B01 Soma 2000

assemblage home > previous issues > issue 6 contents
ISSN
August 2001 Issue 6
1365-3881
Contents
Editorial
Christiane Meckseper, Helen Evans, Tim Allen
Research Papers
The Archaeology of the clay pipe and the study of smoking
Craig Cessford
Tavernas in ancient Greece c.475-146BC: an archaeological perspective

Clare Kelly-Blazeby
Academic performances, artistic presentations

Yannis Hamilakis, Mark Pluciennik, Sarah Tarlow
Some observations on the concept of 'embedded' and 'disembedded' economies in

archaeological discourse
Chris Cumberpatch
In Defence of the 'Natural Attitude': charting a return from the madness of interpretation
David Webster
A return from madness or a retreat into Cartesianism?

A reply to Webster
Julian Thomas
The unbearable lightness of a Heideggerian meditation: hermeneutic failings and the idle
content of would-be avant-garde theorising
A reply to Thomas
David Webster
Churches as pre-historic ritual monuments: a phenomenological perspective

from Somerset
Nick Corcos
Opinion
'Power of Place': Critique and response
Chris Cumberpatch
Past Conference review:

SOMA 2000
the results of the symposium in retrospective - with abstracts of the papers
Giorgos Vavouranakis and the various conference participants
Reviews
Plants in Neolithic Britain and beyond
edited by Andrew Fairbairn
Helen Evans
Raising the Dead: The skeleton crew of King Henry VIII's

Great Ship, the Mary Rose
by A.J. Stirland
Malin Holst
Human ecology and Neolithic transition in eastern County Donegal, Ireland: The Lough
Swilly Archaeological Survey
by Michael Kimball
Caroline Wickham-Jones
Blood Red Roses: The archaeology of a mass grave from Towton AD 1461
edited by Veronica Fiorato, Anthea Boylston, Christopher Knüsel
Mark Brennand
Geographical information systems and landscape archaeology
edited by Mark Gillings, David Mattingly, Jan van Dalen
Graham McElearney
Contagious Ideas: On evolution, culture, archaeology and Cultural Virus Theory

by Ben Sandford Cullen
Jennie Hawcroft
Top assemblage home
assemblage - the Sheffield graduate journal of archaeology

assemblage@sheffield.ac.uk
Research School of Archaeology and Archaeological Sciences
University of Sheffield
2 Mappin Street
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
updated: 14.8.2001
by: Christiane Meckseper
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> SOMA front page
Read SOMA 2000 - Sheffield Abstracts
SOMA 2000 : the results of the symposium in

retrospective
Giorgos Vavouranakis
F.Braudel argued once that the Mediterranean is not necessarily a single entity, being
divided into smaller worlds, each one with its own particular history and cultural identity,
due to the various peninsulas, gulfs and islands that create separate archipelagi and
basins. This fragmentation was in a way reflected within the multivocality of topics and
approaches in the papers and posters presented at the Sheffield symposium. There was
a significant span in space - from the Iberian peninsula to the Levant - and time (from
early prehistory to well after the Middle Ages), not to mention the various approaches.
The latter covered themes like the construction of epistemological categories and
narratives, artefact analysis within the overall study of past technologies in their social
context, the archaeology of death, the use and meaning of symbols and systems of
signification and the study of past environments and landscapes.
As a result, there were no concrete final conclusions, because there was no central axis
to the discussions, except for a common concern on the issue of identity and the ways in
which the latter can be studied through archaeological remains. This atmosphere
prompted John Barrett in his closing statement to wonder what makes all these people
with so diverse background and topics come together and talk? Is there an undoubtedly
pre-existing Mediterranean identity, or are we trying to forge it for specific reasons? Is
such a venture viable, given the prominence of regional studies and the apparent
fragmentation and why?
An apparent answer is that the Mediterranean is like a coin with two sides. Apart from
any regionalism, there have been cases where this sea basin was considered as a
whole. Whether it was about the Roman propaganda of the mare nostrum, the piratical
ventures of the 17th - 18th century AD, or a common appreciation for the sun, olive oil
and wine, common ground has never been absent. There has always been significant
traffic within the great green sea. This interaction has resulted into the movement of
people, objects and ideas leading to shared ways of life. The Mediterranean is a
multivocal and dynamic area and it is this dynamism that SOMA wishes to bring within
archaeological discussion. Hence, any regional diversity is not to be feared or eschewed,
but rather considered an arena for dynamic exchange of ideas from which everybody has
to gain something, either as direct feedback, or as a widening of horizons. As organisers
of the Sheffield venue, this is the spirit with which we perceived of the various
discussions.
Organising SOMA
SOMA entailed a marathon of practical issues to be solved along the way, and thus a
body of knowledge, which up to now was handed down from previous organisers to the
following committee. Postgraduate students however, are bound to leave their
departments after finishing their studies. This fact made an account of the practical
issues we faced, when we organised the venue at Sheffield, seem necessary for future
reference.
Organising SOMA was a year-round effort, with a few critical moments. First, we had to
prepare a proposal in order to apply to organise the event. This application had to be
ready one year before, at SOMA 1999. Then, the first call for papers had to circulate
before May, during term-time. The second call had to be out after September, again
within term-time. We had to organise the abstracts in sessions during Christmas holidays
and work hard at least two weeks before the symposium, preparing the folders with the
abstracts and the rest f necessary documentation, making final arrangements for the
lecture theatres, A/V equipment and catering for the Friday reception and Sunday lunch.
In addition, there was a daily email communication with people asking for information.
Finally, the preparation of the abstracts for publication was another demanding task.
The above required a devoted group of three people. G.Vavouranakis, D.Catapoti and
M.F.Lane started the effort. When we got tired half way through, we were almost
substituted by E.Nodarou and M.Catapotis. During the final two weeks and during the
symposium, fourteen people were involved in order to ensure that the event run smoothly.
We also had full support by all the staff members in the department, particularly our
supervisors, the head of the department and of course the departmental secretary. The
budget was our main concern. We managed to decrease costs by communicating
through email, advertising the symposium through various discussion lists, and printing at
free access printers. Part of the costs was covered from a departmental grant, and
another part from the bookfare profits. Folder fees made sure that we could even pass a
small amount of money to the next organising committee.
SOMA: assessing the principles.

SOMA is a fragile event, being organised by postgraduate students, without any
permanent supervising committee. Hence the main principles of the symposium have
been up to now handed down from one organiser to the other. This part presents the
Sheffield approach to these principles, for future reference.
SOMA is about the whole of the Mediterranean, and not about selected parts of its
archaeology. The hosts should encourage all contributions, despite their own particular
research interests. The Sheffield venue saw two trends, a major one towards Aegean
prehistory, and a minor one towards Western Mediterranean archaeology. Such trends
should arise out of the participants themselves and not be imposed a priori. In addition,
they should not be used to intimidate other people, either directly or indirectly. The SOMA
hosts have a specific duty for preserving the holistic and dynamic character of the event.
SOMA has to be specifically designed for the needs of postgraduate students, whose
research is not necessarily at the final stage. Contributions in the form of finished papers
are absolutely welcome, but they should not discourage others to come and share their
thoughts about their topic in progress. Furthermore, the tight limit of completing a PhD
within three years - at least for people in the UK - has important repercussions on the
range of activities a postgraduate can attend and the ways in which such work can be
presented. These observations, however, do not hint to a compromise in the quality of the
presentations. On the contrary, standards should be kept as high as possible. It is the
overall character, or spirit, of the symposium that matters here. While the structure and
requirements of a formal symposium should be maintained, emphasis should be placed
upon discussion and exchange of ideas within a critical but positive atmosphere. In the
same vein, the topics of interest announced by the host should always be flexible, in
order to enable people to participate and not force them into pre-bracketed watertight
areas of research. Some inconsistency between the topics and the abstracts received
should be expected and dealt with, by organising sessions again in a flexible way that will
not make any participant - or at least as few as possible - feel isolated.
Publication of proceedings has been one of the major issues at all SOMA events. It has
to be stated, first of all, that all decisions of similar importance should be reconfigured
during each year’s plenary session. Only the participants themselves can decide whether
they want their contributions to be published. However, the character of the symposium
should always be the top priority. An informal postgraduate forum may mean that many of
the contributors cannot afford to present finished papers, either because their ideas are
still in a rough form, or because they may be bound to change within the next couple of
years. In addition, work in progress cannot usually stand external reviewing, which is
usually required for printed volumes. This is due to the form and structure of the texts and
not because of the brightness of ideas or contents in general. Such strategies would
inevitably lead to publish a selection of papers, thus altering the character of the
symposium. Although the trend towards publication has to be respected, this should not
convert SOMA from a discussion forum into a static ground for publishing papers only.
Flexibility should always be kept in mind.
The Sheffield approach to the issue was a publication of extended abstracts in electronic
form, i.e. in the “assemblage”. We thought that an abstract is small enough to be afforded
by most postgraduates in terms of time and effort. Secondly, nobody was forced to give
an abstract. Whoever decided to submit one though had the chance of making his topic
of interest known, without having to expose ideas which may still be premature, in full
extent. These abstracts have indicative character and their publication is supposed to
promote further discussion and exchange of ideas by giving the opportunity to people to
make their ideas known to a wider public, while letting this audience to contact them for
any details too. A publication in assemblage fulfils all formal requirements, since there is
an ISS number. However, electronic journals are still more flexible ways of academic
communication than printed volumes, which look more like casting in stone. In addition,
“assemblage” is the offspring of postgraduate effort, and hence the perfect place to
accommodate another postgraduate event.
Read SOMA 2000 - Sheffield Abstracts
SOMA 2001 - Liverpool

SOMA 2002 - Glasgow
Giorgos Vavouranakis is currently writing up his PhD thesis about burials and the
landscape of Bronze Age Crete, in the Department of Archaeology & Prehistory,
University of Sheffield.
Top Issue 6 contents assemblage home
assemblage - the University of Sheffield graduate journal of archaeology

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
page updated: 16.2.2002
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> SOMA
SOMA 2000 Sheffield

THE 4th SYMPOSIUM ON MEDITERRANEAN ARCHAEOLOGY
SOMA 2000 was held in Sheffield. Here in association with assemblage SOMA presents
abstracts from the 2000 sessions. We hope these abstracts will provide an overview of
current research themes.
SOMA 2000 SESSIONS AND PAPERS

UNDERSTANDING THE PAST
(Discussants: Despina Catapoti and Olia Peperaki)
Ellen Adams (University of Cambridge): History of Minoan Studies: Perceptions of

Homogeneity in Neopalatial Crete.
Maria Relaki (University of Sheffield): Social Arenas in Minoan Crete: Mesara in the
Bronze Age.
Dorella Romanou (University College London): An Approach to Social Organisation on

the Micro-Scale: The Households of Minoan Mallia, Crete.
Michaël Jasmin (Paris 1 Sorbonne): The City-State Political System in the Late Bronze II
and Iron Age I in South Palestine.
Eduardo Sànchez-Moreno (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid): Some Models of Cultural

Contacts in Iron Age Iberia: Hospitality and Inter-Regional Diplomacy.
Erik van Rossenberg (University of Leiden): Discorsi Coll'eta del Bronzo: Making
Conversation with the Bronze Age.
SYMBOLS IN ACTION
(Discussants: Ben Chan and Giorgos Vavouranakis)
Konstantinos Galanakis (University of Birmingham): The Secret World of the Minoan and
Mycenaean Religious Imagery: Reconstructing a Late Bronze Age Aegean Ritual.
Georgina Muskett (University of Liverpool): The Shaft Grave Masks: An Interdisciplinary
Approach.
Helena Tomas (University of Oxford): The possibility of Grammatical Cases in Linear A

Inscriptions.
Michael Lane (University of Sheffield): Textures and Surfaces, Words and Maps: Linear B
as Material Culture and Practice.
Zinon Papakonstantinou and Garrick Thomas (University of Washington): Religion and

Aristocratic Ideology: The Archaic Greek Temple Reconsidered.
Anne Wright (University of Oxford): The Cost of Honours in Classical Athens.
Michael Turner (University of Sydney): Dionysos: Herakles and the Geranomachia.
Katerina Panagopoulou (University College London): ‘Cross-Reading’ Images:

Iconographic ‘Debates’ Between the Antigonids and the Ptolemies During the Thrid and
Second Centuries B.C.
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF DEATH

(Discussants: Krysti Damilati and Dora Georgousopoulou)
Heinrich Hall (University College Dublin): A New Look at Neolithic Cave-use in Crete.
Giorgos Vavouranakis (University of Sheffield): Still Haunted by the Palatial Ghosts.
Brandi Carrier (Univeristy of Sheffield): The Dead in Social Reproduction: Aspects of

Minoan Religious Iconography.
Chrysanthi Gallou (University of Nottingham): Decorated Façades and Wall Paintings in

Mycenaean Chamber Tombs.
Ioannis Georganas (University of Nottingham): Early Iron Age Tholos Tombs in Thessaly.
Kirsten A. Gay (University of Tübingen): Lycian Sarcophagi in the Necropoleis of

Kyaneai, Central Lycia: A Question of Typology and Distribution.
EMBEDDED TECHNOLOGIES
(Discussants: Mihalis Catapotis and Maria Relaki / Elli Hitsiou and Eleni Nodarou / Peter
Tomkins and Emma Wager)
Smadar Gabrieli (University of Sydney): Kitchen Ware - The Definition of Intent: An

Example from Metaponto.
Evangelia Dafi (University of Birmingham): Amphorae and Exchanges in Southern

Aegean in the Late Roman-Early Byzantine Period: New Evidence from Thera.
Georgios Manginis (School of Oriental and African Studies, London): Hagia Koryphe
(Gebel Musa), Sinai, After the Coming of Islam: Pottery Evidence.
Mihalis Catapotis (University of Sheffield): The History of Metal during the Bronze Age in
Crete.
Dimitris Pappas (University of Crete): Constructing the Aegean Late Bronze Age Wall
Paintings.
Peter Tomkins (University of Sheffield): Isolation or Interaction? The Community at

Knossos and the Wider Social Landscape of Early Neolithic Crete.
Jenny Shiels (University of Glasgow/ University of Edinburgh): Replicating the pottery

production process: New Insights into Technology, Technique and Tradition in Cypriot
Pottery.
Paraskevi Stamataki (University of Southampton): Store, Stir and Serve: Do we Know

what Minoan Domestic Pots were used for?
Despina Catapoti (University of Sheffield): Comsuming Ojects, Worlds and Ideas:

Towards an Understanding of the Role and Significance of Craft Goods in Early Minoan II
Crete.
Angela Gray (University of Oxford): Consumption Patterns at the Early Iron Age Sites of
Lefkandi (Euboea) and North Knossos Cemetery (Crete).
Ina Berg (University of Cambridge): Phylakopi on Melos: Local Response to Minoan

Influence.
CONSTRUCTING CATEGORIES AND NARRATIVES

(Discussants: Mel Giles and Giorgos Vavouranakis)
Mercourios Georgiadis (University of Liverpool), The Ethnic Identity of Death in the

Southeastern Aegean During the LH III Period.
Natasha Leriou (University of Birmingham): The Hellenisation of Cyprus: Constructing an

Archaeological Narrative.
Kirsi Lorentz (University of Cambridge): Infant Archaeology: From Material Culture to

Culturally Graded Processes of Maturation.
Elena Isayev (University College London): The Threat of Modern Music Culture and
Ethnic Identity in the Context of South Italy.
Johanna Tzanidaki (University of Southampton): European, Greek, Italian: Three

Identities or Simply One?
RECONSTRUCTING ANCIENT LANDSCAPES: AN INTER-DISCIPLINARY

APPROACH
(Discussant: Michael Lane)
Gianna Ayala (University of Cambridge): Landscape change and the prehistoric
occupation of North-Central Sicily: a preliminary report.
Caroline Hall (University of Sheffield): Tree-Rings: Using them to Understand Woodland

Management Practices in the Pindos Mountains of Northwest Greece.
Antoon Cornelis Mientjes (University of Wales, Lampeter): The Archaeological

Landscape of Sub-recent Pastoralism on Sardinia (Italy): Some Reflections on the
Relevance of Ethnohistory for Regional Archaeological Research in the Mediterranean.
Eleni Nodarou (University of Sheffield): Geoarchaeology within the Site or why do we

keep all these Bags of Dirt.
POSTER SESSION
Matthew Fitzjohn (University of Cambridge): Investigations of Indigenous - Colonial
Interaction in Sicily during the First Millenium BC.
Doortje Van Hove (University of Southampton): Long term modelling of Material and
Symbolic Environments: A GIS Reconstruction of Southern Italy.
Copyright rests with the individual authors.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Relaki
Social Arenas in Minoan Crete: Mesara in the Bronze

Age
Maria Relaki
Research School of Archaeology & Archaeological Science, University of Sheffield,

Westcourt, 2 Mappin Street, Sheffield S1 4DT.
E-mail: m.relaki@sheffield.ac.uk
Under the influence of cultural evolution and through the creation of rigid classificatory
categories of evidence thought of bearing a single meaning, only a limited understanding
of Minoan archaeology has been achieved. By way of contrast, this research will consider
all material culture meanings as fluid and negotiable and will place its focus on: the ways
people constructed space as a social arena where relations between them were played
out; how material culture production and consumption patterns operated as a structuring
principle in this process; how social practices changed or not through time. In addition, by
avoiding the use of traditional categories based on formal characteristics, a new
methodology will be formulated, through which already excavated and published material
will be reassessed. The Mesara was chosen as the geographical focus because it
provides us with a well defined natural and cultural environment which encompasses all
the traditional units of analysis of Minoan archaeology, and with a body of extensively
surveyed, excavated and published archaeological material.
Back to SOMA 2000 abstracts

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Jasmin
Le systéme politique des cités-états au Bronze Récent

II dans le sud de la Palestine
Michael Jasmin
Maison de l’Archeologie et de l’ethnologie. Boite 14. 21 allée de l’ Université. 92023

Nanterre Cedex, France.
E-mail: mjasmin@magic.fr
La Palestine traverse au Bronze Récent une situation socio-politique particulière. Elle fait
l'objet d'un contrôle politique et administratif par l'Egypte du Nouvel Empire, du Bronze
Récent I - III (1550/1500 - c.1130), entraînant des changements profonds au sein de la
société cananéenne. S'ajoute à ce contrôle une minutieuse exploitation économique. La
présence militaire égyptienne reste en revanche plus limitée. Cette perte d'autonomie
constitue l'élément décisif de l'altération du système des cités-états, menant directement
à une instabilité politique, économique et sociale. Les cités-états du Bronze Récent ne
sont pas identiques à celles du Bronze Moyen. Elles connaissent des évolutions dans le
fonctionnement et la gestion administrative du pays, mais non dans leur structure même.
Les continuités concernent le mode de gestion locale du territoire par les cités-états.
L'étude de l'organisation des territoires grace à des cercles de répartition correctement

placés permet de mieux comprendre le fonctionnement global du système des cités-
états. Une organization "parfaite" de ce système hiérarchisé peut être ainsi rendue
visible. Un premier cercle d'un diamètre inférieur à 6 km se caractérise par une relative
absence de sites. Dans un deuxième cercle de diamètre de 6 à 9 km, se situe un nombre
important de sites de taille moyenne et plus petits se répartissant idéalement en
couronne. Ces centres subrégionaux dépendent directement de la cité-état, dont ils
restent placés à faible distance. De ces centres dépendent des villages ou hameaux
situés à moins de trois kilomètres. L'étude des territoires des différentes cités-états du
sud de la Palestine donne ainsi lieu à des constats surprenants.
Chaque zone géographique possède un mode d'organisation et de répartition propre,

permettant d'isoler des entités géo-politiques bien différenciées. Il n'existe pas pour
l'ensemble de la Palestine, tout au moins dans sa partie sud, de système d'organisation
unique. Le système politique mis en place connaît ainsi des adaptations locales
relativement distinctes pour chaque région. Les cités-états de la côte se différencient de
celles de Shéphéla, autant que de celles des monts de Judée ou de la plaine côtière du
Négev. Si d'un point de vue global, une organisation sous forme de cités-états prédomine
pour l'ensemble des zones concernées, dans le détail, le système présente néanmoins
des adaptations particulières.
La géographie ne constitue pas le modèle explicatif de tout domaine territorial mais les
ensembles géographiques appellent chacun des répartitions de sites différentes. D'autres
raisons, d'ordre économique, politique et militaire sont également à l'œuvre. L'étude de
l'organisation et du fonctionnement politique des cités-états de Palestine nécessite donc
une approche permettant d'éclairer l'unicité de chaque territoire.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents>Sánchez-Moreno
Some models of culture contact in Iron Age Iberia:

Hospitality and interregional diplomacy
Eduardo Sánchez-Moreno
Departamento de Historia Antigua, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 28049,

Cantoblanco, Madrid, Spain
E-mail: eduardo.sanchez@uam.es
The purpose of this paper is to analyse two habits of cultural contact among the
indigenous élite of the inner part of Iberia in the Late Iron Age. The first one, hospitality, is
well known although some personal observations will be added; and, secondly,
interregional diplomacy supported on archaeological data, that is actually a much more
recent trend of study.
Hospitality
Teserae hospitalis can be taken as the material evidence for the Celtiberian institution of
hospitality (Diodorus, V, 33). They are small bronze tablets upon which agreements of
solidarity among visitors were inscribed. Approximatley 45 tesserae have been found in
the Meseta territory, ancient Celtiberia, dated between the beginning of the first century
B.C. and the end of the first century AD. The oldest ones represent animals and shapes
with two hands connected, and are written in indigenous script. When there is a sufficient
amount of writing, the tesserae bring together two geographical points: the place where
they appear and the place they refer to. It is possible that these pacts could include inter-
regional agreements relating to aspects such as free circulation of people or commodities
and its protection by the signatory communities. Particularly interesting is the fact that if
we look at the geographical relationship of tesserae´s distribution on a map, some of the
long-distance lines correspond with historical transhumance routes from Medieval times,
the “cañadas reales” or royal drover´s road. In relation to this we have to regard two
important aspects: firstly the link between the settlements of the Iron Age Meseta and the
historical drover´s road; secondly, the fact that stock raising is the main activity and the
capital wealth resource during the Iron Age. The evidence indicates that we have enough
proof to value the cattle as a mobile economical commodity taking part in indigenous
exchange circuits, not only among internal groups but also between northern and
southern regions such as Celtiberian and Iberian interfaces. So, we must start
considering the possibility of medium and long-distance livestock displacements ruled by
pre-Roman élite groups. Although it is not proved that indigenous hospitality texts allude
directly to transhumance practises, they could be seen partly as a hint for the recognition
of similar systems of sociability, interaction and circulation.
Inter-regional Diplomacy
Late Iron Age communities are directed by aristocratic minorities who control both
political and economic powers. This privileged sector appears as a military chiefdom
because of the warlike character reported by classical writers and, above all, due to the
presence of weapons in the most important cremation graves. Warrior tombs contain the
most valuable goods, and have the most monumental burial structures. The traditional
interpretation given to exotic pieces (ritual recipients, Mediterranean pottery, glass
ornaments, orientalizing golden jewels, Iberian weapons) discovered in princely graves
has been the achievement of booty or mercenary activities. Although it could be possible
sometimes, I put forward the argument that some items can be judged as testimonies of
diplomatic contacts developed by indigenous rulers and sealed with gifts. Ethnographical
models show us how goods are used in alliance ceremonies to create social links of
gratitude, equivalence or even dependence. Two archaeological examples will be
introduced in order to interpret some specific pieces as diplomatic gifts.
1) In an aristocratic warrior tomb of the Celtiberian cemetery of La Osera (Ávila) five

bronze plaques belonging to a luxury belt or cuirass were found. It is remarkable to note
that the same plaques have been discovered in a princely tomb of the Iberian cemetery
of El Cabecico del Tesoro (Murcia), about 550 km. to the southeast from La Osera. My
interpretation deals with a diplomatic connection between two different leaders tested by
the exchange of prestige goods such as these belts or curaisses.
2) A particular recipient that could have been used for exchange acts, the so called ritual
braziers (braserillos). The older ones appear in the Iberian coast from the seventh
century B.C. and are explained as Phoenician imports taking part in indigenous funerary
contexts. But in a second moment (fifth-third centuries B.C.) these braziers are adaptated
with a kind of evolution, now as local products made in Iberian workshops. A high number
of these braziers have been discovered in the Meseta territory within cemeteries where
these pieces are included as funerary goods in relevant and wealthy burials. A very
interesting motive frequently appears on the handle of the vessels: an outstretched hand,
or even two, one in front of the other one. Like in some tesserae hospitalis, the notion of
friendship and agreement seems to be expressed iconographically. Taking into account
other informations (exotic character, prestige funerary goods, the anthropolgy of
exchange) I have recently proposed the idea of assuming these braziers as symbolic
materials used specifically to refer to political contacts and exchange ceremonies among
indigenous chiefs. In fact, an evidence for cross-cultural relationships between
Celtiberian and Iberian spheres.
References
As a general and recent study for the culture contacts between Celtic areas and Iberian
regions in Protohistory Spain:
Sánchez-Moreno, E. 1998. Meseta occidental e Iberia exterior. Contacto cultural y

relaciones comerciales en época prerromana. Tesis Doctoral en Microfichas (Microform).
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (Ediciones UAM).
Concerning the debate of Transhumance in Pre-Roman Spain:
Sánchez-Moreno, E. 1998. “De ganados, movimientos y contactos. Revisando la

cuestión trashumante en la Protohistoria hispana: la meseta occidental”, en Sociedades
y fronteras en el mundo antiguo. Studia Historica. Historia Antigua, 16, 53-84.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents>van Rossenberg
Discorsi coll'età del bronzo / Making conversation with

the Bronze Age
Erik van Rossenberg
University of Leiden, Faculty of Archaeology, PO Box 9515, NL2300 RA Leiden, The

Netherlands,
E-mail: erikvanross@yahoo.com
From an evolutionary perspective, past and present societies can be put on a scale that
runs from simple to complex. This perspective has become embedded within
archaeological discourse as a metanarrative of complexity (Rowlands 1989). It has its
roots in the progressive ideology of modernity (Tilley 1990). The primitivity of
contemporary premodern societies could also be found in prehistory, whereas the
complexity of classical antiquity was the mirror-image of modern society. The elsewhere
conflated with the elsewhen. Accordingly, the metanarrative of simple to complex has
become embedded within archaeological discourse under the guise of both periodization
and regionalization, as shown in the case of the Bronze Age in Italy.
Archaeological periodizations (re)produce an evolutionary perspective on human

societies. Periods and evolutionary types of society follow the same progressive
story-line, and thereby form the frame of reference to make sense of past societies.
Traditionally, the origins of social stratification are sought in the Bronze Age, thereby
divided in an Early, Middle and Late part. This tripartite division reinforces its transitional
character (cf. a rite de passage). In the Bronze Age, the simplicity of the egalitarian type
of society in the Neolithic is exchanged for the complexity of the stratified one in the Iron
Age (figure 1). So the metanarrative of simple to complex does seem to operate not only
between Ages but also within them.
Given the progressive story-line, more significance is attributed to the Late Bronze Age.
Peculiar to the Italian situation is the subdivision of the Late Bronze Age in a Late and a
Final stage, which attributes extra significance to the later Bronze Age societies as the
precursors to the complex classical societies. In Italy the study of this trajectory has been
institutionalized as the (sub)discipline of protohistory (cf. the intermediate role of the
Bronze Age in the Greek archaeological situation in Morris 1994).
In the (over)simplification of the conceptualization of increasing complexity (figure 1),

each ensuing period can be described as the nesting of another layer of simple and
complex in the situation of the preceding period. This suggests that the border politics
involved in defining archaeological entities temporally in terms of the metanarrative of
complexity has a spatial counterpart in regionalization.
Within bronze age discourse, Italy is roughly divided in five parts: northern, central,
southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia. The five regional accounts share an evolutionary
story-line of increasing complexity, starting from a more or less egalitarian society and
resulting in a less or more stratified one. When these regional entities are linked or split
up, it is along the lines of the metanarrative of complexity in terms of egalitarian and
stratified types of society (van Rossenberg 1999).
The border politics that define archaeological entities in terms of types of society, involve
material culture as indicators of complexity. These border politics totalize archaeological
entities both temporally (periodization) and spatially (regionalization). Material culture is
totalized into typical material culture, as opposed to ambiguous material culture that is
interpreted when put into practice. Consequently, people feature as mechanisms rather
than actors. They do nothing but linking up otherwise discrete entities. The spacetime
continuum of past practices collapses into the one-dimensionality of (stereo)typical
interpretations of the past in terms of types of society.
The same border politics underlie the (re)production of the Italian archaeological
situation. In Italy the Bronze Age has become the arena where the disciplinary
boundaries between prehistory, protohistory and classical archaeology are (re)produced
in terms of the metanarrative of complexity.
If we want to make conversation with people from the past, we have to (de)construct the
ways in which we have silenced them.
References
Morris, Ian 1994. Archaeologies of Greece. In Classical Greece: ancient histories and
modern archaeologies (ed. Ian Morris) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 8-47.
Rowlands, Michael 1989. A question of complexity. In domination and resistance (One

World Archaeology 3) (eds Daniel Miller, Michael Rowlands and Christopher Tilley)
London: Unwin Hyman, pp. 29-40.
Tilley, Christopher 1990. On modernity and archaeological discourse. In Archaeology

after structuralism. Post-structuralism and the practice of archaeology (eds Ian Bapty and
Tim Yates) London: Routledge, pp. 128-152.
van Rossenberg, Erik 1999. Discorsi coll'età del bronzo. A critical analysis of discourse
on bronze age Italy. Unpublished M.A. thesis in Theory and Methods of Archaeology,
University of Leiden.
figure 1. From an evolutionary perspective

_______________________________________________________
neolithic simple
_______________________________________________________
bronze age simple complex
_______________________________________________________
iron age simple complex
rural urban
simple complex
_______________________________________________________


2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Muskett
The masks from the Shaft Graves in Grave Circles A

and B at Mycenae: an interdisciplinary approach
Georgina Muskett
School of Archaeology, Classics and Oriental Studies, The University of Liverpool

Abercromby Square, Liverpool L69 3BX.
E-mail: g.m.muskett@liverpool.ac.uk
In an attempt to provide a new viewpoint from which to consider the surviving images of
the human form from Late Bronze Age Greece, I have adopted an interdisciplinary
approach to this topic, using recent psychological research into the perception and
recognition of faces by the human brain to supplement the archaeological evidence. This
methodology is demonstrated using the example of the face masks made in precious
metal which accompanied certain of the shaft grave burials at Mycenae (Electrum mask
from Circle B, gr.Γ: Mylonas 1973: no. G362; gold masks from Circle A, grs. IV and V:
Karo 1930-3: nos. 253, 254, 259, 623 and 624).
Separate research projects suggest the presence of cells which are stimulated by
exposure to faces within the temporal lobes of both monkeys (Βruce et al. 1981) and,
even more relevant, humans (Ojemann et al. 1992). Studies with new-born infants have
shown the human brain responds to faces from birth (Johnson et al. 1991), and that
humans possess an innate knowledge of the structure of faces which cannot be
explained by cultural factors. Other projects have focused on the mechanisms by which
humans recognise the slight differences which make each face unique and enable
individuals to be identified. Research using adult subjects suggests that when a face is
recalled, we may be remembering a caricature, which exploits differences between the
subject and an average face (Bruce and Young 1998: 168).
Although it is tempting to consider the masks from Mycenae as originally conceived as

'death masks', lying over the face of the corpse, and providing a likeness of the elite
individuals who incorporated the masks into their grave offerings, the available evidence
suggests this is unlikely, at least for the earliest group of masks. This is suggested by the
findspot of the electrum mask (probably the earliest mask), the fact that the masks do not
appear to have been made to fit over the face, despite the presence of holes near the
ears of certain masks, which seem to indicate they could have been tied around the
head, and the general similarities between the three earliest masks, which are too close
to represent different individuals, even accounting for family likenesses. In addition,
forensic reconstruction of the skull of the individual buried with the electrum mask
indicates the mask is not a portrait of the man whose burial it accompanied (Musgrave et
al. 1995).
There is a possibility that the artist or artists who made the three latest masks attempted
to convey some of the individual facial characteristics of those whose burials they
accompanied. The exaggeration of features, characteristic of the later masks, may have
been an attempt by the artist to ensure recognition of the subject, a technique which
modern psychological research has shown significantly improves the chances of
identification by others.
References
Bruce, C.J., R. Desimone and C.G. Gross, 1981. 'Visual properties of neurons in a
polysensory area in superior temporal sulcus of the macaque', Journal of
Neurophysiology 46: 369-84.
Bruce, V. and A. Young, 1998. In the Eye of the Beholder: the Science of Face
Perception, Oxford.
Karo, G., 1930-33. Die Schachtgraeber von Mykenai, Munich.
Johnson, M.H., S. Dziurawiec, H. Ellis and J. Morton, 1991. 'Newborns' preferential

tracing of face-like stimuli and its subsequent decline�, Cognition 40: 1-19.
Musgrave, J.H., Neave, R.A.H. and Prag, A.J.N.W. 1995. 'Seven Faces from Grave
Circle B at Mycenae', Annual of the British School at Athens 90: 107-36.
Mylonas, G.E., 1973. Ο Ταφικός Κύκλος Β των Μυκηνών: Grave Circle B at Mycenae,
Athens.
Ojemann, J.G., G.A. Ojemann and E. Lettich, 1992. 'Neuronal activity related to faces
and matching in human right nondominant temporal cortex', Brain 115: 1-13.
Back to SOMA Abstracts

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Lane
Textures and surfaces, words and maps:

Linear B as material culture and practice
Michael F. Lane

E-mail: prp97mfl@sheffield.ac.uk
My current research concerns writing a social archaeology of Linear B -- a method of

writing, as well as a corpus of texts -- from the late bronze-age Aegean. By 'social
archaeology', I mean a concern with the complex relationship of informed and situated
practices to material conditions, especially with the reproduction and transformation of
both these practices and their conditions. I concur with recent archaeological theorists
who believe that building an understanding of the situated practices and material
conditions is not peripheral to archaeology, but rather is its central intellectual demand,
given that archaeologists deal with material culture produced in society. I contrast my
approach with archaeological works defining social 'functions' divorced from specific
human agency, which would nonetheless materialise as if by internal logic, as well as with
archaeological typologies of increasing levels of the notional complexity of these
developments. Therefore, when analysing Linear B, I am interested in the writing
system's concrete determinants: the constituent material of the texts, techniques applied
to surfaces, procedures of manufacture and organisation of labour, and social relations
that perpetuated these practices. Most of all, I wish to understand the so called Linear B
'documents' as texts structured in their own right -- as opposed to the mere
representation of spoken language.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents>Papakonstantinou & Thomas
Religion and aristocratic ideology: the Archaic Greek

temple reconsidered
Zinon Papakonstantinou and Garrick Thomas
Department of History, University of Washington, Box 353560, Seattle WA 98195, U.S.A.

E-mail: zpapak@u.washington.edu
polis@u.washington.edu
Traditionally the presence of the archaic Greek temple is considered to be an indication

of the communal aspect of the Greek poleis. By examining the evidence regarding
archaic Greek sanctuaries (urban, rural and panhellenic) this paper raises a number of
issues that have not been satisfactorily, in our opinion, addressed in previous scholarship:
is archaic temple construction a reflection of developed poleis? What did the temple
represent, on the communal and personal level? Can individual attitudes, as registered in
religious practices, reveal something of the social dynamics of the societies in question?
We argue that the archaic Greek temple was an ideologically dominated space, an arena
where social relationships were constantly asserted and negotiated, a reflection, in many
respects, of the dominant aristocratic ethos of the period.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Panagopoulou
'Cross - reading images': Iconographic 'debates'

between the Antigonids and the Ptolemies during the
third and second centuries B. C.
Katerina Panagopoulou
University College, London.

E-mail: kaferina@hotmail.com
This paper aims to explore patterns of the ongoing rivalry between the Antigonids and the
Ptolemies for control of the Aegean during the third and second centuries BC. It is here
argued that coins, bearers and transmitters of the ideology of an issuing authority
alongside their practical use, effectively complement the literary and other documentation
regarding the political claims of the two rivals. The diachronic development of
numismatic iconography and its manipulation by both conflicting parties are analysed and
contrasted, in order to reveal a prolific network of transmission and transformation of
royal �ideologies� in the Eastern Mediterranean.
In practical terms, in order to project their Panhellenic pretensions internationally, both the
Antigonids and the Ptolemies adopted a generally similar repertory of symbols. Both
initially attached emphasis to their Makedonian origin through the adoption of Athena
Alkidemos of Pella on the reverse of both the transitional silver tetradrachms of Ptolemy I
and later on the main silver tetradrachm type of Gonatas. However, soon the Ptolemies
abandoned this symbol, along with the ambition to recreate the reign of Alexander the
Great (Morkholm 1991: 64, no. 92). A possible circumstantial use of the Makedonian
shield symbol by the Ptolemies was followed by the Antigonids, who promoted the
Makedonian shield to their dynastic badge per se on their silver coinage from an early
stage.
Even so, relating to the history of the two major sanctuaries, Delphi and Delos, the
Antigonid numismatic iconography reveals an ongoing 'debate' between Ptolemies and
Antigonids vis-a-vis Greek sovereignty. Focus in this paper will be shed on two major
themes dealt with by both dynasties, the Celtic invasion of the 270s and thalassocracy.
In the case of the Antigonids, Pan on the Makedonian shield not only stresses the
participation of Gonatas in the defence of Delphi (279 BC) and on his definitive victory
over the Celts in Lysimacheia (277 BC). He also echoes the Panhellenic victory over the
Persians at Marathon (490 BC). Most importantly, Pan emphasises the participation of
the Makedonians in the Panhellenic resistance to the barbaric invaders in the 270s at
Delphi, from which the Ptolemies, alleged protectors of the freedom of the Greeks, were
absent (Morkholm 1991: 134-5, no. 430). On the other hand, the Celtic shield symbol on
the reverse of the Ptolemaic silver tetradrachms (Morkholm 1991 101, no. 284)
presumably referred to the unsuccessful mutiny of Ptolemy's Celtic mercenaries in 275
BC. This, along with the representation of Ptolemy II fighting on the side of Apollo
against the Celts in Kallimachos' Hymn 4 to Delos, illustrates the urge of the Ptolemies to
respond to the provocation of their opponents.
In regard to sovereignty and thalassocracy, aimed at by Ptolemies and Antigonids alike,

the parallelism by Sextus Empiricus of Ptolemy with Zeus and of Gonatas with Poseidon
(Adversus Mathematicos, I.276) is echoed in the eagle symbol on the Ptolemaic silver
tetradrachms (Morkholm 1991: 66, no. 97; 102-11) and in the head of Poseidon, which
occurs on the obverse of the second tetradrachm type introduced by Antigonos Gonatas
after his naval victory over the Ptolemies off Andros (246 BC; Morkholm 1991: 135,
nos.436-7; cf. Paschides 1998). Later, the tentative identification of Philip V with Zeus
through the appropriation of the eagle symbol on the reverse of his individual tetradrachm
type is only legitimised by the decline of the Ptolemaic Empire during the second century
BC. This change of iconographic symbols aligns itself with the new balance of powers in
the Hellenistic Mediterranean, until its final take-over by Rome. It also demonstrates the
significance both dynasties attached to numismatic iconography in the course of this vivid
game of powerchase.
References
Morkholm, O. 1991. Early Hellenistic Coinage, Cambridge: University Press.
Paschides, P. 1998. 'Ποσειδώνες και Αντίγονοι. Παρατηρήσεις στη νοµισµατική µαρτυρία

για τη ναυτική µαρτυρία του Αντίγονου Γονατά και του Αντίγονου Δώσωνα', Αρχαιογνωσία
9, 233-257.
Back to SOMA 2000 Abstracts

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Vavouranakis
Still haunted by the palatial ghosts

Giorgos Vavouranakis

E-mail: g.vavouranakis@sheffield.ac.uk
The poor Cretan burial record of the first half of the second millennium BC (Middle
Minoan IB - Late Minoan IB) is the “ghost” of Minoan prehistory. Around thirty
protopalatial and thirty more neopalatial burial sites contrast to both the rest of the
contemporary sites and burials from other periods. In addition, the way of interment itself
left very few traces, with the dead body crouched in a clay coffin (larnax or pithos), with
very few accompanying objects and placed in the ground without any prominent markers.
This paper wishes to review current approaches on the issue. These burials cannot be a
mere reflection of social phenomena of urbanism and individualism, brought about with
the emergence of the Minoan palatial elites (see Branigan 1970: 178). On the other hand,
the shift in burial customs cannot be considered within an isolated field of supernatural
beliefs about death either (see Petit 1990). Instead, we should see the low visibility of
these monuments from a more holistic point of view, as part of the overall landscape.
This landscape drew together diverse issues and values, from the most mundane
problems of everyday land use, to overarching cosmologies (Barrett 1999). The burials
were part of this network of movement around and between different areas of the
landscape and at the same time different fields and sets of value and practice.
The protopalatial period can be described as “open”. The greater scale of agricultural
exploitation, in accordance to the intensified networks of social interaction (Halstead
1982), changed Crete. The prepalatial landscape punctuated with certain points of
reference (settlement and cemetery) became more of a continuum, encompassing a
wider variety of human presence (peak sanctuaries, roads, watchtowers, settlements,
palaces). The increasing open dispute or even conflict that possibly lead to the formation
of the palaces (Watrous 1994: 718-722), created significant fluidity of choices and
readings of the same landscape. However, this openness of human activity was
expressed through a vocabulary where human intervention became second to the
existing form of the world and the way it appeared to the Cretans. This is implied by
“naturally” demarkated peak sanctuaries and pottery decorated with naturalistic motifs.
The tombs were probably part of the trajectory that forged a new perception of “nature”
and the world. They became less visible to give way to the “natural” prominence. The
emphasis thus shifted from past to present and from the periodically visited cemeteries to
the quotidian rhythms of life. Maybe it became more important to wear a dagger, than
being buried with it, and work the land than protect it as an ancestor.
The neopalatial period saw everyday reference points like the palaces, the sanctuaries
and roads acquire more elaborate architectural form, while new ones, the villas, added to
the same trajectory. This institutionalisation followed an opposite direction with the tombs,
which become even less visible. A few exceptions can be approached as an effort to
borrow resources from the field of death and burial to make more effective claims in other
arenas of action.
Finally, the above interpretative specificities do not claim to be exclusive. Other readings
could have been enabled too. The main aim of the paper was to show that even negative
evidence can be used fruitfully. This can be achieved through a holistic approach beyond
past categorisations between classes of materials and isolated, general social processes.
References
Barrett, J.C. 1999. Chronologies of landscape. In The archaeology and anthropology of
landscape: Shaping your landscape. Ucko, P. and Layton, R. (eds). London: Routledge,
21-30.
Branigan, K. 1970. The foundations of palatial Crete. London: Routledge.
Halstead, P. 1992. Agriculture in the Bronze Age Aegean: towards a model of palatial
economy. In Agriculture in Ancient Greece. Proceedings of the seventh international
symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-17 May, 1990. Wells, B. (ed).
Stockholm: Acta Instituti Regni Sueciae Series in 4o, XLII, 105-117.
Petit, F. 1990. Les jarres funéraires du minoen ancien III au minoen récent I. Aegaeum 6,
29-57, pls. VII-XV.
Watrous, L.V. 1994. Review of Aegean prehistory III: Crete from the earliest prehistory
through the protopalatial period. American Journal of Archaeology 98, 695-753.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Gallou
Decorated façades and wall paintings in Mycenean

chamber tombs
Chrysanthi Gallou
Department of Archaeology
University of Nottingham
University Park, Nottingham NG7 2RD.
E-mail: acxcg@nottingham.ac.uk
At least 12 chamber tombs in the Argolid and Boeotia have painted stuccoed façades
and one in Thebes bears painted decoration inside the chamber. Scholars have argued
that this could be attributed to the designer’s taste or the owner’s wealth or, most likely,
that they imitate more magnificent prototypes, such as the tholos tombs. This paper
intends to review the iconographic evidence from these chamber tombs and examine the
use of the iconographic conventions as a statement of social display and status. The
author of this paper proposes that they were utilised as a symbol of status associated
with the cult of the dead.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Georganas
Early Iron Age tholos tombs in Thessaly

Ioannis Georganas
Department of Archaeology
University of Nottingham
University Park, Nottingham NG7 2RD
Email: acxig1@nottingham.ac.uk
Thessaly is one of the regions in Greece where we have the continuous construction and
use of tholos tombs during the Protogeometric (PG) and Geometric (G) periods (ca.
1100-700 BC). So far, 41 PG-G tholos tombs have been reported, though most of them
are not fully excavated or properly studied.
This paper mainly examines the architecture of the tholos tombs and also attempts to
throw some light on issues involving topography (mortuary landscape vs inhabited
landscape), Mycenaean influence, and burial customs.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Gabrieli
Kitchen ware - a definition of intent (a case study from

Metaponto, Southern Italy)
R. Smadar Gabrieli
Classical Archaeology, A14

University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia
+61 2 9351 6707
E-mail: smadar.gabrieli@plato.arts.usyd.edu.au
This is a study of kitchen ware. Kitchen ware was defined, following Prudene Rice’s
definition of domestic containers Rice, 1987: 208), as: (a) short term storage; (b) short
distance transport; (c) food processing without heat; (d) food processing with heat. The
pottery in question comes from a Roman Republican pottery workshop in the territory of
Metaponto, in Southern Italy, which was excavated by Professor Carter from The
University of Texas in Austin.
The aim was to understand manufacturing techniques, and the way in which the potters
adapted the vessels to their function through both their shape and their fabric. The
underlying assumption was that in the manufacture of kitchen ware, considerations of
ease of manufacture, and the desired qulaities of the finished product are primary, and
fashion considerations are minimal. Acknowledging that there are many ways to adapt a
vessel to specific function, I tried to develop a method that will allow the understanding of
local solutions to general problems.
Method
In the first stage, functional types were defined according to the shapes of the vessels;
then fabrics were defined according to technological attributes; finally the two type sets
were correlated.
Results
Types of vessels according to shape:
Three types of jugs were defined: with long narrow neck; with wide neck; with wide mouth
and no neck (a+b, see footnote)
Bowls and mortars (c)
Casseroles, pans, Pots/jars and Baking covers (d).
Three of the types could have multiple designated function: Jugs with wide mouth can be
used as cooking pot, when they have round rather than ring base; the use of mortars
solely for pounding has long been debated; pots/jars with flat base may be used for
cooking or storage.
Types of fabrics:
The definition of the fabrics followed the stages of manufacturing. Type of inclusions
represented the choice of raw materials; quantity and size of inlusions represented the
forming; hardness and porosity - the firing.
The results were two groups of fabrics, one (referred to as ‘normal’) with quartz as major
component and feldspars, rock fragments, chert and mica as secondary components; the
other had, in addition, calcium carbonate inclusions (micrite), that constituted at least
25% of the inclusions. Each group included fabrics with 10+% inclusions (quantity which,
judging by the cooking vessels, the potters considered necessary for the vessel to
withstand heat stress), and fabrics with less than 10%. Fabrics with 10+% were further
divided to hard and to soft and porous.
Correlation of the type sets

There is strong correlation, which can be explained on both functional and technological
grounds, between cooking vessels and ‘normal’ fabric with 10+% inclusions. Another
strong correlation, with no apparent functional or technological reason, is between deep
bowls and micrite containing fabrics.
Jugs were manufactured in nearly all fabrics. Soot marks were found on wide mouth jugs
made of 'noraml' with 10+%.
The mortars were manufactured with hardly any inclusions, except for an occasional
cluster of large ones at the base inside. They can be divided to soft and hard fabrics.
Re-interpretion of the function of the ambivalent shapes:

The strong preference for ‘normal’ fabrics with 10+% inclusions combined with the
avoidance of micrite fabrics in the manufacture of cooking ware, may help to distinguish
the function of fragmented jugs with wide mouth.
Mortars with soft fabric should be excluded as pounding vessels.
In pots/jars correlation with fabric does not allow re-interpretation: all are manufactured
from the same fabric, which seems to be the most convenient to work with and the most
suitable for withstanding heat stress. This ambiguity may reflect a reality of multi-
function.
In conclusion, I suggest that defining fabrics according to criteria which are meaningful in
terms of function and manufacturing technology is a useful way of approaching the
construction of a typology for coarse ware. Though not solving all problems, this method
provides means to interpret the use of some multi-functional shapes, and thereby achieve
a better interpretation of fragmentary material.
References
Rice, P. M. 1987. Pottery analysis. A source book. Chicago.


2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Dafi
Thera and exchanges in the southern Aegean in Late Antiquity:

Pottery evidence from a new site at Perissa
Evangelia Dafi
Thisseos 200, Athens GR 176 75, Greece

E-mail: evidafi@hotmail.com
During Late Antiquity the Aegean Sea had an advanced network of maritime routes, used
by traders, pilgrims and the military, where islands and coastal sites were used as
stations, which remained in use in the Byzantine period. Even small settlements could
have a relative importance when located on the course of these sea-ways. In the
southern Aegean Late Roman coastal sites were flourishing. Many of them had
production and trade functions, including exportation and redistribution of basic goods in
amphorae . The coastal settlement at Perissa, Thera, was a flourishing town in Late
Antiquity, as recent excavations have shown, having revealed a large Christian basilica,
parts of the settlement and an extensive cemetery. Thera is a small island with little
production of goods that could be exported in large scale , but its coasts to the south
could serve as a good navigation station for regional and interregional trade. Fieldwork
on the island has revealed information which led to interesting conclusions as well to
more questions with need of further investigation on the following aspects:
1. Regional exchanges: the burial amphorae from the cemetery indicate connections
with other Aegean sites from the 1st to the 8th century AD. The bulk of the finds
introduce us to a range of fine variations of one form, generally accepted as of Aegean
origin, and in particular from Crete. Its continuous presence and its predominance to all
other amphorae finds (68% of the amphorae) testifies to an intensive regional trade in the
Aegean.
2. Inter-regional exchanges. The Western vessels' importations cease in the 3rd century
AD., when north African amphorae appear from Cyrenaica, Tunisia and -less-
Tripolitania. It's proved that the above mentioned Cretan/Aegean amphora type was also
produced in Cyrenaica, whose contacts with Crete had a special character, probably due
to the administrative link berween Crete and Cyrenaica and to favourable travelling
conditions (winds and currents) in this part of the Mediterranean Sea.
3. Shifts in exchange patterns around the 5th century AD. led to an increasing flow of
Eastern amphorae towards the capital. The lack of the common, in other Aegean sites,
Eastern amphorae at Thera, indicate that Perissa was not used as a station or an
importation or redistribution destination of goods from the Near East.
4. As for the production of the island itself, the intensive cultivation of wheat, olive trees
and wine is noted on a taxation inscription , while Theran saffron and a mixture of pulse
and wine were luxury products that could have been exported, though in limited
quantities. Intensive cultivation of basic products is evident also from other sites in the
Aegean, and it should point to the gradual change of the taxation system, which included
the payment of taxes in basic goods rather in money, leading to the expansion of land
cultivated and to the development of relevant methods .
5. These changes influenced the character of exchanges in the Aegean, which, from the
5th century onwards was divided in two zones , regarding foodstuff importation, as
recorded from the amphoric evidence: a) The north-eastern Aegean, with exclusive
contacts with the Syria, South Cilicia and the Near East, and b) The southern Aegean,
with a larger variety of importations and an intense regional trade. A large part of the
products of local production or redistribution sites were canalised to the routes leading to
the capital.
6. Evidence from seals and amphora finds indicate that exchanges continued to exist in
the Southern Aegean after the second half of the 7th century, when a dark period started
for the islands near the western coasts of Minor Asia. The question remains in what
extent old regional and inter-regional routes were used, how can their role be defined,
and, how far sites such as Perissa contributed as production sites and navigation
stations for the whole period from Late Antiquity to the Byzantine "Dark Ages".

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Manginis
Hagia Koryphe, Sinai, after the coming of Islam: The

pottery evidence
George Manginis
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London

21 Xenofontos Str. GR-185 43, Pireaus, Greece
E-mail: g.manginis@excite.com
111960@soas.ac.uk
The paper focuses in the glazed pottery and lamp shards unearthed from the site of
Hagia Koryphe (Jebel Musa, Mose’s Summit) on Mount Sinai, Egypt. An attempt is made
to link this material to the historical outline provided by written sources.
The first to develop an interest in the 2300m-high Hagia Koryphe seem to have been the
Nabateans: the steps that lead to the summit could be their work. Although no pottery
has yet been identified, there is a considerable number of Nabatean inscriptions round
the site. An edifice earlier than the 6th century came to light during excavation and it is
not improbable that its earlier building phase is Nabatean (a sanctuary?), although it is
equally plausible to attribute it to early Christian hermits (who identified Hagia Koryphe
with the biblical Mount of the Law); the E-W orientation seems to support the latter
attribution.
By the middle 6th century the emperor Justinian ordered a fortified monastery and a
basilica church within its walls to be built at the foot of Hagia Koryphe. From this point
onwards the history of the summit is linked with that of the monastery that would later be
called St. Catherine’s. A little later a second basilica was founded on the summit and
decorated with mosaics and opus sectile.
By 640 the Arabs invaded Egypt but the monastery managed to survive and prosper.
Inscriptions and lamps dating to the 8th and 9th century testify that Hagia Koryphe was a
pilgrim site. Tradition and written sources insist that no monks resided there and the
relative absence of tablewares seems to verify that. Sometime from the 7th century on
the basilica must have been destroyed, possibly due to an earthquake.
During the 11th or early 12th century, a mosque is recorded to have been built on Hagia
Koryphe, using the granite blocks of the ruined church. In Bernhard von Breidenbach’s
account of his pilgrimage (1483) and several later works a minaret (probably more than a
symbolic allusion to a mosque) is illustrated -although it did not survive to the 19th
century; however, the main building remains. The percentage of late Fatimid and Mamluk
material is substantial and it seems that building activity coincided with a stronger interest
in the site: green-glazed lamps predominate (fig.1), being indispensable companions of
pilgrims, both Christian, mainly from western Europe or the Crusader states, and Muslim
(on ziyara, local pilgrimage). On Hagia Koryphe there were now two chapels –one for the
Orthodox and one for other Christian doctrines.
In the 18th and 19th centuries a wave of enthusiasm for “sinaitic” inscriptions – relics of
the Exodus according to biblical scholars of the time- renewed the interest in Sinai.
Cartographers, naturalists and travelers roamed the desert and must have carried with
them shards of transfer-printed pottery (fig.2).
By 1935 the monks decided to build a new church: it is unfortunate that most
archaeological deposits were razed to the bedrock, therefore stratigraphy was practically
destroyed. In recent times tourists from all over the world poured into Sinai and Hagia
Koryphe to an almost devastating degree. The Bedu permanently settled on the summit
and must have brought small porcelain teacups and dishes.
The excavation is part of a University of Athens’ project that was undertaken in 1998
thanks to the initiative and support of the Monastery of Saint Catherine. Members of the
project: Directors: Professors M. Panagiotidi and S. Verti-Kalopissi. Archaeologists: N.
Fyssas, G. Manginis and G. Foukaneli. Architects: P. & M. Koufopoulou.
Figure 1: Egypt, Sinai, Hagia Koryphe. Green-glazed lamp: Egypt, late Fatimid –
early Mamluk period, 12th-13th centuries.
Figure 2: Egypt, Sinai, Hagia Koryphe. Shards of transfer-printed pottery: England

(?), 19th-20th centuries.
References
Αµάντου, Κ. 1953. Σύντοµος Ιστορία της Ιεράς Μονής του Σινά, Θεσσαλονίκη.
Eckenstein, L. 1921. A History of Sinai, London.
Eutychios 1985. Das Annalenwerk des Eutychios von Alexandrien, Ubersetzt von
M.Breydy, Lovanii.
Forsyth, G. and Wetzmann, K. with Sevcenko, I. and Anderegg, F. 1973. The Monastery
of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai: The Church and Fortress of Justinian: Plates, Ann
Arbor.
Kallner-Amiran, D.H. 1950-51. «A Revised Earthquake-Catalogue of Palestine», Israel

Exploration Journal 1: 223-246.
Κουφόπουλος, Π. 2001. «Νέα στοιχεία για την αρχιτεκτονική της ιουστινιάνειας βασιλικής
και των παρεκκλησίων της Αγίας Κορυφής του Όρους Σινά», Σιναϊτικά Ανάλεκτα 1
(forthcoming).
Marx, Ε. 1977. «Communal and Individual Pilgrimage: The Region of Saint’s Tombs in
South Sinai» in Regional Cults, Werbner, R.P (ed), London: 29-51.
Moritz, B.1918. Beitrage zur Geschichte des Sinai-Klosters in Mittelalter nach Arabischen
Quellen, Berlin.
Παναγιωτίδη, M., Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Σ., Φύσσας, N., Μαγγίνης, Γ. και Φουκανέλη, Γ. 2001.
«Ανασκαφή στην Αγία Κορυφή του Όρους Σινά (Gebel Musa): Προκαταρκτικά
πορίσµατα», Σιναϊτικά Ανάλεκτα 1 (forthcoming).
Schiller, Ε. (ed.) 1981. Jerusalem & the Holy Land in old Engravings and Illustrations
(1483-1800), Jerusalem.
Stone, Μ.Ε. (ed.) 1992. Rock Inscriptions and Graffiti Project: Catalogue of Inscriptions,
Vols. 1-2, Atlanta.
Back to SOMA Abstracts

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Catapotis, M
The history of metal during the Bronze Age in Crete

Mihalis Catapotis

E-mail: m.catapotis@sheffield.ac.uk
The appearance of the palaces holds a central place in the archaeology of Bronze Age
Crete. This historical ‘episode’ has always been considered to reflect a shift from the
simple societies of the Prepalatial period to complex ones, which featured differentiation
of labour and social status, and a centralised economy controlling the production and
movement of goods. Recent studies, however, have questioned this rigid distinction in
two ways: (i) by demonstrating that the Prepalatial period was more complex than
previously assumed and (ii) by showing that, rather than imposing a radically new order,
the palaces manipulated pre-existing social practices to legitimise their role in society. In
the same vein, the present paper will explore the social transformation brought about by
the appearance of the palaces from the viewpoint of metal production, exchange and
consumption. By adopting a diachronic framework, encompassing archaeological and
scientific evidence for all metal-related social activities, I will explore how metalworking
was practised through time and how the different technological traditions were formed
and changed in relation to shifting depositional behaviours from the Prepalatial to the
Palatial period.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents>Pappas
The technology of construction of the Late Bronze Age

wall paintings in the Aegean
Dimitris Pappas
Department of History and Archaeology, University of Crete, Rethymnon, Galos Campus,

74100, Rethymnon, Crete, Greece.
E-mail: pappas@students.phl.uoc.gr
prp97dp@yahoo.com
It is true that during the last thirty years there have been a plethora of studies about the
Minoan wall – paintings. The majority of them range their concern from social structure to
religious matters and observations regarding the fauna and the flora of the Bronze Age
Period in the Aegean area. Technical aspects of the paintings themselves are a lesser
concern. The present paper is mainly concerned with these latter aspects by
summarizing the existing research, presenting the technical achievements of the Minoan
painters and trying to identify the painting techniques employed and the nature of the
pigments. In addition, there is a brief discussion about the transformation of this craft to
an art, the similarities and the differences between the way of construction of the Minoan
and the Egyptian wall – paintings, and the reasons that cause the disappearance of this
art by the end of the Mycenaean civilization.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Tomkins
Isolation or interaction? The community at Knossos

and the wider social landscape of Early Neolithic Crete
Peter Tomkins

E-mail: pdtomkins@yahoo.co.uk
Despite almost a century of study, the Early Neolithic of Crete (c.6500-c.5000 BC)
remains poorly understood, restricted in its definition to the site of Knossos. Despite the
best efforts of excavation and survey, archaeologists have claimed EN occupation for
fewer than five other sites, none of which constitute a continuous sequence. Thus,
Knossos over time has come to assume greater and greater archaeological importance.
However the principal consequence of this has been the development of a notable
Knosso-centric bias to current theories/models for EN Crete:
(i) Empty landscape theory: Knossos as main site of occupation, with at most temporary
occupation of surrounding landscape; (ii) total local production: ceramic production
confined to Knossos; (iii) model of radiating mobility to explain procurement of non-local
raw materials; (iv) Knossian isolation: ceramic styles considered to demonstrate an
isolation from the rest of the Aegean.
These ideas are now challenged by the results of a doctoral research project into EN
ceramic production and consumption at Knossos. Macroscopic examination of fabric,
form and finish, followed by selective sampling for petrographic and SEM analysis,
revealed a rich variety of clay paste technologies, which relate closely to morphological
and stylistic groupings, and whose mineralogy/style indicates a variety of sources: some
local to Knossos, but many from elsewhere on Crete, with even some from off-island.
These results demonstrate that:
(i) Knossos was one of many permanent small-scale farming communities distributed
around Crete; (ii) production at a wide variety of locations; (iii) procurement of non-local
raw materials and finished goods explicable in terms of exchange between communities
participating in an extensive social network; (iv) Knossos in direct/indirect contact with
communities both on Crete and elsewhere in the southern Aegean.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Stamataki
Attitudes to Minoan pottery: A case study from

Kommos
Paraskevi Stamataki
Department of Archaeology, University of Southampton, Southampton SO17 1BF.

E-mail: ps399@soton.ac.uk
It can be difficult to disagree on that, up to now, emphasis on Minoan pottery has been
laid mainly on the study of its form and decoration, and its main use for archaeology has
been for relative dating. It is also true that Minoan research has persistently
concentrated on discussing the theme of Minoan trade, together with the other favourite
theme, the role of the ‘palatial’ institutions. Taking these issues under consideration, this
paper aimed to serve as a concise overview of the way archaeologists have approached,
analysed and interpreted the pottery of the Minoan Civilisation, as well as to make
suggestions for alternative ways in which Minoan pottery could be studied more in-depth
and from different aspects, examining as a case study the important domestic site of
Kommos.
The way the pottery assemblage from Kommos has been dealt with, made it clear that a
conspicuous part of its interpretation followed the traditional pottery analysis approach.
The examination of form and style together with the theme of trade and foreign contacts
prevailed. Viewing, however, the archaeological approach to this pottery on the whole,
suggested that the traditional attitude towards Minoan ceramics is now evolving. Minoan
ceramic studies have started to concentrate not only on traditional themes of
interpretation and analysis, but also on recently touched upon interpretation themes, such
as pottery function and social significance, as well as on modern scientific methods of
analysis, such as petrological and quantification analysis. This changing interpretational
approach could potentially provide an insight in neglected aspects of Minoan life and offer
valuable information that archaeologists could not have obtained using the traditional
tools of pottery analysis. Nevertheless, through this examination it also became quite
apparent that a lot more in-depth research, common strategy and collaboration is needed
in order for these recently touched-upon pottery themes and analytical methods to
contribute to any reliable and meaningful knowledge on the socio-political life of the
Minoan people.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Catapoti, D
Consuming objects, worlds and ideas: towards an

understanding of the role and significance of craft
goods in Early Minoan II Crete
Despina Catapoti

E-mail: prp97dc@sheffield.ac.uk
There now exists a growing body of literature on Early Bronze Age Crete which
acknowledges that the concept of past consumption can make a substantial and original
contribution to our understanding of the early history of the island. In the recent years,
studies of different sets of craft production (such as ceramic, lithic and metal items) have
demonstrated that consumption should not be viewed as an end-point in the biography of
an object; material goods are always in motion (i.e. they are constantly put in and/or
taken out of circulation) and this travelling through space and time has the potential of
transforming their role and meaning quite significantly. Current studies of consumption
strategies in Early Minoan Crete have begun to consider the conditions under which such
transformations take place; however, these attempts have been restricted to a large
extent either to a specific material (i.e. obsidian) or a specific category of material culture
(i.e. pottery). The purpose of this paper is to produce a synthesis of the new evidence
and to offer some further suggestions and comments this time by laying emphasis on
various forms of craft production deriving from the Early Minoan II (a-b) period.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Gray
The application of value ratings to burial data within a

theoretical consumption framework - case studies at
Lefkandi, Euboea & North Knossos Cemetery, Crete
Angela Gray
Institute of Archaeology, University of Oxford, 36 Beaumont Street, OX1 2PG.

E-mail: angela.gray@st-hildas.oxford.ac.uk
Research into the consumption behaviour of Mediterranean communities has been slow
to develop momentum and has concentrated in the main on the consumption of
foodstuffs. Whilst more recent work has suggested a willingness to consider the
consumption of some commodities, both the application of consumption theory itself and
consideration of a wider range of 'commodities' is in its infancy. In order to redress the
balance, therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of assigning
value ratings to ancient 'commodities' (multivariate) - in this case cemetery material - as
part of the exploration of patterns of consumption.
The groundbreaking work of both Shennan and Graziadio highlighted the importance of
considering variables such as quality and provenance of manufacture, material, symbolic
significance, technological difficulty in production etc., but a method of cross-checking the
results was not illuminated. Furthermore, definition of the term 'value' itself is further
complicated by the need to remove modern ideals from the equation in order to attempt
to ascertain the ideals of value to which ancient peoples subscribed. I propose therefore,
as a means of fine-tuning such variables as those indicated, and in order to avoid the
pitfalls experienced by those who have attempted value allocation in the past, that
contemporary literature be used where available in order to authenticate the results.
The site of Lefkandi is a case in point for the combination of literary and archaeological
material, with North Knossos Cemetery offering up parallels within the archaeological
material. At both sites, burials have produced a range of what might be considered
prestigious items -imported and highly decorated objects, metals (gold, silver, bronze,
iron), some textile remains, seals, scales, weaponry, equine burials - the list is almost
endless. In order to facilitate the analysis of consumption patterns for these sites, levels
of differentiation need to be isolated and, in order to determine the level of prestige or
wealth reflected within each burial, value points need to be assigned to individual items.
Where parallels exist between the archaeological material and literary references, a
clearer analysis of the exceptionality of certain burials can be made, Il. 23.261-270 for
example mentions the ranking of goods at the (further ranked) funeral games of
Patroclus. Other textual references praise the biography and decoration of a gift (eg: the
Sidonian bowl in Il: 23.740-745) above gold, whilst many other references can be found
praising textiles, female weavers and heirlooms. The most valuable items are not
therefore, as one might imagine, gold, silver, precious gems etc, but 'commodities' with
more ethereal connotations. When comparing such literary references with the
archaeological material at Lefkandi and North Knossos (and in particular the Toumba
burial), the exceptionality of these burials in terms of consumption of 'valuable' or
prestigious commodity becomes clearer.
To conclude therefore, the application of consumption theory to assess the social,

political and economic environments existing at the sites in question requires the
allocation of value units to the archaeological material. By using textual referencing to
fine-tune the ranking of commodities from a historical perspective, it is possible to explain
the exceptionality of these burials in objective terms. An element of subjectivity is
unavoidable, but by using textual references in order to cross-check the allocation of
value units, the margin of error becomes smaller.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Berg
Phylakopi on Melos: Local Responses to Minoan

Influence
Ina Berg
University of Cambridge. St. John's College, Cambridge CB2 1TP. Tel.: 01223-365508.
E-mail: ib10001@cus.cam.ac.uk
It is a well known fact that many settlements in the southern Aegean show a gradual
increase in the number of Minoan imports between the Middle and early Late Bronze
Age. At the same time, local imitations of Minoan ceramic and non-ceramic features
became more and more popular. This escalating presence of Minoan and Minoanising
features has been called 'Minoanisation'.
Several models have been applied to explain perceived differences in the 'depth' of
Minoanisation, but they generally interpreted one site as part of a wider region. In other
words, the strength and nature of Minoan influence at Phylakopi is not assessed on its
own terms but the town is grouped together with Ayia Irini and Akrotiri under the heading
of, for example, the 'Western String'; the 'Western String' was a network of sites which
received preferential treatment from Crete as they formed a natural shipping route from
Crete to the metal-rich Mainland. Without wanting to deny the possible truthfulness in
classifications like these, we should nevertheless acknowledge the differences between
settlements. Although Ayia Irini, Phylakopi and Akrotiri indeed appear to have been more
Minoanised that most of their neighbouring islands, this does not necessarily mean that
they all acted in the same way.
This paper therefore seeks to investigate the process of Minoanisation on a local level
and the development of the pottery production and consumption at Phylakopi. It will be
argued that Phylakopi did not conform in a straight-forward way to the perceived
development of Minoanisation in the Cyclades. The pottery production at Phylakopi
followed its own course. It will be shown that the Melian pottery production was
conceptually divided into a local and a Minoanising production. Adoption of Minoan
ceramic features and technologies was not as complete as commonly assumed. The fact
that many sites were 'minoanised' does not imply that they all developed in the same
direction or were 'minoanised' to the same degree.
Three local fabric groups could be distinguished in the MBA and early LBA. These fabrics
are
a) local fabric
b) 'conical cup' fabric, and
c) Cycladic White
a) local fabric
This fabric was used for all shapes, both local and Minoanising, except Minoanising
handleless cups. Burnished and painted decoration was common in this fabric, but many
pots were left untreated.
Handmade vessels were always more prominent than wheelmade ones in this fabric. The
use of the wheel only gradually increased over time. Unsurprisingly, it was small, open
serving vessels which were among the first to be made by wheel, only much more slowly
followed by jars, jugs and buckets. Interestingly, Minoanising shapes are earlier and more
regularly made with the wheel than local shapes.
Although the assemblage is fragmentary and only few motifs could be assigned to
specific shapes, it appears that Minoan-style motifs were used only on Minoanising
vessels; and on the same shapes, in the same locations and with the same colour
combinations as the Cretan originals. Similarly, where a specific shape could be
determined, local motifs seemed to appear on local shapes.
b) 'conical cup' fabric

Minoanising handleless cups were only produced in the so-called 'conical cup' fabric.
Only ca. 1% of pots made of this fabric were of other, non-Minoan shapes.
The 'conical cup' fabric is virtually synonymous with wheelmade, less than 1% of all pots
in this fabric are handmade.
c) Cycladic White
This fabric was primarily used for two shapes: cups and jugs. Although this fabric has
also infrequently been used for bridge-spouted jars and other Minoanising shapes, the
majority of fragments can be attributed to shapes of the local Melian repertoire. Vessels
in this fabric are always painted either in a matt black or in the Black and Red style and
used a combination of local and Minoanising motifs.
Vessels are predominantly made by hand, though the use of the wheel increased
gradually over time.
To summarize, one of the most apparent visual divisions in the pottery production at
Phylakopi is that between the local and Minoanising styles and shapes. Although there
were of course overlaps, every aspect of the pottery assemblage can be analysed in this
way. The 'conical cup' fabric is exclusively used for Minoanising shapes, Cycladic White
primarily for local ones. The local fabric is used for both. However, even in the local
fabric, Minoanising vessels are regularly wheelmade while those of local tradition are
made by hand. Motifs follow this trend: Minoanising motifs are commonly found on
Minoanising shapes and traditional motifs on local shapes. In other words, there is
pronounced division between Minoanising and local shapes. This result is rather striking.
It seems that the Melian potters did not adopt selected Minoan features but made a more
or less exact copy of the original. This includes the shape, the forming process and the
decoration. Melian shapes, on the other hand continued to be manufactured according to
the local tradition: local shapes, traditional motifs and the handmade mode.
It appears that no overarching technological changes occurred in the Melian production

after it came in contact with Crete or the Mainland. Although the local potters certainly
knew how to use the wheel, they only used it for Minoanising vessels. Their own local
vessels continued to be made by hand. For whatever reason, Melian potters regarded
their local tradition as separate from the Minoan one. What was appropriate for the
production of Minoanising vessels, was not for the production of local shapes. These two
groups were perceived as conceptually different. We can speculate about the reasons for
this. It might be that a change in the technology used for local shapes might have
interfered with social taboos. Maybe it was in the handmade mode that the potters of
Phylakopi expressed their group identity. To tamper with it might have resulted in
unwanted changes to age, gender or class taboos. In the end, we are left to conclude
that the term 'Minoanisation' incorporates a wide range of different responses to Minoan
influence. To understand these differences, our investigations have to begin at the local
level before branching out to include wider regional patterns.


2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Georgiadis
The Ethnic Identity of Death in Southeastern Aegean

Mercurios Georgiadis
University of Liverpool,
School of Archaeology, Classics and Oriental Studies, 14 Abercromby Square, Liverpool
L69 3BX.
E-mail: mercuryg@liverpool.ac.uk
Ethnicity has become a central theme in the Southeastern Aegean (the Dodekanese and
Southwestern coastal Anatolia) during the LH III period and part of my PhD thesis. Its
geographical position, the main gate of the Aegean in association to the trade with the
Near East, is a major factor for this. At the same time this area is characterized as
"peripheral" because of its distance from the Argolid and due to the local ceramic
idiosyncrasy. The role and the importance of the Mycenaen culture in this area have been
variously interpreted, by different scholars. Its appearance is marked in the LH IIB with
the first chamber tombs, giving us a terminus post quem. It must be also noted that the
bulk of our evidence are the information acquired by more than 300 chamber tombs
found so far. In contrast to that the settlement evidence were scarce, only recently
enriched by new excavations at Trianda, Iasos and Miletos. An additional problem to the
ethnicity question is the Ahhiyawa issue that complicates further the picture.
All scholars are using the same data for their theories, mortuary evidence. Although
ethnicity is a fundamental issue for them, no definition of ethnicity will be found in any
theory. They just take as given that chamber tombs equate with Mycenaeans or totally
Mycenaeanized i.e. acculturated people. No one has questioned this model and worst of
all most of the times they are using only one category of evidence, pottery out of context.
From that they see movement of population, migration, political and economic
developments and dependencies. Nonetheless Jones points out “the uncritical
application of the typological method in the dating and the interpretation of material
assemblages leads to an artificial manipulation of the spatio-temporal distribution of
particular styles of artifacts” (1997: 131). Scholars tend to forget that culture is a
multivariate phenomenon and not one dimensional. No one has paid attention to the
chamber tombs as a whole context or the interrelations of cemeteries within this region.
The pottery analysis has given us a useful tool, which however was so heavily used that
everything was based on it. At the same time the Ahhiyawa problem and the available
data are used accordingly in order to suit these theories. O'Shea has combined
archaeological and ethnohistoric data, using cemeteries of three tribes, to conclude that
Ethnic groups could not reliably be distinguished in these samples. Furthermore he
proposes that for ethnicity questions all available archaeological data should be
thoroughly viewed and assessed and not only to rely on mortuary evidence (O’Shea
1984: conclusions).
My aim is to combine settlement and burial evidence within their contexts and associate
all the available data in order to assess this region. Moreover I will see the relations
between the same geographical area and to compare and contrast the Anatolian sites to
the Eastern Aegean ones. Furthermore I will try to put forward some criteria for defining
ethnicity in its spatio-temporal dimension. Only then I will be able to discuss the theme of
ethnicity and view whether the dilemma between colonization and acculturation is a valid
one.
References
Benzi M. 1992. Rodi e la Civilta Micenea vol. 1-2, Roma.
Jones S. 1997. The Archaeology of Ethnicity-Constructing identities in the past and

present, London: Routledge.
Knapp A.B. 1990. Ethnicity Entrepreneurship, and Exchange: Mediterranean inter-island

relations in the late bronze age. Annual of the British School at Athens 85, 115-53.
Mee C. 1982. Rhodes in the Bronze Age: An archaeological survey, London: Aris and
Phillips.
Mee C. 1986. A Mycenaean Thalassocracy in the Eastern Aegean? in Problems in Greek

Prehistory, French E.B. and Wardle K.E. (eds.), Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 301-6.
Mee C. 1998. Anatolia and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age, in The Aegean and the
Orient in the Second Millennium, eds. Cline E.H. and Harris-Cline D., 137-48.
Melas E.M. 1988. The Dodekanese and W. Anatolia in Prehistory: Interrelationships,

ethnicity and political geography, Anatolian Studies 38, pp. 109-20.
O’Shea J.M. 1984. Mortuary Variability-An Archaeological Investigation, in Studies in

Archaeology, Florida: Academic Press.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Lorentz
Infant Archaeology:
From material culture to culturally graded processes of maturation
Kirsi Lorentz
Trinity College, Trinity Street, Cambridge, CB2 1TQ

Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, CB2 3DZ
E-mail: kol20@hermes.cam.ac.uk
kirsilorentz@hotmail.com
No viable society can exist without children. Theoretical discussions forming the basis for
the archaeological investigation of immature individuals have been initiated. However,
materially based discussions of children in specific cultural contexts are few. This paper
explores material culture as evidence for the conditions of childhoods in Cyprus, from the
Aceramic Neolithic to the Late Bronze Age. The body, the object and the context form the
sites of analysis. Anthropomorphic figurines, skeletal remains and contextual mortuary
evidence form the bodies of data. Rather than studying children as biologically, socially
and historically distinct group, it is more useful to explore maturation as a culturally
graded process, and age as a form of social difference. The maturing archaeology of
children should see itself as part of a wider effort to understand processes of maturation
and ageing in the past.
In this paper, the body is focused on as an interpretative location. The body is seen as
material culture, as a real material entity shaped and modified by socially constructed
knowledge. The investigation of the body in this context involves osteological and
palaeopathological analyses of skeletal remains of sub-adults and adults with evidence of
childhood conditions, contextual funerary analysis, and the formal analysis of
anthropomorphic depictions. In these depictions the bodies of the young may be seen in
relation to the adult bodies or, indeed, material objects. Here, the focus is particularly on
the depictions.
The infant is the young individual par excellence depicted in the figurine media. None of
the depictions show an active child engaged in play, work, or other activities, but rather a
passive recipient of activities directed towards it, being born, held, breast fed, cradle
boarded. The infants are depicted in relation to adults, for adult purposes, showing the
activities and attitudes of adults towards children, specifically as offspring. The chosen
activities depicted, by relating the adult and infant bodies, change through time. The
Chalcolithic figurine material can be interpreted as showing the adult concern with
biological reproduction. The Early/ Middle Cypriot representations of infants and nurture
may be seen in the context of rising complexity and arrival of patriarchal influences, and
the Late Cypriot figurines can again be interpreted as representations of adult concerns
with sexuality, reproduction and nurture of infants.
In the cognised world of the specific communities of prehistoric Cyprus the represented
activities related to reproduction and child care seem to have been carefully chosen –
forming the cognised world - from a diversity of activities available – that is the cognisable
world. This is perhaps in order to communicate those qualities or activities most
appreciated or most central for those engaged in reproductive or child caring activity.
In the light of the analysis, it appears that there is a transformation of emphasis in the
depictions, from the Chalcolithic emphasis on fertility and biological birth, through shift of
focus to the nurture of infants and social implications of reproduction and child care
during the Early and Middle Cypriot, to the Late Cypriot combination of regulated,
conventionalised depiction of fertility, sexuality and nurture. This is particularly interesting
in relation to the skeletal and mortuary data, and in view of the theories on rising
complexity in Cyprus, and changing perceptions of gender.
In conclusion, it is indeed possible to study the young through the prehistoric Cypriot
material culture. It emerges that the anthropomorphic figurines reveal particular, changing
understandings of the young, and infants in particular. This unifying feature, the depiction
of offspring to be born and nurtured exhibits the adult interest. The child as an agent is
absent in these depictions.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Gianna Ayala
Landscape change and the prehistoric occupation of

north-central Sicily: a preliminary report
Gianna Ayala
Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, CB2 3DZ

E-mail: ga215@cam.ac.uk
The Troina Project under the direction of Dr. Malone and Dr. Stoddart investigating the
upland occupation of prehistoric Sicily has included a geomorphological part which aims
to study the nature of human demography during this period. The geomorphological
study, under the direction of Dr. Charly French is also in collaboration with Professor
Diego Puglisi of Catania University and Dr. Richard Bailey of the Oxford Radiocarbon
lab.
The geomorphological survey part of this project is investigating a 10km stretch of the
Fiume Sotto di Troina valley to develop a chronosequence of major units of river incision,
soil/sediment erosion, aggradation and terrace formation with respect to human utilisation
of this landscape. Through the use of aerial, terrain and deposit mapping, an assessment
of past landforms and erosion, zones of stability versus instability, accumulation versus
denudation will be possible. This information will be used to address questions of
exploitation, sustainability and stability of this landscape and allow models of landscape
development and land-use change to be put forward.
Some preliminary results and thoughts are here set out regarding the formation of this
landscape. There is intense and extensive landscape alteration around the late
glacial/early Holocene transition involving channel avulsion and colluvial aggradation
leading to valley infilling. This first channel bed unit is characterised by imbricated flysch
boulders often exposed in the base of the present river system and/or beneath later
terrace deposits and channel infills. Another three sets of channel infilling and terrace
make-up have been observed consistently from the valley head for a distance of some
10km downstream. The two intervening phases of incision and aggradation have yet to
be dated, but there are plans for a comprehensive luminescence dating programme to
address this problem over the next year. The composition of these channel units suggest
increased disturbance and movement down-slope of eroded soil material, plus increasing
exploitation and disturbance of soils and subsoils of more varied and higher parts of the
valley system over time.
All this suggests a change from erosion occurring mainly within the active valley floor and
lower slopes in the earlier Holocene, to a later period within the Holocene where most
parts of the valley bottom and slopes are becoming more unstable and prone to erosion
downslope as colluvial and alluvial material. The increasing range and types of deposit
suggest widespread devegetated and at least seasonally bare slopes, exposed soils and
subsoils, as well as seasonally variable rainfall and river flow conditions. Although this
hypothesis remains to be proven through more archaeological survey and
radiometric/archaeomagnetic dating, this could well be associated with increasing
prehistoric land-use in the valley system.
In order to investigate the past human settlement of the valley, the archaeological survey
which was begun in 1997 sampling the territory around the ancient urban centre of Troina
was continued with a focus on the previously documented relic terrace series along the
previously documented 10 km stretch of the river valley of Fiume Sotto di Troina in the
autumn of 1999. The sampling strategy was that of transects 100 m wide extending up
the valley faces 1km on each side, located at kilometre intervals for 10km downstream in
order to investigate a vast range of topographic locations in relation to the course of the
river. In this way data was linking the geomorphological sequence with the cultural
chronology and settlement distribution of the area.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Hall
Reconstructing woodland management history in the

Pindos mountains of North West Greece
Caroline Hall

E-mail: c.hall@sheffield.ac.uk
On Mt. Grammos in north-west Greece a once common agricultural activity, now almost
extinct in Europe, still survives. As a result of the severity of the winters the inhabitants of
the highest village, Plikati (1200m), cut leafy hay as fodder to overwinter their animals. At
the end of the summer the villagers “shred” predominantly oak trees on the surrounding
valley slopes, cutting off leafy branches which are then stored either in barns or
free-standing stacks and used to stall-feed the animals over winter.
Since the recent construction of a road connecting Plikati with the outside world, the
younger generations have left the village in search of employment and, as a result the
practice of cutting leafy hay is coming to an end. The inhabitants of Gorgopotamos, a
village three miles south and 300 meters lower in elevation, which has been connected to
the road for longer, have long since given up this practice, but there is plenty of evidence
in the valley for widespread shredding in the past. Trees were shredded every three to
four years resulting, in time, in a distinctive knobbly shape. Oaks of this kind are to be
found throughout the Gorgopotamos Valley.
Today’s heavily wooded landscape on the upper slopes of Mt. Grammos only came into
existence with the Civil War and the later depopulation of the area. Over the previous
fifty to a hundred years, the density of trees had gradually increased as sedentary mixed
farming communities replaced seasonal use as a summer base by transhumant
shepherds. Whereas transhumant shepherds subjected the land to severe grazing
pressure, sedentary farmers encouraged tree growth for use as winter fodder for animals
kept year-round on the mountain. It is these changes in woodland history which are the
subject of this study.
The primary stage of this study was focused on recording the effect of this type of
woodland management on tree-ring growth using dendrochronological analysis.
Shredding was found to restrict ring-growth in the year following. The examination of
cores, obtained from living trees; and cross-section slices, taken from recently felled
trees, consequently shows when and how often these individual trees were cut for leafy
hay.
The ultimate goal of this research is to apply dendrochronology and other techniques to a
broader study of the recent history of woodland management in this area. The
dendrochronological data covers a period of two to three hundred years containing a
record of changes in woodland practices due to the effect of socio-political factors, such
as the decline of the Ottoman Empire (resulting in the termination of Turkish absentee
landlord ownership), the Greek Civil War (and associated temporary depopulation), and
the encroachment of modern society (and consequent abandonment of local farming).
Oral historical data concerning agricultural practices has been collected to provide a
context in which to interpret the tree-ring data, and aerial photographs studied to identify
broad-scale changes in woodland cover. In addition detailed mapping of present
woodland composition along selected transects will be undertaken so that individual trees
can be placed within a broader landscape-wide context.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Mientjes
The archaeological landscape of sub-recent pastoralism on Sardinia

(Italy)
Antoon C. Mientjes
Department of Archaeology, University of Wales, Lampeter, Ceredigion SA 48 7ED

E-mail: pr013@lamp.ac.uk
There are good reasons to suppose that pastoral economies played a prominent role
during the prehistoric and Classical periods in the Mediterranean region. However, two
problems occur in the study of ancient and (sub-)recent animal husbandry. In the first
place the image of a static and unchanging pastoral way of life is maintained in
archaeology, history and anthropology. Secondly there is a lack of direct evidence in
terms of for example faunal assemblages for pastoral economies in Mediterranean
Archaeology (Cherry 1988: 12). I would argue that this is partly due to a lack of
understanding this type of economy.
A combination of history, ethnography and a landscape approach in the context of

ethnoarchaeological research offers good possibilities to develop a structural
understanding of the material features of pastoral economies within a wider economic
and political context.
A study of animal husbandry, in this case sheep herding on the island of Sardinia (Italy),
however, should not be in isolation from other types of land use, primarily crop cultivation.
Examining the recent history of the rural areas in Sardinia both types of economies
appear closely related. Logically this connection changed through history.
In the last two centuries two main periods can be distinguished. Until about the Second
World War rural Sardinia knew a kind of common land use. Parcels of land were ceded
every year or two by a village committee to farmers and shepherds. Gardens, orchards,
vineyards and crop fields were concentrated around the village and a system of bare
fallowing and partly cereal/pulse rotation was in operation. In the peripheral and often
marginal zones of the village territory was situated the permanent pasture for sheep and
goats. Finally seasonal mobility (transhumance) of shepherds and sheep between the
mountains and lowlands was a key feature of pastoral production.
This situation changed gradually from the beginning of the 19th century. The stimulation
of private landed property by the Piemontese and later the Italian state slowly
undermined the system of common rights on land. Secondly the development of a wide
international market for sheep cheese from the 1890s created a commercial, and after
the Second World War mechanised and sedentary type of pastoralism.
These developments are traceable in the two areas studied, i.e. Fonni in the central
highlands and Solarussa in the western lowlands. Crop cultivation in the highlands was
abandoned and former agricultural zones were invaded by shepherds and their flocks.
Modern, mainly concrete sheep farms replaced pastoral settlements consisting of
shepherds’ huts and sheep enclosures constructed of drystone walls and/or scrub.
Changes in production and labour are also visible in pastoral settlements. Forms of
co-operation among shepherds were a common strategy to organise periods of intensive
work and to guarantee access to pasture especially in the lowlands. “Complex” pastoral
settlements with more shepherd’s huts and sheep enclosures are somehow related to the
former kinds of collaboration. The penetration of an international capitalist market for
pastoral products in the island of Sardinia eroded the extensive co-operation among
shepherds, and sheep herding nowadays is organised within the family. Consequently the
pastoral settlements noted above are now abandoned.
In conclusion clear relationships may be seen between the socio-economic organisation

of animal husbandry and pastoral material culture, which changed through history.
References
Angioni, G., 1989, I pascoli erranti: antropologia del pastore in Sardegna, Napoli: Liguori
Editori.
Cherry, J.F., 1988. Pastoralism and the role of animals in the Pre- and Protohistoric
periods of the Aegean, in: Pastoral economies in Classical Antiquity, Whittaker, C.R. (ed),
The Cambridge Philological Society, Supplementary Volume 14, 6-34.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Nodarou
Geoarchaeology within the site or why do we keep all

these bags of dirt
Eleni Nodarou

E-mail: prp97en@sheffield.ac.uk
In the context of the project “Soil Investigations at Chrysokamino, East Crete” a case
study involving soil and sediment analysis is presented. Using low technology (and cost)
analytical methods the physical properties of the sediments deriving from within the
excavated site are examined. The content in organic material, the magnetic susceptibility
and the particle size distribution of the material in combination with the available
archaeological data are put forward in an attempt to elucidate archaeological problems
such as use of space, reconstruction of the archaeological stratigraphy and provenance
of the sediments excavated from the site. Potential floors and activity surfaces are
identified and hypotheses about the chronological succession in the stratigraphy are
formulated. The provenance of the different types of sediments is examined with the use
of comparative material from the area and potential sources are suggested. It is
attempted to demonstrate the potential of soil analysis in the micro-scale of the
archaeological site.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Fitzjohn
Investigations of indigenous-colonial interaction in

Siciliy during the First Millennium BC
Matthew Fitzjohn
University of Cambridge, Department of Archaeology, Downing Street, CB2 3DZ

E-mail: mpf21@cam.ac.uk
The foundation of Greek settlements greatly influenced social changes in Sicily from the
eighth century BC. Despite the possibilities for addressing issues of cultural interaction,
traditional research has focused solely upon Greek colonial evidence and their supposed
cultural dominance.
This research will illustrate that the forms of interaction and transformations of both
colonial and indigenous societies were multiple and different. The focus is on a region of
eastern Sicily during the period of Greek colonisation (8th – 3rd centuries BC), which
combines numerous representative geographical landscapes and incorporates diverse
types of sites, including indigenous and colonial settlements, cemeteries and other ritual
locations. The regional analysis will be supplemented with a more intensive study in the
rural hinterland around the Iron Age and Hellenistic upland settlement of Troina.
GIS software will be utilised to incorporate numerous data sets and allow for spatial and
statistical investigation of the distribution of material culture and its relationship with
landscape features.
Supporting the GIS investigation with an in depth study of material culture will provide the
detail needed to describe social processes and issues of cultural identity. A suit of
material evidence will be examined: the adoption and form of urban planning and
architectural styles, burial, epigraphic and also numismatic.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347
assemblage home > issue 6 contents> Van Hove
Long-term modelling of material and symbolic

environments:
A GIS reconstruction of South Italy
Doortje Van Hove
Department of Archaeology, Avenue Campus, University of Southampton, Highfield,

SO17 1BF
E-mail: dvh198@soton.ac.uk
I. Introduction
Much archaeological research focuses upon human settlements, ceremonial sites, and
the material that is found within them rather than on the spaces in between. This is
because ‘off-site archaeology’ (Foley 1981) provides much ignored or poorly studied
material to work with and immense methodological difficulties. However, humans live in a
world composed of many different kinds of places, so restricting our view of prehistoric
people to discrete sites will inevitably and unnecessarily narrow our understanding of how
they lived. In emphasising the fuller landscape, this research highlights human usage of
land, one of the key means by which humans categorise and lay claim to their
surroundings.
II. Research goals

The overall goal of this research is to create a simulated environment representing one
possible situation in which Southern Italians could have lived throughout the different
periods of occupation. Particular attention is paid to land use and resource exploitation
within the possible economies of each period, and the possible cultural categorisation
and social use of off-site areas. Drawing together elements of archaeology, human
psychology, and geography, it is hoped to provide novel insights into human-landscape
relations.
III. Analysis
A prototype simulation was based upon a small part of Aspromonte in southern Calabria,
South Italy. The reasons for choosing this region lie in the poorly researched status of
this area, the biased ideas about Neolithic people via South Italian pottery based studies
and the start of excavations in the area by the University of Southampton. The research
simulated environments and human land uses around three Neolithic sites: Castello Bova
Superiore, Umbro and San Pasquale (see figure 1). The quantities of archaeological and
environmental data and the spatial dimensions of the area examined were very limited.
This approach allowed developments to be made in the techniques and interpretative
frameworks, before applying the methodology on a larger scale (Robb 1997, 1998).
IV. Methods
GIS modelling, based upon relevant data from IGM (Istituto Geographico Militare)
topographic and geological maps, and limited field survey site distributions from the
BMAP, was used. Environmental relations were modelled using current and historical
Mediterranean geographical and ecological information, and comparative studies from
Mediterranean prehistory.
V. Results
The analysis resulted in maps illustrating anthropogenic environmental impact and
potential spatial dimensions of the cultural world that humans lived in (see figure 2). The
results have two basic implications.
One is economic and ecological: human landscape use and environmental impact can be
examined in a systematic way, in contrast to isolated single site-based studies.
The second is cultural: humans use the landscape, including ‘off-site’ areas for many
other non-economic uses. Many of these uses are conditioned by the existent human
use of those areas.
VI. Interpretations
The primary result of the GIS study to date is to underline the importance of non-farming
land uses for site distribution. Instead of the commonly held view that competition for
farmland was of greatest importance, the simulation showed that even in farming
societies, human interaction was probably structured by non-farming uses such as the
needs of foraging and pasture.
In the region under consideration, farmland is stretched out in small patches around the
sites, while foraging and herding zones are continuous and large. Neolithic groups were
probably more mobile, using bigger territories and moving frequently within them, than is
usually assumed (e.g. Higgs 1972). This means that the distribution of sites, even in
mountainous areas like Calabria, should not be limited to available farmland.
Observing the contacts between the areas of human impact associated with different
sites enables inference of possible South Italian social and cultural behaviour.
VII. References
Foley, R. 1981. A Model of Regional Archaeological Structure. Proceedings of the
Prehistoric Society 47: 1-17.
Higgs, E. 1972. Papers in Economic Prehistory. Studies by Members and Associates of

the British Academy Major Research Project in Early History of Agriculture. London:
Cambridge University Press.
Robb, J. 1997. Bova Marina Field Survey: Preliminary Report, 1997 Season.
Unpublished report. Department of Archaeology. University of Southampton.
Robb, J. 1998. Bova Marina Field Archaeological Project: Survey and Excavations at
Umbro: Preliminary Report, 1998 Season. Unpublished report. Department of
Archaeology. University of Southampton.
VIII. Figures
Figure 1: Digital Elevation Model of the study area
(1= Castello Bova Superiore, 2= Umbro, 3= San Pasquale)
Figure 2: Herding space in a farming economy.

2 Mappin Street,
Sheffield S1 4DT
Tel: (0114) 222 5102 Fax: (0114) 272 7347

B01 Soma 2000

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

B01 Soma 2000

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

assemblage home > previous issues > issue 6 contents

Tavernas in ancient Greece c.475-146BC: an archaeological perspective

Academic performances, artistic presentations

Some observations on the concept of 'embedded' and 'disembedded' economies in

A return from madness or a retreat into Cartesianism?

Churches as pre-historic ritual monuments: a phenomenological perspective

Past Conference review:

Raising the Dead: The skeleton crew of King Henry VIII's

Contagious Ideas: On evolution, culture, archaeology and Cultural Virus Theory

Top assemblage home

assemblage - the Sheffield graduate journal of archaeology

Read SOMA 2000 - Sheffield Abstracts

SOMA 2000 : the results of the symposium in

SOMA: assessing the principles.

Read SOMA 2000 - Sheffield Abstracts

SOMA 2001 - Liverpool

Top Issue 6 contents assemblage home

assemblage - the University of Sheffield graduate journal of archaeology

SOMA 2000 Sheffield

SOMA 2000 SESSIONS AND PAPERS

Ellen Adams (University of Cambridge): History of Minoan Studies: Perceptions of

Dorella Romanou (University College London): An Approach to Social Organisation on

Eduardo Sànchez-Moreno (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid): Some Models of Cultural

Helena Tomas (University of Oxford): The possibility of Grammatical Cases in Linear A

Zinon Papakonstantinou and Garrick Thomas (University of Washington): Religion and

Anne Wright (University of Oxford): The Cost of Honours in Classical Athens.

Michael Turner (University of Sydney): Dionysos: Herakles and the Geranomachia.

Katerina Panagopoulou (University College London): ‘Cross-Reading’ Images:

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF DEATH

Giorgos Vavouranakis (University of Sheffield): Still Haunted by the Palatial Ghosts.

Brandi Carrier (Univeristy of Sheffield): The Dead in Social Reproduction: Aspects of

Chrysanthi Gallou (University of Nottingham): Decorated Façades and Wall Paintings in

Kirsten A. Gay (University of Tübingen): Lycian Sarcophagi in the Necropoleis of

Smadar Gabrieli (University of Sydney): Kitchen Ware - The Definition of Intent: An

Evangelia Dafi (University of Birmingham): Amphorae and Exchanges in Southern

Peter Tomkins (University of Sheffield): Isolation or Interaction? The Community at

Jenny Shiels (University of Glasgow/ University of Edinburgh): Replicating the pottery

Paraskevi Stamataki (University of Southampton): Store, Stir and Serve: Do we Know

Despina Catapoti (University of Sheffield): Comsuming Ojects, Worlds and Ideas:

Ina Berg (University of Cambridge): Phylakopi on Melos: Local Response to Minoan

CONSTRUCTING CATEGORIES AND NARRATIVES

Mercourios Georgiadis (University of Liverpool), The Ethnic Identity of Death in the

Natasha Leriou (University of Birmingham): The Hellenisation of Cyprus: Constructing an

Kirsi Lorentz (University of Cambridge): Infant Archaeology: From Material Culture to

Johanna Tzanidaki (University of Southampton): European, Greek, Italian: Three

RECONSTRUCTING ANCIENT LANDSCAPES: AN INTER-DISCIPLINARY

Caroline Hall (University of Sheffield): Tree-Rings: Using them to Understand Woodland

Antoon Cornelis Mientjes (University of Wales, Lampeter): The Archaeological

Eleni Nodarou (University of Sheffield): Geoarchaeology within the Site or why do we

Copyright rests with the individual authors.

Top Issue 6 contents assemblage home

assemblage - the University of Sheffield graduate journal of archaeology

Social Arenas in Minoan Crete: Mesara in the Bronze

Research School of Archaeology & Archaeological Science, University of Sheffield,

Back to SOMA 2000 abstracts

Top Issue 6 contents assemblage home

assemblage - the University of Sheffield graduate journal of archaeology

Le systéme politique des cités-états au Bronze Récent

Maison de l’Archeologie et de l’ethnologie. Boite 14. 21 allée de l’ Université. 92023

L'étude de l'organisation des territoires grace à des cercles de répartition correctement

Chaque zone géographique possède un mode d'organisation et de répartition propre,

Back to SOMA 2000 abstracts

Top Issue 6 contents assemblage home