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V. Indonesian Perceptions of the Colonial

Power

A.B. Lapian

Itinerario / Volume 13 / Special Issue 01 / March 1989, pp 77 - 86

DOI: 10.1017/S0165115300004162, Published online: 22 April 2010

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/

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How to cite this article:

A.B. Lapian (1989). V. Indonesian Perceptions of the Colonial Power. Itinerario,
13, pp 77-86 doi:10.1017/S0165115300004162

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 77

V. Indonesian Perceptions of
the Colonial Power
A.B. LAPIAN
(Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia)

The changing cultural climate in Indonesia at the turn of the century can be
demonstrated by the story of a young man, Achmad, who graduated from a
Dutch senior high school (HBS) in 1899. He was the first native student to
pass the final exams at the highest institution of learning (there was none at
university level at the time) in Batavia, the capital of the Netherlands East
Indies. Another young man had completed the same type of education in
Semarang, Central Java, the year before. They belonged to the first genera-
tion of Indonesians schooled in Western ideas and thoughts. Indeed Western
types of elementary education and teacher training school existed in other
parts of the archipelago, but most of them taught in Malay or in the
vernacular. Dutch-language schools at a 'European' level were reserved for
the white section of the colonial society.
When he entered the European Elementary School (ELS) in Batavia in
1893 the young Achmad had to use a 'European' name, Willem van Bantam.
However, when he matriculated for the HBS, circumstances had changed and
he was allowed to use his own name again, and when graduating six years
later he adopted a family name, calling himself (Raden) Achmad Djajadi-
ningrat. But this step provoked a reaction from his father who was at the time
the Bupati (Regent) of Serang in Banten, West Java. Although belonging to
the progressive group of Indonesians in the later part of the nineteenth
century, he thought that using a family name in the Western way was a little
bit too much. He wrote to his son: '[. . .] You know that I am an admirer of
Western tradition and education, otherwise I would not have let you go to
European schools. However, I am not a champion of the idea that we have to
copy that tradition blindly. We must take over only that which is good for us
under the circumstances. For the rest we should try to keep our customs,
which in my opinion are not so inferior, as much as possible [. . .] As you know
we have our own tradition and our own way of choosing family names.'1
The above quotation is a far cry from the suspicious and at times hostile
attitude in Banten four centuries ago when the first Dutch ships anchored in
its harbour, even though they were also welcomed in order to enhance the
international character of its flourishing trade. Even after the Bantenese had
78 A.B. LAPIAN

been expelled in 1619 from Jayakarta, which the VOC re-named Batavia,
there was a section in Banten society that saw the presence of the Dutch
neighbour as a convenient buffer against the expansionist ambitions of
Mataram. 2 And, in the second half of the seventeenth century, the VOC were
good supporters, at least in the eyes of the crown prince, the later Sultan Haji,
in his conflict against his father, Sultan Ageng. However, Sultan Haji had to
pay a high price as, in 1684, the VOC extracted monopoly rights for the
foreign trade of Banten. The final blow came in the early nineteenth century
when the sultanate of Banten was abolished and became part of the territory of
the Dutch East Indies.
If at the time there were readers of the Sajarah Banten (traditional history of
Banten composed in the seventeenth century), they would have agreed with
the prudent position of the anti-Dutch group who compared the early VOC
activities in Java to a little spark of a firefly that should be extinguished at the
start: 'for if it grows into a fire, it will develop into a big conflagration that can
burn the whole forest'.3
But the idea of restoring the old kingdom in all its former glory did not die
out, at least until late in the nineteenth century. Dreams about reviving the old
sultanate played an important part in the peasant revolt of Banten in Cilegon
in 1888.4 Meanwhile a small group of Bantenese were beginning to receive
education along Western lines. Even though at elementary level only,
Western ideas and values began to seep in. The Dutch presence was tolerated
and accepted, Western culture was even admired and appreciated as a means
for (career) advancement. Along these lines the Cilegon revolt was regarded
as a plot by a bunch ofpanatik, (religious) fanatics.5 The use of the word panatik
betrayed an acquaintance with as well as an attachment to Western concepts
and assessments.

The geographical West was referred to in old Indonesian/Malay literature as

'the land(s) above the wind'. The extreme West was called - following Arab
tradition — the Magrib, that is, particularly that part of the Muslim world
where the sun goes down. With, regard to Europe three distinct parts were
known: the land of the Greeks (Yunani), the Romans (Rum), and the Franks
(Feranggi or Feringgi, in Thai: Falang, meaning Western foreigners). So the first
European conquerors, the Portuguese, were called Feringgi or Peringgi, but
later the name Portugis or Portegis appeared as did also Spanyol or
Kastela/Tasikela (Castillians), Holanda/Wolanda or simply Londo, Inggris,
Prancis, etcetera. Later when the Dutch prevailed every white man was called
Belanda while to make a distinction a modifier is added, like Belanda Inggris,
Belanda Amerika, Belanda Prancis, etcetera. They might differ in their ap-
proaches and policies, they also might compete with each other for the most
favoured position in the local markets, yet they were all Infidels in the eyes of
the Muslim population. Until the nineteenth century the Catholic people in
Flores and Solon called the Dutch 'young Christians' (serani muda), in contrast
with the Portuguese who were the 'true' ones (serani betul) .6
PERCEPTIONSOFTHECOLONIALPOWER 79

Early contacts were confined to market places, diplomatic negotiations,

battlefields, and the kind of relations that'gave birth to a 'Strange Company'. 7
It was during these encounters that perceptions and notions about the
colonial powers (or, rather about colonial officers) could have taken shape.
Visits to Europe prior to the twentieth century were very rare occasions so that
it would be safe to conclude that such perceptions must have been formed by
observing the attitudes and behaviour of colonial agents in the field.
In 1602, only four months after the VOC was established, an embassy from
the Sultan of Aceh arrived in Zeeland. The emissaries travelled in a Dutch
ship to witness for themselves that what the Portuguese had told them were
lies,'[. . .] that there were no other white people than the subjects of the King
of Spain and Portugal alone, wherefore they had regarded us as pirates, until
they were later better informed about this'. As, however, members of the
mission did not leave any record, the impressions about their fifteen months'
stay in The Netherlands came from Dutch sources only: ' [ . . . ] the Achinese
again and again expressed their surprise about the cleanliness, orderliness,
and good condition of the places they had visited'.8
Other visits to Europe - such as the Banten mission to London later in the
seventeenth century - also failed to produce indigenous reports that could
serve as sources for this paper. Therefore, we have to rely on writings by
authors whose impressions about the alien power were determined by their
own experiences or from hearsay. The nature of these writings, sometimes in
the form of a syair (rhymed verse), written in the traditional style where an
abundant use of cliches was fashionable, must make the reader cautious when
drawing conclusions. But the repetition of hackneyed phrases should not be
dismissed as platitudes, for they could give us a glimpse of the general opinion
at the time.
Cliches bred stereotypes and sooner or later a picture emerged of VOC
officers who were good fighters, albeit drunkards, and rough in their manners.
They were brave people and could have belonged to the satrya class were it not
for their coarse behaviour. They were also first class traders who were always
on the lookout for profit. They were clever, but more on the shrewd side.9 As an
illustration the story of the buffalo skin was often recounted, a theme which
also occurred in legends about the first European settlements in Southeast
Asia: in good faith the local ruler allowed the foreign (Portuguese, Dutch,
etcetera) trader to build a house on a plot of land the size of a buffalo-skin, but
as the foreigner was smart enough to cut the skin into many parts, he managed
to get a larger piece of land than was intended by the ruler. The next step was
to change the (wooden) house into a building of stone which eventually
became a fort from where they fired at the local people.10
In the same vein were accounts of unfair play in dealings with the local
counterpart such as told in the chronicle of Ternate," but also continued in
later times as in the case of the capture of Diponegoro in 1830 up to the days of
the Revolution as in the event of the North Sulawesi revolt of 1946. '2
However, there were moments when relations were better so that depictions
80 A.B.LAPIAN

of the foreign ruler were not always negative. It also depended on whose side
the author was. In the Sya'ir Kompeni Welanda Berperang Dengan Tjina (Rhymed
Story About the Dutch Company's War Against the Chinese), written after
1746, during the controversy between Van Imhoff and Valckenier the author
clearly sided with the Governor-General Van Imhoff who was 'as brave as a
tiger' (djenderal Himon harimau djantan), 'clever and of noble birth' (tjerdik lagi
bangsawan), of good character {baik boedi), master of sixty languages, and
'skilled in fine as well as filthy tricks' (akalnja haloes kasar poen ada). His
counterpart, Palkenir, although 'slender-waisted and broad-chested with a
charming face and a slender neck' {pinggangja ramping, dadanja bidang, moekanja
manis, lehernja djindjang) was of a 'bad temperament' {djahat pekerti) and
'faint-hearted' {hatinja gojang). Foreign actors are also described in the same
cliches as were the heroes and villains of traditional literature.13
The same is true for the Dutch figures in the Serat Baron Sakendar, a Javanese
story which appeared around the same time (mid-eighteenth century).
Indigenisation went even further as the governor-generals of the VOC were
regarded as descendants of Mur Jangkung (Jan Pietersz. Coen) who was born
of a princess of Pajajaran who was related to the mythical goddess of the
Southern Ocean to whom subsequent rulers of Mataram were linked in
wedlock.14 The story not only tried to explain the presence of the Dutch in
Batavia but also the 'Indisch' acculturation process of VOC society in the
cities.

The big turn came with the arrival of Daendels (1803-1811) who, according to
a Malay story, had the rank of 'Tuan Besar Jenderal Mareskalek Kangjeng
Kang Sinuhun Mangkurat Mangku Buana Junjungan Alam Susunan Dunia
Jagat Jawa' - higher than any Javanese king.15 He is known for the
construction of the main trunkroad, the Grote Postweg, connecting the western
to the eastern part of Java. While on an inspection tour of the project in
Megamendung where the road had to cut through the high mountains of West
Java, he, crossing his arms, explained its purpose to his officials: 'Do you know
why I am building this road from West to East, and why I want to improve
welfare of the people? No? Well, if the country is rame (bustling), the houses
beautiful and the food plenty, the people don't want to go away. Therefore, I
order you to plant rice, coconuts, and potatoes; outwardly the planter is the
owner of it, but actually it is mine. The kings of the dark people do not know
how to get out the treasures which are in the ground, they only know to take
what is left from the chests of their parents, and for the rest they take the
property of their people. However, if there is wealth in the country, the people
will not move out, and they will not go to the forest to make ladang; although
they have to work hard, even with losses, they are attached to their place by
their possessions, and their necks are chained. That is why I want the people
here to get rich, because then I also will be rich.'
When haji's and religious leaders approached Daendels to be exempted
from this forced labour, from working with the common people ('we aresantri
PERCEPTIONSOFTHECOLONIALPOWER 81

who fast and pray, we are not used to this work, we have always been exempt
from doing so'), the Marshall replied with a wry smile but furious with anger:
'You, Javanese, are all Muslim, and according to your religion everybody
must pray and observe the fast, so if I release you because of these obligations,
all of them will request the same. Listen, I do not build this road for myself,
but for the public who will be able to walk easily on their bare feet while I ride
in my coach. Therefore, all of you must work on the road, later you will enjoy
the comforts, including you, santri; moreover you can chant songs of praise at
the foot of the mountain to chase the mountain ghosts away, because many
people have been attacked and killed by these spectres. Everybody, stupid as
well as clever people, cowards and heroes, thieves also, have to work for the
king, as tukang kayu (carpenters), and every wood is of use; there should be
craftsmen of every kind, because if the.people of a country are of the same kind,
that country cannot exist.'
In East Java, when Daendels ordered to be fortified the Straits of Madura
with bastions and cannons, he was asked by certain priyayi who the enemy was
that would invade Java with its tens of millions of people 'while everywhere
your name is feared'. He answered: 'Never should one underestimate his
enemy though he is alone, and never should one trust one's friends completely
though there are a thousand of them.'
If previous writers attributed the success of the Dutch to tricks and other
cunning devices, this author had a more plausible explanation as he let
Daendels say that military art was not better than politics: the best policy for
subjugating countries was to sow discord among the inhabitants; and when
they were opposed against each other, it was easy to conquer their country. 'If
all the kings in Java were in agreement, the Dutch would not be able to rule
them', thus sighed the author who was from Pontianak, West Kalimantan.
But there were also other reasons for the superiority of the Dutch. Daendels
supposedly added: 'You, Javanese, you cannot rule because you sleep too
much, and besides, you sleep with your wives under one klambu (mosquito
net). Now this is most obnoxious; you know that the learned have said that
intelligence and reason are killed between the thighs of a woman. That's why
the whites never sleep with their wives, unless they feel a special need for it.'
The egalitarian principles of the French revolution were put to the test when
Daendels bestowed titles and ranks to commoners. A man from the moun-
tains, Said Bapa Si Salamat, was elevated to the rank of Pangeran Nata
Nagara, with dignified insignia, honorary medals, an umbrella, and 'a black
Christian hat'. The son of the Sultan of Cirebon protested because a man of
such low birth could at the most be called lurah or kliwon, whereupon the
Mareskalek angrily threw his hat on the table and exclaimed: 'loe ini terlahoe
bodoh, goea maoe adjar sama loe' (you are too stupid, I shall teach you a
lesson). 'You are called Soeria Koesoema? You shouldn't accept it, because
the name means a flower caressed by the sun. The higher the flower grows, the
more its fragrance will disappear; so, those who gave you that name have
cheated you. You are so stupid that you don't know where to put your feet
82 A.B. LAPIAN

[. . .] As a matter of fact, what was the origin of the Sultan of Mataram? A

mountaineer who used to plant cassava and taro, Si Pemanah from Pajang!
Since, on his advice, the king ofjinang was killed with the lance pleret, he was
awarded by the Sultan of Pajang with the village of Mataram with 800 people;
when he moved there with 40 followers he carried his own little bundle. Upon
arrival he called himself Kiahi Kedah Mataram, and his descendants were
called sultan! Formerly nobody was called sultan or pangeran, except our God
the Lord; everybody whom He called sultan is sultan [. . .] Mind you, if
somebody's character is good, his name is also good although he is called Si
Berkah or Si Salamat. If I live long enough I shall make another Si Daulat
sultan!'
According to the story, Daendels also appointed various generals: a
coffee-general, a padi-general, a beras-genera\, each with his own task, which
made some Javanese wonder how it was possible that all kinds of people could
be raised to the rank of a general, since during the time of the VOC there was
only one Tuan Jenderal! What then should be the rank of Daendels? His reply:
'I am not a general, but the lord of all generals.' The Javanese: 'Should we
than call you Susuhunan Junjungan Alam Dunia?' The answer: 'Yes,
Susuhunan Kangjeng Kang Sinuhun Mangkurat Mangkubuana.'
But he had gone too far, since that title was too high to be borne by mortals.
It was clear that the end was near. Jangseng (Janssens) appeared to replace
him - a kind-hearted and a loving family man. But he had to flee eastward
from the English. Everybody was still talking about his overland journey to
Semarang, on foot. And then came Raples who ruled wisely over all natives,
and also over all Chinese, Keling, Malays, Balinese, Ambonese, Ternatans,
Buginese, and Macassarese. He held parties every day!
But the English period was not a bed of roses. People had to pay taxes and
the English levied one-third more than did the Marshall, while the latter
demanded two-thirds more than Wiese, and he again more than Alting had
asked in the days of the East India Company. 'Every day ways are sought to
let the money flow from someone's chest into the coffers of the Company [. . .]
And for every foot of the width of a perahu one real had to be paid.'
The 'Daendels' manuscripts are dated respectively 1827 and 1830/1831,
copied by a scribe with the name of Isma'il who worked as a clerk of the
Resident of Riau and who finished his work full of hatred towards the infidel in
the very office of the Resident in Tanjung Pinang. Perhaps more manuscripts
will come to light which will give other views about the colonial power. The
story of Abdullah bin Abdulkadir Munsyi is well known and his flattering
description of Raffles had been quoted time and again, together with his
anti-Dutch sentiments.

In 1894 the French consul in Batavia travelled to Central Java to pay his
respects to the 'Sultan de Djocjokarta et a l'empereur de Sourakarta'. Never
before had a representative of the French gouvernment made such a visit, but
Textension progressive de nos interets en Extreme-Orient et l'importance
PERCEPTIONSOFTHECOLONIAL POWER 83

plus grande qui en resulte pour le Consulat de Batavia me dictaient cette

conduite'. The Dutch, wrote the Consul to his Minister of Foreign Affairs in
Paris (30 October 1894),'6 did not dare to oppress the princes [of the
Vorstenlanden] who were the necessary intermediaries between the Javanese
people and the Colonial Government. 'Depouilles peu a peu de la plupart de
leurs attributs souverains, reduits progressivement au role de rois faineants',
these princes still enjoyed an immense prestige among the Javanese: the
'emperor' of Solo most of all was venerated as a kind of idol or divinity, and his
power extended far and wide over Java, even beyond the limits of the
residency of Surakarta.
The Susuhunan of Solo received the envoy with most flattering regard. He
also declared that he had a great sympathy for France and the French and, on
the contrary, much less for the Germans. He wanted to know how big the
French army was in time of peace and how many troops could be mobilized in
time of war. 'Apprenant que nous pourrions mobiliser 4.500.000 d'hommes, il
s'informa du chiffre correspondant des effectifs hollandais. Le lieutenant
Gout, son aide de camp, lui ayant repondu que l'armee hollandaise serait de
150.000 hommes cette difference parut le frapper et sa surprise fut extreme: il
est probable que, conformement aux principes du Gouvernement Colonial,
Ton entretenait soigneusement l'empereur dans l'idee que la Hollande est la
premiere des puissances europeennes.'
The Consul finished his report by making some observations about the
colonial situation in the Indies. 'Taking into consideration the recent (Dutch)
eclipse in Lombok at the time, the unsuccessful war in Aceh after 20 years of
efforts, it should be permitted to wonder whether the Dutch were strong
enough to keep their immense et merveilleux empire colonial. They (the Dutch)
themselves admitted that they almost feared to lose it and that they feel
menaced by the "greediness" of the Germans and the British.' In these
conditions, said the Consul, 'c'est peut-etre la France qui porte le moins
ombrage a la Hollande, et si pour conserver son empire colonial elle devait un
jour accepter l'assistance ou l'appui d'une nation europeenne, que sait si elle
n'accepterait pas plus volontiers notre aide que celle de ces deux dangereuses
voisines? Veuillezagreer, etc. [. . .] [signed by] Jules Lefaivre.'

Around this time princes from the courts ofJava had gone to The Netherlands
for a European education — beginning with Koesoema Joedha, son of Paku
Alam V who arrived in Holland in 1890 at the age of eight.17 Over the years
more Indonesians arrived for further study since formal education in the
colony stopped at secondary level. Moreover, in Holland, they were free to
practise their spoken Dutch as most colonial officers discouraged the people
from conversing in this language. The colonisers might have been influenced
by Javanese culture which recognized different speech levels for different
classes of society. Use of the more egalitarian Dutch language must be
reserved for the whites only. It is, therefore, a curious fact that the 'right' to
84 A.B. LAPIAN

speak Dutch became an issue in the struggle for equal status by the first
generation of Western educated Indonesians.
In 1899, in a speech before the 25th Dutch Language and Literary
Congress, Sosrokartono (son of the Bupati of Japara who was studying
oriental languages at the University of Leiden) said that at the time only a few
hundred Javanese had mastered the Dutch language. But they could not keep
up and improve their knowledge because the Dutch in the Indies did not like
to speak to their subjects in that language, nor did they want to be spoken to in
Dutch. Sosrokartono's speech, which is most probably the first ever delivered
by an Indonesian at a public gathering in Europe, contained appeals to open
up opportunities 'for the sons of Java so that energies will not be dissipated,
energies which could have rendered the country a service [. . .] We feel it, we
are aware of it, we need, besides rice and dried fish, also food for thinking
people [. . .] We see coaches running without horses over iron tracks; we see
boats making their way through the ocean without sails; we see light that has
not been kindled; we see many things which for us are only miracles and
mysteries [. . .] Let us join hands and let us work unceasingly for our common
interests [. . .] And I see the dawn of a future when, on cool evenings in the
moonlight, the Javanese, accompanied by the lovely sounds of the gamelan,
will send up songs of praise and gratitude in honour of his white brother.'18

It would be a Herculean task to go through all the writings after 1900, and any
selection to be made would be arbitrary. Like in most colonial societies there
were two extreme positions among the colonised people in the archipelago:
those who rejected Western culture altogether, and those who wanted
complete Westernisation. In between there were various forms of middle
groups: employees of the government or European companies who main-
tained their own traditions, people who advocated Western education to
improve their careers, and so on.
In conclusion two quotations will be given to represent the middle group.
The first is from Haji Agus Salim (1834-1954) born in West Sumatra, 'the
grand old man' of the Republic in the early nineteen-fifties and 'Father of the
Indonesian Muslim intellectuals'. He first opted for non-cooperation with the
colonial government, taught his children privately (in Dutch and other
Western languages) as he was against Dutch schools. In an interview given to
a Dutch journalist (February 1927) he was asked to comment on the recent
huruhara (disturbances) in West Sumatra, he said: 'You understand that we
cannot discuss that incident - that is, the uprising, its causes, the way it was
suppressed, and the trials of the protagonists that followed - and that is why
we also cannot voice any harsh criticism against the government, against the
government officials, the police, and the judges. It is a fact that we have not the
right to make a public reproach. Any police officer can arrest us and detain us,
can dissolve our association, and then there will be no way for us to demand
our rights. Our newspapers and our pamphlets may be confiscated without
any explanation, and if later we will protest against it we may not succeed.
PERCEPTIONS OF THE COLONIAL POWER 85

Then comes the court trial! Sir! Although we would like to acknowledge the
virtue of judges for their sense of justice and their good will, I should ask, do
you believe a Dutch judge can discard his Dutch standpoint and his Dutch
viewpoint?'19
The second is from L. Nico Palar (1900-1981), a prominent diplomat born
in North Sulawesi.20 He was resident in The Netherlands from 1929 to 1947
and during this period was an active member of the SDAP. In 1945 he became
a member of Parliament for the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), but when the
first military action against the Republic was launched in 1947 he left Holland
and the party ('Since you are shooting my people, I must go to Indonesia to
shoot your people'). The Syahrir cabinet told him to go to Lake Success where
he became the head of the Indonesian delegation fighting for recognition as a
sovereign state. In an interview in Jakarta 27 years later, reminiscencing
about his activities in the United Nations, he said:
'Some of the most important and convincing arguments I used was that,
firstly, the Dutch are good democrats [. . .] They are not only politicians, but
also good democrats. So to approach this problem [ . . . ] , [is] to make people
understand that Holland cannot help it if they behave in such a way, [that]
they cannot do otherwise since they are good democrats. - and that's true! -
they want to settle important matters in a democratic way. Now, what is the
real democracy? In this case, that they are of the opinion that not only the
Government makes the decision, but the government groups that represent
the Dutch people. So in fact it must be the Dutch people who must speak out in
this matter. Well, I think, it is impossible for the Dutch people to know how
this problem [could be solved]. It is difficult [. . .] [because] from childhood
they had been taught that Holland is a first class coloniser to bring culture to
the Indonesians. So it is difficult for the Dutch people to solve the Indonesian
problem. As a matter of fact, they can't solve it. Secondly, the Dutch are very
legalistic. This is actually one of the expressions of democracy [. . .] So they
want to solve the Indonesian problem according to their Constitution, but the
Indonesian question is not a Dutch question anymore. So it can't be solved
according to the Dutch constitution. The only thing that could happen to their
constitution is that that part concerning Indonesia must explode [. . .] .'2I
86 A.B. LAPIAN

Notes

1 A. Djajadiningrat, Herinneringen van Pangeran Aria AchmadDjajadiningral (Amsterdam/Batavia

1936)84.
2 Hoesein Djajadiningrat, Critische beschouwing van de Sadjarah Banten. Bijdrage ter kenschetsing van
dejavaanschegeschiedschrijving (Leiden, Haarlem 1913) 44.
3 Ibidem.
4 SeeSartonoKartodirdjo, The Peasant's Revolt ofBanten in 1888 (TheHague 1966) 77-79.
5 A. Djajadiningrat, Herinneringen, 61.
6 G. Vriens, 'Wilayah tunggal prefektur-vikariat abad xix awal abad xx', Sejarah Gereja Katolik
Indonesia, vol. 2 (Ende-Flores, Percetakan Arnoldus 1972) 103-104.
7 The expression is borrowed from the title of the doctoral dissertation by Leonard Blusse,
Strange company- Chinese settlers, mestizo women and the Dutch in VOCBatavia (Dordrecht 1985).
8 Quotations are from Cees van Dijk, '1600-1898: Gezanten, slaven, een schilder en enkele
scholieren' in: Harry A. Poeze ed., In het land van de overheerser, I: lndonesiers in Nederland
1600-1950 (Dordrecht 1986) 2-4.
9 References can be found in my previous article, 'The VOC in contemporary Indonesian
writings', MasyarakalIndonesia, vol. xii, no. 2, pp. 135-145.
10 A.L.V.L. vander Linden, De Europeaan in de Maleische literatuur (Meppe\ 1937) 31.
11 P. van der Crab, 'Geschiedenis van Ternate in Ternaatschen en Maleischen tekst beschreven
door den Terhataan Naidah, met vertalingen en aanteekeningen', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-
en VolkenkundevanNed.-lndii, IV-2 (1878)406-407,447.
12 Ben Wovor, Sulawesi Utara bergolak (Jakarta 1985) 94 and 110-111.
13 Van der Linden, De Europeaan, 57-85.
14 For references see my article 'De VOC', 138-139.
15 This section leans heavily on an article by Ph.S. van Ronkcl, 'Daendcls in de Maleische
litteratuur', Koloniaal Tijdschrift 7 (1918) 858-875,1152-1167.
16 'Voyage du Consul de France a l'interieur de Java, a Solo et Djocjokarta, Consulat de France
a Batavia', Gouvt.-General54.195. Archives de France, Aix-en-Provence.
17 Poeze, In het land van de overheerser, 37.
18 Ibidem, 29-32.
19 SeratustahunHajiAgusSalim Jakarta 1984) 322-323.
20 See Peter van Tuijl, 'Mijn positie is helaas niet erg benijdenswaardig' - Nico Palar en de koloniale
politick van de Nederlandse sociaal-democratie, 1930-1947. Doctoraalscriptie GU Amsterdam,
Instituut voor Moderne Aziatische Geschiedenis, 1985.
21 . Interview with L.N. Palar, 27 March 1974, Cassette IV, side b, Oral History Project, Arsip
Nasional RI, Jakarta.