THE ARYAN PROBLE! {Papers presented at the Seminar on The Aryan Problem held at Bangalore in July 1991) Organized by The Mythic Society, Bangalore and The Bharatiya Itihasa Sankalana Samiti, Pune Edited by S.B. Deo and Suryanath Kamath Pune : 1993in 1956, that The Rgvedic poet and the Indus Valley artist fancied and fashioned alike [REFERENCES 1, Cultural Hertiage of India, Vol. p. 127 2 The Vedic Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan's History and Culture ofthe Indian People, 5* Edn. 1988 Vol. Lp.lts. 3 4 s. 6 Decipherment of Indus Seript, 232 “The Cult objectof Unicom seals—A sacred Filter” in Indus Valley to Meckong Delia : Exploration in Epigraphy, Kazasunan, N. (E4.) 1985, Marie Archaeol of nin cen Cre 988) P. Lethal And Indus Civilization, (1973) p. 136. vin-2 ‘THE ARYANS IN INDUS CIVILIZATION The Indo-Europeans twas Sir William Jones who in 1786 highlighled the fact that there was close affinity among Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, German and the Celte languages. Bor? ‘made further systematic study of the languages and thereafter, is scope was enlarged to include cultural and anthropological affinities among those speaking Indo- ‘theory that the early home of the Indo-European (Gncloding Indo-Aryan and Indo-Iranian) languages was the steppes of Eurasia, which were the home of wild horses, is prevalent, Several other homes are also suggested forthe early Aryans who are said to have invade India in circa 1500 B, C. Soviet scholars hold the view that the first domestication of the horse took place in the South Russian steppes before the end of the fourth millennium BB, C. and later spread eastward into Kazakh steppes atthe end of the third millennium B. C. These horse-rearing tribes were believed to be the ancestral speakers of the Indo-Iranian languages. The timber grave Andronovo culture is said to represent the archacological remains of these people. The Indo-Iranian branch ofthe Indo-European family of languages is believed to have separated from other branches in the third millenia B. C. The Indo- Iranian got separated from the Indo-Aryan before the end of the second millennium B, C. Movement of Indo-Aryans according to western scholars ‘The Dushanbe symposium to which F. R. ALLA makes frequent references (ALLoum, 1980, 68-102) a ae i the movement of peoples from archaeological evidence” R. Rao ‘on to asume that "there was once atime when the ‘Aryan languages were not spoken there" (and be that most scholars would agree on this)~"tben i that their arrival and subsequent spread in India Inne been related to arrival and subsequent spre people speaking them” (ALLcHN, 1980, 7), He poir That "thereis very litle evidence ofthe presence of im India or Pakistan before the end ofthe third millen thud finds from the second millenium, whether of b hore furniture, of horee burials, or represent fracoti on roek paintings, are likely to be | significant ‘Aucoams says that "when it comes to dati catliest movement of Indo-Aryans into India on p Showing itis unlikely that even the east ofthe ‘Aryan waves (and we rust remember that there ‘wellhave been earlier, as yet undocumented waves)” Ihave coincided with the full ban stage at Tar (Atucnm, 1980, 86), We shall presently ac ‘unquestionable archacologial evidence at Kalbe {otha and Banawali forthe presence of fie-worsh tnd animal-secrificing people in the mature Har ‘hase, Before going i details itis relevant to “Ruz himself aso the identification of fre-worsh ts Vedic people. He says, "We have always belicv fire-cll to be an inseparable part of Vedic and i tlready of Indo-Iranian religions and this leads ‘enquire whether in the final tages of Harappan o°cu) ft Kalibangan there may not have already been an ‘Aryan presence inthe ity" (Autom, 1960, 86-87, ‘ot only inthe final stages of Kalibangan but also ‘ary tages of Harappe culture at Lotal and Kalil that wae for ie-wordhip and animal-sacifce wer End made ise of Ht follows then thatthe Indo- Aya! Shintaro Gn the first half of the third milletB.C, if not earlier, in northern and western India Dardic and Indo-Arvan Languages “The westem scholars who assign Raveda to 1500 B.C. now find it difficult to explain the presence of fire- worshipping and sacrifice-offering people (whom they reluctantly acknowledge as Aryan) at Kalibangan, Lothal tnd Surkotada in the Harappan settlements. ALLcum thinks that there was a pre-Vedic movernent in the Inte phase of Harappa culture (Bridget and Raymond Aticins, 1882, 303, 304) : "The most obvious candidate for consideration san carly and therefore possibly pre-Vedie group is from the valleys of the north-west from very much the same areas as the modem speakers of Dardic languages”. Italian scholars have researched on the archaeological evidence relating to Dardic speaking people. The Dards are ‘mentioned in Indus seals also, Hence the presence of the Dardie and Indo-Aryan spreaking people in the Indus Valley and perhaps North-Western India should be dated carly thd millennium B, C. The Ghaligai cave (period IV) in the Swat Valley associated with Gandhara Grave is a later link. The culture traits of Indo-Aryans, namely the horse, bronze, eremation and fie-cult are all present in the mature Harappa culture predating the Gandhara grave culture Ethnic affinities of the Harappan Population ‘Much has been written by Vatsows, Saswax and ‘others about the Aryan ethnic affinities i Sik and Lothal 5.5, Sanka in his report on the human skeletal remains from Lothal observes, “the Lothal crania reveal a closer relationship both in their long-headed and broad-headed forms with those of Sialk. Vallois has called the former ‘Aryan and the latter Armenoid” (Saexar, 1985, 291). But 4 very significant observation is made ‘by other antiropologists, who have compared the ethnic affinities ‘of the present day "Aryan' population of Sind, Punjab and Gujarat with those of the Harappan population in those regions, Guerra, Darra and Basu have noted that "the Harappan population of Mohenjodaro has similarities with the present day long-headed population of Sind so far as the cephalic index is eoncemed. The same relation holds between the ancient population of Harappa and the present ‘ay population of Punjab. The skulls from Lothal (Sanxcar, 1972) are on the average round-headed (79, 68 value remarkably close to cephalic index observable in the ‘inhabitants of Gujarat. The differentiation in regard to cephalic index observable in the Harappan is remarkably ‘similar tothe dfferentation in the present day population, inthe coresponding aress, In other words, the population ‘ofthis widespread region (Punjab w Gujarat) has remained ‘more of lest stable since Harappan times ..(in case of Harappa although cultural change is marked, yet it docs not seem to have been the result of large scale invasion, the physical types remaining more or less constant). DATTA, Gurta and Basv refer to changes in Cemetery H culture and add “we can therefore suggest that cven if there were invasion, the number of invaders must have been 100 ‘small o bring about marked changes in physical or that ‘most ofthe changes were due to cultural forces of intemal origin” ‘As we have found thatthe ethnic affinities of the Hiarappans were not different from those of the present population of Gujarat, Sind and Punjab, there is every reason why, purely from the point of view of physical types the Harappans should be considered Aryans, Before drawing any inference on the identity of the Harappan population itis necessary to examine the archaeological ‘evidence which can throw light on their religion and language ‘The Harappan Religion ‘According to Lat, the southem rhomb of the citadel at Kalibangan was used fr a ritualistic purpose. In ‘one ofthe platforms a row of seven oblong fire-altars with stele in the centre were built. The lower part of a jar containing ash and charcoal and embedded to the west of the altars is associated with fire-worship. A well and bath- pavements were provided nearby for ablution before the performance ofthe ritual, An altar used for animal sacrifice has been laid bare by the side of a well in another platform: The northern thomb ofthe citadel represents the residential area of the priests and according to Lat the paved passage through @ gateway leading to the Lower “Town was the ceremonial passage way. Fire-altars existed individually in private houses of the lower city. Some of them are rectangular in plan and the charcoal found in the Tower part of the enclosed pit is said to suggest that fire ‘was made and put out in situ, The stele in a majority of the fire altars consisted of cylindrical or cubical pre-fired ‘A rectangular pit lined with kiln-fired bricks and containing bovine bones and antlers st Kalibangen represents animal sactifice. In this connection it isnecessary to-note that a terracotta triangular cake from Kalibangan, partly damaged, is engraved with the motif of a deity having homs. A twig it tucked as a headgear. On the reverse ofthe same cake & man is seen leading an animal. ‘Terracotta cakes have been found in fre altars at Lothal ‘and Kalibangan, The same on the cake from Kalibangan suggests that an animal is being taken for sacrifice to please the God. The twig tucked in the headgear of the ‘God indicates that he isthe Vedic Fire-Cod, for, Agni described as daruthista and supporting plants ‘osadhih ‘This explanation is contained inthe Satapatha Brahmana which lists eight names given to Ag “The seven fire-altas of Kalibangan may relate to seven types of soma sacrifice (Somayaga) namely, “Agnistoma, Atyagnistoma, Ukthya, Sodast Aptorsma and Vajapeya practised inthe Vedic period also. |The sacrifial altar of mud bricks built in house in square B 19 of Phase Il inthe Lower Town of Lothal is a very significant evidence throwing light on the Harappan cult of animal sacrifice, The mud-brick cenclosure, 2. 9 inches x2 f. 6 inches and 8 inches in Height, is built over a low platform of mud bricks. It Contains chared mandible of an animal of bovine group besides a gold disc-pendant, a carneian bead, thee potsherds painted in chocolate over buf slip and 8 large ‘uanlty of ash. The altar and enclosure wee nt disturbed ‘The mud platform served as « sacrificial altar and the enclosure asa sacrificial pit. The gold pendant resembles {he eivular objects onthe forchead andarm of the statue fof a *pnest” from Mohenjodaro, The Reveda mentions that gold omaments niska and rukma served 3s ritual fomaments. The presence of potsherds inthe Lothal altar iz significant for they might have been wed for preparing seerificial cakes. The Brakmana literature: mentions potsherds of various sizes used forthe preparation of Sacrificial cakes (Purodaa) Gold beads and niska were wen as gifts to the priests who participated in the performance of sacrifices during the Vedic period. Perhaps, the Harappan sacrifice, to, offered then. The author had suggested alice that'the Lothal peaple performed taerifice similar to the gavlmayana. S.A. Davot, while fdmitting that a bull was offered not only at the te DUS CZATION ‘ that gavamayana does not refer tothe ball sacrifice ast ‘word gavdm stands for the solar gait inthe year and tt _zavah (cows, of which gavam isthe genitive pl) at man places stand for the sun rays. In Harappan times t) ‘Sacrifice in which a bovid was offered might have be« symbolic of sun's gait and Keeping count of the day ‘months and seasons (Rao, S. R. 1991, in press). BY 0) time the Alareya Brahmana was composed, the sacrific ‘ight not have involved the actual sacrificing of the bu! In this connection it may be remembered that ceria! rituals were performed in the Vedic age by symbolical ‘Offering animals, whereas in earlier days the victims rau hhave been actually killed. In the late Harappan times, instance, the selfimmolation of the wife was given U ‘but earlier, in phase I of mature Harappa Culture the wi had to die with her dead husband. Similarly, the acto: {alling ofa ball in gavdmayana or a similar sacrifice 1 Harappan times might have been given up in the Ved period, ‘As many as six frealtar were laid bare itterent locks ofthe Lower Town at otal. The eal trong thm are to rectangslar alas bul in square To of Block A. They are assigned to Phase ILA. One them meanring 4.72 em ¥ 30.48 em is eclsd by 12 tn Gc and 7 94cm high mod-vick all wl snot ‘tar mamring 6096 cm x 3048 cm was bit in trick or Both contained ash. Fro the plan, const Thr dein oboe hat hey ald nts ny purpose eer than ituaisi one. In square {he lame blk two rooms anda bal ofa house (No.1 Mere exponed. Though its fll extent is not known, | ae canglr fear in th mud So for cou teen thai hone (8o 132 { revangular lar and a jar embeded i he Hor noticed, These altars ‘are assignable to phase I A. ‘Row alr voce tthe norter endo Block A conta Ssh and pote another remarkable evidence of fre-wor comes fom arom in Steet at Lothal Tre alias, which are circular an the thd one rectangular in pl ‘have mud-brick enclosures. Terracotta cakes, ovoid bi ‘and ash were found in the circular altars which are 60 ‘to 73.66 cm in diameter, ‘The two earthen jars placed n the fears must have served ws container of Sac rte, A slr jr, beau painted, was ound © TEL alas in Saeed 9 ofthe Lower Tow.hall with three altars answers to the description of the ‘yajfaeala and the terracotta cakes resemble the purodasa ‘of Darfapirmamasa sacrifices deseribed in the Reveda While in the Lower Town fire altars were built in Phases I, II and IV, no ritualistic structure, not even a small fire-attar, was built in Phases TT and IHL in the Acropolis, where the Ruler lived. But after the Ruler abandoned Lothal at the end of Phase II B, (2000 B. C.) as 2 sequel to a great flood, the Acropolis was occupied by bone workers and others who built two mudbrick fire altars. One of ther can be seen in House No. 171 and the other in House No, 172 b It is evident that the Ruler was. not a Priest-King. If he were one, he would have built structures of religious significance, such as altars for fie worthip and animal sacrifice, within or outside his residence in the Acropolis. ‘An ovoid mud-brick enclosure was builtin Phase TV on the raised floor ofa house in Block 'F. Its longer taxis measures 1.98 m and the shorter one 1.21 m, The dwarf wall of the altar has turned red owing,to frequent contact with fre, At the souther end is square stele of rmod-bricks plastered with mud which has also turned red ‘Ash and terracotta cakes are the main contents of the altar, which in plan and purpose of construction, resembles the fire-altars of Kalibangan. Among other structures of religious significance built by the Harappans inthe Lower ‘Town at Lothal is a rectangular altar of burt-brick walls in Street 9 in Block ‘G' after the township was extended towards the north-west, The contents, size and location of. the altar suggest that it was used for community fire- ‘worship. The brick-altar is 2.74 m long and 2.59 m wide ‘with an opening in its western arm. The walls are 38.10 com wide and the extant height is 30.40 cm. There is rectangular depression in the southem arm and a semi- circular one produced by the use of moulded bricks inthe rorthem arm, Both the depressions were meant for keeping ritualistic vessels. A porthole, 35.56 cm wide is also seen inthe north-east comer. A beautifully painted jar of sturdy ‘Red Ware, 86.36 cm high, is in stu near the eastern arm of the firealtar. As the jar has no hole at the bottom it could not have served the purpose of a soakage jar, nor is there any drain associated with it, The altar is too big t0 bbe an oven and does not conform to the shape of any ‘known kiln, oven or furnace in Indus cities. The contents sr tervaratts Hale! with marke af anot found near the butter into the sacrificial fre. The ritualistic jar painted in Indus style with motifs of peacock, palm, sun and derived leaf pattems must have been the pranita used for keeping sacred water, while the ladle served as a sruk. Language of the Indus seal inscriptions ‘The methodology adopted by the writer in ‘decoding the Indus script and identifying the language of the inscriptions as Old-Indo-Aryan with a sprinkling of some old Iranian words is explained in Decipherment of the Indus Script (Rao, 1982). The names of sages and composers such as Anu, Kasyapa, Sara, Manu, Bak, etc besides those of the people, e.g. pr (puri), Drhu and ards and of professionals and rulers occur on seals. The brazicr on seals is itself a firealtar motif while the so- called unicorn is a composite figure of horse and bull. The term afva is used for Agni as well as horse in RV. A specific mention of the Fire God by the name Arka is found in the cylindrical seal no. 307 from Harappa in which the deity wearing trident-like headgear is shown standing in an arched niche from which tongues of flame are issuing. The inscription on the seal reads bhag-rk-a = ‘bhago-arka meaning 'Lord (or bountiful) Arka’. The word “Arka: has several meanings in the Rgveda. It applies to ‘Mantra (aymn), Yajia (sacrifice), srya (sun), plant and ‘Agni (fre). The fact that the God shown in an. arch of flame on the seal is the Fire God confirms that Agni was ‘meant by the term Rka in the inscription. The arch of fame corresponds to the Rgvedic description of Agni as domed by flames (bharijtham) and having a flag of smoke (Ghamaketi). Agni himself was the object of worship in Hiarappan times as suggested by the cylindrical seal No, 320 from Harappa bearing a motif of a large brazicr or Iure-altar from which flames are issuing forth, The inseription on the said seal reads pag-bhagerk-a-ka = paga- Dhaga-arkaha meaning ‘seal of the mighty Lord Arka’. A subtle difference between the Vedic ritual of Aymnistoma and the Harappan ritual of fre-worship can be made. The ‘Vedic Agni as domestic fire and leader is called Purohita, Yajamana, Sucidan, Vigpati, etc. He is asked to bring Gods othe sacrifice, On the other hand, the Harappan fre (ArkalAtha) is himself the god and is depicted as such on the seals and worshipped in fire-altars. The central stele in most ofthe fire-pits or enclosures of Kalibangan and the fone in a fire-nit of Lothal reoresents the Fire God. The S.. RNOMTHE ARYANS IN INDUS CTILIZATION than one cylindrical seal of Indus cities, ‘The depictation of seven chieftains wearing 3 Jong robe and standing below a deity, who is also standing between two branches ofa pipa tree in the Mohenjo-daro seal No, 430, is significant, The deity is wearing a long, robe anda pigtail besides a horn-headgear. The inscription atthe top reads trada-fa-Sara ~ trdatastara or tridato-ta (aka)-ara, The reference isto thirty gods (tridasa) who ‘are powerful (faka) and praiseworthy (ara It is Agni in the Rgveda who has the epithet Saptamanasa conveying, the meaning that he belongs to'seven people’. The earlier representation of this idea is seen in the Mohenjo-daro, seal depicting seven chieftains. Ifthe inscription is read ‘ridata-sara, it means a group (stoma) of goes of variegated ‘colour (Sard). If, however, the seven holy men represent saptarsis, who in atromonical parlance represent Rksa, 8 {group of 7 stars (lunar mansion Kris the vemal equinox coincided with Tauri (Kereia) in 2300 B.C. In Sloka 25 of Rgvedic Calendar (Revediyajyotisa) the presiding deity of the first constellation (nakstradevata) ix Agni (Agnih Prajapatih, somo afvinaw yama eva ca). N. MANADEVAN ‘observes that Agni being the first in the Naksatras, the [Naksatra list was prepared when vasantasaxipdra (Vernal ‘equinox-uiiarayana Punyakata) took place in Kika. In due course the Revjs found the vernal equinox taking place in Rohini constellation, the preceding Naksatra (Gloka 6) owing tothe precession ofthe earth atthe rate of 1 in 72 years and the story of Prajdpaui going to his youngest daughter as concocted. Sil Isler, the Vernal ‘equinox took place in ASvint (loka 14). Hence the list of | Naksatras started with Asvint. Mansoevan adds, " According to some astronomers the Reveda eulogized 33, groups of stars whom they called devah ‘shining’ (RY, 1 139)" Its surmised that the Harappans hai selected only 130 groups for determining the movement of the moon. Later it got reduced to 27 “Mohenjo-daro Seal No. 420 known a the Pasupati seal, is engraved with tricephalic deity wearing a horned head-gear with a fan-like central feature. He is seated in Padmasana om « low-footed stoel (sirihdsana) below which two guzelles (one of them damaged) are looking up. He wears bangles and wristlets. Seven lines inthe form of V are drawn on his chest and seven more inthe central part ‘of headgear, To his left are the buffalo and rhinoceros, ‘and to his right the elephant and tiger between which is a to left) ra-ma-trida-ao-f-a = rama-trida-ofa (080 ‘conveying the sense ‘pleasant and shining (or buming) i 3 ways! The three headed deity who is burning or shining in three ways is none other than Agni conceived i. hiv three forms, The seven lines shown on his chest ar symbolic ofthe ‘seven rays referred to in the Reveda a: ‘aptetantu and saporagm!. ‘The central feature in the headgear symbolizes flames, as Agni is said to have i ‘buming head. He is adorned by flames (bka-rjkam) anc ‘the homs symbolize his divinity. In another seal, Agni i: standing amidst branches of a tee justifying the epithe daruthisfagne, The anthropomorphic form of Agni in th. Indus seal is the forerunner of the concept of Agni-purus: mentioned in the Rgveda, He is Vaifvanara (RY, I, 1. (0), and according to ASvapati, he is the highest among ‘men (Purusatrestha, S. Br, X.'6. 1 to 11). The beast: represent the various animal deities of different ‘peoples for clans who have accepted the supremacy of the Firt ‘God. Even the elephant and tiger which have bors it other seals to suggest their divinity have lost the hom: (Givinity) in this seal One of the Indus seals depicts the bull-mar fighting the homed tiger which implies skirmishes betweer the fire-worshiping Bull-people and the Tiger-deifyins people. In MD seal no. 320 under discussion, the tiger i ‘ot reconciled to the supremacy of the Fire God. But ther. is one seal from Banawali in which the fire altar is showr in front of the homed tiger suggesting thereby that th. ‘Tiger-people have started respecting Agni. Inthe story 0 the birth of Agni and the eight names : Rudra, Sarva Pasupati, Ugra, Afani, Bhava, Mahadeva and Isana sven to him inthe Sazapatha Brahmana (V1. 3.8 10 18 the ttle Pasupat is highly significant. The ninth name i Jumara, Agni is said to have taken the form of plant (Osadhih) by which animals are sustained. This explein. ‘ot only the representation of Agni as the lord of beasts ‘but also the tucking ofthe twig in his headgear in seal MI 222. The symbol for trida (combination of thee signs fo the letter d) in the so-called Patupati seal stands for thre: forms of Agni, In later seals the word trida is representer by three vertical lines for the numeral 3 followed by th: alphabet da, In this connection R. N, DANDPKAR’ ‘observation regarding Ag’ in three forms is significant "One of the commonest features of Agni mythology is th: ‘emphasis placed in the RV on the triple character of Agni {ie indeed asserted that no cosmological fact is morfrequently alluded to than this threefold division of Fie. ‘There areas many as seventy passages in that Veda where this division is referred to with or without some form of ‘numeral there. RY I 20, 2, for instance, speaks of Agni's three powers, his three tongues and his tee bodies". Daneeat adds, “no counterpart of the name of Agni as such exists in any other Indo-European language. There ‘does not seem to have developed in early times any fire cult among the Indo-European people other than the Vedic Indians and the ancient Iranians. Presumably this cult developed during the period when the ancestors of the Vedic Indians and the ancient Iranian lived together in the region round Balkh before their three-fold migration ‘namely to Saptasindhu, to Iran and to Mitanni, and when such mythological concepts as those of Asura-Ahura and Soma-Haoma were evolved" Both in its language and religio-mythological concepts the Harappa culture represents the Proto-Aryan culture of the pre-separation days, But then question that remains to be answered is why does not the word Agni appear in scals if the Harappans were fire- ‘worshippers. The answer is that different words were used for fire in different cultures at different points of time. For instance, the Avestan cult which corresponds to thc Vedic Agni cult fo a large extent centered round AV Atar, and Athar has been regarded as the hypothetical base of Vedic Atharyu and the Iranian Atharvan. This is further corroborated by the words af, atar, atha and atha used for fie in some Indus seals while in others the word Rla is used. The Indus words ai/ar convey the same ‘meaning as the root ten in the RV, namely spread, illuminate. It appears that the idea of ilkiminating, shining orbrilliance was prominent inthe mind ofthe Harappans, \Vesic Aryans and the Iranians. Iis thie shining o biliant god of fre who is worshipped by all the three branches of Indo-European speaking people. The Harappans used the epithets eta, a (05a) and bha to describe this biliane. He is all-pervading or spreading (2 ~ tan), Agni has three forms, according to the Reveda, He is fre on earth, lightning in the Vayumandata and Surya inthe antarika, Hence he is given three faces in the Mohenjo-daro seal, land the inscription reading rama-érida-ao-€@ ~ rama tridha-osa conveys the meaning pleasant, triply shining ‘or burning. From the foregoing details it is abundantly clear and has the epithet makha and bhaga. Bhaga means wealth, ‘god, bountiful ctc., in the Reveda as well as Indus inscriptions. Another epithet of Agni in the Reveda is ‘Sahasasputrah’son of might. In Indus seals too, the epithet sahas is used for Agni. Attributes of Agni in the Reveda and Indus Seals Agni is addressed as srardram ‘saviour (from/ traty in RV 1.9. 44 (5). This concept of Agni as protector of the sacrifice and sacrifice is prominent in the RY. In Indus seals also Agni has the epithets pa, tar, tara etc, highlighting his eminent position as the protector of sacrifices. The paramountey of Agni is refered to in the inscription ona eicular seal which reads ek ppa'singular protector or'singular governor. Itreminds one of similar reference to Agni as eka-pat in the Rgveda. In the ‘conversation between Indra and Agni as embodied in the famous rik imari no agna (RV X. 124, 1), the supremacy of Agni is emphasized. The purport of the rik is:Oh Agni participate in the sacrifice which consists of five kinds of (havis); trivradatmaka and is sapiatantu. Be our chief and cartier of havis, you were, for long, hidden in darkness, He isin three places as indicated by the epithet crisadhastha in another Rik and is called Sarva (§. Br. 1.3. 11) because hae is everything since he comes from Udaka which is the source of life. Agni is said to be in the sacrificial post Gipastambha) and is addressed as yfpaimaka and ddarumayaimaka. In two seals Agni (Nlame) coming out of 2 fire altar is shown and one of them bears the inscription ‘pag-bhaga-arkaha’ ‘The presence of seven chief inthe seal depicting Agni and a man making an offering with a goat behind him may be a reference tothe god as "belonging to seven clans or people (Sapramanusa). I is suggested by some scholars that seven chiefs represent the seven rksa~(the seven star constellation) that is, the Ararta—the Placides. In that case the inscription ridasa may refer to the total star group of 30 which later got reduced to 27. If these explanations are accepted, the scene depicted on the seal seems to suggest the beginning ofthe sacrifice (sattra) in ‘Kritika. The goat may represent Indra whom Medhatthi brought. Reference to Indra is contained in other seals where he is called Gha (¢. g, Gha-pah-ppat) and Vrsa, ‘StaMARAMABAVANAW has an explanation for the scene. It ‘mav be the ASvatha-sambhara collection eoisode. thouch almost well withthe details of the Vede story of Soma’s redemption, The ASvaha-sambhtra sry run sfllows Once god Agni departed from the rest of gods assumed the form of horse (afva) and tok rest inthe Pinal wee; consequently the dried twis ofthe tree are Collected for the Agmadkina. Citing the above story SAMCALANARAYANAN suggest, “The home -headed deity ofthe pipalce is none but Agni: his tiple ‘horned or the Iria Neadares indicates the famous ayy or the three Vedas or the Trelagni, i. e. Triple fire, Dolsinagn, Garkapatya and Thavantya, all well known for their importance inthe Agr worship. The square construction to the right of the tree represents the Kunda of the Fhavantya Agni on the yajhaved! of the sacrifice, The principal figure that loks like kneling i the yajamna or the performer ofthe sacrifice, collecting the sambharas infront of im from the pipal tee. The imal being hin it the yajma-patu othe sacrificial goat. The seven figures below are the seven priests of the sacrifice as an Agni hymn tells us Sapta h‘drah sapuadha va yajant (Tat. Sa 1. ¥.3 et) (©God Agni) The seven sacrificial priests offer oblatons foyouin seven ways. The above is plausible explanation ‘ofthe scene. Referring tothe present thors reading of the inscription on the scene under discussion, Sivvtcanasanavann says, “however one may be tempted to suggest that tridasa-Sara may as well stand forthe celestial iridasa-®ara meaning "the stength or energy of the gods or of the heaven” and that t could as well serve a vort of label tothe soma scene depicted in the sea”. ‘The cylindrical sal from Kalibangan depicting city with the body of & gost and two Tmen—kings ot chiefslndes explanation. Seal 341 (VAT) has fire-altar and insription reading gah (or gha) pak ppat-ha ‘of gh protector, governor which is. repeated in seals 276 and 282 “Though Agni is not shown onather seals in which the epithets eae, erérha and sahas occur in insriptions, the references may be to Agni, for Agni is called sahasasputrah (RV. I. 8. 40 (2) "the son of might. Sahas means ‘might, capable of defeating enemies’, He is also own as Tray “saviour. Tn one of the Riks Agni Sin shene Gone ate the demcasie ew 0 the arth, ‘lightning in the Vayumandala and the Unlarisa, which represent energy in thee forms. Vedic seers are said to have discovered Agni hdd clouds and water. Obviously, the reference isto ligh or elecuical energy. The epithets Trta/Tidha in seals refer othe tee forms of gn. “The concept of gol or kng as protector is prominent in Indus inscriptions. The words use ‘protector, guardian’ et. are oma, pa p pak, pak (Pp pat (= pat). The god or king is also the ‘savi indicated by the epithets ta, trata, toda, ert and ¢ In the Raveda, Agni isthe protector of the sarific: the scnificer. In Indus seals also he i consider Protector (pa) and gracious lord (phaga), A seal depi deity caries the inscription par-‘aray-ueka ‘Lor. nergy) singular which may be a reference to 4g? IBY, Agni is addressed as Vanaspore and in Sota) Brahmana 2s PaSupat, as creator ofall beings (Tv the term vaks meaning ‘creator used in seal-inscripti significant problem is posed by the epithets po, pake ota occuring without any word for Agni in the sea ‘qualifying clement e. ,'shining’ conveyed by the 21 a, eta, 090, ha, haha, and the sgn for dy me: pervading, shining, heaven, etc, clears the doubt. In instances, the possiblity ofthe seal-inscrption ree to Agni should not be ruled out REFERENCES 1. Bridget and Raymond Autcum, (1982) The Ri Choilzation in India and Pakiqian, Chap Tl, 298 2. Autom, FR, (1980) Archaeological and Lany Hitorial Evidence forthe Movement of Indo speaking peoples ino nda and Pakistan Jo Othe K:R. Cama Oriewal Instinute, No, 48, Bot pp 68-102. 3. Asoiov, M.S, Lemay, B. Ax Maosinaxo and Racevsey, D. 8. (eds) Ethnic Problems i Hissory of Central Asia in the Early Period (St Millenium B. C.), Moscow, 1981. 4, Bumsow,T. The Proto-Indo-Aryans! Journal of: Asiatic Society, 2, 1973, 123-40. 5, Gumsiouns,R, Tram eta migration des IndonA io dee Iranians. Leiden. 1977.80 “wn ARYAN PROBLEM 6. Goenuras, M., ‘Proto-Indo-Buropean Cultures’ in 7. Samat, 8 S., (1972) Ancient Races of the Decean, Cannons G., Homacswain HM. and Sew A. (eds) Delhi, ‘Indo-European and Indo-Europeans, Philadelphia. Scieniftc American vill ‘Tue Aryan CULTURE 1, Danas, S.A, The Aryan Culture as reflected in the Vedas 2. BHAGWAN SiNcH, ‘Trade and Commerce in the Vedic Age 3. Amnvancat, K.D., A Search for the Earliest Vedic (Aryan) Calender 4, Ranave,H.G., The Concept of "Yajia’ Sacrifice in the Vedic Literature