his base at Cochin ‘ill its capture by the Dutch in 1663°. Besides the fact that he was born in 1599” and had an old mother living till 1654 at least", I could ascer- tain next to nothing about the family background and the early life of Gongalo Martins. Possibly he came from a modest family, and could not have belonged to «new Christians», because inspite of substantial involvement in business transactions and familiarity with «new Christian» businessmen he was never accu- sed of being one even by his most vocal critics. I pre- sume that Goncalo Martins left for India as an ordi- nary soldier and arrived in Goa in May 1620 by the carrack Guia after wintering in Mossambique, or in mid-December of the same year by Penha de Franca which witnessed heavy mortality on board in the calips of Guinea". The young man could not have been immune to the shock of this ordeal. On arrival in Goa most of the surviving crew and passengers had to be hospitalised, and the soldiers could look forward to their recovery only as a prelude to fresh trials that were their lot in India", Along with normal financial 120 Preiss? constraints, recurring epidemics during many prece- ding years, posed a serious threat to the lives of the city inhabitants, particularly of the Portuguese not adapted to the new climate". The Jesuit annual report of 1620 describes the havoc caused by the epidemic among the old and young of the Society of Jesus ‘Among the victims was the Jesuit historian Sebastiéo Gongalves, another native of Ponte de Lima", twas a common feature to find soldiers seeking the security of a monk’s cowl or a Jesuit gown in Portuguese India. There were regular administrative complaints about it, but little was done to remedy the situation by providing security to the new arri- ving soldiers". Many of them were often small kids [meninos} who were generally forced into vagrancy and its accompanying problems'*, While justifying the admission of some such boys into the Society of Jesus, the Provincial of the Jesuits, Fr. Alvaro Tavares was writing to the Government that from more than 700 soldiers that came from Portugal in 2 ships of the carreira in 1630 not more than a hundred were still alive, Most had died after arrival, many had gone to serve the neighbouring kings, and a few had entered the religious life'’ AMONG THE JESUITS ‘We do not know what may have been the experience ‘of Gongalo Martins, but we find him in the Jesuit fold before the end of 1620. There is a difference of one year in various Jesuit catalogues of the time in com- puting his years in the Society, some suggesting that he joined in 1621. The problem is solved if first pro- bation during the closing days of 1620 are not coun: ted as entitling him to actual membership or «ads- criptio» in the Society'®, ‘Owing to recurring attacks of epidemics and heavy mortality among the inmates of the old college of St. Paul located in a low-lying area of the city"’, the Jesuits had shifted their Novitiate house by the end of the 16th century to the hillock of Our Lady of Rosary in the vicinity of the Augustinians. The Augustinians and their lay well-wishers in the muni> cipal council had tried their utmost to stall the Jesuit. move". However, just as the Jesuits had their way with the establishment of the Church and the Professed House of Bom Jesus", ehey also stood their ground on this occasion. Gongalo Martins must have spent his first years in the Society of Jesus at this place and continued his studies at the adjacent S. Paulo 0 Novo or St. Rock. From 1624 to 1627 we are definitely sure that he was still busy with the study of humanities”, and at the end of this term the Society had alreadymade its first assessment of his temperament and talents: «Aged 28, healthy, 5 years in the Society®, mediocre intelligence®, judgement and prudence; no experience; choleric temperament; talented for admi- istration». Such candid assessments of their men are meant in the Society of Jesus as aids to ensure good government by choosing right man for the right job, while in the early stages of training the candi- date is shown his self-portrait speculura) to help him grow in humility and seek ways of self-improvement™, INITIATION AT MOCAMBIQUE AND AT CHAUL ‘The available information continues to be desultory and yields little knowledge regarding the movements of Gongalo Martins during several years that fol- lowed: We find him already as priest in 1633 at the college of Mocambique where he was teaching gram- mat”. It is not clear how long he remained here, but it could have not been for long. But he retained his love for this mission for the rest of his life, and he did not spare efforts to procure resources for its upkeep. Following the martyrdom of his namesake Dom Gon- calo de Silveira in an early attempt of the Jesuits to convert the land of Monomotapa”, the Jesuits had once again undertaken the work in this region only in the beginning of the 17th century”. Fr. Gongalo had a first-hand experience of this mission-field and ‘could appreciate its needs better when he took charge as procurator of the mission later in life On 18th may 1636 Gongalo Martins was admitted to the Society of Jesus as a permanent member in the grade of spiritual coadjutors®, Around this time he ‘seems to have held the posts of Minister of the Jesuit hhouse in Chaul and of Procurator of the Province of Japan. In either capacity it could have been a task only for one who could hope against hopes to perform satisfactorily and obtain results, The sultanate of ‘Ahmednagar was in shambles and it had been handed by its Mughal masters to Adilshah of Bijapur. There ‘was military pressure on Chaul and the Portuguese did not get whatever tribute they were paid earlier by the Melique®. The new understanding between the Dutch and the Adilshah, the proximity of the Dutch base at Vingurla, the regular Dutch blockade of Goa and their threatening surveillance of the neighbou- ring waters, had reduced the trade-based resources of Chaul to a precarious situation. Owing to the Portuguese inability to control the sea from Diu, in 1634 a new customs checkpost was set up at Chaul™, This anticipation proved to be also a necessity once the Dutch blockades of Goa bay forced the vessels feeding the carreira da India to visit Bassein and Chaul 121 ovcwo MART sor OCR, To) ‘DoMa THE ‘STADODA NOLL for loading and unloading operations®. The increased officialdom seeking private fortunes on a larger scale could have only increased the tension that was al- ready a permanent feature in these settlements of the Northern Province between the lay officials and set- tlers on the one side and the Jesuit administrators of the same settlements on the other side”. Chaul had the privilege of sending annually a ship to Mogambique, and it is quite likely that during his stay in Mo- gambique Gongalo Martins had already established links that he was exploiting now as Minister of the Jesuit house in Chaul. It is known that Jesuits ‘were involved in East African trade in various forms, including as commission-agents for the friends and patrons of the Society of Jesus. Thus, for instance, Nicholas Buckeridge, a factor of the East India Company, tried in July 1651 to open direct trade with Mogambique, but was told by the Jesuit rector there that he must first pay him 1000 crusados on behalf of the owner of these voyages in Goa”. We read also in the instructions left by a Jesuit Provincial superior during his visitation of the colleges of Mogambique and Sena in 1674 that Jesuits should not participate in the smuggling of gold and other trade items of ‘Africa to help their lay friends™. There seems to have been little corrective effect of such admonitions, because a century later the rector of Mogambique was still acting as commission-agent for Mhamai Kamat business family of Goa It is not surprising therefore if the Jesuits at Chaul were becoming serious rivals to its lay settlers and officials who wanted their own pick of the gold and ivory that arrived from ‘Mocambique. The opposition to the Jesuits had become intense by 1641, but the viceroy Count of Aveitas was ‘unwilling to relieve the rector of Chaul from the res- ponsibility for the administration of the place. He was convinced that it could not be entrusted safely to the lay officials". However, the local resistance grew so violent that in December end of the year the town councillors forced their way into the Jesuit residence and bolted away with the safe in which the moneys of the town administration were kept. The viceroy responded with judicial inquiry and entrusted the administration to the Franciscans by way of a com- promise’. There is nothing than can be said defini- tely about the activities of Gongalo Martins in Chaul, but there are implied indications that he maintained {friendly or business association with the viceroy Count of Aveiras who is known to have been making a dis- tinction between the Dutch as imperial enemies and the Dutch as personal friends®. It is very likely, as Prof. Boxer has suggested, that Jesuits were his com- mercial partners, particularly in Macau trade. The fact that Gongalo Martins was appointed by Count ofAveiras in 1644 to act as administrator of cinnamon share belonging to the House of Bragangas confirms the unofficial interests of the viceroy“. President Fremlen and his Council at Surat, for instance, had informed their superiors at London a couple of years carlier (1642) that the Jesuits at Goa were the readiest and the ablest in extending help, including the purchase of cinnamon‘. We know that Gongalo, Martins was already based in Goa in 1641, and he had as much friendly relations with the commander of the Dutch fleet blockading Goa as. did the viceroy Count of Aveiras in 1644. Gongalo Martins, in his letter of 4th December 1662 reminded Maetsuyker that they had met at Goa when the latter had nego- tiated the truce with the viceroy Count of Aveiras and had spent a night at the Jesuit College of St. Paul” While he was stationed at Chaul Goncalo Martins was also acting as procurator of the Japan province of the Society of Jesus‘, It coincided with the period when this flourishing mission, described as «la flor de la harina desta India» (the cream of the Indian mis- sions}® had been drowned in blood in the wake of Shimabara rebellion (1638-40)*. The mission depen- ded on Macau trade for its temporal sustenance, but with this checked, it had to survive on limited income it had from certain crown and papal subsidies®, plus on the revenue of some landed properties in the Northem Province of the Estado da India. The job ‘of Gongalo Martins as procurator of Japan province must have been to administer these revenues and invest them as profitably as possible for assisting the brethren in distress. Probably, Gongalo Martins was sufficiently acknowledged by them as a good admi- nistrator and as imaginative enough to find the best avenues of investment. This is obvious from the con- fidence that was placed in him by his superiors, and from the requests that he received from various quar- ters to find benefactors for them. He was always wil- ling to oblige, even when he had no official respon- sibility for that mission region. His response also made clear the spirituality underlying his motivation. He mentions more than once in his correspondence to the Superior General or to the crown that he needs nothing for his personal benefit. He expresses his sad- ness for not having been chosen to work directly in the mission fields and wishes to share in the merits of his missionary colleagues by assisting them through ways open to him*, AT MISSION HEADQUARTERS Gongalo Martins spent last three decades of his life in Goa, which was the administrative headquarters of the Estado da India and where every Religious 122 Pring? Order had its headquarter to mobilise resources and to provide training and organisational facilities for their missionary works. Although Gongalo Martins had already acquired confidence in his job and made significant impact with new foundations in ‘Mogambique and Chaul, his range of action extended ‘manifold from Goa. He could more easily keep in con- tact with the various mission fields and also assist the benefactors in whatever way he could. Writing to Fr. General in January 1649 he expressed his willingness to help Agra mission through friends in East Africa who had already offered help for foun- ding colleges in Mocambique, Chaul, Sena and Diu. He also referred to his efforts in finding a benefactor to finance the Canara mission, That same year he brought to Goa his East African benefactor Bartolomeu Lopes. Even though all care was lavished on him, he died and was buried with much honour and with the Joba e barrete of a Jesuit lay brother's, ‘One important benefactor that Gongalo Martins dis- covered and cultivated in Goa was Baltazar de Veiga, 4 Cristo Novo and prominent businessman and dia- ‘mond merchant in Goa. He and his son, Joao de Prado, were significant contributors to Jesuit mission needs, not just with outright endowments, but also by tra- ding for the Jesuits in the China-Japan sector’, When Baltazar de Veiga was arrested by the Inquisition §” along with several other leading businessmen of Jewish origin in 1644 Fr. Gongalo Martins did not disown his friend and benefactor. He was sad that some of his Jesuit colleagues had changed their attitude towards hhim, though most superiors, with the exception of Fr. Jeronimo Lobo™, had not been affected by the deve- lopment. When he died on January 14, 1659, he was interred in the sacristy of Bom Jesus in Old Goa. Baltazar de Veiga had borne all the expenses of buil- ding and furnishing this still extant beautiful piece of art. Gongalo Martins had drawn his last will which provided among many other charities, 4,000 patacas as an endowment for the China vice-province of the Society®. A CONTROVERSIAL FIGURE Gongalo Martins was the most outstanding Jesuit in Goa during the seventeenth century. There are other individual Jesuits who figure in the State papers and Jesuit correspondence from time to time, but Gongalo ‘Martins held the stage for a long period of time, There is nothing to incriminate him as a bad religious, but his passion and inventiveness at raising funds won for him dedicated friends and enemies in the highest quarters in the business and political quarters.In 1644 Count of Aveiras had put him in charge of administering the cinnamon share of the royal house ‘of Bragancas®. Possibly this only irritated D. Filipe ‘Mascarenhas more. He already had a running battle with the Jesuits while he was in Ceylon‘. The vice- roy questioned the Jesuit title for the many land pro- perties they had in Goa and elsewhere in the Estado, The Jesuits had to resort to courts to uphold their rights, but they also used their influence higher up. Since Gongalo Martins was directly responsible for the material affairs of the Society, he took the mat- ters to the crown in a long representation describing the hatred the viceroy harboured and exercised against the Jesuits in India, depriving them of the means of training men for missions by taking away the pro- perties belonging to the College of St. Paul and the novitiate. He refers also to calumnies being pro- ‘moted to depict the Jesuits as traitors and enemies of national interests. He further represented that the viceroy was instigating individuals with bribe and intimidation to harass the Jesuits and to discredit them®, It appears from at least one known instance that Gongalo Martins invited direct retaliation from the viceroy, and that too in an area that could put him at odds with the crown. There is an accusation from Gregorio Simdes de Carvalho, superintendent of Goa customs house. He justifies why he had to break open the stores housing the cinnamon of the house of Bragancas in the absence of Fr. Gongalo Martins. This appears in ¢ letter from the crown to the viceroy ordering an inquiry and mentioning that according to the superintendent of the customs house the said reli- sious (Gongalo Martins) was far exceeding his duties and was causing problems for the officials of the cus- toms house and collection of revenues. The same let- ter requires that the viceroy should war the said reli- gious through his Provincial superior so that no further allegations of that nature are in future reported against him®. ‘Another viceroy who could not stomach the ways of Gongalo Martins was Antonio de Mello de Castro who continued to check into the revenues of the Jesuits. These were the times the Public Treasury was more and more depleted as a result of the setbacks the Portuguese had been experiencing at the hands of the Dutch since the capture of Malacca and more recently of Ceylon and the Malabar. Also the Nayaks of Bidnur had deprived the Portuguese of their hold over the pepper and-rice supplies of Canara. The viceroy were therefore resentful ofthe continued hold of the Jesuits in the midst of the State ills. The Jesuits had been the most difficult to be subjected to extortions in the name of donativos that the State was used to deman- ovata war Ayer n0ctR4TO, MSO AND ‘POWAT OTHE ‘BTWDODAANDLA ding from the religious and charitable institutions from time to time to meet State needs. Against this background one may understand better the attitude of this vieeroy who was hard pressed to find finances to keep the empire alive. He is reported to have said that «the Jesuit Fathers in Portugal and Castile were Fathers of the Company of Jesus, but the Jesuit Fathers in India were the Fathers of the Dutch East India Company>*, Antonio de Mello de Castro (1662-66) had strong dif ferences with Gongalo Martins over his allegedly rough handling of the Municipal councillors regarding the contract of grain supplies and over hinterland trade across the island of Cumbarjua. He believed that price rises in Goa were largely the result of too many middle- men, and the Jesuits were accused of being in league with lay officials in engrossing trade in food items in Salcete and in the Northem Province*. Gongalo Martins had purchased the island of Cumbarjua from a high government functionary, Andre Salema, in July 1665. His inventiveness as Father of Christians thought of discouraging the Portuguese from entertaining the nautch girls in the capital city by inviting the nautch girls to Cumbarjua where he taxed them. The Hindus also had the problem of cele- brating their weddings publicly in the Portuguese ter- ritory. Gongalo Martins licensed the public celebra- tion of such weddings in his island. Apparently he also permitted movement of goods from and to the mainland through the island for less customs duties than the ones payable at the official check-posts. He knew what he was investing in when he paid a hefty 26,010 xerafins for acquiring the island. They also brought large tracts of land under cultivation in the island for paddy and coconut plantations yielding an annual income of 7,000 xerafins in the 18th century. They had also set up kilns for baking lime and manu facturing ceiling tiles. We read in the license-books of the Goa Municipality that tiles sold in the market should conform to the Paulist standard. This goes to prove the industriousness of the Jesuits that became legendary and even led to creation of local native myths about themé, ON DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS ‘While Gongalo Martins had no opportunity to go on ‘missions of direct evangelisation, he was called upon ‘more than once to go on diplomatic missions in the service of his government to the neighbouring native rulers, Using the missionaries as political agents was not new practice in the Portuguese Estado, and the missionaries in the courts of the native rulers weregenerally required to serve as resident envoys. At least, that was more obviously the aim of the Jesuit mis- sions to the Mughal court or to the Peking court. The other best candidates for such missions have always been the businessmen whose interests usually cross the national boundaries. If Gongalo Martins was called upon three times in emergency situations to undertake diplomatic missions, that was because he combined in himself the qualifications of a religious and a businessman. In 1653 Sivappa Nayak of Ikkeri had already pushed the Portuguese out of Basrur and Camboly on the ‘Canara coast. He was continuing the pressure on them in Honawar and in Mangalore. The Nayak was well aware of the relentless war that the Dutch had been waging to throw the Portuguese out of Ceylon. The Nayak was not disinterested in selling his quality pep- per to the Portuguese, and he knew their dependence on his rice supplies. That is where he was pressing them to buy more pepper from him at a higher price. When the siege of Honawar reached an unbearable stage and the garrison had to survive literally on rats and cats, that is when the Goa government decided to send Gongalo Martins to the fort of Honawar where the Nayak had agreed to meet him. He was given ple- nipotentiary powers to come to a reasonable deal. He was to be accompanied by Ramogy Sinay Kothari, horse-dealer, as official interpreter. However, on reaching Honawar Gongalo Martins was told by the contact man of the Nayak that he was ill and no meeting could take place. Apparently the Nayak was determined to put an end to the Portuguese presence as he did before he died a few years later®, Within 2 year’s time in 1654 troubles were brewing closer at home at Gos’s borders with Bijapur. Adil Shah had not yet reconciled himself to the loss of Bardez and Saleete Provinces of Goa, and around this time a native Goan brahmin and Propaganda-trained and consecrated Bishop Matheus de Castro Mahale had made Bicholim his base of apostolate and politi- cal intrigues to throw the Portuguese out of Goa. He also had established contacts with the Dutch in ‘Vingurla”, Matheus de Castro had led Adil Shah into believing that all circumstances were ripe for pushing the Portuguese out of Goa with a little nudge by the forces of Adil Shahi: The Dutch attacks, the wars in Canara, recent overthrow of the viceroy of Goa in a local coup, and the disenchantment of many Goan natives with the Portuguese rule were all suggesting the timeliness for a limited military operation as suf- ficient for driving the Portuguese out of Bardez and Salcete, That is how the Adil Shah made a military attempt while secking simultaneously diplomatic ways of cession of the two provinces or payment of a tri 124 Png bute by the Portuguese in lieu of cession”. Thi tical development was preceded by a careful pla by the Adil Shab through his court favourite Yakut who had been appointed Fiavaldar of Ky and ambassador to Goa. This man of slave orig. ‘become very friendly with Gongalo Martins, ant friendship seems to have had secret business int for its foundation. Apparently, dealing in dia ‘was involved, particularly a very rare blue balas Balthazar de Veiga had in his possession and Adil Shah was determined to acquire. There ar unclear and incomplete references to this mat the proceedings of the Goa State Council, whi seventeenth century traveller Manucci has ar resting piece of a story suggesting that Gongalo N had appropriated for himself a rare stone which Yakut, a favourite of Muhamad Adil Shah ar royal jewel keeper, had only pawned with b order to borrow money for expenses of his m treatment in Goa”, Even though Manucci is w to be treated with caution for his gossip-mon tendencies, there seems to be some truth in his Ie is quite possible that following the cure of Yakut by an ex-medical man cleric Joao P Mourato through the mediation of Gongalo M to whom alone the cleric was willing to oblig srateful Bijapuri courtier may have revealed to G: Martins and to his jewel-trading friend Baltha Veiga all about the jewels of the Bijapur rater, ding a balas (rose-coloured spinel ruby) acqui the Adil Shah in 1653 that can be found liste described by Tavernier”. Manucci gives the ve it as 20,000 xerafins, and even this does not se from the truth, because a balas encrusted in a sent to Adil Shah as a gift purchased by the Stav Balthazar de Veiga for 18,000 xcrafins or 15,00 ‘cas through Malik Yakut, who had made it a p dition for confirming the peace treaty which Gi ‘Martins had signed with the Adil Shah followi cessation of hostilities and after the Adil Sha convinced that the Portuguese could effectively any force to recover Bardez and Saleete”. Was t only a face saving way of retuming what be) to the Adil Shab, or was it uly a substitute t to please the ruler of Bijapur at a time whe Portuguese could hardly bear such diversionary tary engagements? In any case Gongalo Marti killed two birds with one stone: He had gained for the Estado and had struck a good business « favour of his friend and benefactor Balthazar de ‘That was more or less the amount that he go him to build and furnish his sacristy of Bom His third and last diplomatic mission was just, after the government of Antonio de Mello de +had accused him in a most disconcerting manner as mentioned above and in the Appendices below. Gongalo Martins was above petty reactions, and he responded to the request of the State authorities to visit Raigath for settling peace agreement with Shivaji following his attack on Bardez in 1667 in pursuit of desais that were reluctant to accept the suzerainty of Shivaji over them in South Konkan bordering Goa. Shivaii blamed the Portuguese for giving them shel- ter, which they actually did while pretending neu- ality and inability to control their movements”, Gongalo Martins fared well in his mission, so much so that a letter of the viceroy reporting the matter to the crown described how «Gongalo Martins had acted with such prudence, selflessness and good manner that he could bring back without further delay all the prisoners including the subjects of the Estado as well ‘as many subjects of the Adil Shah who claimed to be Portuguese subjects. He also brought back all the cattle that was taken away and even more’ LEFT FOR BETTER PROSPECTS ‘When some information was being sought many years later in the archives of the Goa Province about the legacies of Balthazar de Veiga it was reported by the new Procurator of the province and successor of Gongalo Martins that he only had some loose papers with him, He declared his inability to trace back any more details and Fr. Torcato Parisiani had not handed over to him any book of accounts left by Fr. Gongalo Martins, even though he had been asked by the Provincial Fr. Antonio Botelho to take charge of all the belongings of Fr. Gongalo Martins after he died, The same Procurator further reported that Gongalo Martins had shown to him all his books of accounts two days before he died, to convince him that everything was in order. Since Fr. Parisiani was away at the moment, and there was great secrecy about the matters, he feels unable to report any more details. He suggests that Rome could in the mean- time follow the information sent there by Gongalo Martins with respect to suffrages for the dead bene- factors”. ‘The last time Gongalo Martins figures in the catalo- gues is in 1667. The next surviving catalogue for 1673 does not record his name any longer. He is listed in the catalogue of the dead of the Society of Jesus on 2nd February 1669, a day of the year in the liturgical calendar which the Jesuits observe with special vene- ration in honour of Our Lady”. The only other refe- rence to him is dated 28th July 1683 when his suc- cessor Fr. Theotonio Rebello as procurator of the island of Cumbarjua is being accused of certain abuses in 125 Govan ARI ASU ROCUEATOR, BOSNIAN AND DNA TE ‘BTADODATNDA some public quarters and the Provincial writes in his defence to the General of the Order. His letter begins ‘with: «Fr. Gongalo Martins, who has gone for a bet- ter life (emphasis is mine] for over 15 years now, was conve in charge of Cumbarjua island...». And, of course, of much more that we know of, and much that will remain his secret. REFERENCES AND NOTES 2M. P. Haney, The Jesuits in History, Chicago, 1962, pp. 47, 4645. 2 The seserches of Prof. C. R Borer snd Dauil Alden have substan sated t considerable exten dhe Jest invalvement inthe Fat Eastern snd Brazilian wade respectively. Nicolas Cushner’s «Merchants and “Missionaries: A Theologian’ ew of clerical involvement inthe Galleon ‘Trade, Hispanie-Amerian Historical Review, XLVI, August, 1967, 1p. 360-69 provides further insights on the theme. Carles Borges, SJ. has done extensive research of the «Economics of Gos Jest: An) ‘explanation of thai ise andl, 15121789» PRD. Dissertation, University ‘of Bombay, 1989), but unfortunately it ssl tobe published + Archivam Historicum Societeis lsu, XX1K, 8 (July. Des. 1960), pp. 313-28 Ignatius’ rules for the Jesuit Secretaria |. Conreia-Afonso, Jesuit Leters and Indian History, Bombay, 1969, pp. 26-7, passim, refer to pradene> and discretion in Jesuit corvespondence; Manucci, Storia do Mogor, I, ed. W. Trine, Calcutta, 1966, p. 157: This gos ‘ip loving raveller was disappointed wich the Jesuit reticence which hae observed during his stay in Goa in 1667-68: «They ruled their ‘concerns with mote prudence. Iremong them any difference aie, iis kept such « seeret that no one hears of it “Teoténio R. de Sours, Medieval Goa, New Delhi, 1979, p. 19. * Américo Costa, Dicionario Chorografico de Portugal Continental ¢ Insular, Porto, 1929-49, 1% pp. 216-18 sv. Polares, ans} [Archivurm ‘Romanum Societats fest, Rome’: Goa 25,8. 3, 59, 64, 164, 185, 208, However, sbi, . 2260 seers to im at Barcelenete. CLR Boxer «Casados e Cabotager in the Estado da Indi, Leth/17¢h CCenturier, Il Seminoro Internacional de Historia Indo-Portgues: ACTAS, ef. Ls de Albuquerque & Inacio Guereizo, Lisboa, 1985, pp. 119.38, PC. R Boxer, Portuguese India in the Mid-Seventeenth Ceatury, Delhi, 1980, pp. 13,21 * Supra, n. 2. * ARS: Coa 25. 32y, 59, 64, 164,185,205, Goa 27, A. 5. ajuda Library (Lisbon): Ms S1-DC7, £1 119¥. Goagalo thanks the crown for making grant of 40,000 rei fr the maintenance of his ‘old mother who ie the only obligation {have back home») without having even asked fori. "Docementos Remetidas da India, vi, pp. 190-1, 192. ‘8 "Teotinio R. de Souza, op ct, pp. 121-3, Commenarios de D. Garcia de Silva y Figueroa, I pp. 486; ARS Goa 34,1 fs. 500,718 “ Archives da Royaurae Belgique (Bruxelles) Archives esuitiques, [Me 1427: fle, 231-3 | consulted the photocopies at the Boteria Library ofthe Jesuits in Lisbon, Cf Sebastiam Gongalves, Pamela Parte da Historia dos Religiosos da Companhia de Tesus, 1, ed J. Wicki, Coimbra, 1957, pp. te. 4 Assentos do’ Conselho de Estado, I, ed. Pissurlencar, pp. 30-41, ‘Toute do Tombo, Lisbos - TAT: Documentos Remetidos da India, 1.33, #1, Documentos Remettidos de India (~ DR, Vi, pp. 480-1, Ajude Libeary: Ms 80-X2, fs, 322¥-204 1632: The eief captain ofthe let leaving for India, Antoni de Saldanha complains that there are too ‘many meninos in the fest and wants them taken out ‘par: DR, 25, fl 183, For biodata of Fx. Tavares cf. ARS, XXX, 1,17 (jan-fune 1970), pp. 1112: He was ewice a novicemaster in Portugal, sector in the Island of Madeins for 5 years, rector sn the college of St.Paul at Gos, Provincial of Goa for 3 years. Died in 1637 ‘tthe age of 89 end half while he was visitor of che Gae and Malabar Provinee18 While ARS: Goa 25 suggested his joining in 1620, Coa 27, fl. 45 lists him among the «adsorp nosrae Soc. zn. 1621. The catalo: five prepared in 1620 makes no mention of Gongalo Mactns. Documenta Indica, x0, ed, |. Wick, p. 612, n, 55: rst probation lasted 2-3 srocke before admission to novitiate ° ARS): Goa 38, : Contains the annual letters forthe period 1600+ 1612 with frequont references to deaths dus to fevers that aze dex tribed as sdoengas de S, Paulo de Goa». Cf. Wick), «Die Todesalle tnd ihre Ursachen in der Indischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu, 1561-1574», Newe Zeitschrift far Misionswissenschaft, 17 (1961), pp. 257-79. PIM. JG de Saldanha, Historia de Gos I, Bastors, 1926, pp. 56-02 CCE ARS: Goa 22,1 ls. 361-2, 385. The shifting was not completed sil 1610, 1 Documenta Indica, XW, pp. 75, 2478, 76-7, 685.90, 7058. The ‘opperition in thie eae wus of the Franciscans and thelr supporters in the Misercordis. ® ARS|: Goa 25, fl 32¥. Ck. J. Wicki, ~Zum Humanismus im Poctugiesisch Indien des 16, Jahrhunderts, Missionskirche im Orient, Switzerland, 1976, pp. 49-81, 2 The catalogue was prepared in January 1627, nd hence the cal- culation. * G.E. Gans, The Constitutions ofthe Society of Jesus, Missoui, 1976, p 195, n. 13: Uhave translated lt. ingenium (Sp. l ingento} 25 wintlligences. Ie stands fr the faculty of dscoursing,refleting or inventing with alacrity and fclity 8 aus: Goa 25, 1 40 Documenta Indica 1, 72. The rd Genecal Congregation had esta Dished the rules for organising and sending the eatalogues in 1573. ‘There were three types of catalogues: The frst catalogue mentioned the name, nationality, age, yeas in the Society, studies, and minis- tees, The Ad eatalogue didnot epost the names but referred tothe serial umber assigned to names in the frst eatalogue. This catalo- |muc was sont separately and provided more peronal information re. ‘garding qualities and character alts. This ensured secrecy in eve the Catalogue fll in dhe hands of extems. A Sed eatalgue wat known at ‘catalogus brevis» and noted any modifications since the last eatalo- ‘eve. CD, Xi, 206, 281, XI, 744, XV, 658.9 refer to diffieltes in ‘repatng catalogues every year in Ind Hence the practice of tien ‘ial catalogues. Valignano who governed the Jesuits in India with reat skill during 1574-1605 complained about the insufficiency of the 2nd ‘atelogues: «Diz que hum he calerco, mas nao diz se tem morifcaéa ‘esta paaao, ou se @ tem muyto viva que 0 faz Insleido e lmpaceate, por onde nao se fica tendo conbesimento da pessoa» [DL XIV, 650) F ansh: Goa 25,59. 2 Bertha Leite, D. Gonralo da Silveira, Lsbos, 1946, S.. da Cush, Antiguidades Fisteica da Tha de Mopambique edo Liteel Froneiro, Lisboa. 1939, pp. 55-7. ™ Femnio Guerrero, Relapdo Annual das cosas ue lzeram os Pades 4a Compontia de esis nas suas Misses, 1, Lisboa, 1942, pp. 4-6, W. H. Rea, The Economics of the Zambee! Missions, 1580:1759, Koma, 1976 is an up-to-date presentation of the history and func: tioning ofthe Jesuits inthe region during she peviod covered. % ARSE: Goa 25, fl 64. Ck. Ganss, Constitutions ofthe Society of Jesus, pp. 349.56: Ignatius of Loyala was the fest one to introduce the distinction between -profeseed fathers» and -spittual coat: tors among the press of the Soviety of Jesus. Ignatius wanted the rofesed fathers toave philosophical and theological knowledge as per the stindaris of university eduestion of his days, For spiritual ‘oadjutors secondary edation was enough [grammar and Bimani- tes), supplemented by cases of conscience to be able to aay Matt ‘and hear confesions. 5°M.A. Nayeem, External Relations of the Bijapur Kingdom, ‘Hyderabad, 1974, pp. 163-4: The eaitry of Nizam Shabi Konkan ‘was granted by Shah Jahan to Adil Shah asa favour, and that too in ‘exchange for certain Adil Shah tesitory near Dasltabad. Cf. Dx, 330:€haul house ofthe Jesuits was established in 158). ® A. Bde Braganga Perera, ed. Arquivo Portugués Oriental, IV, 203, © Nayeem, op elt, pp. 240-1, 25243, Assantos do Consalho do Estado, MY, p27. Boletim da Rulnoteca Ultramarine Portugues, n. 12, Lisbos, 1959, pp. 459-75, 126 Pepe? © Teotenio R. de Sours, op. cit, p24 % Arquivo Portugues Oriental, 0p. cit, p- 205. Journal and Letter Book of Nicholas Buckeridge, 1651. 1654, ‘University of Minnesota Press, 1973, p. 25. Quoted by C. R. Boxer, Poruguese India in the Mid Seventeenth Century, p. 18. 5 ARS): Goe 35, ls 10-103v. r- Bento Ferrera was the provincial » Arquivo Histrico Ulramatino, Lisboa [= AHU|: Mago 6nd n. 5 [5x1752h ANS): Goa 27 fl. 169: Biodata of Jose Antoni, S.J rector of Mogsmbique college in 1752. = Goa Archives: Ms Assentas do Conselho de Fazends, 1637-43, ais, * Boletim da Filmoteca Uiramarina Portugues, n. 1, p13: Jesus centrasted with the administration of 1% revenue applied for the defence works in 1620; Assentos do Conselho do Estado» ACEL I, p. 829-30, Gou Archives: Asentos do Conselho da Fazenda (= ACF], 1697-49, 157. C.K Boxes, op. cit, p. 40; ACE, Mp. 7. © Boxer, op. ct, loc. et “+ AHU: Ms 208 Repisto de cartas résias para a India e China, 1643-78, . 40v, ‘°W, Foster, The English Factores in India, 1642-1645, Oxfor, 1913, pp. 8,63, 138. aust Goa 25,8. 64: Procurator of Goa Province. ‘CLR Boxer, Franclico Visite de Figueiredo. A Portagucte Merchant Adventurer in South-East Asta, 16241667, The Hague, 1987, p. 34, 2. 65, Boxer, Jan Compagnie in War and Peace, 1602-1799, Hong Kong, 1979, pp. 29-51: Mactouyker had « Roman Catholic background and was trained at Louvain In spite of tll he came out to Batavi in 1636 and was putin charge of codifyng its laws, which he did a= ‘Statutes of Batavia By 1650 he rose to be the Dizectr-General and ‘in 1653 became Governor General. He died in 1678. He was deseri- ‘bed asa -fesuit» by thore who were impressed by his secretive and ceicient fanetioning. ' Ans): Coa 25, f. 64 (Sept. 1641), = Documenta Indice, XV, p 314 CR Roxer, The Christian Century of lepan, 1549-1650, N. York, 1951, pp. 378 ff; Joseph S, Sebes, «Christian Influences on the ‘Shimahar Rebellion, 1687-98, Azchirum Histoicam Socetti es, XLva, 1979, pp. 136-48 5 Roxer, The Christian Centary of Japan, pp. 117-124 Boxer, The {Geeat Ship of the Amacon, Lisboa, 1959, pp. 12,39, 71, 18591, 197- 203; Documenta Tndica, XW, p19, n. 16, S08 Areangement was sade by Valignano with the merchant community at Macau that 50.70 plcul of silk would be shipped by them on the account ofthe Japan mission, that was to yield 3000 cruzados annually. This prac> tice was maintained with occasional iregularities, with or presumed permission of papacy. In spite of many complaints from outsiders 2nd from some individual suits, Fr Valignano considered tis fnans Glal rangement an unavoidable evil (DL xv, pp. 71617] unt such time when other resources were evilable 5 AAS: Goa $7: An account sent by the visitor Fr. Luis da Gama {rom Macau in 1668, He gives a more optimistic picture ofthe teac- tons to Jesults in the region * Documenta Indice |» Dl, XIV, pp. 495-98: Valigano's financial survey of Japanese mission (1586) shove that lands were Bought or ‘obtained through endowments in the villages of Ponvern, Condoti, (Caranja and Mulgaon in Bassen [Wester Indi ARSE Goa 91,213 Is willing to help China mlssion eventhough his responsibility atthe moment is forthe Goa Province. Refers to ‘what he has been doing for Mogerabiqu, even without being its pro- curator. But refers to the resentment of some fathers of Gea province for doing this, SARS Goa 9, I ls. 175.6. Writing about this gentleman he also says tha ll hls wealth was in his hands and he had drawn the wil. Requested Fr. General to write a few lines of encouragement and comfort to him, PACE, Cod, 1167, 1. 70, 101-103, ax: Caixas da indi, n. 27, doe. 36 281.1666) 5 Goa Archives: Ibid, fl. 85 (219.1644) *Jexinime Lobo, Itinetrio ¢ autos escrito intaltos, ed. M. Gongalves da Costa, Barcelo, 1971. Fr Lobo was superior at St.Paul from 1641 land at Bom Jevus from 1687. Was accused of supporting te Spanish faction. He had sent leters to Lisbon accusing the viceroy D. Flipeso yuLso 98 ‘Mascarenhas, He bad also problems with Jesuits of mestizo origin lindiaticon His letters were inercepted by the wesroy and sent to ‘he lay persons and religious concemed. Though the viceroy deman- ded that ehe Provincial shoul expel hm fom th city, the Provincial Manoel de Mendonge defended his subjeet. However, whea he was sccused of being involved in an incident of burning the effigy ofthe ceroy, he was arested and deported to Cochin. However, he se ‘ed as Provincial from 1651-58. He went to Lisbon and Rome to com- plain about the scandalous situation in the Society in Ina. However, he got involved i inter provincial politics of dhe Society in Portugal and spent last 15 years in silence B'ansh: Goo 9, If 213; Goa 22, I, fs. 368-368, Fondo Gesuitico 745/143, 0.9. © AHU: Cod. 28, #1223: The queen was granted privilege of impor tung day tee 200 quintals of spices. By an alvar of 23/3/1644 the (Count of Aveirss had put Gongalo Martins in charge of administering this transaction, Ie is quite posible tast Gongslo Martine got better ‘access to business quarters as a result and used the opporsnity well to promote the interests ofthe Society and is fiends ACE Ml, Bastora, 1988, pp. 1405 AMU: Mss 44-47; Goa Archives AGE, 1843-7, fs. 201-2. © Aude Library: Ms 51-1%-6, fl, 234-39, AHU: Cod. 208, fh. 145: ‘The viceroy was ordored by the crown to restore to the Jesuits the lands taken away from them (14 April 1649). Cf Boner, Portuguese India in the Mid Seventeenth Centar, p. 40 for details on the pr vate trade Interests of D. Filipe Mascarenhas, particulary bis ince- {eet in damsonds, Boxer goes tothe exent of calling this viceroy 29 ‘rcherook and judges his aceustions agatnst the other fort caprains ‘pot calling the kettle Back [bid . $3, 0.28 © bu, 2.37, 36%) AHU: Cod. 208 (Repisto de carta régias para o india'e Ching, 1643.72), 8. 18iv Boxer, op. cit, p. 49; A. Baio, A Inquisiedo de Goa, I, Lisboa, 1949, pp. 101 H. The viceroy got che Jesuits out of the Adm istration ofthe Northem Province, or rather the Jesuits handed ‘over to Ignacio Sermento de Carvalho sho ws appointed Captain of the Northern forts in August 1665 without even waiting for ‘the express orders ofthe viceroy. However, his successor, Conde eS, Vicente pleaded seth the Jesuits to resume the administra ton, Justifying hs ection he wrote to the crown: As segards their ‘administration (northern province) is important that it be entrus- fed to the Fathers, because otherwise «the loot that is going on Js unbelievable. The thiefs of the captains would swallow even the very stones of the fortresses.» ABU: India, Calva 27, n.75 (25 Jan. 1967), © AAU: India, Caize 27, oc. 28 (28 Jan. 1666) 16a thick file with many documents sent by the Viceroy and co which he makes a ref rence in Appendix ~ I. See Appendix ~2 for what his Provincial had to say in his defence. Teotsnio R. de Souzs, -Palist in Kumbatjuas, Goa Todey, Febrary 1977, pp. 14, 22, Gomes Catto, FX, Frepuesia de Séo Brds ~ Cazdaulin. Combariva, Pilar, 1966, Oriente Portaguez, XI, 1916, 288, © Teotinio R. de Sou, «Embassies and Surogstes nos. 1 & 2, 1989, pp. 41-2. Teoténio R de Souzs, Medieval Goa, p37, ACEI, p. 886, $46.9, ‘Archives: Ms 1422 ~ Regimentos eInstrugées (1687-57), f. 660-67. Credential letter and instructions issued to Fr. Gongalo Martins. He was to seek the restoration of Basrur and Camboly, suspension of Forties in Honawae and Mangalore, and to agree i return for purchase of $00 khandis of pepper @ 28 pagodes, and in subsequent ‘years 200 Khandis fr the same pic. Sivappa had heen pressing them to ay 1000 khandis immediately and 500 Khandis annually in fucue © ace, tp. 231, 199-300, 330, 350-60. " Pratima Kamat, «Some Protesting Priests of Goa, says in Goa History, ed. Teoténio R. de Souza, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 105-117, "ace it, p. 371-6: Account given by Gongalo Martins tothe State Council on his return from mission to Adil Shak 'acp, tp. 385, Manuee, Storia do Mogor, i, (Calcutta Repent 1968), pp. 15860. ACtyIl, pp. 325-8, 368-76, 384-6, 398-5, 399, 416, 568, $71, 581, 582.87, ARS} Goa 34, fl. 446-449, Les Six Voyages de Jean Baptiste Tavernier, H, Pats, 1676, p. 837 (wich sketch ): Gives its weight a8 14 mangelins and worth 14200 new pagodas Indica, vol. 16, 127 conan pst moceRsto, USDA AND INRONATINTE ‘STADODA NDA % ACE, 1658-1660, Os. 70-72 24-3-1655, 114-1655), P. M. fori, -Mhmmad Adil Sai (1627-1656) and the Portuguese, ournal of Tian History, XKI, Pe. , no. 97, April 1955 (Otiring. "ACE W, pp. 562.63; Pissurlenear, The Portuese and the Marat, twansl PR. Kakodkas, Bombay, 1975, pp. 20-25, Alexandre Labato, Relagbes[s0-Marathas, 1658-1737, Lisboa, 1965, p. 20. This book. was writen ax part of the Portuguese efforts to justify their right ‘of passage» atthe international court of justice atthe Hague agsinst India’s zefunal co take oops tom Daman to reconguer Dada and [Nagar Haveli. The author attacks Pissurlencar on various issues for ‘ls Finda and Maratha» poine of view. Very litle is known ofthis controversy and that Pissurencas refused to cooperate with the Portuguese in this case. On the contzay, he wes supplying infor ‘ation on the quiet tothe Indian countepars * AMU India, Caixa 27, doe. 10 (31 Jen. 1663). 2» Toreato Pacsian was excommunicated during the eontoversy of Slots parishes. Was Soinus of Provicil, and later Rector at Rachol, Died thereat the age of 71. CE ARS} Goa 85, fl. 326-7 ARS Hist. Soc. 8 (1850-9): Defunct fl. 2. Appendix ~ 1 Snor Ha aqui hum Padre da Comp* que se chama Gongalo Miz. o qual he Procurador da Rainha nossa siiorae jun: tamente do estado de Braganca, cuias letras he a mer cancig, ¢ cuio trato s6 com os mouros ¢ gentios, homé prejudicial, a froxidio de alguns governos, o fez a elle governador deste estado, em nenhiia materia se dava hhum passo sem o scu conselho, outros of fizerdo por ‘med, porg a sua lingua he terrivel; sentio muito q cu ‘no me guiasse pelos scus documentos, ¢ por esta catiza, no obra couza q nio calumnie, dissimuley eu g elle estivesse na Ilha de Comarjuua, destruindo a alfandega de VMg* c q contra as minhas ordens recolhesse nella 1s gentios da outra banda, pondome a risco de romper a guerra o Idalxa, eq se viessem vender na mesma TIha 0s furtos q la se faziao, contentando-me c6 Ihe repetir as advertencias, porem nada bastou com elle, ¢ chegou a tanto, qna salla dos VReys, presente a Junta da Oitava parte descompos os officiaes da Camara desta Cidade com termos 140 indignos de Religiozo que me obriga- vio a. mandar sahir da Ilha, ¢ estive resoluto a on enviar para o Reyno, a couza foy querer eu fazer 0 con- ‘ato para virem mantimentos a esta cidade, c suas ter- ras com a limitacio nos pregos de g dou conta a VMg* por outra carta, ¢ vdo com ella todos os papcis, © no vay 0 Pe, Goncalo Miz por ser Procurador da Rainha nossa Snora, € porque como espero sucessor, creyo que elle 0 mandara, dou conta disto a VMg" pq se ha elle de queixar, ¢ 0s mais Padres da Comp", mas dos papeis q envio vera VMg* a rezéao q elles tem € a que eu tive para mayor demonstracdo, € dispois de ter escrito esta carta sucedeo q fuy ver a nao, ¢ achey ebarrotado 0 porto de pao preto do Pe, Gongalo Miz q havendo pedido licenga para trinta quintais da Rainha nossa Snora car-es jaune se regou mais de quatro centos e com 0 mesmo titulo hravito de sahir da caza da Indie, este he o styllo deste procurador, e com q se tem destruido essa Alfandega dde Goa, pq de nenhiia cousa paga direitos, e tudo quanto quer fazer the he licito pelo respeito destas procurs- des. Vio com esta as certidées q mandey tirar do que elle mesmo pedio e de como esta quantia vay embar- cada na nao, D* gt a VMg* como a Christ® seus vas- sallos havemos mister. Goa 28 de Janr* de 1666. (signed) Ant® de Mello de Castro Appendix ~ 2 Mandey chamar o Pe. resoluto em o castigar como as cousas pedido persistindo as culpas, ou quando 128 Prrassiirs ndo em fazer saber a V. S. as rez6es que por sy tivesse, pera q debaixo de verdadeira informagio merecesse alacangar a absolvigo aonde fora condenado, no nega o padre o que disse na salla diante de Dom Alvaro d’Atayde, do Proc da Coroa, e de Ant® Gil Preto sobre o novo alvitre do estanque do manti- mento, nega porem que fosse cé termos descomposto, ‘ou afrontozos dos officiaes da Cidade, e menos com tengio de Iher fazer algum aggravo, mas so de mos- ‘rar que nam convinha fazerse, nem que conviesse, se devia fazer por aquelle modo sem congenso mais universal. No particular da Ilha se acha totalmente innocente, e que nunca permittio desencaminhos, nem entrou nelles, or sabe que pudesse dar occazio para algiia guerra...» Pe, Provincial