151 Supreme Essays PDF

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The Indispensable Book '151 Supreme Essays' has been conceived and
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151 SUPREME ESSAYS

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CONTENTS
I. ESSAYS ON NATIONAL ISSUES ................................................. 1

l Triple Talaq Declared Unconstitutional ..........................................3
l Demonetisation ................................................................................5
l The Dokalam Issue .........................................................................8
l India–UAE Relationship: A New Chapter ....................................10
l Why Electoral Bonds are Necessary ..........................................13
l India-Israel Relations .....................................................................16
l Smart Cities in India .....................................................................19
l PM’s Digital India Programme .....................................................22
l Clean-India Drive ...........................................................................25
l India and the NSG ........................................................................28
l India Reinvents CHOGM ..............................................................30
l Union Budget 2018-19 ..................................................................32
l Start-up India Programme ............................................................35
l India–Japan Relations ...................................................................37
l Naxalism : A Threat to Internal Security ...................................40
l Passive Euthanasia ......................................................................43
l Women Empowerment ..................................................................46
l Changing Face of Terrorism ........................................................50
l National Security – Points To Ponder ........................................52
l Right to Information – A Tool to Realize Democracy ..............56
l Right to Privacy ............................................................................61
l Farmer’s Suicide ...........................................................................63
l Indian Nuclear Strategy : A Perspective For 2020 ...................65
l Paid News : A Cancer in Indian Media .....................................70
II. ESSAYS ON INTERNATIONAL ISSUES .................................... 73

l Brexit and its Impact ....................................................................75
l North Korea–US Summit 2018 ....................................................79
l Rohingya Crisis .............................................................................83
l Nuclear Security Summit ..............................................................86
l North Korea–South Korea Relations ............................................88
l Global Peace Index-2018 .............................................................92
l G-7 Summit-2018 ..........................................................................96
(iii)
(iv)
l BRICS Summit 2018 ................................................................... 99

l Iran and World Powers Nuclear Deal ....................................... 103
l Why India Deserves a Permanent Seat at
UN Security Council? ................................................................. 107
l United Nation’s Ocean Conference-2017 ................................. 110
III. ESSAYS ON POLITICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES ........................ 113

l Judicial Activism in India .......................................................... 115
l Anti-rape Law .............................................................................. 121
l Indo–China Relations ................................................................. 125
l Parliamentary Vs. Presidential System of Government ......... 127
l Ninth Schedule Verdict – Judicial Antidote to
Politics of Social Justice .......................................................... 130
l Relevance of Rajya Sabha ....................................................... 135
l Can Religion and Politics Co-exist? ......................................... 137
l Morality and Politics: Whom to Believe? ................................ 140
l Corporate Governance : Meaning, Principles,
Problems and Impact ................................................................. 143
l The Ideal and Concept of Welfare State ................................ 148
l Constitutionality and Judicial Interpretation of Bandh ............ 156
l Guarding the Guardians : National Judicial Council ............... 160
l NOTA : Starting Point for a Clean-up ..................................... 165
IV. ESSAYS ON ECONOMIC ISSUES ............................................167

l Census-2011 ............................................................................... 169
l Reforms Perspective and Second Generation Reforms ......... 170
l 14th Finance Commission (2015-2020) .................................... 175
l Energy Crisis In India ................................................................ 177
l Reservation in the Private Sector – A Rational and
Ritualistic Placebo ...................................................................... 180
l Special Economic Zone ............................................................. 188
l E-Commerce ............................................................................... 192
l Goods and Services Tax (GST) ............................................... 198
l The Political Economy of Economic Reforms ........................ 201
l Economic Reforms in India ....................................................... 208
l Should India Revisit Capital Account Convertibility (CAC)? .. 212
l National Food Security Act ....................................................... 215
(v)
l MNC’s : Saviours or Saboteurs ................................................218

l Multinational Companies and Globalization of
Consumers in India .....................................................................221
l Bitcoin ...........................................................................................224
l Public Distribution System .........................................................227
l KPO—Knowledge Process Outsourcing – The Ensuing
Revolution .....................................................................................229
l MGNREGA ...................................................................................232
l Make in India Campaign ............................................................234
l Economic Theory of Laissez-faire .............................................237
l Time to Privatise Banks ............................................................241
l Elephant Vs. Dragon : Who will Surge Ahead? ......................244
l Standardization of Indian Rupee ................................................247
l FDI in Retail ................................................................................249
l Women in the Emerging Economy: From Silence to
Voice, Taking Stock ...................................................................252
l Turning India into a Cashless Economy ..................................256
V. ESSAYS ON SOCIAL ISSUES ...................................................261

l Generation Y ................................................................................263
l Population as a Resource ..........................................................265
l Women and Development in Last 50 Years ............................269
l TV Versus Cinema .....................................................................275
l First Generation – Conserving Government’s Most
Valuable Resource ......................................................................278
l Privatization of Education: The World-wide View ..................282
l Domestic Violence Act – Women Safeguard Ensured ...........288
l A Need to Check on Reality Shows .........................................290
l Human Rights in India ................................................................293
l Child Labour : Protecting Children and Teenagers’
Rights is Everyone’s Job ...........................................................298
l Page Three Syndrome ................................................................303
l Drinking Habits Among Youths ..................................................305
l Indian Society Needs Reforms ..................................................307
l Economic Rights as Human Rights ..........................................309
l Water and Sanitation: Taking Stock of Watsan ......................312
l Epilepsy: Defogging the Demon ................................................316
(vi)
VI. ESSAYS ON SCIENCE ISSUES ..............................................321

l Nipah Virus Infection ................................................................. 323
l Mangalyaan : The Mars Orbiter Mission ................................. 326
l Nano Technology ........................................................................ 328
l Wi-Fi : A New Tool of Internet Technology ............................ 332
l GSLV-MK-III ................................................................................ 334
l Cyberworld : Its Charms and Challenges ................................ 336
l Genetically Modified Organism ................................................. 339
l Net Neutrality .............................................................................. 342
l Nuclear Roulette: ‘Conventional’ Thinking on Nuclear
Weapons is a Recipe for Mutual Suicide ................................ 344
l The Labyrinth of Knowledge ..................................................... 348
l Digital Divide ............................................................................... 350
l Artificial Intelligence ................................................................... 355
l Science, Technology and Human Welfare .............................. 361
l Quantum Information Science (QIS), Curiosity
and Community .......................................................................... 365
VII. ESSAYS ON GEOGRAPHICAL ISSUES ....................................371

l Paris Climate Summit – COP 21 ............................................. 373
l Agricultural Biotechnology : Applications and Effects ........... 377
l Significance of Biodiversity ....................................................... 381
l Organic Farming ......................................................................... 385
l Big Dams – Temples or Burial Grounds? ............................... 387
l Contract Farming: An Opportunity or Threat? ......................... 389
l Declining Protection for the Planet .......................................... 392
l Environmental Impact Assessment .......................................... 395
l Soil Erosion and Conservation ................................................. 397
l Global Warming : Pricing Carbon Correctly ............................ 399
l Resource Management in India ................................................ 402
VIII. ESSAYS ON MOTIVATIONAL ISSUES ................................. 407

l Negative Thoughts – The Unwelcome Home Guests ............ 409
l Affirmations and Life .................................................................. 412
l Seeing Challenges as Opportunities ........................................ 415
l Things are Good Bcoz I Said So ............................................ 419
(vii)
l Living Life Today for Tomorrow .................................................421

l Butterflies, Positive Attitude & We ...........................................424
l There is No Limit to What You can Do ...................................426
IX. ESSAYS ON FAMOUS PERSONALITIES ................................ 429

l Narendra Modi .............................................................................431
l Satyagraha and Gandhi ..............................................................434
l Swami Vivekananda : Visionary, Luminous Personality
and Radiant Spirituality ...............................................................436
l Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose – The Patriot and
The Hooligan Chief .....................................................................439
l Raja Ram Mohan Roy – Father of Indian Renaissance .........442
l Dr. B.R. Ambedkar : Messiah of Dalits
and Downtrodden .........................................................................444
l Kailash Satyarthi : A Child Right Crusader .............................447
l Rabindranath Tagore : King of Poets .......................................448
X. ESSAYS ON CULTURAL ISSUES ............................................ 453

l Mastering the Devil of Materialism ...........................................455
l Vulgarity and Mythic in Indian Cinema: Its Impact on
Individuals and Culture ...............................................................458
l Unity and Diversity in India .......................................................461
l Why Today’s Youth Culture has Gone Insane? ......................464
l Curative Yoga ..............................................................................469
l At a Threshold of Clash of Civilization ? .................................474
l The Indian State : Founded on Activism .................................479
l The Ideas of the Indians ............................................................484
XI. ESSAYS ON SPORTS ISSUES ............................................... 489

l FIFA World Cup-2018 .................................................................491
l Commonwealth Games-2018 ......................................................493
l Indian Premier League (IPL)–11 ................................................495
l Rio Olympic-2016 ........................................................................498
l The Value of Sports ...................................................................500
l ICC World Twenty20 – 2016 ......................................................502
l Ethics in Sports ..........................................................................504
l Sachin Tendulkar .........................................................................505
(viii)
XII. ESSAYS ON MISCELLANEOUS ISSUES................................ 507

l E-education: Igniting an Education Revolution ........................ 509
l Right to Education ..................................................................... 511
l Green Finance ............................................................................ 514
l Corruption is an Accepted Norm .............................................. 516
l Disaster Management in India .................................................. 519
l Importance of English ................................................................ 521
l The Open System of Education ............................................... 524
l ‘Should Sex Education be Allowed in School Curriculum’? .. 527
l Casteless India – Is it a Pipedream? ...................................... 531
l Should Tribal People be Given the Right to
Preserve their Forests? ............................................................. 537
l Women Reservation Bill ............................................................ 539
l Indianization of Indian Television ............................................. 542
l Women in the Indian National Army ........................................ 545
l Philanthropy and Social Responsibility – The ‘Do Good
to Feel Good’ Factor ................................................................. 547
l Reservation Curse in Today’s Society .................................... 550
l Need for Value-based Education in the
Twenty-first Century ................................................................... 559
l Water Crisis in India .................................................................. 565
l Opportunities and Risks for India in the
Knowledge Society ..................................................................... 569
l Indian Cinema ............................................................................. 573
l Wildlife Conservation in India ................................................... 576
l Indian Communism: Good Practice, Bad Theory ................... 578
l Media and People Power .......................................................... 582
l Intellectual Property: Traditional Knowledge
Receives a Boost ....................................................................... 590
l Examinations – Right or Wrong ............................................... 594
l Soul and Mind as Sources of Happiness ............................... 598
l Service to Mother is the Highest ............................................. 601
l Modern Lifestyle ......................................................................... 605
l Should the RTI Act be Extended to Bourses? ...................... 609
l Article 370 : A Bone of Contention ......................................... 612
I
ESSAYS ON
NATIONAL ISSUES
2 F 151 Supreme Essays

TRIPLE TALAQ DECLARED
UNCONSTITUTIONAL
L ok Sabha passed the triple talaq bill on December 27, 2017 but is
pending in the Rajya Sabha. On 22nd August, 2017 a five-judge bench
of the Supreme Court in a split verdict ruled that the practice of instant
triple talaq in the Muslim community is unconstitutional. The bench set
aside the practice by a majority of 3 : 2.
Majority Verdict
Three judges of the bench said that triple talaq must be struck down as it
goes against the Constitution and is unacceptable. They said that the Muslim
Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act of 1937 recognised and enforced
triple talaq, therefore, it should not be considered a personal law but a
statutory law. Hence it comes under the ambit of Article 13(1) of the
Constitution. Article 13 mandates that any law, framed before or after the
Constitution, should not be violative of the fundamental rights. Triple Talaq
is manifestly arbitrary and was violative of Article 14 (the Right to Equality)
and did not enjoy the protection of Article 25(1) of the Constitution.
Minority Verdict
Two judges ruled that triple talaq enjoys the status of fundamental rights
as it is a part of Muslim personal law. They were in favour of putting the
practice aside for a period of six months allowing Parliament to legislate
on it. They asked political parties to set aside their differences and introduce
a new law on the practice, taking into account concerns of Muslim bodies
and the Sharia law.
Triple Talaq and the Indian Constitution
Article 25 of the Constitution guarantees religious freedom as Freedom of
Practice and Propagation of Religion. Like all other Fundamental Rights,
it is subject to restrictions and does not protect religious practices that can
negatively affect the welfare of citizens. Hence, Article 25 is overridden by
Article 14, which guarantees the Right to Equality as triple talaq denies a
Muslim woman's equality before the law. Article 25 is also subject to
Article 15 (1) which states that the State “shall not discriminate against any
Essays on National Issues F 3
citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex…” Since triple talaq
does not work in the favour of women, it violates Article 15 (1) of the
Constitution. However, section 2 of the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat)
Application Act of 1937 recognises triple talaq as a statutory right, bringing
it under the ambit of Article 13 of the Constitution. Article 13 defines 'law'
and says that all laws, framed before or after the Constitution, shall not be
violative of the fundamental rights.
What is Triple Talaq?
There are three forms of talaq (divorce) in Islam: Ahsan, Hasan and Talaq-
e-Biddat (triple or instant talaq). Ahsan and Hasan are revocable but Biddat
is irrevocable. Triple talaq is a practice mainly prevalent among India's
Muslim community following the Hanafi Islamic school of law. Under this
practice, a Muslim man can divorce his wife by simply uttering "talaq"
three times but women cannot pronounce triple talaq and are required to
move a court for getting divorce under the Sharia Act, 1937. Triple talaq
divorce is banned by many Islamic countries, including Pakistan, Bangladesh
and Indonesia.
Background
The issue has been making news since a Muslim organisation, Bharatiya
Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA), launched a campaign to ban triple talaq
and "nikah halala" - a practice where divorced women have to undergo
second marriage to retain the first marriage. In 2015, Shayara Bano, a
resident of Uttarakhand, filed a petition in the Supreme Court seeking a ban
on the practice after her husband ended 15-year marriage by sending a letter
pronouncing the word talaq thrice. In 2015 only, the SC registered a suo
motu public interest litigation (PIL) petition titled 'In Re: Muslim Women's
Quest for Equality' to examine if arbitrary divorce, polygamy and nikah
halala violate women's dignity.
Past SC Rulings
In the Shah Bano Case (1985), the SC gave 62-year-old Shah Bano the
right to alimony from her husband by invoking a provision in the Criminal
Procedure Code, 1973, a legislation for compensation that is to be given by
the husband as maintenance to his divorced wife. However, The Muslim
Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 was passed which was
seen as an attempt to dilute the effect of Shah Bano Case judgement. In
2001, Danial Latifi & Anr v. Union of India case, SC reiterated the validity
of the Shah Bano case judgement upholding Muslim women's rights.
Conclusion
There is no doubt that triple talaq violates women’s rights to equality and
freedom, including freedom within the marriage, and should be invalidated
by the Supreme Court. The larger question, however, is whether the court
will stick to its old, narrow, colonial-influenced jurisprudence, and strike
down triple talaq while nonetheless upholding a body of law that answers
not the Constitution, but to dominant and powerful voices within separate
communities; or it will, in 2017, change course, and hold that no body of law
(or rather, no body of prescriptions that carries all the badges and incidents
of law) can claim a higher source of authority than the Consitution of India.
DEMONETISATION
I n a historical move that will add record strength in the fight against
corruption, black money, money laundering, terrorism and financing of
terrorists as well as counterfeit notes, the Government of India has decided
that the 500 and 1000 rupee notes will no longer be legal tender from
midnight, 8 November, 2016. Prime Minister Narendra Modi made these
important announcements during a televised address to the nation on the
evening of 8 November 2016. He said that these decisions will fully protect
the interests of honest and hard-working citizens of India and that those five
hundred and one thousand rupee notes hoarded by anti-national and anti-
social elements will become worthless pieces of paper.
Though the unprecedented financial measure may have come as a rude
shock to many, Narendra Modi also gave enough opportunities and threw
enough hints in this regard. However, he waited for the festival season of
Dussehra and Diwali to get over. The first such initiative came when the
Narendra Modi Government, in its very first Cabinet meeting, constituted a
Supreme Court-monitored Special Investigation Team (SIT) on Black Money.
This was followed by the launch of the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan
Yojana (PMJDY) on August 28, 2014. Prime Minister Narendra Modi took
personal interest in the scheme. He made it a mission to ensure that the
scheme was successful. The scheme would be of immense help in the
present circumstances. Now, that ` 500 and ` 1000 currency denomination
notes have been banned, transactions from banks will acquire importance.
Opening of accounts even in the remote areas will help the rural villagers.
They will not feel the pinch of demonetisation of the currency notes.
Had the bank accounts not been opened, the people would have faced
immense problems. But not now, at least for those who have bank accounts.
Roughly, 25.45 crore accounts have been opened so far and ` 45,302.48
crore has been deposited in these accounts.
A total of 4.30 crore accounts have been opened in the Regional Rural
Banks with 3.70 crore in the rural areas and 0.60 crore in the urban areas.
As far as the private banks are concerned, a total of 0.86 crore banks have
been opened 0.53 crore in the rural areas and 0.34 crore accounts in the
urban areas. Hence, a whopping 15.62 crore accounts have been opened in
the rural areas and 9.83 crore accounts have been opened in the urban areas.
The government renegotiated the Double Tax Avoidance Agreement
(DTAA) with Mauritius to impose Capital Gains Tax if such Capital Asset
is situated in India. The Narendra Modi Government also negotiated an
Automatic Information Exchange Agreement with Switzerland. Agreements
are also being negotiated with other tax havens. From 2017, Organisation
of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries have agreed
to share information on foreign account holders with their home countries.
The scheme was launched to bring back black money stashed in foreign
countries and tax havens. The scheme ended on 30 September, 2015. The
Act also had various stringent provisions for penalty and prosecution of
foreign black money holders unearthed during future investigation by the
tax department.
The Income Declaration Scheme (IDS) which opened on June 1, 2016
gave a chance to black money holders to come clean by declaring the assets
by September 30 and paying tax and penalty of 45 per cent on it. The
Narendra Modi Government wanted to capture the entire parallel economy
flowing in the system of ` 7 lakh crore in India. The government was upset
with the output of IDS scheme. Though the Income Tax department had
identified 90 lakh high value transactions without PAN, the final disclosure
of black money was to the tune of ` 65,250 crore.
The Narendra Modi Government imposed a penalty of 20 per cent on
all cash transactions exceeding ` 20,000 to purchase or sell a property (real
estate). This was aimed at curbing the role of black money in real estate
transactions. Another important step to check high value cash transactions
and create an audit trail was to impose Tax Collection at Source at a
nominal rate of 1 per cent on cash purchases exceeding ` 2 lakh.
The Parliament passed the Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Amendment
Act, 2016 (BTP Amendment Act) in August. It came into force from
November 1, 2016. The new law seeks to give more teeth to the authorities
to curb benami transactions. The notification issued by the Income Tax
department, stated that after coming into effect, the BTP Amendment Act,
the existing Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Act, 1988, shall be renamed
as Prohibition of Benami Property Transactions Act, 1988 (PBPT Act).
Narendra Modi is the second Indian Prime Minister to demonetise high-
value rupee notes in independent India. But he will be the first to introduce
the ` 2,000 note. In 1978, the then Prime Minister Morarji Desai had
banned all currency notes above ` 100. In both instances, it was the menace
of black money that had compelled the government to scrap the existing
high-value currency notes.
The Prime Minister has time and again said that the Government is
committed to ensure that the menace of black money is overcome.
Ray of Hope
l Because of demonetisation, the huge amount of money, which has
been unbanked, has come into the banking system. This cash came
back to the banks, will be taxed and that's an obvious gain. If most
of the black money is detected, the economist Surjit Bhallah has
calculated, the additional revenue in the first year will be ` 2.5 lakh
crore with a further increase of ` 1.5 lakh crore in perpetuity.
l Finance Ministry said, terrorist financing has stopped almost entirely,
because of demonetisation of special bank notes.
l Severe cash crunch caused by 'NoteBandi', led people to lean more
and more on digital transaction. Measures have been taken by
government to promote cashless economy as well.
Conclusion
Experts say, there is a little impact of demonetisation on black economy,
since only 1 per cent of black wealth is kept as cash. The process of
demonetisation was carried out without preparation and caused big loses to
the informal sectors.
All in all, it affected most ominously to those who never possessed any
black money. The beneficial spin-offs of demonetization could have been
achieved by other and less-self defeating ways.
Though, India has achieved significant gains in various field, especially
after liberalization, the prosperity of our country is still shackled in the
chains of corruption, illicit activities, tax evasion, opaqueness and inefficiency
of administration, etc. Few people believe, to settle all these factors lagging
our nation behind, once and for all, a huge disruption was needed and
demonetization did just that.
THE DOKALAM ISSUE
D okalam is a narrow plateau lying in the tri-junction region of Bhutan,

China and India. It is situated roughly 15 km southeast of the Nathu
La pass that separates India and China. On the western edge of the Dokalam
plateau is Doka La, which connects Sikkim with either Tibet (Chinese
Government claim) or linking Sikkim to Western Bhutan (Bhutanese and
Indian claim).
On July 12, China signalled its intent to end the standoff between
Indian and Chinese troops in the Dokalam area at an early date, if Indian
forces withdraw to what it called the “Indian side of the boundary”. The
standoff has been continuing since first week of June 2017, adding tension
to the Sino-Indian relations.
Background
The present standoff started in June 2017 when People's Liberation Army
(PLA) of China started constructing a road towards Doka La. The Royal
Bhutan Army tried to intervene but they were pushed back. Bhutan maintains
no formal diplomatic ties with China and depends on military and diplomatic
support from India. The Bhutanese Army thus approached the Indian troops
for help. India has officially accepted that its troops blocked PLA road
construction inside Dokalam as it would "represent a significant change of
status quo with serious security implications for India.”
Bhutan’s Concern
Until 1959, China made no claims on Dokalam, asserting in one official
communication that there were no discrepancies in its maps and those of
Bhutan at that time. But now, China cites the 1890 China-Britain treaty,
which states that the border runs west from Doka-La along the ridgeline -
that is, south of the Dokalam plateau. Bhutan disputes this, noting that the
1890 convention applies to the borders of India and China, not Bhutan and
China. Bhutan knows it is taking a risk but it is counting on the fact that
China would be loath to be seen as a bully - and that India would stand by
it militarily.
India’s Vulnerability
The Dokalam area is dangerously close to the narrow Siliguri Corridor (or
the Chicken's Neck) that connects the northeastern States with the rest of
India. Undisputed control over Dokalam will give China tactical and strategic
advantage in the region. The corridor is extremely important for India
because rail and road networks towards the North East run through it. This
allows it to sustain the armed forces posted in the North East which will
form an important piece of puzzle if a conflict arises between India and
China.
Proximity to the region through road near the Siliguri corridor gives
China two-fold benefit - India's north-eastern troops fall in disarray and
India gets another headache of maintaining order in the North East. Since
1998, China has been developing infrastructure in the region. Reports suggest
that it has already built a crisscross of basic roads there. China now intends
to build all-weather highway in the region to gain strategic advantage.
What are China's Concerns?

Beijing has been intensely distrustful of its two economically powerful
neighbours - Japan across the sea and India across the mountains. Since it
has surged way ahead of India in terms of economic development, China
wants to zealously guard the advantage, pricking India from time to time
to register its military superiority. India, however, is also a huge market for
Chinese consumer goods. And that is an opportunity Beijing does not want
to forgo. But India's growing economic and diplomatic clout ruffles China.
India's unflinching opposition to China's grandiose One Belt One Road
(OBOR) idea marks a setback for Beijing's strategic, economic and political

pursuits. In Beijing's view, India is a critical 'swing State' that increasingly
is moving to the U.S. camp, undercutting China's ambition to establish a
Sino-centric Asia.
Dokalam Standoff Between India and China Ends

India and China have ended their military standoff by agreeing to speedy
disengagement on the Dokalam plateau in Bhutan. This welcome development
has come just days before Prime Minister Narendra Modi's scheduled visit
to China for the BRICS Summit (September 3-5) in Xiamen city. The
separate announcements by India and China that the Dokalam military
stand-off has ended are a welcome sign that diplomacy has prevailed over
the harsh rhetoric of the past two months.
The essence of the deal—mutual disengagement and restoration of the
situation before the Chinese construction of a road towards the Indian
border and the deployment of Indian troops blocking that activity—is close
to what India wanted. China, which had demanded an unconditional Indian
withdrawal from Dokalam, has had a greater difficulty in presenting the
return to status quo as victory. But India’s decision to announce the withdrawal
first seems to have given sufficient political space for China to accept the
outcome while affirming its sovereignty over a territory that is also claimed
by Bhutan.
INDIA–UAE RELATIONSHIP: A NEW

CHAPTER
I n a significant development taking the relations between the two countries

to a notch higher than the current level, on February 10, 2018, India and
United Arab Emirates (UAE) signed two agreements in the field of oil &
gas during Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi’s state visit to three West
Asian nations of Jordan, UAE and Oman from February 9-12, 2018. With
signing of these two agreements, India and UAE have progressed from a
buyer-seller relationship to an era of mutual investments. Agreements were
signed in the presence of Mr. Modi and Sheikh Mohammad Bin Zayed Al-
Nahyan, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi. The first one is the Concession
Agreement between an Indian Consortium led by ONGC Videsh and state-
run Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) for award of 10 per cent
stake in its Lower Zakum Offshore oil field. And the second one is an
agreement between Indian Strategic Petroleum Reserves Ltd. (ISPRL) and
ADNOC to operationalise the filling up of one of India’s Strategic Petroleum
Reserve (SPR) caverns in Mangalore, Karnataka.
Both the agreements will go a long way to ensure India’s energy
security in the mid-term as well as in the long run. This is the first Indian
upstream investment in a producing asset in the Gulf region and in the
Middle East. As Mr. Dharmendra Pradhan, the Union Minister for Petroleum
and Natural Gas, says, these are “historical milestones” accomplished in
India-UAE oil and gas relations, symbolising the growing trust in the
relationship between the two nations. Since Prime Minister Mr. Modi first
went to UAE in August 2015, the last two and half years have seen a huge
intensification of India’s engagement with that country with four high-
level, Head of Government, visits between the two countries.
Before going into the details of the two agreements, just to put it in
perspective, the UAE continue to be an important supplier of crude, liquid
natural gas (LNG) and liquid petroleum gas (LPG) to the Indian market.
UAE is the 5th largest import source and accounts for about 6 per cent of
India’s total crude imports. It is also the 3rd largest source of LPG and
POL (petroleum, oil, lubricants). India is already the 3rd largest consumer
of energy in the world and is the 3rd largest importer of oil and 4th largest
importer of gas. Propelled by an economy that will grow to more than five-
times its current size by 2040, Indian energy demand is forecast by the
International Energy Agency (IEA) to grow by more than any other country
in the period upto 2040 and account for one-third of total incremental
growth. This also provides for an ideal setting for India and the UAE to
strengthen their hydrocarbon engagement.
The Concession Agreement will directly boost India’s energy security.
The agreement awards 10 per cent participating interest in Abu Dhabi’s
offshore Lower Zakum oil field to a consortium of Indian Public Sector
companies which comprises ONGC Videsh, which is the foreign investment
arm of the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC), Indian Oil Corporation
Ltd. (IOCL) and Bharat Petro Resources Ltd. (BPRL) at a participating fee
of 2.2 billion dirhams ($ 600 million). The agreement came into effect
from March 9, 2018 and will be effective for the next 40 years. From a
current production of 400,000 barrels per day, the production will peak at
450,000 barrels per day by 2025. Indian share of oil will be 10 per cent,
i.e., about 2.24 MMTPA (million metric tonnes per annum) at peak
production. Average share for India will be 1.75 MMTPA for next 40
years. Total cumulative share of the Indian consortium will be 70 MMT
over the next 40 years. Indian share of 900,000 barrels of DAS Crude for
March, 2018 and 1.2 million barrels for April, 2018 has already been
offered by ADNOC.
Mr. Pradhan said that the offshore concession in favour of the Indian
consortium has taken the bilateral engagement in the oil and gas sector to
a golden phase which is in sync with the comprehensive strategic partnership
between the two countries. With this development, India and the UAE have
entered a new era of mutual investment in the oil and gas sector from a
mere buyer and seller relationship that existed earlier. The participation will
provide a valuable platform to Indian upstream companies to work alongside
the international majors and thus expose them to the latest state-of-the art
technology and management practices.
From Abu Dhabi’s perspective, not only the Indian consortium is the
first group to win a stake in ADNOC’s offshore oil concession, but also the
deal is set to help UAE expand its foothold in Asia. ADNOC, like other
major oil producers, wants to tap rising demand growth and invest in India,
the world’s third-biggest consumer. The concession deal, ADNOC’s Chief
Executive Mr. Sultan al-Jaber said in a statement, “will help India meet its
growing demand for energy and refined products, create opportunities for
ADNOC to increase its market share in a key growth market, and build a
solid foundation as ADNOC explores potential international investments,
particularly focussed on downstream opportunities.”
The ADNOC would split its ADMA-OPCO offshore concession into
three areas—Lower Zakum, Umm Shaif and Nasr, and Sateh Al Razboot
and Umm Lulu—with new terms to unlock greater value and increase
opportunities for partnerships. The existing ADMA-OPCO concession, in
which ADNOC has a 60 per cent stake that it will retain, produces around
700,000 barrels per day (BPD) of oil and is projected to have a capacity
of about 1.0 million BPD by 2021. Existing shareholders in ADMA-OPCO
are BP public limited company with 14.67 per cent. Total SA with 13.33
per cent and Japan Oil Development Co. with 12 per cent. ADNOC is still
finalising opportunities, with potential partners, for the remaining 30 per
cent of the available 40 per cent stake in the Lower Zakum offshore
concession.
The second significant Agreement was between the Indian Strategic
Petroleum Reserves Ltd. (ISPRL) and ADNOC to invest in the strategic
crude oil storage facility in Mangalore, Karnataka. ADNOC will invest
about $400 million by way of storing crude in one ISPRL underground
rock cavern in Mangalore of capacity 5.86 million barrels (0.81 MMT).
The period of storage will be 3 years with automatic extension of 2 + 2
years. UAE will be the first country which will participate in India’s
Strategic Petroleum Reserves Programme. It is befitting that a strategic
partner like the UAE is also India’s valued partner in the area of SPR. The
oil storage facility will help boost India’s energy security as well as enable
ADNOC to efficiently and competitively meet market demand in India and
across the fast developing south east Asian economies. The initial Oil
Storage and Management Agreement was signed in January 2017 during the
State Visit by H.H. Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed to India as the Chief Guest
at India’s Republic Day celebrations.
It is also pertinent to know, with the Lower Zakhum acquisition, Indian
oil and gas PSUs have investments in 27 countries. Indian PSUs made a
major acquisition in Russia in 2016. Indian PSUs—ONGC Videsh, IOCL,
BPRL and Oil India Ltd.—jointly acquired 49.9 per cent stake in Vankor
oil field and 29.9 per cent in Tassyurakh at an investment of $5.5 billion.
This gave India equity oil of 15 MMTPA, which is about 40 per cent of
its annual domestic production. In order to boost India’s energy security,
government has already expressed its commitment to increase and diversify
India’s overseas upstream footprint.
WHY ELECTORAL BONDS ARE

NECESSARY
I ndia is the largest democracy in the world. However, despite strengthening

various institutions for the last seven decades, India has not been able to
evolve a transparent political funding system. Elections and political parties
are a fundamental feature of Parliamentary democracy. Elections cost money.
The round the year functioning of the political parties involves a large
expenditure. Parties run offices throughout the country. Staff salaries,
travelling expenses, establishment cost are regular expenditures of political
parties. There has not been a single year where election either for the
Parliament or State Assemblies have not been held. Besides expenditure of
individual candidates, political parties have to spend money on election
campaigns, publicity, tours, travels and election related establishments. These
expenditures run into hundreds of crores. Yet, there has not been a transparent
funding mechanism of the political system.
The conventional system of political funding is to rely on donations.
These donations, big or small, come from a range of sources from political
workers, sympathisers, small business people and even large industrialists.
The conventional practice of funding the political system was to take donations
in cash and undertake these expenditures in cash. The sources are anonymous
or pseudonymous. The quantum of money was never disclosed. The present
system ensures unclean money coming from unidentifiable sources. It is a
wholly non-transparent system. Most political groups seem fairly satisfied
with the present arrangement and would not mind this status-quo to continue.
The effort, therefore, is to run down any alternative system which is devised
to cleanse up the political funding mechanism.
A major step was taken during the first NDA Government led by Shri
Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The Income Tax Act was amended to include a
provision that donations made to political parties would be treated as
expenditure and would thus give a tax advantage to the donor. If the
political party disclosed its donations in a prescribed manner, it would also
not be liable to pay any tax. A political party was expected to file its returns
both with the income-tax authorities and Election Commission. It was
hoped that donors would increasingly start donating money by cheque.
Some donors did start following this practise but most of them were reluctant
to disclose the details of the quantum of donation given to a political party.
This was because they feared consequences visiting them from political
opponents. The law was further amended during the UPA Government to
provide for "pass through" electoral trust so that the donors would park
their money with the electoral trusts which in turn would distribute the
same to various political parties. Both these reforms taken together resulted
in only a small fraction of the donations coming in form of cheques.
In order to make a serious effort to carry forward this reform process,
Govt. had announced in his Budget for the year 2017-18 that the existing
system would be substantially widened and donations of clean money could
be made to political parties in several ways. A donor could enjoy a tax
deduction by donating in cheque. Donors were also free to donate moneys
online to political parties. A cash donation to a political party could not
exceed an amount of ` 2000. In addition, a scheme of electoral bonds was
announced to enable clean money and substantial transparency being brought
into the system of political funding.
Govt. does believe that donations made online or through cheques
remain an ideal method of donating to political parties. However, these
have not become very popular in India since they involve disclosure of
donor’s identity. However, the electoral bond scheme, envisages total clean
money and substantial transparency coming into the system of political
funding. A donor can purchase electoral bonds from a specified bank only
by a banking instrument. He would have to disclose in his accounts the
amount of political bonds that he has purchased. The life of the bond would
be only 15 days. A bond can only be encashed in a pre-declared account
of a political party. Every political party in its returns will have to disclose
the amount of donations it has received through electoral bonds to the
Election Commission. The entire transactions would be through banking
instruments. As against a total non-transparency in the present system of
cash donations where the donor, the donee, the quantum of donations and
the nature of expenditure are all undisclosed, some element of transparency
would be introduced in as much as all donors declare in their accounts the
amount of bonds that they have purchased and all parties declare the quantum
of bonds that they have received. How much each donor has distributed to
a political party would be known only to the donor. This is necessary
because once this disclosure is made, past experience has shown, donors
would not find the scheme attractive and would go back to the less-desirable
option of donating by cash. In fact, the choice has now to be consciously
made between the existing system of substantial cash donations which
involves total unclean money and is non-transparent and the new scheme
which gives the option to the donors to donate through entirely a transparent
method of cheque, online transaction or through electoral bonds. While all
three methods involve clean money, the first two are totally transparent and
the electoral bonds scheme is a substantial improvement in transparency
over the present system of no-transparency.
The Government is willing to consider all suggestions to further
strengthen the cleansing of political funding in India. It has to be borne in
mind that impractical suggestions will not improve the cash denominated
system. They would only consolidate it.

What are Electoral Bonds?
Before understanding the electoral bond let's define what a bond is. Bond
is a debt instrument which generally has following instrument:
l The issuer will come under a debt/liability
l The rate of interest is usually referred to as coupon rate
l There is a term/maturity period.
Although the term “bond” is used the “Electoral Bonds”, these

instruments will not have all the features of bond (no interest rate, returns
will go to the political parties-having said so, all of this will be clear when
the government in consultation with RBI will come out with a policy)
INDIA-ISRAEL RELATIONS
P M Modi became the first Indian PM to visit Israel. PM’s visit marks
25 years since India and Israel established diplomatic relations. India
and Israel signed seven agreements to increase cooperation in key sectors
like space, agriculture and water conservation as both sides sought to deepen
ties beyond high-priced defence deals. A decision was announced to upgrade
ties to a strategic partnership.
India-Israel Relations Background
India’s position on the establishment of the State of Israel was affected by
many factors, including India’s own partition on religious lines, and India's
relationship with other nations. To add to that India had a sizeable Muslim
population that was traditionally opposed to creation of Israel on the
Palestinian land. India formally recognised Israel post-independence in
September 1950. However, its Israel policy was driven by the principled
stand of solidarity with the Palestinian cause and India’s international approach
on issues as aligned with its domestic needs. Domestically, politicians in
India feared losing their vote banks if relations were normalised with Israel.
Additionally, India did not want to jeopardise the large amount of its
citizens working in Arab States of the Persian Gulf, who were helping India
maintain its foreign-exchange reserves. In addition, India was also dependent
on the Arab nations for oil supply to meet its energy needs. Emergence of
the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in the 1950s, of which India was a
founding member, further drove India away from taking any pro-Israel
stand openly.
1992 Establishment of Full Diplomatic Ties
It was in 1992 when India finally established full diplomatic relations with
Israel but only after taking Palestinian President Yasser Arafat on board.
There were two reasons behind it. The first one was the peace process
between Israel and Palestine which was in an advanced state at that time.
The second one was the pressure from the United States. India also needed
a global interface for its economy after it decided to follow economic
liberalization in 1991 as well as new markets to meet its defence needs after
the USSR collapse.
Over the past quarter century, the countries have developed close ties
in high-tech and defense. The three main components of cooperation between
both countries are:
Defense
India is the world’s biggest importer of defense equipment, and Israel has
become one of its major suppliers.
l Israeli companies, led by government-owned aerospace giant Israel
Aircraft Industries, have signed arms deals with India totalling over
$2.6 billion earlier this year.
l By 2000, India was acquiring surface-to-air missiles (Barak 1) and
UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) from Israel. Subsequently, the

refurbishing of MiG-21 aircraft employed Israeli avionics.
l Israel sold India the Phalcon airborne early warning system and
mounted on the Russian II-76, provided AWACs capability.

l Subsequent acquisitions have included Spike anti-tank guided missiles
and the long range surface-to-air missiles in both naval and land
versions.
l Israel was one of the main suppliers for India during the Kargil war
with Pakistan. It showed its reputation as a strong, stable supplier,

even in times of duress.
l Israel is already selling India an average of $1 billion per year in
military equipment.

Agriculture
In 2008, Israel launched the India-Israel Agriculture Project (IIAP) aimed
at setting up specialized agriculture centres across India:
l The IIAP is a three-way collaboration between the Indian government,
the Israel government and a State in India.

l So far of the proposed 26 centres of excellence, 15 have become
fully operational, while the remaining is expected to start from early

next year.
l Most of the centres are focused on providing top class technical
know-how seeds, best farming practices to enable growers of the

region improve their yields and in the process increase his income.
l In agriculture, Israel’s drip irrigation model is popular in many parts
of India.
Water
l As a water-challenged State, Israel recycles 90% of its water, and
95% of sewage is processed for agricultural use, making it virtually
a closed water cycle. Desalination is one of the main areas for
collaboration and sharing of experience and expertise.
l An Israeli company was recently awarded a project to clean a part
of the river Yamuna.
India-Israel-Palestine
With Prime Minister visit to Israel, India has finally de-hyphenated its
relationship with Israel and Palestine, engaging with the two arch-rivals
separately and on mutually beneficial terms.
PM’s visit to Israel indicates that New Delhi is pursuing its relations
with the West Asian nation on its own merit. The assessment in the situation
in West Asia has changed over the past few years and India’s ties with other
countries in the region are much stronger, including forging of strategic
partnerships with some countries in the Gulf.
India has been an old friend of Palestine and supported its cause and
people for long. India has been a committed supporter of the two nation
theory, with Palestine being a separate entity. Palestine also sought “greater
role” by India for its cause, even as it asserted that it was not worried over
the growing Indo-Israel ties.
SMART CITIES IN INDIA
What is a Smart City?

A ‘smart city’ is an urban region that is highly advanced in terms of overall
infrastructure, sustainable real estate, communications and market viability. It
is a city where information technology is the principal infrastructure and the
basis for providing essential services to residents. There are many technological
platforms involved, including but not limited to automated sensor networks
and data centres. Though this may sound futuristic, it is now likely to become
a reality as the ‘smart cities’ movement unfolds in India.
In a smart city, economic development and activity is sustainable and
rationally incremental by virtue of being based on success-oriented market
drivers such as supply and demand. They benefit everybody, including
citizens, businesses, the government and the environment.
The concept of smart cities originated at the time when the entire world
was facing one of the worst economic crises. In 2008, IBM began work on
a ‘smarter cities’ concept as part of its Smarter Planet initiative. By the
beginning of 2009, the concept had captivated the imagination of various
nations across the globe.
Countries like South Korea, UAE and China began to invest heavily
into their research and formation. Today, a number of excellent precedents
exist that India can emulate, such as those in Vienna, Aarhus, Amsterdam,
Cairo, Lyon, Málaga, Malta, the Songdo International Business District near
Seoul, Verona etc.
The cities with ongoing or proposed smart cities include Kochi in
Kerala, Ahmedabad in Gujarat, Aurangabad in Maharashtra, Manesar in
Delhi NCR, Khushkera in Rajasthan, Krishnapatnam in Andhra Pradesh,
Ponneri in Tamil Nadu and Tumkur in Karnataka. Many of these cities will
include special investment regions or special economic zones with modified
regulations and tax structures to make it attractive for foreign investment.
This is essential because much of the funding for these projects will have
to come from private developers and from abroad.

The concept is not without challenges, especially in India. For instance,
the success of such a city depends on residents, entrepreneurs and visitors
becoming actively involved in energy saving and implementation of new
technologies. There are many ways to make residential, commercial and
public spaces sustainable by ways of technology, but a high percentage of
the total energy use is still in the hands of end users and their behaviour.
Also, there is the time factor—such cities can potentially take anything
between 20 and 30 years to build.
What is the Scope of Smart Cities in India?

India is drawing on the development of smart cities at the global level.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision ‘Digital India’, has a plan to build
100 smart cities across the country. Modi in his speech said, “Cities in the
past were built on riverbanks. They are now built along highways. But in
the future, they will be built based on availability of optical fiber networks
and next-generation infrastructure.”
Digital India envisages making India a leader in digitally delivering
services in the health, education, banking sectors. Modi announced an
investment of $1.2 billion in smart cities with more funding coming from
private sectors and abroad.
A number of new cities are already under construction, especially, in
the corridor between Delhi and Mumbai. Many of the planned cities include
Special Investment Regions or Special Economic Zones, which relax
regulations, reduce taxes, and generally make it easier for foreign companies
to invest. The $100 billion Delhi-Mumbai corridor effort has a 26 per cent
investment from Japan.
Singapore Foreign Minister K. Shanmugam on his visit to India offered
to build one smart city. Also, British Chancellor George Osborne extended
a 1 billion pound credit line to help U.K. companies invest in Indian
infrastructure.
A recent development observed in the smart city project was, the meeting
held on 16th February 2015, confirming partnership between the Indian
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former Mayor of New York City Michael
Bloomberg’s Philanthropies with regard to the advancement of the initiative.
Bloomberg Philanthropies will provide assistance to the urban
development ministry to select cities for smart city mission, funding the
latter on a continuous basis.

What Needs to be Done?
Basic levels of development are being achieved like, the number of internet
users in India was estimated to be around 420 million in June 2017, and
is growing rapidly since then.
India has the second largest Internet population in the world today,
after China with 771.98 million. It took 20 years from the introduction of
the Internet to reach 100 million users. The second 100 million reached
within three years, and the third in less than a year.
As the Internet population continues to grow from 60 million in 2009
to 190 million in 2014, it is estimated that the potential growth will be over
550 million users by 2018. The number of Internet users in rural areas will
touch 210 million by 2018, aiding India’s internet user base to cross 500
million by 2018.
The Internet class of 2018 will be more rural, older, more gender-
equal, more mobile, and more vernacular than their counterparts of today.
Rural users which will be the Internet population of the future, is expected
to rise from 29 percent in 2013 to between 40 and 50 percent in 2018.
Thus, the rural area seems to be catching up with digital quiet swiftly. By
2018, the rural population will stand on an equal footing with the urban
population in terms of internet usage and accessibility.
Therefore, the smart city project needs to be designed wisely, considering
the local population as the key point. Also, it has to be careful as to not
widen the already present gulf between the rural and the urban class. A
nation should progress taking all its citizens along, irrespective of class
differences, and catering to everyone’s need equally.
As much as the vision of smart cities is incredible and rational, its
implementation on India at the given socio-economic condition, might be
a bit difficult. However, as a fast developing economy, the country needs
to keep up with the global standards. Hence, the execution of this plan
could make India take a major leap in the race of development.
Across the world, the stride of migration from rural to urban areas is
increasing. By 2050, about 70 per cent of the population will be living in
cities, and India is no exception. It will need about 500 new cities to
accommodate the influx.
Interestingly, urbanisation in India has for the longest time been viewed
as a by-product of failed regional planning. Though it is inevitable, and will

only change when the benefits of urbanisation overtake the costs involved,
it is an opportunity for achieving faster growth.
With increasing urbanisation and the load on rural land, the government
has now realised the need for cities that can cope with the challenges of
urban living and also be magnets for investment. The announcement of
‘100 smart cities’ falls in line with this vision.
PM’S DIGITAL INDIA PROGRAMME
R ight from the day of assuming power, Digital India and Make in India
have been two big USPs of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The first
steps were taken with the launch of MyGov.in portal. Only a couple of
weeks ago, Narendra Modi launched his mobile app to connect further with
the netizens. Over the last one year, several initiatives have been taken for
introduction of Information Technology to empower people in areas relating
to health, education, labour and employment, commerce etc. Digital India
Week has been launched with an aim to impart knowledge to people and
to empower themselves through the Digital India Programme of Government
of India.
The Programme Structure

Digital India comprises of various initiatives under the single programme
each targeted to prepare India for becoming a knowledge economy and for
bringing good governance to citizens through synchronized and co-ordinated
engagement of the entire Government.
This programme has been envisaged and coordinated by the Department
of Electronics and Information Technology (DeitY) in collaboration with
various Central Ministries/Departments and State Governments. The Prime
Minister as the Chairman of Monitoring Committee on Digital India, activities
under the Digital India initiative is being carefully monitored. All the
existing and ongoing e-Governance initiatives have been revamped to align
them with the principles of Digital India.

Vision of Digital India
The vision of Digital India programme aims at inclusive growth in areas of
electronic services, products, manufacturing and job opportunities etc. It is
centred on three key areas:
l Digital Infrastructure as a Utility to Every Citizen
l Governance & Services on Demand and
l Digital Empowerment of Citizens
With the above vision, the Digital India programme aims to provide
Broadband Highways, Universal Access to Mobile Connectivity, Public
Internet Access Programme, E-Governance: Reforming Government through
Technology, eKranti - Electronic Delivery of Services, Information for All,
Electronics Manufacturing: Target Net Zero Imports, IT for Jobs and
Early Harvest Programmes.
Key Projects of Digital India Programme

Several projects/products have already launched or ready to be launched as
indicated below:
1. Digital Locker System aims to minimize the usage of physical
documents and enable sharing of e-documents across agencies. The
sharing of the e-documents will be done through registered repositories
thereby ensuring the authenticity of the documents online.
2. MyGov.in has been implemented as a platform for citizen engagement
in governance, through a “Discuss”, “Do” and “Disseminate” approach.
The mobile App for MyGov would bring these features to users on
a mobile phone.
3. Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM) Mobile app would be used by people
and Government organizations for achieving the goals of Swachh
Bharat Mission.
4. eSign framework would allow citizens to digitally sign a document
online using Aadhaar authentication.
5. The Online Registration System (ORS) under the eHospital
application has been introduced. This application provides important
services such as online registration, payment of fees and appointment,
online diagnostic reports, enquiring availability of blood online etc.
6. National Scholarships Portal is a one stop solution for end to end
scholarship process right from submission of student application,
verification, sanction and disbursal to end beneficiary for all the
scholarships provided by the Government of India.
7. DeitY has undertaken an initiative namely Digitize India Platform
(DIP) for large scale digitization of records in the country that would
facilitate efficient delivery of services to the citizens.
8. The Government of India has undertaken an initiative namely Bharat
Net, a high speed digital highway to connect all 2.5 lakh Gram
Panchayats of country. This would be the world’s largest rural
broadband connectivity project using optical fibre.
9. BSNL has introduced Next Generation Network (NGN), to replace
30 year old exchanges, which is an IP based technology to manage all
types of services like voice, data, multimedia/ video and other types
of packet switched communication services.
10. BSNL has undertaken large scale deployment of Wi-Fi hotspots
throughout the country. The user can latch on the BSNL Wi-Fi network
through their mobile devices.
11. To deliver citizen services electronically and improve the way citizens
and authorities transact with each other, it is imperative to have
ubiquitous connectivity. The government also realises this need as
reflected by including ‘broadband highways’ as one of the pillars of
Digital India. While connectivity is one criterion, enabling and
providing technologies to facilitate delivery of services to citizens
forms the other.
Policy initiatives
Policy initiatives have also been undertaken (by DeitY) in the e- Governance
domain like e-Kranti Framework, Policy on Adoption of Open Source
Software for Government of India, Framework for Adoption of Open
Source Software in e-Governance Systems, Policy on Open Application
Programming Interfaces (APIs) for Government of India, E-mail Policy of
Government of India, Policy on Use of IT Resources of Government of
India, Policy on Collaborative Application Development by Opening the
Source Code of Government Applications, Application Development & Re-
Engineering Guidelines for Cloud Ready Applications
l BPO Policy has been approved to create BPO centres in different
North Eastern states and also in smaller/mofussil towns of other

states.

l Electronics Development Fund (EDF) Policy aims to promote
Innovation, R&D, and Product Development and to create a resource
pool of IP within the country to create a self-sustaining eco-system
of Venture Funds.
l National Centre for Flexible Electronics (NCFlexE) is an initiative of
Government of India to promote research and innovation in the
emerging area of Flexible Electronics.
BHIM App and Digital Transaction

BHIM (Bharat Interface for Money) is a mobile app developed by National
Payments Corporation of India (NPCI), based on the Unified Payment
Interface (UPI). It was launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, at Digi
Dhan mela at Talkatora Stadium in New Delhi on 30 December, 2016. It
was named after B.R. Ambedkar and is intended to facilitate e-payments
directly through banks as part of the 2016 Indian banknote demonetisation
and drive towards cashless transactions. The app supports all Indian banks
which use that platform, which is built over the Immediate Payment Service
infrastructure and allows the user to instantly transfer money between bank
accounts of any two parties. It can be used on all mobile devices.
CLEAN-INDIA DRIVE
P rime Minister Narendra Modi launched the Swachch Bharat sanitation

programme on October 2, 2014. It was a befitting tribute to the Father
of the Nation who was concerned about sanitation issues. The proposed
sanitation programme will reframe the social and economic face of India
and prove to be a great game changer. Sanitation has a direct link with the
spread of communicable diseases which are prevalent in India. As a matter
of fact, the initiative “Health for All by 2000 A.D.” flopped because an
effective sanitation programme was not launched simultaneously. The basic
cause of frequent epidemics in India is insanitation. The country can attain
Health for All by October 2, 2019, if the programme is implemented in totality.

Quality of Life
Living in an insanitary environment, like poverty, degrades the quality of
human life and it is a curse and a social stigma as well. Therefore, the
accomplishment of the total Sanitation Programme (TSP) will improve the
living standard of the poorest of the poor on the one hand and improve the
Human Development Index (HDI) of India on the other. Presently, India
is positioned 131 in the UN’s HDI. Poverty is less painful if one gets a
chance to live in a sanitary environment. In fact, a sanitary environment is
the basic necessity of human life like air, water and food for its aesthetic
and psychological development. That is why we say, “Cleanliness is next to
godliness”. If India ensures total sanitation by 2019, our stock will rise in
the comity of nations.
Up to the 1960s, carrying human excreta as head load was the worst
social stigma. Now open defecation has taken its place. Women go for
nature’s call at night in the open and they are frequently molested and even
raped. The coverage for use of in-house sanitary latrines varies from state
to state, depending upon the percentage of BPL families.
According to the proposed Swachh Bharat scheme, the government will
build individual toilets in 1.04 crore households and 5 lakh community/
public toilets in urban areas. Around 8.8 crore toilets will be built in rural
areas and a majority of these are to be provided in individual households.
The total sanitation programme includes programmes that are to be executed
under the umbrella programme.
Steps Towards Total Sanitation

Provision of 100 per cent sewerage and a drainage system in all urban
towns together with innocuous disposal or recycling of the finally treated
effluent for irrigation with a total ban on discharge into the drains or rivers.
An effective sewerage and drainage system forms the backbone of urban
sanitation.
There is need for 100 per cent solid waste management, both in urban
and rural areas and recycling of the final waste product. Around 100 per
cent coverage of rural households and slum areas with sanitary latrines. All
the open areas in urban and rural communities will be either paved or
grassed. All the streets to be paved with concrete blocks or paver blocks.
There should be zero tolerance to dumping or littering of solid waste matter

(mostly paper and plastic matter) in open spaces, both in urban and rural
areas. It should be the same for stagnation of sullage or any other waste
water in urban or rural areas. There should be daily sweeping of streets,
roads or public places both in rural and urban areas. The vacant plots should
be provided with boundary walls and kept neat, clean and green.
Each element is more important than the other. The accomplishment of
this programme by 2019 is an onerous task and will require huge amount
of funds. Execution of the TSP will be done by the stage agencies. The
Central Government will only facilitate and monitor the progress of the
programme with partial funding. Therefore, it will be appropriate if the
Centre prepares a blueprint and then calls a meeting of state chief ministers
to hand over the blueprint to them to prepare rough cost estimates.
Considering the amazonian size of the project, it will be essential to set up
a separate ministry to prepare a financial and administrative model and give
a go-ahead to the states to implement this programme by October, 2019.
The first year should be used for financial planning, preparing technical
sanction of the project and acquisition of land. The remaining four years
should be used for execution under the watchful eye of the Central ministry,
with the mechanism of monitoring and course corrections.
The campaign faces formidable financial and implementation challenges.
Financially, the government will easily need 2-3% of GDP annually till the
target date. There are only four avenues to mobilising such vast resources:
increases in revenues made possible by accelerated growth; cuts in middle-
class subsidies such as for cooking gas; elimination of enormous leakages
in the myriad social schemes by replacing them with cash transfers; and
accelerated disinvestment including outright privatisation. All roads to Swachh
Bharat pass through the thicket of reforms.
Pursuit of Swachh Bharat also requires strengthening public health
services. Services such as good drainage systems, absence of swamps and
ponds that are home to stagnant water, and the supply of safe drinking
water—all of which reduce exposure to and spread of diseases—are classic
examples of public goods and require effective government intervention.
Swachh Bharat would do well to encourage each state to restart a
separate public health department, accountable for the delivery of public
health services.

INDIA AND THE NSG
I ndia rejected China’s contention that it must sign the NPT to get
membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, saying France was included
in the elite group without signing the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
What is NSG?
Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) is a multinational body concerned with
reducing nuclear proliferation by controlling the export and re-transfer of
materials that may be applicable to nuclear weapon development and by
improving safeguards and protection on existing materials. Interestingly, the
NSG was set up in 1974 as a reaction to India's nuclear tests to stop what
it called the misuse of nuclear material meant for peaceful purposes. Currently,
it has 48 members.
Background
India sought membership of the NSG in 2008, but its application hasn't
been decided on, primarily because signing the NPT or other nuclear
moratoriums on testing is a pre-requisite. However, India has received a
special waiver to conduct nuclear trade with all nuclear exporters.
India, Pakistan, Israel and South Sudan are among the four UN member
states which have not signed the NPT, the international pact aimed at
preventing the spread of nuclear weapons.
The Controversy
China had opposed India's bid to get NSG membership on the ground that
it was yet to sign the NPT. It had said all the multilateral non-proliferation
export control regime including the NSG have regarded NPT as an important
standard for the expansion of the NSG. And hence, members of the Nuclear
Suppliers Group should be a party to NPT.
How India Defends its Move?
It says, the NSG is an ad hoc export control regime and France, which was
not an NPT member for some time, was a member of the NSG since it
respected NSG's objectives. Also, the NPT allows civil nuclear cooperation
with non-NPT countries.
Why India Should be Granted NSG Membership?
In this game of developing nuclear weapons India has not indulged in any
dubious/clandestine activity and its programme has been developed solely
by years of hard work indigenously. By this single act India has shown that
developing a credible nuclear weapons programme through honest and
civilian means is possible for any country having high-level scientific
manpower and materials.
Besides, by declaring a voluntary moratorium on further underground
nuclear tests India has effectively acted in sense and spirit of NPT/CTBT
provisions. By steering its programme only as a minimum deterrence and
pledging NFU unless faced with an attack of weapons of mass destruction
(WMD), India has established itself as a responsible nuclear state.
Benefits Associated with NSG Membership:
l Timely information on nuclear matters
l Contributes by way of information
l Has confirmed credentials
l Can act as an instrument of harmonization and coordination
l Is a part of a very transparent process.
NSG membership cannot be linked with NPT. But, it can be linked

with International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). And India has closely
cooperated with IAEA. Therefore, India’s case should be judged
independently without prejudice or on requests to block it following lobbying
from other countries. In 2008, China was among the last few countries to
lift its objection to clean waiver by NSG to India. During American President
Barack Obama’s visit to India in January 2015, the US had announced that
India was ready to join the NSG. This position was also reiterated by the US.
l However, to build support in the NSG, which operates by consensus,
India will need to take additional steps to demonstrate its commitment

to nonproliferation. India’s case is being pressed by the US and other
influential countries based on the India’s record in non-proliferation
and the India-US civil nuclear accord.
l Also, India is actively eyeing membership of the MTCR, the Wassenaar
Arrangement and the Australia group along with the NSG.

India’s nuclear doctrine is non-proliferation-oriented and is both sensible
and responsible. Having accepted IAEA safeguards and Additional Protocol
and having effectively subscribed to and practised the principles of non-
proliferation, it is immaterial if India has formally signed the NPT, CTBT
or any other such treaty. India has already acquired high-level expertise in
the peaceful use of nuclear energy in industry, power, agriculture and
healthcare. India’s membership of the NSG shall not only benefit it but also
encourage civil nuclear trade globally without compromising on world
peace and harmony.
INDIA REINVENTS CHOGM
C oinciding with Indian sportsperson pulling a greater feat with their

collective performance in the Commonwealth Games at Gold Coast in
Australia to take their medal tally to the third best in the history of the
Games with a total of 66 medals including 26 gold, the Indian Government
too decided to reimagnie and reinvent its role and responsibility at the
Commonwealth, a community or grouping of 53 former member nations of
the erstwhile British Empire. That is why we saw India being represented
by the highest political level, after a hiatus of nearly a decade, at the 25th
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) held at London,
United Kingdom on April 19 and 20, 2018. Having last attended 2009
CHOGM in Trinidad and Tobago, the then Prime Minister of India.
Dr. Manmohan Singh, had not attended the 2011 CHOGM Summit in
Australia and the 2013 one in Sri Lanka. Even Prime Minister Mr. Narendra
Modi had given the last CHOGM Summit at Malta in 2015 a miss.
But this time Mr. Modi not only decided to attend the Summit in
London but also made India’s changed vision in regard with Commonwealth
clearer. The Indian Government siad that Mr. Modi’s attendance at the
Summit this year symbolises the country’s wider efforts to step up its role
across global forums. It conveys India’s desire to see the Commonwealth
increase its focus on developing the country’s priorities. This stepped-up
engagement and focus on developing the country’s priorities took the form
of increased activity within the Commonwealth including greater resources
and manpower as well as financial contributions.
Prime Minister Mr. Modi, during his interventions at the executive
session of the CHOGM, announced that India will double its contribution
to the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation and highlighted the
need for capacity building of small states and Small Island Developing
States (SIDS) that are part of the Commonwealth. Of a total of 53
Commonwealth countries, 31 are classified as small states. India is going to
help these small states including SIDS and coastal states in capacity building
through training programmes at the National Institute of Oceanography in
Goa. India would further take part in small projects for assisting
Commonwealth countries through its permanent mission in New York. It is
already doubling its contribution to the Commonwealth offices of small
states in New York and Geneva which would help them enhance their
capacity in dealing with multilateral issues.
Though no figures of its contribution or doubling of the contribution
were officially provided, a news report from London said that India is
among four countries to pool into an innovative $5 million fund for small
states to obtain easier access to international trade, finance to diversify their
economies and achieve the sustainable development goals. With the
announcement of the Commonwealth Small States Trade Finance Facility
at the CHOGM, India joins Sri Lanka, Mauritius and Malta to inject capital
into the new scheme. The report quotes Baroness Patricia Scotland, Secretary-
General of the Commonwealth, as saying that “this new scheme is an
example of the innovative and collaborative approaches that are pioneered
by the Commonwealth; they have a hugely positive impact on the lives and
livelihoods of people in our smaller and more vulnerable member countries;
without such a scheme, small states find it difficult to access the funds they
need to diversify their economies and build inclusive prosperity by expanding
trade; this impairs their ability to achieve the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDGs).”
In addition to this, India would take help of the BCCI (Board of
Control for Cricket in India) to organise cricket training for 30 young boys
and 30 young girls under the age 16 from smaller Commonwealth countries.
In the context of cross-cutting issues within the Commonwealth centre
around youth and gender and cricket being a unique game much played
within the Commonwealth, this will offer 60 youngsters of smaller
Commonwealth nations the chance to come to India, train in the world class
facilities and help lay the network for the future generation of the
Commonwealth.

The main issues discussed at the session were strengthening democracy
and the rule of law, the state of the international trading system, achieving
the SDGs and climate action besides security issues faced by the
Commonwealth countries. In his interventions, Mr. Modi highlighted a
number of important issues, including the need for working together for
achieving SDGs and cooperation on climate action.
A report by a Delhi-based think tank, Observer Research Foundation,
said, “Mr. Modi’s decision to attend the CHOGM, after giving the last
Summit at Malta in 2015 a miss, signals a change of approach towards a
forum generally considered as a non-entity in Indian strategic circles.” The
report titled “Modi and CHOGM 2018: Reimagining the Commonwealth”
also said that “Mr. Modi’s decision to attend CHOGM 2018 in the backdrop
of India’s historical lack of interest in the organisation, has sent reassuring
signals especially in London. It is being interpreted as a sign of India’s
willingness to engage constructively with the organisation at a time when
the latter is struggling with the very question of its relevance.
It is this very question of its rlevance that India has answered in
CHOGM 2018 by reinventing its relevance for the country’s overall foreign
policy framework. Here are the reasons why Commonwealth is still important
and can play a significant role in India’s global scheme of things. States like
Australia or India may have little need for the organisation. But how else
would a tiny Nauru, in the Central Pacific, with a population of just 10,900
ever have its voice heard? Britain, with its permanent seat on the Security
Council, has a responsibility to oblige. Even without a seat on Security
Council India too can help.
UNION BUDGET 2018-19
U nion Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on February 1, 2018 presented the

Union Budget 2018 in the parliament. The Budget 2018 has identified
various sectors including agriculture, infrastructure, financial public ser-
vices, etc. as key drivers of the economy. The Budget has reported a fiscal
deficit of 3.5% (of GDP) for FY18 and pegged it at a high 3.3% for next
year. The ambitious rural package in this Budget brings in free gas connec-
tions to three crore new households, free electricity connections to four
crore homes, two crore new toi- BUDGET AT A GLANCE
lets under the Swachh Bharat (Figures in 2016-17 2017-18 2017-18 2018-19
Actuals Budget Revised Budget
Mission, higher micro-irrigation ` crore) Estimates Estimates Estimates
coverage, and so on. The National Revenue Receipts 1374203 1515771 1505428 1725738
Health Protection Scheme, to pro- Capital Receipts 600991 630964 712322 716475
vide a ` 5 lakh health cover to 10 Total Receipts 1975194 2146735 2217750 2442213
Revenue Expend. 1690584 1836934 1944305 2141772
crore households, is a much- Capital Expend. 284610 309801 273445 300441
needed social security intervention Total Expenditure 1975194 2146735 2217750 2442213
Revenue Deficit 316381 321163 438877 416034
to benefit poor households that Fiscal Deficit 535618 546531 594849 624276
rely overwhelmingly on private Primary Deficit 54904 23453 64006 48481
health care. But there is little clarity on modalities. Infrastructure appears
to be one of the few sectors where the funding problem has been addressed,
with PSUs bankrolling a significant proportion of the ` 5.97 lakh crore outlay
for FY19. While being liberal in its announcements for rural India, the Budget
has been frugal in its giveaways to the middle class and the corporate sector.
Expectations of an increase in the basic exemption limit on income tax have
been belied; instead, a standard deduction of ` 40,000 is back for salaried
taxpayers. While it is only fair that the salaried pay income tax on their net
income (after expenses) as the self-employed do, this deduction (which also
replaces transport and medical reimbursements) is too small to establish real
parity. The clamour for an across-the-board cut in the basic corporate tax rate
from 30 to 25% has also been ignored, with the cut limited to mid-size
companies (up to ` 250-crore turnover). For the salariat and the corporate
sector, the increase in education cess will offset some of the gains from these
tax cuts. Senior citizens have benefited, particularly from the tax relief on
interest from bank deposits and post office schemes, which has been hiked
from ` 10,000 to ` 50,000 a year. These interest payouts are also exempt from
the vexatious TDS provisions. The imposition of 10% long-term capital gains
tax on profits from shares and equity mutual funds could dampen market
sentiment in the near term, but is unlikely to have any structural impact on
domestic equity flows. Equities are favoured by the relatively affluent savers
and alternative financial instruments such as bonds and fixed deposits invite far
higher tax incidence.
Other Highlights
ã Agriculture Sector: l This year’s Budget will focus on generating
higher income for farmers and higher prices for their produce.
l Minimum Support Price shall be increased by 1.5 times. l More than
86 per cent farmers are small and marginal, they will be strengthened
through government initiatives like MNREGAS with corpus of ` 2000
crore. l Organic farming will be encouraged and women self help
groups will be encouraged for organic farming. l Operation Green will
be launched for agriculture with corpus of ` 500 crore.
ã Underprivileged: l Ujjwala Yojana, the free LPG connection scheme
will be expanded to eight crore women. l The Saubhagya Yojana will
be another focus for the government. l Free power connections to
4 crore homes. l A dedicated affordable housing fund will be set up
this year. l Loans to self-help groups will increase to ` 75000 crore.
l Allocation of ` 5750 crore to National Livelihood Mission and ` 2600
crore to the groundwater irrigation scheme.

ã MSME Sector: l ` 3 lakh crore is allocated as target for the Mudra
Yojana for the year 2018-19. Additional measures will be taken to
boost the growth of venture capital funds and angel investors. l The
government will contribute 12 per cent of wages of new employees for
all sectors. l Woman’s contribution to the Provident Fund will be
reduced to 8 per cent from now onwards for the first 3 years of her
employment with no reduction in employer's contribution. l Allocation
of ` 7148 crore for the textile sector.
ã Infrastructure and Transport: l ` 1. 48 lakh crore have been allocated
for the Indian Railways for the year 2018-19. l 18000 km of railway
line will be doubled to eliminate capacity constraints. l Government
will work on Eastern and Western dedicated freight corridor and will give
special attention to the maintenance of track infrastructure. l Budget will
also encompass the increase in the use of technology, fog safe train
protection and warning system. l Redevelopment of 600 major railway
stations will be taken up. l An institute is under its way at Vadodara to
train manpower for high-speed railway projects. l UDAN scheme will now
connect 56 unserved airports and 31 unserved helipads in the country.
ã Financial Sector: l NITI Aayog will establish a National Programme
to direct government's efforts in the area of Artificial Intelligence
towards national development. l The government will explore use of
blockchain technology proactively to boost digital economy. However,
the government will not consider cryptocurrency as legal tender.
l Enterprises will now have to own their unique IDs. l The Union
Commerce Ministry will develop a National Logistics Portal as a single

window program to boost the logistics sector. l Recapitalisation: The
Union government will recapitalise public sector banks to help them
lend an additional ` 5 lakh crore. l Unit Trust of India, Oriental
Insurance and National Insurance will be merged and then listed.
START-UP INDIA PROGRAMME
“Start-up India program” was announced by the PM on his Independence

Day speech in 2015, is a program to provide financial support to young
entrepreneurs to kick start their initiatives. The main objective of this
programme is to provide financial support to atleast 1.25 lakhs startups via
1.25 lakh bank branches in India. With an objective to encourage self-
employment and job opportunities, governments time and again encourage
entrepreneurs.
The entrepreneurial spirit of the underprivileged is often nipped in the
bud due to lack of finances. To tackle this, the Govt of India has announced
“Start-up India” program. The program calls upon 1.25 lac bank branches
in the country to finance start-ups by at least one tribal and dalit entrepreneur
and one woman entrepreneur.
Advantages of the Scheme:

1. Social empowerment: Dalits, tribals and women are still the most
discriminated population in India. The scheme would enable them
to strengthen their social position by building capacity in them.
2. Fillip to Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana: The program will
incentivise the financially excluded people to open accounts under
PMJDY to avail credit facility.
3. India is facing crunch of entrepreneurs now. The scheme would
help in increasing the number.
Criticisms of the Scheme

1. A blow to Indradhanush program: The program will conflict
with the recent attempts to deal with the bad assets of the Public
sector banks.
2. Increase apathy to the poor: The program will add to the reluctance
of banks officials to admit the poor as their clients as has been
happening under PMJDY

3. A kind of affirmative action: The program ignores the poor lying
outside the targetted population.
4. Against the spirit of economic reforms: The govt should restrict
itself to providing conducive business environment.
The initiative of Start-up India to lead to Stand-up India is a good one
but needs modification given the rising bad assets of banks. The dalits,
tribals and women will not come forward with their ideas unless they are
socially empowered which will come only when they are looked up with
respect in the society. This can better happen through education.
The Start-up programme to boost new means of production as well as
employment is a welcome step. In addition to raising productivity and
employment elasticity of growth, the start-ups will provide consumers with
better services, competitive products for export, taxes to the state and
innovation to people at large.
However, there are certain steps that need to be taken for this programme
to be a success:
1. Start-up programme can deliver best results when proper
implementation of Skill India as well as Digital India takes place.
2. Regulation of this sector must be inter-ministerial with proper
coordination framework.
3. Industry educational institution collaboration needs to be ramped up
as students in top-notch universities are eager as well as able to
drive innovations.
4. There is a need for diversification of start-ups to leverage potential
of youth in sectors other than IT and software.
5. Overall financial health of banks and corporates must be good so as
to promote the start-ups as credit is needed for almost every start-
up.
If all these are taken care of, Start-up India can surely be a road to
Step-up India.
Such a programme, if implemented has the following positive
implications:
1. It will be a support for the young Indian entrepreneurs who migrate
to other countries like the USA to find angel investors to fund their
projects.

2. It will boost the research programmes in India. Not only the research,
such a programme will also result in shaping the research output
into a successful product in the global market, which is missing now
in India.
3. Already Indians are at the top most levels of big MNCs such as
Google and Microsoft. Such a financial initiative with expert guidance
from people like Sam Pitroda and Sundar Pichai would definitely
yield good results.
Overall “Start up India” is a good programme which can revolutionise
Indian economy and even may result in an “Indian google”, “Indian apple”
or Indian Microsoft.
INDIA-JAPAN RELATIONS
J apanese PM Shinzo Abe was on a two-day State visit to India in September

2017. He arrived at Ahmedabad and met his Indian counterpart Narendra
Modi, and discussed bilateral and global issues. The discussions between the
two leaders covered the entire gamut of special, strategic and global partnership
and dealt with various issues, including the recent Dokalam military standoff
between India and China. Modi and Abe welcomed the significant progress
made in bilateral ties between India and Japan over the past three years and
reiterated their commitment to explore possibilities for further cementing
ties in various sectors, including defence and security, technology exchange
and trade. On terrorism, they said it must be combated through concerted
global action in the spirit of “zero tolerance”. Modi and Abe called upon
the UN member countries to implement UNSC resolution 1267 and other
relevant resolutions designating terrorist entities. Without naming any
country, they called upon all countries to work towards rooting out terrorists’
safe havens. The two leaders also condemned North Korea’s continued
development of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, besides the growing
menace of terrorism and violent extremism. They participated in the ground-
breaking ceremony for the Ahmedabad-Mumbai bullet train project that is
set to be completed in 2022. Slated to cost ` 1,10,000 crore, trains on this

network will run at peak speeds of 350 km/hr. Modi and Abe signed 15
agreements, including increasing flights between their cities and collaboration
in areas of defence, security, trade and civil nuclear energy.
During Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi’s five-day visit to Japan in
September, 2014, Mr. Modi and Japanese Prime Minister Mr. Shinzo Abe
pledged to realise the full potential of India-Japan Strategic and Global
Partnership for continuing progress and prosperity for their people and for
advancing peace, stability and prosperity in Asia and the world.
Prime Minister Modi welcomed the recent developments in Japan’s
policy on transfer of defence equipment and technology. They recognised
their wide-ranging shared interests in security of maritime and cyber domains,
and decided to work with each other and with like-minded partners to
preserve the integrity and inviolability of these global commons. They
affirmed their shared commitment to maritime security, freedom of navigation
and overflight, civil aviation safety, unimpeded lawful commerce and peaceful
settlement of disputes in accordance with international law, global partnership
for peace and security in the region and the world. The two Prime Ministers
affirmed their shared belief that at a time of growing turmoil, tensions and
transitions in the world, a closer and stronger strategic partnership between
India and Japan is indispensable for a prosperous future for their two
countries and for advancing peace, stability and prosperity in the world, in
particular, in the interconnected Asia, Pacific and Indian Ocean Regions.
Both leaders emphasised that the evolving character of terrorism called for
stronger international partnership in combating terrorism, including through
increased sharing of information and intelligence. They shared concern over
deteriorating security situation in various countries, and affirmed, in this
regard, the importance of elimination of terrorist safe havens and
infrastructure. They also called for reinvigorating multilateral action on
terrorism, including through the finalisation and adoption of the
Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism in the United Nations
at the earliest. Besides, they expressed concern over North Korea’s continued
development of its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programmes, including
its uranium enrichment activities. They urged North Korea to take concrete
actions towards denuclearisation and other goals as well as to fully comply
with its international obligations, including under all relevant United Nations
Security Council Resolutions and its commitments under the 2005 Six-Party
Talks Joint Statement.
The two Prime Ministers affirmed their shared determination, and called
for sustained international commitment to promote Afghan-led economic
development, political pluralism and capacity-building in security in
Afghanistan beyond 2014 to help it become a united, independent, sovereign,
stable and democratic nation free from terrorism, extremism and external
interference. The two Prime Ministers affirmed the urgent need for
comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council, especially its expansion
in both permanent and non-permanent categories, to make it more
representative, legitimate, effective and responsive to the realities of the
21st century.
The two leaders affirmed the importance of civil nuclear cooperation
between the two countries and welcomed the significant progress in
negotiations on the Agreement for Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of
Nuclear Energy. They directed their officials to further accelerate the
negotiations with a view to concluding the Agreement at an early date, and
strengthen the two countries’ partnership in non-proliferation and nuclear
safety. Japan’s Prime Minister Mr. Abe commended India’s efforts in the
field of non-proliferation including the affirmation that goods and
technologies transferred from Japan would not be used for delivery systems
for WMD. Prime Minister Mr. Modi appreciated the decision of the
Government of Japan to remove six of India space and defence-related
entities from Japan’s Foreign End User List. They looked forward to enhanced
trade and collaboration in high technology. They affirmed their commitment
to work together for India to become a full member in the four international
export control regimes: Nuclear Suppliers Group, Missile Technology Control
Regime, Wassenaar Arrangement and Australia Group, with the aim of
strengthening the international non-proliferation efforts.
The two Prime Ministers announced the India-Japan Investment
Promotion Partnership under which:
(a) They decided to set a target of doubling Japan’s foreign direct
investment and the number of Japanese companies in India within
five years as an objective to be jointly achieved. They also decided
to work closely towards further expanding bilateral trade relationship
to the next stage;
(b) Japan’s Prime Minister Mr. Abe expressed his intention to realise
3.5 trillion yen of public and private investment and financing
from Japan, including Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), to
India in five years, to finance appropriate public and private projects
of mutual interest including in the areas of next generation
infrastructure, connectivity, transport systems, Smart Cities,
rejuvenation of Ganga and other rivers, manufacturing, clean energy,
skill development, water security, food processing and agro industry,
agricultural cold chain, and rural development. In this connection,
Prime Minister Mr. Abe pledged ODA loan of 50 billion yen to
India Infrastructure Finance Company Limited (IIFCL) for a public-
private partnership infrastructure project in India;
(c) The two Prime Ministers welcomed the public-private initiatives
between the two countries to set up Electronics Industrial Parks in
India. They also shared the intention to develop “Japan Industrial
Townships” and other industrial townships with investment incentives
for companies not lower than for those under the prevailing policy
framework such as Special Economic Zone (SEZ), National
Investment and Manufacturing Zone (NIMZ);
(d) They directed their officials to work out an appropriate mix of
financing mechanisms, including public-private partnership, and
terms for utilisation of public funds, taking into account the nature
of the projects, developmental priorities, procurement policies, level
of industrial and technological capacities and skills available locally.
They decided to explore ways to enhance Japanese and Indian
participation in appropriate infrastructure projects in India;
(e) Prime Minister Mr. Modi underlined his determination to further
improve the business environment in India, including through tax,
administrative and financial regulations, in order to boost investment.
NAXALISM : A THREAT TO INTERNAL

SECURITY
I n April 2017, Maoists killed 26 CRPF personnel, including two officers,

in Sukma district of South Chhattisgarh. Earlier in the most audacious
attack so far in Chhattisgarh, naxalites on May 25, 2013 ambushed a Congress
convoy in Bastar, killing top party leader Mahendra Karma, the architect of
the anti-Naxal Salwa Judum campaign, and 27 others, many of them well-
known state Congress leaders. The party convoy was ambushed around 5.30
pm at Darba Ghati in Sukma in southern Bastar. Altogether 32 people were
injured. Former Union Minister and Madhya Pradesh CM Vidya Charan
Shukla suffered three bullet wounds. On May 27, the Centre handed over
the probe to the National Investigation Agency (NIA).
Earlier, on April 6, 2010 the Maoists launched biggest attack in the
history of naxal movement and killed 76 paramilitary forces in Dantewada
district in Chhattisgarh. Within a few days they killed 35 people in the same
district. In the summer of 2009, Maoist largely captured the Lalgarh area
of West Bengal and posed a serious threat to security forces. Their strength
lies in ambushing, mining the road and other guerrilla tactics. These incidents
exposed the chinks in the armour of security forces.
Naxalism derives its name from an armed uprising of poor and landless
peasants against the tyranny of big landlords that took place in Naxalbari, a
small village in West Bengal’s Darjeeling district in 1967. The movement that
started under the leader ship of Charu Mazumdar and Kanu Sanyal has in the
span of four decades spread to many parts of the country. This despite many
ruthless police campaigns to crush the movement, whose stated goal is to
establish a society free of exploitation and inequality that the state machinery
and repressive social structure have perpetuated all along.
According to the estimates of the Home ministry of Union Government,
at present there are 170 districts in 20 states which are affected by Naxal
violence. However the most affected states are Odisha, West Bengal, Bihar,
Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand and South-eastern part of Uttar Pradesh.
The area under the control of Naxal groups is known as ‘Red Corridor’
which is about 92000 sq. km. spread in these states. According to the
estimates of RAW there are 20,000 armed cadres of Naxalites, besides
50,000 regular cadres operating in India. Even, Naxals have recruited children
in different capacity and exposed them to injury and death.
A major cause of worry is death casualties by Naxal violence. In last
20 years more than 6,000 people have died due to Maoist violence. Not
only that, due to naxal related violence, more than 50,000 people have been
disposed. They have destroyed the huge amount of property and infrastructure,
railway tracks and school buildings.
The government always tends to treat Naxalism, which is different from
other militant movements, as a law and order problem. This short-sighted
approach has helped Naxalism grow steadily, spawning 30-odd groups.
Naxalism flourishes where there are huge disparities in assets and incomes,
and where injustice and violence by the ruling classes or castes are rampant.
One of the major cause of its spread is lack of land reforms. Only 1.3
per cent of agricultural land has been redistributed in India. Naxalism began
as a revolt of the landless poor, who were defrauded of their rights and
could find no justice. Naxalism, as a whole, arrived due to failure of law
and order, ambiguity of social policy, failure of democratic processes and
deficits of governance characterized by state’s withdrawal from public
services, leading to their near collapse, and the growing illegitimacy of
governance in many reasons, and massive corruption. Agrarian distress,
growing unemployment, and depredations of the forester-contractor mafia,
have intensified popular discontent. So has globalisation.
As its historical evolution indicates, the naxal movement in India, in
last few years shown the tendency of expanding its support base as well as
intensification of violent activities. It has assumed regional and international
orientation in view of the success of Maoist in the neighbouring Nepal. This
has emboldened Naxal groups in India.
Besides, their wide support in rural and tribal areas, they have generated
certain amount of sympathy among certain urban educated and intellectual
sections.
In the contrary, government forces are not acquainted with the Jungle
and terrains where maoist have control. Neither they are trained to face the
guerrilla tactics of the maoist. The state police force are under-manned,
poorly trained and ill-equipped.
To counter the Naxal threat, military action is not enough alone. Work
should be done on multi-dimensional fronts. Surrender and resettlement
scheme should be launched by the state government in the affected areas,
where naxals surrendering to the government are given financial incentives
and facilities for their resettlement. The other component is a long term
measure of expanding the development process in the affected areas. Due
to lack of effective implementation of various development schemes, the
naxals are able to co-opt the marginalised sections of rural poor and tribals.
The corruption and administrative inefficiency have further compounded
the development process.
In the view of the above discussion, it is crystal clear that naxal violence
is not a law and order problem in India. It is serious security threat to India
with international and regional dimensions. The need of the hour is to adopt
both social and administrative measures to tackle the threat posed by the
naxal groups. Besides, the better training of security forces, planning and
coordination is must for the success of government measures.
Naxalism isn’t a law and order problem only: the social and economic
grievances underlying it must be addressed. To do so, the government must
redefine the balance between the two-‘prongs’ of its dual tract approach by
emphasising redressal of people’s grievances against inequality and deprivation
over law and order. It must promote Justice with equality, land reforms,
provision of education, basic healthcare and employment opportunities to
the tribal people, landless labourers and other weaker sections of the rural
society will go a long way or naxalism will continue to grow.
PASSIVE EUTHANASIA
Medical science and technology have made great strides in recent years. The
medical profession has today more power over life and death than it would
have chosen to have. It has the power to prolong life where life seems to
have lost its meaning and power to terminate life without suffering. There
are many points of view on euthanasia—legal, social and compassionate.
The debate on euthanasia has again become a live issue in India as the
supreme court of India recently passed a verdict that attempted suicide is
not a crime. This signifies social approval of suicide and euthanasia which
is assisted suicide.
What is Euthanasia?
Euthanasia is deliberately bringing about a gentle and easy death making the
last days of the patient as comfortable as possible. This is to ensure a calm
and peaceful death, within the context of relieving incurable suffering in
terminal illness or disability. Euthanasia is voluntary, when requested by the
sufferer, involuntary or compulsory if it is against the will of the patient,
passive when death is hastened by deliberate withdrawal of effective therapy
or nourishment.
Death and Dying

The concept of death is changing in the light of new knowledge. It may be
obtained by redefining life. Descriptions of life are organised at many
different levels of complexity - molecular, cellular, organ, system, corporal,
mental, spiritual etc. Human life may be described as the ability, actual or
potential to respond to others, or to be self-aware. This is based on cerebral
function. Silverman and others in 1969 have established this by extensive
studies and confirmed it by encephalogram findings. Once cerebral death is
confirmed, there is no chance for survival though heart and lung functions
continue. So it would be quite unnecessary to continue supportive measures
after cerebral death.
The Christian Concept
Almighty God has created man in his image. He is the giver and sustainer
of life. He alone has the right to withdraw life. Life is not a right but a
gift of God, belonging to God and at all times in His hand. We have no
right to take away deliberately a human life, even one's own.
Euthanasia requests may be born of depression and confusion or out or
a feeling of worthlessness or due to persuasion of interested parties with
ulterior motives. Respect for the person of the patient and concern for the
family should lead us to use our resources as best as we can to promote life.
The essence of our approach to a dying patient is to give ourselves in loving
care to meet his need. A patient is not merely a biological unit but a person
before God with social family connections.
Points in Favour of Euthanasia
Those in favour of euthanasia think that there is no reason why euthanasia
can't be controlled by proper regulation, but they acknowledge that some
problems will remain. For example, it will be difficult to deal with people
who want to implement euthanasia for selfish reasons or pressurise vulnerable
patients into dying. This is little different from the position with any crime.
The law prohibits theft, but that doesn't stop bad people stealing things.
Arguments Based on Rights: l People have an explicit right to die.
l A separate right to die is not necessary, because our other human rights
imply the right to die. l Death is a private matter and if there is no harm
to others, the state and other people have no right to interfere (a libertarian
argument).
Practical Arguments: l It is possible to regulate euthanasia. l Death
is a private matter and if there is no harm to others, the state and other
people have no right to interfere (a libertarian argument). l Allowing
people to die may free up scarce health resources (this is a possible argument,
but no authority has seriously proposed it). l Euthanasia happens anyway
(a utilitarian or consequentialist argument).
Philosophical Arguments: l Euthanasia satisfies the criterion that moral
rules must be universalisable. l Euthanasia happens anyway (a utilitarian or
consequentialist argument).
Points Against Euthanasia
Ethical Arguments: l Euthanasia weakens society's respect for the sanctity
of life. l Accepting euthanasia accepts that some lives (those of the disabled
or sick) are worthless than others. l Voluntary euthanasia is the start of a
slippery slope that leads to involuntary euthanasia and the killing of people
who are thought undesirable. l Euthanasia might not be in a person's best
interests. l Euthanasia affects other people's rights, not just those of the patient.
Practical Arguments: l Proper palliative care makes euthanasia
unnecessary. l There’s no way of properly regulating euthanasia. l Allowing
euthanasia will lead to less good care for the terminally ill. l Allowing
euthanasia undermines the committment of doctors and nurses to saving
lives. l Euthanasia may become a cost-effective way to treat the terminally
ill. l Allowing euthanasia will discourage the search for new cures and
treatments for the terminally ill. l Euthanasia undermines the motivation to
provide good care for the dying, and good pain relief. l Euthanasia gives
too much power to doctors. l Euthanasia exposes vulnerable people to
pressure to end their lives. l Moral pressure on elderly relatives by selfish
families. l Moral pressure to free up medical resources. l Patients who are
abandoned by their families may feel euthanasia is the only solution.
Historical Arguments: l Voluntary euthanasia is the start of a slippery
slope that leads to involuntary euthanasia and the killing of people who are
thought undesirable.
Religious Arguments: l Euthanasia is against the word and will of
God. l Euthanasia weakens society’s respect for the sanctity of life.
l Suffering may have value. l Voluntary euthanasia is the start of a slippery
slope that leads to involuntary euthanasia and the killing of people who are
thought undesirable.
Supreme Court disallows friend's plea for mercy killing of
vegetative Aruna.
Unaware of her unwanted fame, the 67-year-old became India's metaphor
for the right to life. The Supreme Court in Aruna shanbaug case allowed
passive mercy killing of a patient in a permanent vegetative state (PVS) by
withdrawing the life support system with the approval of a medical board
and on the directions of the High Court concerned.
WOMEN EMPOWERMENT
W omen account for more than fifty per cent of population and are the
main drivers behind the economy. The government of India ushered
in the new millennium by observing the year 2001 as ‘women’s empowerment
year’.
The Indian Constitution enshrined grade equality in its Preamble,
Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. The
Constitution not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the state
to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women.
Seventies onwards there has been a marked shift in the approach to
women’s issues from welfare to development. In recent years, the
empowerment of women has been recognized as the central issue in
determining the status of women.
The eighties aimed at implementing special programmes to complement
the general development programmes and ensure the flow of benefits to
women from other development sectors to enable women to function as
equal partners and participants in the development process.
‘Empowerment of Women’ became one of the nine primary objectives
of the Ninth Plan. The plan attempted ‘convergence of existing services’
available in both women-specific and women-related sectors. The Tenth
Plan formed on “Empowering Women” as agents of social empowerment,
economic empowerment and gender justice.
Notwithstanding steps taken by the Government for women
empowerment in the last two decade much needs to be done. The pillars of
women’s empowerment essentially consist of literacy, education, better health
facilities and nutrition for the mother and child, political representation and
financial security including opportunities for self-employment options to
become self-reliant. All this is dependent on making women aware about
their rights, making them feel proud of being women, creating a conducive
atmosphere and giving them opportunities to live the life of dignity. It is
often being seen that women are given jobs with lesser wages and that they
are not given the same opportunity as men for advancement. Whenever,

Indian women have been given a conducive environment and appropriate
facilities they have been successful and have become engineers, doctors,
administrators, industrialists, members of the police force and armed forces
and even astronauts.
Going back to ancient times, in India there were eminent women
philosophers like Gargi and Maitreyi who were given much respect and
participated in discourses and discussions at par with men. In our national
freedom movement, the contribution of women has been no less than that
of men. Women responded to the call of Mahatma Gandhi to join the
freedom struggle, at a time when only two per cent of women were educated.
This should give an idea as to how difficult it would have been for women
to come out of their homes but yet they did. After Independence, women
as members of the Constituent Assembly participated in the task of drafting
a constitution for free India. It is a matter of pride that the Constitution
from its very inception has given the right to vote to women, making India
one of the very few countries to have done so.
Child marriage is one of the biggest injustices committed against a
child. A young child who is still at the initial stage of life and yet to
understand the world around, is pushed into a matrimonial alliance. Child
marriage not only adversely affects the girl child but also has numerous
other fall-outs. Cases of child marriage where the girl child is a mother
when she is barely 13 or 14. Thereafter, she becomes a child-producing
machine. This tells on her health and she is unable to give the nutrition and
care levels required for her children. A young girl when she should have
been studying, learning and acquiring skills for earning a livelihood is
tasked with looking after a new generation. The unfairness of the situation
is apparent. In the process of child marriage, we have deprived the young
girl to be an educated and a capable citizen and also deprived a new
generation of children from getting proper care by a well-informed and
healthy mother. The potential loss to society, both socially and economically,
will be hard to quantify but it would be enormous.
Social evils like dowry, child marriages, female foeticide, female
infanticide and addiction continue to exist in our society even today.. They
need to be dealt with and eradicated. Indian society has a tradition of being
progressive and forward-looking when dealing with societal practices that

require modification or elimination. India has always shown the courage
and wisdom to do so.
Full potential as a nation will only be realized when women, who
constitute about half of our population, can fully realize their potential. As
long as that does not happen, half the talent, half the progress, half the
development, would be lost. For a chariot to move forward both wheels
have to be strong and if one is weak it cannot move forward. So to move
the chariot of our country forward both the wheels-men and women have
to be strong and to move ahead jointly.
Depending upon the particular ideological framework or political
perspective in which it is placed, empowerment conveys a range of contending
meanings and associated practices of governance.
There are perhaps two sources to which the contemporary understanding
and practices of empowerment may be traced. The first, i.e., the governance
and development discourse, has largely been associated with the managerial
and regulatory regime of governance articulated in the context of liberalisation
as the exercise of political authority in a way which makes for ‘sound
development management’ and success for the ‘market economy’. The
second, i.e., the grassroots and social movement discourse, may be seen as
manifesting a continuation of a strand of participatory democracy, which
places faith in people’s presence and active involvement in decision making,
especially in matters which pertain to their immediate life. Empowerment
also holds out a promise for social change, through means.
Empowerment, therefore, is a process aimed at changing the nature and
reaction of systemic forces which marginalise women and other disadvantaged
sections in a given context. Issues of equality and rights for women were
always claimed as crucial components in state policy. Much of the justification
for rights, justice and equality for women came from the need for
‘emancipation’ or ‘liberation’ of women. When the language of empowerment
gained currency in the nineteen eighties, the claims changed and to some
extent the means by which empowerment was to be brought about. The
institutional reform envisaged in the governance agenda involved the
incorporation of an ‘empowerment’ component, more in terms of capacity
building prescribed by the World Bank, rather than the conscientisation
process envisaged by the liberation framework.

On the occasion of International Women’s Day, the Parliament set up
a standing committee for the ‘improvement of the status of women’ in
India, and the Committee on Empowerment of Women was constituted in
April, 1997. The functions of the committee, included examining the
recommendations of the national commission for women, the measures
taken by the Union Government ‘to secure for women equality, status and
dignity in all matters’ including the steps taken for securing ‘comprehensive
education and adequate representation of women in legislative bodies/services
and other fields’, ‘to report on the working of the welfare programmes for
the women’, and ‘to report on the action taken by the Union Government
and Administration of the Union Territories on the measures proposed by
the committee’.
It is also often pointed out that much of the empowerment discourse
and strategies is taking place within a domain of civil society which is
depoliticised and passive. Much of the governance-development ‘work’—
pressing claims on behalf of groups, framing and articulating strategies and
implementing them-is being done by ‘experts’ in non-governmental
organisations. In the context of liberalisation of the economy and the
abdication of ‘social’ responsibilities by states to non-governmental
organisations, a large number of autonomous organisations running on
funding from government and international bodies. In this context, growth
of networks for campaigns on specific issues has also been facilitated by
funding agencies through nongovernmental organisations with specialised,
narrowly, defined agenda. Women’s groups and feminists have been critical
of the manner in which NGO facilitated activism has claimed the political
space, has led to a filtering out of gender issues from the public domain into
a depoliticised and domesticated domain of capacity building, poverty
eradication and welfare. In this context, the idea of democratisation through
empowerment that the women’s movement’s critique of the development
process had envisaged since the 1980s has undergone change. Referring to
the process as it was expected to unfold at the grass-roots, empowerment
was construed as a range of activities from individual self-assertion to
collective resistance, a process aimed at changing the nature and direction
of systemic forces which marginalize women and other disadvantaged sections
in a given context.

CHANGING FACE OF TERRORISM
T errorism means an activity that involves a violent act or an act dangerous

to human life, property or infrastructure. It appears to be intended to
influence the policy of a government by intimidation and to affect the
conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, kidnapping or
hostage-taking.
Terrorism came into existence during the French revolution when the
then king unleashed a reign of terror on his opponents and the revolutionary
organisations. Our freedom fighters adopted the same measures against the
British. During the struggle for independence in India, the militant groups
and organisations cropped up to take up the struggle in aggressive and
retaliatory methods. They used to get involved in bombing, killing and
ambushing the ruling class. However, in free India, militancy started during
1960s when naxalite movement was initiated by Charu Majumdar. Though
a number of countries have been affected by terrorism since a long time but
after the attack on the “Twin Towers” in USA (9/11 (2001) attack), and
Paris attack on 19 November, 2015 terrorism came to limelight in the entire
world. Almost all countries are now very much bothered with this problem.
Terrorist groups like the ISIS, the Al-Qaeda or Hizbul etc. are very much
advanced in their methods of operations. They have gone much ahead of
the phase of the guerilla wars. They use suicide bombers, highly advanced
artillery, they have very unique methods of communication amongst
themselves using coded languages which are not very easy to decode. The
attack in Mumbai on Nov. 26, 2008 was a massive attack that the commercial
capital has suffered in last 16 years. Likewise, in Delhi the public places
were the main target. Indians can never forget the devastating bomb blast
in Sarojini Nagar market in New Delhi. Yet it seems the people of Mumbai
and Delhi have got used to militant attacks and hence once again they get
on with their daily lives the very next day without any fear of attacks.
The alleged plot to blow up planes from the United Kingdom mid-
flight involved the detonation of explosive devices smuggled in hand luggage
on to as many as 10 aircrafts. One theory is that the attack may have
involved liquid explosive being carried to a plane in either drink bottles or

cans. An overpressure of just 10 per cent would wreck the aircraft and
possibly kill the people in it.
Basically, no terrorist attack is possible without finance. Finance is the
backbone of terrorism. These people need money at each and every point
of their movement, may be for purchase of a vehicle, hire a house or may
be to bribe anybody or may be for some specific purpose. After the 9/11
attacks in the United States, the governments of the world particularly the
United States as well as the United Nations fixed their primary job to curb
finances of terrorism. These terrorist organisations obtain money from a
number of legitimate and illegitimate sources such as drug trafficking,
smuggling, kidnapping and extortion. Rich individuals are a critical source
of terrorist financing e.g. Osama bin Laden charitable and religious
institutions fund these terrorists in the name of religious works though the
money is transferred to the terrorists groups to carry out operations. A
number of rogue nations have been known to provide assistance, financial
support and safe harbour to terrorist organisations. A prime example to this
was Afghanistan under the Taliban regime.
Money is also needed to sustain media campaigns and win political
support. They may transfer their money either by smuggling cash across
borders, particularly through land crossings and sea shipments or through
the traditional financial institutions. They also use the money laundering
technique and the hawala to transfer their money.
Before September 2001 India has been raising voice against terrorism
time and again but the western countries had not taken us seriously. Before
9/11 neither any tough resolutions were passed nor satisfactory actions were
taken by the countries except countries like India which are facing the ugly
face of terrorism. In the wake of September 11, 2001 terrorist attack in the
United States, the United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution,
which, among its provisions, obliges all states to criminalize assistance to
terrorist activities, deny financial support and safe heaven to terrorists and
share information about groups planning terrorist attacks.
India became a signatory to the International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism at the United Nations headquarters
in New York on July 24, 2006. The Convention was adopted by the UN
General Assembly on April 13, 2005. As per the Convention, states are
required to make punishable as serious offences under their domestic law,
terrorists acts involving the use of nuclear materials. The Convention enjoys

upon the signatory states to cooperate in prevention, investigation and
prosecution of these offences through the sharing of critical information
regarding disruptive activities, extradition and mutual legal assistance.
Carnage in the name of religion will remain a threat as long as terrorists
have access to the infrastructure needed to assemble large scale operations.
If follows that security services should look not so much at the intention
of individuals to execute violent acts as at the capabilities available to them.
The terrorist threat is alive and kicking even with greatly increased security
levels across the globe.
NATIONAL SECURITY—POINTS TO
PONDER
I ndia faces several military and non-military threats to its National Security.
While there are military threats from its neighbours, Pakistan and China,
it is mainly the threat from Islamic terrorism and ethnic insurgency which
is ever growing due to external support.
Military Threats to National Security

These threats are largely from Pakistan and China. Threat from Pakistan is
ever-existing, however from Chinese side, it is medium and long term. Not
immediately. China is determined to see that the next Dalai Lama would be
a man of its choice and that his selection would be under its supervision.
This could lead to a ferment in Tibet after the exit of the present Dalai
Lama, with a fall-out in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, West Europe and
the US. This could once again hot up the Sino-Indian border. Till the Dalai
Lama’s succession issue is resolved, Beijing would prolong the border
settlement talks in order to keep the border dispute alive for possible
exploitation by it, if necessary.
Threat from Pakistan arises from its inferiority complex and from its
paranoia and jealousy about India as well as its determination to frustrate
India emerging as the paramount military and economic power of the

region. Pakistani and Chinese objectives and intentions are similar, though
each, while covertly co-operating with the other, would overtly follow its
own modus operandi.
China, while openly advocating Indo-Pakistan detente, would continue
to secretly arm Pakistan and add to its nuclear and missile capabilities in
order to keep India confronted with the possibility of a two-front war.
Nuclear weapons have given us the deterrent capability vis-a-vis China
and Pakistan, but, at the same time, have also added to our vulnerabilities.
India has two other nuclear powers as across-the-land-border neighbours.
To protect the civilian population against the dangers of a nuclear strike
would be much more difficult for India than for any other nuclear power.
No Government in India has paid attention to developing a dependable civil
defence capability against nuclear weapons and nuclear accidents.
Non-military Threats
Religious, ethnic and ideological terrorism/insurgency: Ideological terrorism
manageable since it no longer has external sponsors after the collapse of
communism in East Europe and after China stopped exporting its communist
ideology.
Ethnic terrorism/insurgency has external sponsorship-not of States, but
of non-Governmental organisations functioning under the cover of human
rights, charitable and humanitarian organisations. Threats to national security
from these organisations would continue in the short and medium term, but
manageable.
Terrorism by some Sikhs effectively controlled, but not yet eliminated.
Danger of revival would persist so long as Pakistan continues to give shelter
to Sikh extremist leaders and to train and arm them.
Islamic terrorism: Its threat will continue and even increase due to
external support from the State of Pakistan as well as from the Islamic
fundamentalist organisations of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia.
The old Communist international has been replaced by an Islamic
International, consisting of various Islamic fundamentalist organisations with
roots in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Their objective vis-à-vis India: To
“liberate” the Muslims of not only Kashmir, but also the rest of India from
“Hindu control”. They talk of two more independent homelands for the
Muslims of the sub-continent—one in North India and the other in the
South.

There is an urgent need for a coherent policy to counter Pakistan’s
covert war. While the present Government talks of a proactive strategy, it
doesn’t seem to be clear in its mind about the components of this strategy.
Amongst the components should be: a determination not to let Pakistan
come out of its economic morass till it stops its covert war; a readiness to
hurt the Pakistani State and society at a place of our choice in terrain
favourable to us. In Kashmir, the terrain is not favourable to us except in
the Jammu sector. To really hurt Pakistan, we have to direct our proactive
strategy at its Punjab and Sindh, and particularly at Karachi. While India
has a credible nuclear deterrent, it does not have a credible covert warfare
deterrent, whereas Pakistan has developed its covert warfare capability over
the years, with American assistance.
Pakistan-based Islamic fundamentalist organisations have been
increasingly turning their attention to South India. After Tamil Nadu and
Kerala, they are now focussing on Andhra Pradesh. Israeli counter-terrorism
experts had been warning since 1992 of attempts to export Islamic jihadism
to Tamil Nadu, but their warnings were not heeded. One understands that
some Western counter-terrorism experts suspect that there has been a
considerable flow of funds to the Al Ummah of Tamil Nadu and its allied
organisations in Kerala from Pakistan-based Islamic jihadi groups, possibly
through the Gulf and even Colombo.
There has never been a convincing analysis of why Pakistan’s Inter-
Services Intelligence (ISI) has been flirting with the LTTE, despite the
latter’s anti-Muslim activities in Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province. One possibility,
not yet proved, but suggested by foreign counter-terrorism experts in the
past is that in return for the ISI’s assistance, the LTTE, through its supporters
in Tamil Nadu, has been training the cadres of the Al Ummah and other
jihadi organisations of South India and providing them with material
assistance.
We need a separate strategy to deal with threats from the foreign-based
Islamic jihadi organisations. Such a strategy should tackle prevention of
illegal migrations of Muslims from Bangladesh and Pakistan, identification
and deportation of past illegal migrants, the flow of foreign funds for
mosques and madrasas, the scrutiny of the credentials of foreign Muslim
students who are admitted to educational institutions in India etc. In the
past, even counter-terrorism experts of Islamic countries such as Algeria
and Egypt had expressed surprise over the ease with which students blacklisted
in their countries because of their association with extremist organisations
managed to get admission to educational institutions in India without any
background check.
Globalisation of the economy, of our telecommunication infrastructure
through the Internet and of the printed and electronic media networks is
adding to our economic strength as well as to our national security
vulnerabilities. Surprisingly, in the formulation of policies relating to
globalisation, national security implications have been given very little
attention. Our analysts, who cite China as a model to be emulated, do not
highlight the fact that China has clearly identified sensitive sectors with
national security implications such as telecommunications, the Internet,
defence industries, printed and electronic media etc and has been fiercely
resisting Western pressure to open up these sectors to foreign participation.
So has France been doing for many years. We seem to be opening up these
sectors without any regard to its impact on our national security.
Mushrooming of NGOs and the unregulated flow of funds to them
directly as well as through third countries such as Nepal.
National Security Tools

Intelligence collection and analysis: Improving, but still weak with serious
gaps in coverage and monitoring. Anticipation and prevention continues to
be the weakest link in our national security management. While the
strengthening of the intelligence collection capability of the central
organisations such as the IB, the RAW and the various military intelligence
directorates has been receiving attention, equal attention has not been paid
to improving the intelligence collection capabilities of the States. The Centre
has to play a more proactive role in this regard.
Assessment and follow-up action: Even the best of intelligence would
be useless if it is not assessed promptly to identify looming threats and
initiate follow-up action. This has not been given the attention it deserves.
For this purpose, the National Security Council (NSC) needs a full-fledged
Secretariat. In all countries with the NSC mechanism, the Secretariat is the
nerve-centre and permanent watch-dog on all matters likely to affect national
security. We still seem to have a miniscule Secretariat with no teeth.
Enforcement of physical and infrastructure security: Very weak as seen
by the ease with which the jihadi suicide squads have been penetrating high
security areas in Kashmir and the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen terrorists hijacked
the Indian Airlines plane.

Crisis Management: It is again unsatisfactory. Past crisis management
drills dealt only with conventional threats such as hijacking, hostage-taking,
assassinations etc. We need separate drills supervised and co-ordinated by
professional experts to deal with crises involving weapons of mass destruction
(nuclear, chemical and biological) and weapons of mass disruption (hacking,
injection of computer virus etc).
The Indian armed forces have to be leaner and meaner, backed by
reserves and paramilitary units. Satellites should be launched to gain advance
information on military and other threats and satellite imagery, missile
prowess, and space-based laser platforms deployed to deter them. Longer
term national security will depend on a holistic approach that integrates
economic and security planning. For instance, with domestic oil and gas
production falling below soaring demand, India has to ensure that the
energy situation does not affect its future strategic decision-making.
RIGHT TO INFORMATION – A TOOL

TO REALIZE DEMOCRACY
T he right to information is an effective tool to control corruption, make

governments accountable and curb arbitrary use of power. A movement
for securing for the people the right to information is necessary to make
democracy more meaningful. The Right to Information is derived from our
fundamental right of expression under Article 19. If we do not have
information on how our Government and public institutions function, we
cannot express any informed opinion on it. This has been accepted by
various Supreme Court judgments, since 1977.
Democracy revolves round the basic idea of citizens being at the centre
of governance — rule of the people. We need to define the importance of
the concept of freedom of the press from this fundamental premise. It is
obvious that the main reason for a free press is to ensure that citizens are
informed. If this is one of the main reasons for the primacy given to the

freedom of the press, it clearly flows from this that the citizens’ right to
know is paramount. Also, since the government is run on behalf of the
people, they are the owners who have a right to be informed directly.
In a government of responsibility like ours, where all the agents of the
public must be responsible for their conduct, there can be but few secrets.
The people of this country have a right to know every public act, everything
that is done in a public way by their public functionaries. They are entitled
to know the particulars of every public transaction in all its bearing. Their
right to know, which is derived from the concept of freedom of speech,
though not absolute, is a factor, which should make one wary when secrecy
is claimed for transactions, which can at any rate have no repercussion on
public security.
Right To Information Act promises to be a single piece of legislation
that can result in the victory of participatory democracy. The Right To
Information Act is a codification of important right of citizens. The right
has existed since the time India became a republic, but was difficult to
enforce without going to court. The Act and its rules define a format for
requisitioning information, a time period within which information must be
provided (30 days), method of giving the information, some charges for
applying, and some exemptions. The principle is that charges should be
minimum — more as a token. They are not at all representative of the costs
that may be incurred. Citizens can ask for information by getting Xerox
copies of documents, permissions, policies, and decisions. Inspection of
files can also be done and samples can be asked for. All administrative
offices of public authorities have to appoint `Public Information Officers
(PIO).’ Citizens can apply for information to the PIO of the office concerned.
If it is not provided or is refused, the citizen can go to an Appellate
Authority who would be an official in the same department, senior to the
PIO. If this too does not produce a satisfactory result, one can appeal to the
State or Central Information Commissioner, an independent Constitutional
Authority being established under the Act. Thus, when exercised in rightful
manner, Right To Information can become a tool for realizing democracy.
The Right to Information provides for a time bound and defined process
for citizens to access information about all actions taken by public authorities.
The penal provisions are the real teeth of the Act, which ensure that the PIO
does not treat citizens’ demands for information in a cavalier manner. The
primary power of RTI is the fact it empowers individual citizens to requisition
information. Hence without necessarily forming pressure groups or

associations, it puts power directly into the hands of the foundation of
democracy — the citizens. There will certainly be an attempt to subvert this
revolutionary right by the ruling coterie, since it strikes at the basics of their
power. This can easily be countered if enough citizens use the Act. Citizens
can use the right from their own houses — and usually it does not take
more than about two hours to make an RTI application.
A few million applications across the country by concerned citizens on
issues that interest them will bring a major change in India and be a
determined move towards the Swaraj we desire. There is a great need to
spread the usage of this countrywide, so that transparency and good
governance triumph. We now have the power; we only need to use it. It
is simple to use, and the benefits are immense.
The Controversy
The public outrage over the government attempts to tamper with the national
Right to Information (RTI) Act (on the issue of file notings etc.) may have
subsided for the moment but the storm has left some indelible marks on the
history of Indian democracy. In a never-before alignment that rose above
caste, class, gender, economic, political, professional and what-have-you
considerations, the government’s move paved the way for a neat two-way
split centred around one guiding principle: do we want to progress towards
a clean and true democracy or not?
The proposed amendments have evoked mass indignation not only because
the government was attempting to water down the RTI Act, but it was
doing so while maintaining that it was making it more progressive, in
addition to acting without any public consultation whatsoever. In fact, well
into the Parliament session, no one, not even Members of Parliament, had
even seen the official text of the Amendments Bill.
The language of the amendments leaves little room for doubt that the
December 2005 attempt to exempt file notings (with some minor exceptions)
has worked its way back into the proposed amendments to the Act.
Furthermore, the new Sub-section 8(m) reads almost identical to Section 8
(e) of the old Freedom of Information Act, which the government had
pledged to improve upon. Worse, it now lengthens the list of exemptions
by excluding “information pertaining to any process of any examination
conducted by any public authority or assessment or evaluation made by it

for judging the suitability of any person to appointment or promotions.” In
every sense, these amendments violate the fundamental principle of minimum
exclusion that would make for a progressive Act.
Areas of Concern
There has been lot of concern areas regarding the Right to Information Bill,
as originally passed. The Bill contains a few provisions that have diluted its
effectiveness. The provision in the original draft that criminal liability, with
punishment by imprisonment, would extend to those who furnished false
information or those who destroyed it has been deleted. Another important
change relates to the selection of the Information Commissioner and his or
her deputies. The draft Bill envisaged their selection by a team comprising
the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, and the
Chief Justice of India (CJI). However, the Bill as passed by the two Houses
has amended the draft to replace the CJI with “a Union Cabinet Minister
to be nominated by the PM,” thus making the selection process somewhat
more partisan. These and some other flaws in the Bill should not detract
from the fact that it is a substantial improvement over the Freedom of
Information Act and other ‘freedom of information laws’ passed by various
States from 1997 onwards. While the right to know is not explicitly spelt out
in the Constitution, the Supreme Court has held in several cases that this right
is inherent in the right to freedom of speech and expression (Article 19) as
well as the right to life and liberty (Article 21). The effectiveness of the Right
to Information Act will depend substantially on how prepared the Central and
State Governments are in implementing it — in both letter and spirit.
Experiences of common citizens using the RTI Act since it was passed
point to extensive ground-level problems in the implementation of the Act.
But neither the government nor the media seem inclined to pay attention to
these seemingly mundane problems, which could prove debilitating in the
long run. Nearly a year since the Act came into effect, the status of suo
motu disclosures by public authorities across the country is woefully unclear.
The procedure for accepting application forms and fees is yet to be
streamlined, even in large public offices such as Collectorates. Although in
theory the Act provides for redress through a two-step appeal procedure, the
working of State Information Commissions—the second and final public
authority at the State government level—in many States puts the entire
Act’s credibility under a cloud.

While public pressure is easier to mobilise against blatant attempts to
hold democracy hostage, such as the latest amendments, it is in the apparently
insignificant details that the government could succeed in breaking down
the patience of common citizens who are putting their new-found tool to
test. This is a danger that RTI activists, the media and the public should
anticipate and guard against.
Positive Side of the Picture

The Freedom of Information Bill aims to empower every citizen with the
right to obtain information from the government. The change from the
repressive regime of the Official Secrets Act to the notion of freedom of
information as a citizen’s right has taken 77 years, but it marks a significant
paradigm shift for Indian democracy. The right to information has both
intrinsic and instrumental value. Its intrinsic value comes from the fact that
citizens have a right to know. It is a crucial step towards a deeper, more
meaningful democracy. More tangibly, in a country like India it can promote
action for development and therefore has considerable instrumental value.
Information enables people to make enlightened choices, and keep tabs
on elected representatives and officials who claim to act on their collective
behalf. Thus, accountability and transparency are both enhanced radically.
In the last few decades, freedom of information has been recognized as an
internationally protected human right, and societies across the world have
been moving away from opaque and secretive administrative systems to
open and transparent systems. However, I have a doubt in the mind about
the revelation of complete information on the point by the government. As
the Bill reinforces the controlling role of the government official, who
retains a wide discretion to withhold information. For example, requests for
information that involve “disproportionate diversion of the resources of a
public authority” can be shot down by the public information officer. From
the gatekeepers of the Official Secrets Act, they now become gatekeepers
of the Freedom of Information Bill.
However, despite its shortcomings, the new law could be the tentative
beginning of a more inclusive development process — what Amartya Sen
describes as “a momentous engagement with the possibilities of freedom”.

RIGHT TO PRIVACY
P rivacy had emerged as a contentious issue while the apex court was
hearing a batch of petitions challenging the Centre’s move to make
Aadhaar mandatory for availing government schemes. In 2015, Attorney
General while defending the Aadhaar project that seeks to assign every
resident a biometric ID argued that Indians have no right to privacy under
the Indian Constitution. This shocked observers and legal experts.
The government's claim would set back the privacy debate by over 50
years. Over decades, the Supreme Court has in its judgements read the right
to privacy into the Constitution. The highest court in doing so had recognised
that without a right to privacy, the right to liberty and freedom of expression
cannot survive. The government's claim threatened our basic rights.
Introduction
9 judge bench delivered landmark judgement and unanimously declaring the
Right to Privacy is fundamental right under constitution. SC has categorically
held that Right to privacy will be protected as intrinsic part of Right to life
and personal liberty under Article 21 of constitution of India. Judgement
represents quantum leap in the evolution of legal jurisprudence pertaining
to privacy in India.
What is the Big Deal about Privacy?
Privacy is the basis of the freedom to dissent. With unfettered surveillance,
every time you disagree with the state, they can take advantage of the huge
imbalance of information between them and you. They can put you under
pressure to concede or use information that you did not even know they
possessed to embattle you in court. And their story need not be true. The
availability of mass data does not automatically reveal the truth. The truth
has to be extracted from it. The details of your phone calls, movements,
purchases, demographics and social interactions can be used to construct any
number of different truths.
Implications of SC Judgement
What matters is not the outcome but its future far reaching implications. It's
a big deal overruling 8 bench judge's order. 9 judge bench is a rarity, even
more of rarity is 9 judge bench is speaking in one voice unequivocally
stating that privacy is fundamental right.
The fact that all the judges unanimously came down on this argument
shows how much the government misunderstood the constitutional
underpinnings of privacy as a value in it and as an ineluctable facet of
human dignity.
The government argued that privacy is "so amorphous as to defy
description", that it is needless to call it a fundamental right as it is one in
common law, and that it has been given statutory protection in different
forms. There was even a suggestion that privacy is an imported value and
that it is elitist. All these arguments fell by the wayside.
Need for Elevating it to the Status of Fundamental Right
Privacy can be otherwise protected through codified mechanism through a
statute then why do we need as sacrosanct as a constitutional right? The
reason that we elevate to the status of fundamental right is take outside the
ambit of the legislative majority so that no brutal majority is in a position
to overturn the particular right. Because a statutory right is effectively a
creature of a particular statute and therefore it can be curtailed where as a
fundamental right is there for all time to come and forms part of basic
structure.
What Implications the Ruling Would have on State Policy and
Citizens’ Rights
What implications the ruling would have on state policy and citizens’ rights
will be the core issues in future.
l A welcome aspect of the judgment is that it makes it clear that sexual
orientation is part of privacy and constitutionally protected, and that

the 2014 verdict upholding Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code is
to be questioned. This opens up the case for a much-needed
reconsideration.
l As for Aadhaar, it is pertinent to note that the judges have referred
to the restrictions and limitations that privacy would be subject to.

l The test to decide the validity of any such restriction is that it is
reasonable based on fair procedure and free from arbitrariness or

selective targeting or profiling.
l It can also be based on compelling state interest. This is where a
cautionary note is in order. Courts exercising writ jurisdiction should

be cautious about the nature of the relief they grant based on wide
and open-ended claims of breach of privacy.
l The verdict has advanced and revivified core constitutional principles
in an era in which privacy is compromised against state interest.
Somehow, privacy as a value finds itself
q at loggerheads with notions of national security,
q the needs of a knowledge society and
Socio-economic policy.
q
Hopefully, this judgment will set many such concerns at rest and bring
about a more equitable relationship between citizen and state.
Conclusion
The right to privacy broadly encompasses physical privacy, informational
privacy and decisional autonomy. The interplay of technological advances
and the right to privacy in the digital age needs to be closely scrutinised.
The nine-judge bench has rightly emphasised the need for data protection
laws - a task now entrusted, at a preliminary stage, to the Justice Srikrishna
Committee.
But, irrespective of any technological changes, the respect of the right
of individuals to make a choice of how and where they want to live, work
and pursue their individual dreams must be protected. Nine judges of the
Supreme Court have protected, for decades to come, the most important
right emphasized by Justice Brandeis: The right to be left alone.
FARMER’S SUICIDE
A griculture in India is the predominant occupation of the majority. With

more than half of the population depending on agriculture as primary
occupation, India is the second largest country in terms of arable area.
However, farmers in India, like many other countries, are bound to live an
intensely hard life. In spite of being feeders of the entire nation, they live
in misery and poverty, which many times leads them to end their lives.
Causes of Farmers' Suicide
The primary cause of farmers' suicide is their poverty. The inception of
miserable condition of farmers dates back to the colonial era when the
British imposed hard hitting revenue system. Be it Permanent Settlement,
Ryotwari or Mahalwari, all were aimed at extracting more and more revenue.
This exorbitant revenue created a new class of moneylenders. After
independence, efforts have been made by government for farmers to end the
vicious cycle of debt trap by controlling moneylenders, yet this system is
quite prevalent in villages. A major reason for this is inability of government
to provide financial benefits to needy farmers through institutional means.
Instead it has been found that a major portion of institutional loans is taken
by big and rich farmers who instead use it for non-agricultural purpose. In
the absence of institutional loans, small farmers are forced to go to
moneylenders, who usually charge more interest. However, in case of crop
failure or low price for crops, when these farmers are unable to repay loan,
they are harassed, which many times forces them to end their life. Another
big reason for the poverty of farmers is their unawareness towards what
crop to grow according to the weather and soil condition, which may pay
them high. Below threshold production or crop failure brings low to no
remunerations, which causes piling up of interest on the loans taken. This
again brings heavy exploitation of the farmers, again forcing them to end
their life.
Solution
The solution to the problem lies in increasing the agricultural production,
proper payments to farmers against their crops and for financial help,
encouragement of institutional loans through banks.
The increase in production would ultimately improve their financial
conditions. It would also prevent them from getting into debt trap of
moneylenders. For this steps must be taken to encourage the farmers to
grow crops according to weather predictions and soil conditions. Also steps
must be taken to improve the quality of land by proper use of manure.
Some significant steps in this direction are Soil Health card, Pradhan Mantri
Krishi Sinchai Yojna, cutting of Montanso Royalty by 70% etc. Optimum
use of technology must be made to increase the crop production. For this
better quality and genetically modified seeds must be provided. After
harvesting, provision must be made for proper store houses. Removal
of intermediaries and direct to market schemes must be encouraged. This
would definitely improve their financial conditions.
In case of crop failure or below production, financial assistance may be
provided to them. A humanitarian approach must be applied during the
recovery of loans from them. If required concession on loan repayment may
be provided.
An important requirement is that government schemes must be so formed
that they can be applied generically over the entire area, equally benefitting
all. If schemes are not made benefitting all, they tend to create two specific
classes- one exploiting and the other exploited. The exploited class generally
consists of small farmers or agricultural peasants, who in the absence of any
safeguard tend to commit suicide. In addition, avenues for alternative source
of income must be provided to farmers, so that in case of crop failure, they
may be able to sustain their livelihood.
Conclusion
Farmers are the food providers of the nation. In the words of Samual
Johnson, “Farmers not only give riches to a nation, but the only riches she
can call her own". Their contribution in making of nation can never be
under estimated. However, on the one hand their life is poverty ridden and
pitiful, on the other hand, the remaining population is becoming luxurious.
It is high time when steps must be taken to improve their condition and
provide them with protection from exploitation, else their alienation may
prove disastrous to the country as well as individual.
INDIAN NUCLEAR STRATEGY :

A PERSPECTIVE FOR 2020
I ndia demonstrated its nuclear capability on May 18, 1974, when it

conducted the first nuclear test in Pokhran—a desert area in Rajasthan
some 350 miles away from New Delhi. Technically, India then became the
world’s sixth nuclear power. However, because of international pressure,
particularly from the United States (US) and Canada, Mrs. Indira Gandhi
was then believed to have bitten off more than she could chew regarding
nuclear weapons. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was caught unawares
of the Indian tests. The test was then described as a Peaceful Nuclear
Explosion (PNE) by India. But few were willing to buy this explanation.
It was also considered as being against the spirit of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT); but since India had not signed the NPT, it was
not strictly in violation of any international treaties.
After 24 years, India surprised the world once again by conducting
three nuclear tests on Buddha Poornima Day—May 11, 1998. One was a
plutonium type similar to the 1974 test. Another was a thermonuclear or
hydrogen bomb, and the third one was a low yield device with a wider
application—primarily a tactical weapon. All three devices were triggered
by one pull.
Two days later, on May 13, 1998, another two weapons were tested at
Pokhran. These tests gave Indian scientists up-to-date knowledge on the latest
developments in weaponisation of nuclear technology, including an ability to
conduct sub-critical tests or testing by computer simulation in the laboratory.
Western nations in general, and the US in particular, had always
considered India’s nuclear weapons programme as less advanced. Naturally,
scientist in the West began to doubt the claims of Indian scientists,
particularly the Indian claim of having tested a thermonuclear device, and
the level of sophistication and yield of the tests. But Anil Kakodkar, then
Director, Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, said that the thermonuclear device
was limited in yield to 43 to 45 kilotons, so that seismic disturbances do
not affect nearby villages. But the total yield of all the tests was claimed
by Indian scientists as 58 kilotons. This claim also was disputed by the
American journal Science by stating that the total yield of the Indian tests
was between 9 to 16 kilotons.
Reaction of Nuclear Weapon States (NWS)

India’s declaration of itself as a nuclear weapon state was seen by the Western
powers as an effort on its part to emerge as a major power. The American
policy makers were particularly sharp in advising India that there is no linkage
between major power status and the possession of nuclear weapons.
On the other hand, the point has not been missed amongst the observers
of international relations that it is non-possession of nuclear weapons that
is a factor responsible for the secondary status of Japan and Germany. As

a matter of fact, it is the American fear of the likely nuclear weaponisation
by Germany and Japan that made the US in the first instance, react strongly
against the Indian nuclear tests. Japan was against the indefinite extension
of the NPT in 1995. It wants a rapid end of nuclear weapons under Article
VI of the NPT.
A 2020-Perspective
Some important ingredients of strategic policy can be underscored here. To
begin with, India will continue to emphasise—in the next twenty years—
from a position of strength, global nuclear disarmament. Unlike the US,
which till the end of the Cold War believed that a limited nuclear war is
thinkable and winnable, India looks at the nuclear weapons as the weapons
of ultimate defence. Even after acquisition of nuclear weapons, Indian
strategy is not based on the use of nuclear weapons. On the other hand,
India now sees that it can speak on nuclear disarmament more authoritatively.
However, in pursuit of global disarmament, we need to change our approach:
instead of total disarmament, in the beginning, we need only move step by
step towards that goal.
India has already offered to sign such a treaty with Pakistan which has
rejected the proposal by declaring it as “self serving.” It sees nuclear weapons
as a “credible deterrence in view of India’s conventional superiority.” Russia’s
predecessor state, the Soviet Union, and China had announced during the
Cold War their commitment to no-first use of nuclear weapons. But after
the end of the Cold War, Russia and China have been ambiguous on the
issue. Hence, a successful conclusion of a no-first strike treaty will greatly
reduce the threat of nuclear war.
The second policy strand relates to halting of production of fissile
materials essential for nuclear weapons. India needs to agree on a Fissile
Materials Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) with certain precautions. Even on the
FMCT, the US could take India for a ride by pressurising it to stop
production of fissile materials even before the treaty is negotiated and
signed. This again, could be a ploy on the part of the US to help Pakistan
achieve parity with India in possession of fissile material.
Third, India needs to concentrate to make its nuclear weapons invulnerable
to a first strike with nuclear weapons either by Pakistan or China or jointly
by them. In this respect, not only development of the medium range missile—
Agni—is essential but also it needs to focus on its perfection to the extent
that at least half of the missiles fired will hit the target within a radius of

a mile or two. To make nuclear weapons invulnerable to first strike, we
have developed nuclear submarines ‘INS Arihant’ on July 2009.
Fourth, there is the case of deployment versus non-deployment of
nuclear weapons to be decided. India will deploy nuclear weapons against
China but not against Pakistan. This is because, even if China is our
potential security threat in the sense of its threatening ambition to be a
superpower and make India play second fiddle to it, it is unlikely to use
nuclear weapons against India, as a rational decision maker. However, this
does not preclude it from using them as blackmail which can, of course,
now be checked because it knows India too has nuclear weapons.
Fifth, India needs to develop a system of command and control over
the nuclear weapons. The ultimate decision to use the nuclear weapons will
have to rest with the Prime Minister. But in a worst case scenario, there is
a need to clearly lay down the alternate line of control in the event of
conflict escalating into a war. Similarly, if New Delhi is made dysfunctional
by enemy bombing, from where will the command and control operate?
How do you carry nuclear weapons to enemy targets? Will you use aircraft
or missiles or submarines or use the tactical nuclear weapons? In other
words, it is also necessary to resolve the question of inter-service rivalry
over the possession of nuclear weapons. Since all three services may have
to be provided with nuclear weapons, creation of a Chief of Defence Staff
assumes additional urgency.
Sixth, India also will have to develop or acquire, in the next 20 years,
necessary protective safety systems for nuclear weapons. There is also a
need to take steps to prevent triggering of any accidental war; simultaneously
taking confidence building measures between India and its two adversaries
on the borders in the north.
Seventh, in the next 20 years, however, India will not be able to reduce
the size of its armed forces because of acquisition of nuclear weapons—
though eventually that is a possibility—as the threat to India’s security will
continue to arise from Pakistan, mainly through low intensity conflict (LIC)
in fulfilment of the religiously emotive issue of the incomplete partition
process in Kashmir.
Eighth, Indian strategic policy needs to be backed by a well-conceived
diplomatic posture for the future. It will be a prudent policy for India to
cultivate cordial relations with countries which feel threatened by the
expansionist policies of China. The way in which the US has conducted its

policy towards China in the months prior to and after Bill Clinton’s summit
meeting with Jiang Zemin in June 1998, shows that Japan increasingly,
might feel threatened. Hence, despite Japan following in the US steps to
criticise India for its nuclear tests, India needs to open immediately a
strategic dialogue with Japan.
Ninth, India will have to maintain a steady economic growth to sustain
an estimated expenditure of at least ` 1,000 crore or more in the next ten
years to put nuclear deterrence in place. This will need India to continue
to maintain its GDP growth at a minimum of 7 to 8 per cent per annum
in the next two decades.
Tenth, India also needs to highlight the possibilities of Pakistani nuclear
weapons falling into the hands of Islamic terrorists in the Indian subcontinent
as well as in the Middle East. US Senator Patrick Moynihan characterised
the Pakistani bomb as an “Islamic bomb” and apprehended that finally it
“will inevitably be pointed at the Middle East.”
Eleventh, India needs to device ways and means to secure a stable
government, as the political instability that the nation has witnessed ever
since 1989 cannot be conducive to peace and stability in the nation’s strategic
policy. Only then can the political parties develop a non-partisan approach
to the nation’s foreign policy and security.
Finally, India needs to cultivate different segments of the American
ruling elite through public diplomacy. In the highly fragmented system of
politics and administration in the US, a large number of politicians and
opinion leaders had taken a pro-India stand when India exploded nuclear
weapons. We need to remember that their pro-India stand is not because of
their acceptance of our compulsions in going nuclear—it is so more because
of their internal dynamics of party politics. We need to strengthen our ties
with such segments of American politics, including the India caucus in
Congress. We need to identify such politicians and develop bipartisan support
for India. While the Democrats have been strong on their advocacy of non-
proliferation, the Republicans have been less vigorous on the issue. We need
to watch whether a Republican dominated Senate will eventually vote to
ratify the CTBT without which the treaty cannot be binding on the US.
If not, it not only provides some more breathing time for Indian policy
makers, but also greater hope for being accepted as a NWS.
It is the sovereign right of India to decide whether its security
compulsions warrant going in for nuclear weapons as an ultimate shield,
notwithstanding the opinion of the Western nations. The opposition of the
US and other developed nations appears to be totally self-serving when one
looks at the actions of these very powers which advise India to desist from
possessing nuclear weapons.
Hence, the pursuit of the above strategic policy, will not only make
India by 2020 a major power in the global politics and economy but also
a permanent member of the UN Security Council fulfilling Nehru’s dream
expressed in 1954 in the Lok Sabha that “if nothing goes wrong, like
wars—the fourth major power next to US, Russia and China is India.” India
needs to develop self-confidence and as Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam very aptly
observed, begin to think in terms of making India a developed nation in the
21st century. A strong and stable India will be a force for peace not only
in South Asia, but in the world as well.
PAID NEWS : A CANCER IN INDIAN

MEDIA
T he Indian media has been seen as sensitive, patriotic, and very much an
influential tool in the socio-political sphere since the days of freedom
movement. The Indian media, as a whole, often plays the role of
constructive opposition in Parliament as well as in various legislative
assemblies of the state. Journalists are, by and large honoured and accepted
as the moral guide in Indian society. While the newspapers in Europe and
America are loosing their readership annually, Indian print media is still
going strong with huge circulation figures.
For a democratic India, the media continues to be acclaimed as the
fourth important pillar after judiciary, parliament, and bureaucracy. But
unfortunately, a cancer in the form of paid news has been diagnosed in the
recent past.

Anyone with money or power - high net worth individuals,
corporations, powerful trusts in health, education and so on, and people in
power - always had some degree of influence. They could control
advertisement revenue flows to a particular media house.
The practice of paying for editorial content, particularly by political
candidates, has been an gnawing issue in India for many years. Lately, a
number of influential media organizations have shown their concern with
this ill practice. India it seems, has finally woken up to the menace of the
‘paid news’ culture in mainstream media.
The phenomenon existed for at least a decade, but recent exposures by
the media and the PCI’s detailed report show the extent to which it has
spread.
The roots of the problem are clear. Both the media and the political
system need money. On the one hand, there is intense competition in the
media with hundreds of newspapers, magazines and TV channels. They are
under pressure to earn profits. Some of the reporters, journalists and editors
are also exposed to temptation when money is offered. Beyond individual
corruption, media houses are entering into clandestine deals with candidates
and political parties.
These days, elections have become a very high stakes game as
candidates and parties pour in huge sums of money to ensure a win. There
is a proliferation of political parties, spending more and more money to
woo smaller and smaller vote banks. For a fraction of what they spend on
wooing voters, they can buy some sections of the media. The roots are,
therefore, in the intense competition and complete commercialisation of
media and politics. This was inevitable, and the trend was clear for several
years.
Selected candidates or political parties are built up by the media.
Political parties or their leaders own newspapers and TV channels. In this
situation, there is a good chance that voters are influenced.
Simply, politics will increasingly become populist, with more subsidies
and concessions to vote banks. That is because we have a very fragmented
political system with small vote banks, and those in power often do not
have the stamina or political strength to tackle the real problems of the
country. They find it easier to build vote banks.
On the contrary, there will be further sell out to corporate interests.
This is not to paint the entire corporate sector as greedy and manipulative.
But sections of it are definitely putting pressure on governments to bend
rules, get tax concessions and get new laws passed.
Tackling the problem of paid news is not easy, and even if we succeed,
the nexus between money and power will not entirely go away. One radical
solution is to change the structure of media from a profit-making one, to
a not-for-profit model, either as a society or trust, much like educational
and religious organisations.
There is also a crying need for more credible, honest media houses
that are independent of big money and power. The Press Council of
India’s detailed report also has some excellent suggestions, and we need
to consider them seriously. It includes an enforceable code of conduct,
complete and transparent disclosure of paid news, inclusion of the
electronic media under the PCI’s jurisdiction, disclosure of all interests
and share holdings of the media house and its owners, and strengthening
the Election Commission to tackle this issue during elections. With the
political system and the judiciary under a cloud, we cannot afford to soft-
peddle the issue of media reforms.
vvvv

II
ESSAYS ON
INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
Essays on International Issues F 73

BREXIT AND ITS IMPACT
E uropean Union was originally formed with six nations in 1957. Today,
it is a gigantic transnational entity of 28 countries, including the U.K.,
which joined only in 1973.
UK has a peculiar history with EU. Though part of EU, Britain has
traditionally had a ‘eurosceptic’ stand. It continues to use the Pound as its
currency, while most EU nations have moved to Euro. Neither does it
participate in the Schengen border-free zone, which allows passport-free
travel in EU.
On June 23rd, 2016 UK voted to leave the EU. Let us examine the
various aspects of this Brexit.
Sequence of Events
In January 2013, then Prime Minister Cameron announced that a Conservative
government would hold an in-out referendum on EU membership before
the end of 2017, on a renegotiated package, if elected in 2015.
The Conservative Party won the 2015 general election with a majority.
Soon afterwards the European Union Referendum Act 2015 was introduced
into Parliament to enable the referendum. Despite being in favour of remaining
in a reformed European Union himself, Cameron announced that Conservative
Ministers and MPs were free to campaign in favour of remaining in the EU
or leaving it, according to their conscience.
This decision came after mounting pressure for a free vote for ministers.
In an exception to the usual rule of cabinet collective responsibility, Cameron
allowed cabinet ministers to publicly campaign for EU withdrawal. A
referendum was scheduled on June 23rd 2016. Registered voters in UK
were to voice their opinions on whether the nation should ‘Remain’ in or
‘Leave’ the European Union.
UK voted to leave the European Union. The ‘Leave’ side won decisively
with 52 per cent of the vote in the high-turnout vote, which overturned
opinion polls that predicted a slender margin for ‘Remain’. PM David

Cameroon was the architect of the referendum. He supported “Remain”. As
a result of the “Leave” verdict, he stepped down as PM. A stunned EU
urged Britain to leave as “soon as possible” amid fears the devastating blow
to European unity could spark a chain reaction of further referendum.
Reasons Behind the Result

The various people campaigning for “Leave” used the following issues to
stress on the need for Brexit:
l Economy and Austerity Measures: There was public anger in Britain
towards the status quo. Ordinary Britons, hit hard by the economic
crisis, feel betrayed by their political leadership. The Conservative
government’s austerity policies have further alienated these sections.
l Immigration: As EU’s membership expanded, more Europeans,
especially from poorer EU nations, started migrating to U.K. using
the “freedom of movement” clause. The antiimmigration parties
argue this puts a severe strain on national resources and add up to
welfare expenditure. The pro-EU members argue that EU migrants
contribute more to the national economy than they take out.
l Security: The Remain side argues that in the era of international
terrorism and criminality, cooperating with the EU will make the
U.K. safer, while the other side says that the security risk will in
fact increase if the U.K. does not have control over its borders.
l Trade: On trade, the Remain side says that access to the single
European market, free of tariffs and border controls, is critical for
the U.K. as 45 per cent of its trade is with the EU. The Leave side
says that the EU needs British markets and individual trade deals
with European countries can be easily negotiated.
l Employment: The Remain side argues that as three million jobs are
tied to the EU there could be a jobs crisis if the U.K. leaves the EU;
Brexiteers claim that there will be a jobs boom without the fetters
that EU regulations impose.
l Negative Strategy: The Remain campaign focussed mainly on the
dangers of leaving the EU rather than making a case reasons for
staying in EU and present a future vision. This alienated the people
further, rather than convincing them.

Possible Implications for UK
l UK is currently in a situation of deep uncertainty post-leave vote.
It remains to be seen whether the propositions of how the leave
would benefit UK would materialise.
l Turmoil in Currency Markets: Pound dived to its lowest since
1985; Euro suffered its worst fall against the dollar.
l Second Scottish Referendum Likely: Scotland voted by a margin
of 62 per cent to 38 per cent to remain in the EU in the referendum.
Scotland sees its future in the European Union despite Britain’s vote
to leave. Hence, a second Scottish independence referendum is likely.
l Exports: 45% of UKs exports are to the Eurozone. Hence, the need
to negotiate the relationship with EU is immediate.
l Less influence in World Politics: The collective bargaining benefits
enjoyed by Britain as a part of EU would no longer exist.
l Hamper Joint Efforts: May hamper joint counter-terrorism,
information sharing especially in context of instability in middle
east.
For European Union and Rest of the World

l The members of EU make monetary contributions towards EU and
UK is one the largest contributors.
l A British exit from the European Union would rock the Union —
already shaken by differences over migration and the future of the
Eurozone — by ripping away its second-largest economy, one of its
top two military powers and by far its richest financial centre.
l Brexit would give rise more and more nations contemplating to exit
the EU. Greece, last year held a referendum in which its citizens
overwhelmingly rejected EU’s bailout norms.
l World Economy: World stocks saw more than $2 trillion wiped off
their value as Britain’s vote to leave the European Union triggered
5-10 per cent falls across Europe’s biggest bourses and a record
plunge for sterling.
l Such a body blow to global confidence could prevent the Federal
Reserve from raising interest rates as planned this year, and might
even provoke a new round of emergency policy easing from all the
major central banks.

For India
l Though, Finance minister Jaitley claimed that India is well-prepared
to deal with the consequences of the Bexit with strong
macroeconomic situation, some issues still remain.
l Volatility in Indian markets triggered by Brexit- BSE Sensex fell by
4%.
l Indian companies in UK—There are 800 Indian companies in the
UK—more than the combined number in the rest of Europe.
Britain’s exit from EU may affect Indian companies’ appetite for
investing in the UK, particularly those seeking access to the European
market.
l The welfare of a nearly three-million strong diaspora of Indian-
origin UK citizens is a major concern.
l The interests of a large number of Britain bound Indian tourists,
business people, professionals, students, spouses, parents and relatives
is also a concern.
l India-EU FTA—The FTA talks with EU will have to be modified
in the event of Brexit. Much will depend of the future equation
between EU and UK.
l If Britain gets the same treatment in terms of Free Tariff and Free
Movement of persons, not much will change for India. However, if
Britain gets the treatment as applicable to a non-member country,
it may lead to positive impact on India’s exports to EU as well as
to Britain.
l Similarly, any restriction on movement of persons from EU to
Britain will open opportunity for Indian service providers in wide
range of services.
l The weakness in the currencies—Pound and Euro, may also lead to
increase in imports to India from these countries.
l However, the uncertainties brought about by the referendum may
benefit India too in some ways:
l The drop in the pound will benefit Indian students bound for
UK and Indian tourists.
l Buying property in UK will be easier due to weaker pound.

NORTH KOREA–US SUMMIT 2018
U .S. President Donald Trump met with North Korean Supreme Leader
Kim Jong-un on June 12, 2018, in Singapore, in the first summit
meeting between the leaders of the United States of America and the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea). They signed a joint
statement, agreeing to security guarantees for North Korea, new peaceful
relations, reaffirmation of the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula,
recovery of soldiers' remains, and follow-up negotiations between high-
level officials. Immediately following the summit, Trump announced that
the US would discontinue “provocative” joint military exercises with South
Korea and would “eventually” withdraw troops stationed there.
Singapore, considered a politically benign territory by both sides, made
thorough preparations to host the summit, which took place at the Capella
Hotel on Sentosa Island. According to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, the
summit had cost the Singaporean government S$16.3 million (US$12
million), half of which was spent on security measures. Each leader also
met with Prime Minister Lee prior to their summit meeting.
After a period of heightened conflict that included North Korea
successfully testing what it claims was its first hydrogen bomb and the
Hwasong-15 intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) in late 2017, tensions
began to de-escalate after Kim Jong-un announced his desire to send athletes
to the 2018 Olympics being held in South Korea. During the games, Kim
proposed talks with South Korea to plan an inter-Korean summit.
On March 8, the South Korean delegation returned from the talks and
travelled to the United States to deliver an invitation by Kim Jong-un to
Trump for a meeting. High-level exchanges between the two sides then took
place, including a visit by then CIA Director Mike Pompeo to Pyongyang
and a visit by Kim Yong-chol, Vice Chairman of the Workers’ Party of
Korea, to the White House.
Both sides threatened to cancel the summit after a round of joint
military exercises by the US and South Korea, with Trump even delivering
a formal letter to Kim to call off the meeting; however, the two sides
eventually agreed to meet.

On March 5, 2018, South Korea’s special delegation agreed to hold the
third inter-Korean summit at Inter-Korean Peace House in Panmunjom on
April 27, 2018. On March 6, after returning to South Korea, the national
security adviser, Chung Eui-yong, and National Information Director Suh
Hoon travelled to the United States on March 8 to report to Trump about
the upcoming inter-Korean summit and relayed to Trump the North Korean
leader Kim Jong-un’s invitation.
Trump endorsed the North Korea-United States summit about an hour
after receiving the report. The South Korean National Security Adviser
(SKNS), Mr. Jeong briefed the public that the North Korea-United States
summit would be held sometime in May 2018.
The White House announced that the UN Sanctions would remain in
place until an agreement between the United States and North Korea is
reached. On March 6, Sarah Sanders said that the White House would need
to see “concrete and verifiable steps” toward the denuclearization of North
Korea before Trump would meet with Kim Jong-un. Later that day, an
unidentified Trump official told The Wall Street Journal that Trump had
still accepted Kim Jong-un’s invitation.
Proposed Conditions by North Korea
On April 11, North Korea presented five entreaties as conditions for the
dismissal of their nuclear-capable ICBMs:
1. Ensuring the United States and South Korea do not locate nuclear
weapons strategic assets within the vicinity of the Korean Peninsula.
2. Ceasing development or operation of strategic nuclear assets during
USFK-ROK combined military training.
3. Ensuring the United States will not attack North Korea with
conventional or nuclear weapons.
4. Converting the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement into a peace
treaty on the Korean Peninsula.
5. Establishing official diplomatic ties between North Korea and the
United States.
Although North Korea was previously expected to request the withdrawal
of United States Forces Korea (USFK) from South Korea, North Korea
publicized they would embrace the continuous deployment of 25,000 USFK
troops in South Korea as long as the security of North Korea is guaranteed.
Release of the American Detainees
On the 10th of May, three Americans held by the North Korean regime
were released following the advanced negotiations between theTrump
administration and the North Korean regime and immense pressure by the
Trump administration for their release. Some have speculated that their
release was part of an attempt of the regime to motivate the US to continue
the negotiations and perhaps ease the pressure upon the North Koreans.
Nevertheless, their release has managed to ease the tensions between the
Trump administration and the North Korean regime, enabling both sides to
proceed to further negotiations, possibly leading to the 2018 North Korea-
United States summit.
Tensions, Cancelation and Reinstatement
Trump cancelled the summit on May 24, 2018, via a letter to Chairman
Kim, writing that “based on the tremendous anger and open hostility
displayed in your most recent statement, I feel it is inappropriate, at this
time, to have this long-planned meeting ... You talk about your nuclear
capabilities, but ours are so massive and powerful that I pray to God they
will never have to be used.” Even though it was Trump who decided to
cancel, Trump told Kim, “If you change your mind having to do with this
most important summit, please do not hesitate to call me or write.”
In response to Trump’s cancellation, North Korean vice foreign minister
Kim Kye-gwan expressed his country’s “willingness to sit down face-to-
face with the US and resolve issues anytime and in any format”, being
“open-minded in giving time and opportunity to the US” for the “peace and
stability for the world and the Korean Peninsula”. Trump’s cancellation had
come on the day North Korea had detonated explosives at its only known
nuclear test site, at Punggye-ri in front of international journalists; North
Korea claimed that this would have demolished the test site.
On May 25, however, Trump announced that the summit could resume
as scheduled following a “very nice statement” he received from North
Korea and that talks were now resuming.
On May 30, North Korean general Kim Yong-chol arrived in New
York City to meet with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Negotiations
between Kim and Pompeo continued the next day, and Pompeo later stated
at a press conference that “good progress” had been made. Kim Yong-chol,
who is the Vice Chair of Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of
Korea, is the highest-ranking North Korean official to visit the US since
2000 (when Jo Myong-rok met with US President Bill Clinton in Washington,
D.C.). On June 1, Trump announced the summit would resume as scheduled
for June 12 after he met Kim Yong-chol at the White House.
One-on-One Meeting
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un arrived at Capella Hotel first before
United States President Donald Trump arrived six minutes later. They
started the summit at 9:05 am local time with a 12-second handshake and
then participated in a one-on-one meeting, with interpreters only. Trump
and Kim emerged from the one-on-one talks and walked down the corridor
to the Cassia where the expanded bilateral meeting took place. Trump
described the one-on-one meeting as “very very good”.
Joint Signing Ceremony

Subsequently, Trump and Kim signed a joint statement, titled “Joint Statement
of President Donald J. Trump of the United States of America and Chairman
Kim Jong-un of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea at the Singapore
Summit”, which Trump described as a “very important” and “comprehensive”
agreement.
The document said:
President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un state the following:
1. The United States and the DPRK commit to establish new U.S.-
DPRK relations in accordance with the desire of the peoples of the
two countries for peace and prosperity.
2. The United States and the DPRK will join their efforts to build a
lasting and stable peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.
3. Reaffirming the April 27, 2018 Panmunjom Declaration, the DPRK
commits to work towards the complete denuclearization of the Korean
Peninsula.
4. The United States and the DPRK commit to recovering POW/MIA
remains including the immediate repatriation of those already
identified.
Pompeo’s Second Visit to North Korea

On 6-7 July, Mike Pompeo travelled to North Korea to continue the
negotiations with General Kim Yong-chol, Kim Jong Un’s right hand. After

the meeting, Pompeo stated that the talks had been productive and that
progress had been made “on almost all of the central issues”. However the
North Korean stated media criticized the meeting soon after by calling the
demands of the Trump administration “deeply regrettable”. Notwithstanding
the stern reports, Pomepo delivered President Trump a letter from Kim
Jong Un, in which the latter expressed his hope for successful implementation
of the US-North Korea Joint Statement and reaffirmed his will for improving
the relations between the countries.
ROHINGYA CRISIS
Who are the Rohingyas?

Described as the world’s most persecuted people, 1.1 million Rohingya
people live in Myanmar. They live predominantly in Rakhine State, where
they have co-existed uneasily alongside Buddhists for decades.
Rohingya people say they are descendants of Muslims, Persian and
Arab traders, who came to Myanmar generations ago. Unlike the Buddhist
community, they speak a language similar to the Bengali dialect of Chittagong
in Bangladesh. The Rohingyas are reviled by many in Myanmar as illegal
immigrants and they suffer from systematic discrimination. The Myanmar
government treats them as stateless people, denying them citizenship. Stringent
restrictions have been placed on Rohingya people’s freedom of movement,
access to medical assistance, education and other basic services.
What has been Happening to Them?

Violence broke out in northern Rakhine State on 25 August, 2017 when
Rohingya militants attacked government forces. In response, security forces
supported by Buddhist militia launched a “clearance operation” that has
killed at least 1,000 people and forced more than 300,000 to flee their
homes. The UN’s top human rights official said on 11 September, 2017 that
the military’s response was “clearly disproportionate” to insurgent attacks
and warned that Myanmar’s treatment of its Rohingya minority appears to
be a “textbook example” of ethnic cleansing.
Refugees have spoken of massacres in villages, where they say soldiers
raided and burned their homes. The government claims the Rohingya have
burned their own homes and killed Buddhists and Hindus, a claim repeated
by some residents. It says that the military is targeting terrorists, including
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (Arsa), the group that claimed
responsibility for the August attacks.
What’s the Background to the Story?

For decades ethnic tensions have simmered in Rakhine State, with frequent
outbreaks of violence. In October 2016 nine police officers were killed by
armed men, believed by officials to be Muslims. Amid the ensuing violence,
87,000 Rohingya Muslims fled to Bangladesh and government troops
expanded their presence in Rakhine state. In August 2017, Myanmar further
increased the number of troops in Rakhine, after seven Buddhists were
found hacked to death. The buildup of troops prompted warnings of a fresh
wave of violence.
The most recent violence is seen as a major escalation not only because
of the scale, but also because of the involvement of the new Rohingya
militant group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. It says the attacks on
government forces were an act of self-defence.
Rohingya Crisis and Implications for the Region

Myanmar does not recognize the Rohingya, preferring to refer to them as
Bengali, which suggests they are from neighbouring Bangladesh. Apart
from impinging upon Myanmar's internal security, the Rohingya crisis is
also posing a security challenge to the South and Southeast Asia.
Although ARSA has reportedly denied any connection with the IS,
suspicions persist about linkages between the two groups. An ARSA leader
mentioned that they are fighting to stop the state-led oppression against the
Rohingyas in Myanmar and get citizenship rights to them. The systematic
deprivation and gross violations of basic human rights have forced Rohingyas
to flee their native land and seek refuge in neighbouring states including
Bangladesh, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and India. They have been unable
to rebuild their lives in most of these countries due to lack of opportunities
provided by the host nations to contribute to the economy of that country
even through semi-skilled and unskilled labour work as well, due to growing
fear of their linkages with Islamic extremism. The economic burden
emanating from the huge refugee influx, the growing fear of linkages
between the Rohingyas and the IS, coupled with the apathy of the countries
of the region towards the problem, explain the stance of the ASEAN
countries in advocating a domestic solution to the crisis.
What is the Myanmar Government Saying?

The government has claimed that it is targeting militants responsible for
attacks on the security forces, and that the majority of those killed are
terrorists. It also says that Rohingyas are burning their own villages - a
claim questioned by journalists who reported seeing new fires burning in
villages that had been abandoned by Rohingya people. The government has
also accused international aid workers of helping "terrorists"besiege a village
in Rakhine State. The claim was condemned as dangerously irresponsible by
aid workers, who fear for their safety.
India’s Stance on Rohingya Crisis

India called for restraint on the part of the Myanmar government to end the
violence in Rakhine State - days after New Delhi dissociated itself from a
joint statement by the Bali Declaration adopted at the World Parliamentary
Forum on Sustainable Development held at Nusa Dua in Indonesia that
included a reference to human rights in Myanmar. During Prime Minister’s
visit to Myanmar from September 5-7, 2017, he had expressed his concern
at the casualties of security forces as well as other innocent lives. India’s
tough stand on deporting Rohingyas back to Rakhine State in the midst of
the ongoing violence has evoked criticism from national and international
human rights activists.
Conclusion
The Statelessness of the Rohingyas and the lack of empathy towards the
plight of the Rohingyas have contributed to the adoption of extremist
methods by them. If not addressed pragmatically, the Rohingya crisis will
only cause more violence, leading to more refugees and chronic instability
in the region. ASEAN, India and Bangladesh need to discuss the Rohingya
crisis together to work for an optimum solution to the problem. The first
step would be to convince the present government in Myanmar about the
benefits of well-coordinated cooperation between the ASEAN members,
India and Bangladesh to tackle the issue.
The platforms of the regional and sub-regional institutions including
ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-
Sectoral, Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) need to be
more effectively used to discuss the issue openly and take advantages of the
experience of countries like India and Thailand who have long experience
in dealing with insurgency and terrorism. Here, ASEAN needs to push aside
the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a member country
as the Rohingya crisis is not a one-country problem.
NUCLEAR SECURITY SUMMIT–2016
T he Nuclear Security Summit (NSS) is a world summit, aimed at

preventing nuclear terrorism around the globe. The Fourth Nuclear
Summit was held in Washington D.C. on March 31 to April 1, 2016.
Leaders include then British Prime Minister David Cameron, Canadian
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, French President François Hollande, Italian
Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, Argentine President Mauricio Macri, Mexican
President Enrique Peña Nieto, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Kazakhstan’s
President Nursultan Nazarbayev, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, South
Korean President Park Geun-hye and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi
attended the Summit.
The first summit was held in Washington, D.C., United States, on April
12-13, 2010. The second summit was held in Seoul, South Korea, in 2012.
The third summit was held in The Hague, Netherlands, on March 24-25, 2014.
The threat of nuclear and radiological terrorism remains one of the
greatest challenges to international security, and the threat is constantly
evolving. The leaders, gathered in Washington, D.C. on the first day of
April, 2016 on the occasion of the fourth Nuclear Security Summit, observed
that the Summits have since 2010 raised awareness of this threat and driven
many tangible, meaningful and lasting improvements in nuclear security.
The Summits have also strengthened the nuclear security architecture at
national, regional and global levels, including through broadened ratification
and implementation of international legal instruments regarding nuclear
security. They underline the importance of the Convention on Physical
Protection of Nuclear Material and its 2005 Amendment and the International
Convention on the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism and will
continue to work toward their universalization and full implementation.
They welcome the imminent entry into force of the 2005 Amendment to
the Convention on Physical Protection of Nuclear Material and Facilities
and encourage further ratifications.
The global leaders at the summit reaffirm their commitment to their
shared goals of nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and peaceful
use of nuclear energy. They also reaffirm that measures to strengthen
nuclear security will not hamper the rights of States to develop and use
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. They reaffirm the fundamental
responsibility of States, in accordance with their respective obligations, to
maintain at all times effective security of all nuclear and other radioactive
material, including nuclear materials used in nuclear weapons, and nuclear
facilities under their control.
More work remains to be done to prevent non-state actors from obtaining
nuclear and other radioactive materials, which could be used for malicious
purposes. They commit to fostering a peaceful and stable international
environment by reducing the threat of nuclear terrorism and strengthening
nuclear security.
Sustaining security improvements requires constant vigilance at all levels,
and they pledge that their countries will continue to make nuclear security
an enduring priority. They, as leaders, are conscious of their responsibility.
Actions taken today can prevent tomorrow’s nuclear security incidents.
Where they choose to take such steps visibly, in light of national conditions
and while protecting sensitive information, they contribute to strengthening
and building confidence in the effectiveness of our national nuclear security
regimes.
Countering nuclear and radiological terrorism demands international
cooperation, including sharing of information in accordance with States’
national laws and procedures, International cooperation can contribute to a
more inclusive, coordinated, sustainable, and robust global nuclear security
architecture for the common benefit and security of all.
They reaffirm the essential responsibility and the central role of the
International Atomic Energy Agency in strengthening the global nuclear
security architecture and in developing international guidance, and its leading
role in facilitating and coordinating nuclear security activities among
international organizations and initiatives and supporting the efforts of States
to fulfill their nuclear security responsibilities. They, welcome and support
the Agency in convening regular high-level international conferences, such
as the December 2016 international conference on nuclear security including
its Ministerial segment, to maintain political momentum and continue to
raise awareness of nuclear security among all stakeholders.
They seek to maintain the international network of officials and
government experts who have supported the Summit process and to
incorporate the broader community of States, as well as encourage the
continued engagement of relevant partners in nuclear industry and civil
society.
In their continued collective determination to ensure political momentum
and to continuously strengthen nuclear security at national, regional, and
global levels, they resolve to implement the attached Action Plans, in
support of the international organizations and initiatives to which they
respectively belong (the United Nations, the International Atomic Energy
Agency, INTERPOL, the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism,
and the Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials
of Mass Destruction), to be carried out on a voluntary basis and consistent
with national laws and respective international obligations. These plans
reflect the political will of participating States.
The 2016 Summit marks the end of the Nuclear Security Summit
process in this format. We affirm that the Communiqués from the 2010,
2012 and 2014 Summits and the Work Plan of the 2010 Summit will
continue to guide our efforts as we endeavor to fully implement them.
NORTH KOREA–SOUTH KOREA

RELATIONS
N orth Korea-South Korea relations are the political, commercial,

diplomatic, and military interactions between North Korea and South
Korea. The relations began in 1945 with the division of Korea at the end

of World War II. Since then, North and South Korea have been locked in
a conflict which erupted into open warfare in 1950 with the Korean War
and which has continued ever since, thwarting the goal of Korean reunification.
Division of Korea
The Korean peninsula had been occupied by Japan from 1910. On August
9, 1945, in the closing days of World War Two, the Soviet Union declared
war on Japan and advanced into Korea. Though the Soviet declaration of
war had been agreed by the Allies at the Yalta Conference, the US
government became concerned at the prospect of all of Korea falling under
Soviet control. The US government therefore requested Soviet forces halt
their advance at the 38th parallel north, leaving the south of the peninsula,
including the capital, Seoul, to be occupied by the US. This was incorporated
into General Order No. 1 to Japanese forces after the Surrender of Japan
on August 15. On August 24, the Red Army entered Pyongyang and
established a military government over Korea north of the parallel. American
forces landed in the south on September 8 and established the United States
Army/Military Government in Korea.
Korean War
North Korea invaded the South on June 25, 1950, and swiftly overran most
of the country. In September 1950 the United Nations force, led by the
United States, intervened to defend the South, and advanced into North
Korea. As they neared the border with China, Chinese forces intervened on
behalf of North Korea, shifting the balance of the war again. Fighting
ended on July 27, 1953, with an armistice that approximately restored the
original boundaries between North and South Korea. Syngman Rhee refused
to sign the armistice, but reluctantly agreed to abide by it.
Large numbers of people were displaced as a result of the war, and
many families were divided by the reconstituted border. In 2007 it was
estimated that around 750,000 people remained separated from immediate
family members, and family reunions have long been a diplomatic priority
for the South.
Cold War
Competition between North and South Korea became key to decision-
making on both sides. For example, the construction of the Pyongyang
Metro spurred the construction of one in Seoul. In the 1980s, the South
Korean government built a 98 m tall flagpole in its village of Daeseong-
dong in the DMZ. In response, North Korea built a 160 m tall flagpole in
its nearby village of Kijong-dong. Tensions escalated in the late 1960s with
a series of low-level armed clashes known as the Korean DMZ Conflict.
During this time South Korea launched covert raids on the North. On
January 21, 1968, North Koreans commandos attacked the South Korean
Blue House. On December 11, 1969, a South Korean airliner was hijacked.
In September 1984, North Korea’s Red Cross sent emergency supplies
to the South after severe floods. Talks resumed, resulting in the first reunion
of separated families in 1985, as well as a series of cultural exchanges.
Goodwill dissipated with the staging of the US-South Korean military
exercise, Team Spirit, in 1986.
When Seoul was chosen to host the 1988 Summer Olympics, North
Korea tried to arrange a boycott by its Communist allies or a joint hosting
of the Games. This failed, and the bombing of Korean Air Flight 858 in
1987 was seen as North Korea’s response. However, at the same time, amid
a global thawing of the Cold War, the newly elected South Korean President
Roh Tae-woo launched a diplomatic initiative known as Nordpolitik. This
proposed the interim development of a “Korean Community”, which was
similar to a North Korean proposal for a confederation. From September
4 to 7, 1990, high-level talks were held in Seoul, at the same time that the
North was protesting about the Soviet Union normalizing relations with the
South. These talks led in 1991 to the Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-
Aggression, Exchanges and Cooperation and the Joint Declaration of the
Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. This coincided with the admission
of both North and South Korea into the United Nations. Meanwhile, on
March 25, 1991, a unified Korean team first used the Korean Unification
Flag at the World Table Tennis Competition in Japan, and on May 6, 1991,
a unified team competed at the World Youth Football Competition in
Portugal.
Thaw at the Winter Games
In May 2017, Moon Jae-in was elected President of South Korea with a
promise to return to the Sunshine Policy. In his New Year address for 2018,
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un proposed sending a delegation to the
upcoming Winter Olympics in South Korea. The Seoul-Pyongyang hotline
was reopened after almost two years. North and South Korea marched
together in the Olympics opening ceremony and fielded a united women's
ice hockey team. As well as the athletes, North Korea sent an unprecedented
high-level delegation, headed by Kim Yo-jong, sister of Kim Jong-un, and
President Kim Yong-nam, and including performers like the Samjiyon
Orchestra. The delegation passed on an invitation to President Moon to visit
North Korea. Following the Olympics, authorities of the two countries
raised the possibility that they could host the 2021 Asian Winter Games
together. Some political analysts expressed scepticism with Kim Jong-un's
peace overture.
In March, a South Korean delegation met Kim Jong-un in Pyongyang
and then travelled to Washington to pass on an invitation to President
Donald Trump to have a meeting with Kim. On 1 April, South Korean K-
pop stars performed a concert in Pyongyang entitled “Spring is Coming”,
which was attended by Kim Jong-un and his wife. Meanwhile, propaganda
broadcasts stopped on both sides.
First 2018 Inter-Korean Summit
On 27 April, 2018 the inter-Korean summit took place between President
Moon Jae-in of South Korea and Kim Jong-un of North Korea in the South
Korean side of the Joint Security Area. It was also the first time since the
Korean War that a North Korean leader had entered South Korean territory.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and South Korea’s President Moon Jae-
in met at the line that divides Korea. Kim then stepped over the raised
Military Demarcation Line, entering territory controlled by the South for
the very first time. After posing for the cameras, Kim then grasped Moon's
hand and they briefly crossed into the northern side. The summit ended
with both countries pledging to work towards complete denuclearization of
the Korean Peninsula. At this summit the leaders of North and South Korea
agreed to work to remove all nuclear weapons from the Korean Peninsula
and, within the year, to declare an official end to the Korean War, which
ravaged the peninsula from 1950 to 1953. As part of the Panmunjom
Declaration which was signed by leaders of both countries, both sides also
called for the end of longstanding military activities in the region of the
Korean border and a reunification of Korea. Also, the leaders of the region's
two divided states have agreed to work together to connect and modernise
their border railways.
On 5 May, Pyongyang adjusted its time 30 minutes forward at 1500
GMT upon a decree issued by the Supreme People's Assembly. North Korea
had changed the country’s standard time to 30 minutes behind the South in
2015, when the country celebrated the 70th anniversary of its liberation
from Japan's colonial rule, going back to what the time was before the
Japanese takeover. Now, North and South Korea have an universal time.
Second 2018 Inter-Korean Summit
Moon and Kim met the second time on 26 May. Their second summit was
unannounced, held in the North Korean portion of Joint Security Area and
concerned Kim's upcoming summit with US President Donald Trump. The
two sides reportedly will arrange meetings between their most senior military
officers.
Military Component
South Korea announced on 23 June 2018 that it would not conduct annual
military exercises with the USA “Korea Maritime Exercise Program” in
September, and would also stop its own drills in the Yellow Sea, in order
to not provoke North Korea and to continue a peaceful dialogue. On 1st July,
2018 South and North Korea have resumed ship-to-ship radio communication,
which can be seen as a hotline for preventing accidental clashes between
South and North Korean military vessels around the Northern Limit Line (NLL)
in the West (Yellow) Sea. On 17 July 2018, South and North Korea fully
restored their military communication line on the western part of the peninsula.
Cultural Ties
South Korea and North Korea have created a unified team for the 2018
Asian Games, with a unified country name and flag of “Korea”. Both sides
will also be cooperating on the film industry, with South Korea giving their
approval to screen North Korean movies at the country's local festival while
inviting several moviemakers from the latter.
GLOBAL PEACE INDEX–2018
T his is the twelfth edition of the Global Peace Index (GPI), which ranks
163 independent states and territories according to their level of
peacefulness. Produced by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), the
GPI is the world’s leading measure of global peacefulness. This report
presents the most comprehensive data-driven analysis to-date on trends in
peace, its economic value, and how to develop peaceful societies.
The GPI covers 99.7 per cent of the world’s population, using 23
qualitative and quantitative indicators from highly respected sources, and
measures the state of peace using three thematic domains: the level of
Societal Safety and Security; the extent of Ongoing Domestic and International
Conflict; and the degree of Militarisation.
In addition to presenting the findings from the 2018 GPI, this year’s
report includes analysis of trends in Positive Peace: the attitudes, institutions,
and structures that create and sustain peaceful societies. It looks at changes
in indicators of Positive Peace that immediately precede deteriorations or
improvements in peacefulness, which provides a framework for predictive
analysis. The report also assesses the ways in which high levels of peace
positively influence major macroeconomic indicators.
The results of the 2018 GPI find that the global level of peace has
deteriorated by 0.27 per cent in the last year, marking the fourth successive
year of deteriorations. Ninety-two countries deteriorated, while 71 countries
improved. The 2018 GPI reveals a world in which the tensions, conflicts,
and crises that emerged in the past decade remain unresolved, especially in
the Middle East, resulting in this gradual, sustained fall in peacefulness.
Underlying the fall in peacefulness, six of the nine regions in the world
deteriorated in the last year. The four most peaceful regions – Europe,
North America, Asia-Pacific, and South America – all recorded deteriorations,
with the largest overall deterioration occurring in South America, owing to
falls in the Safety and Security domain, mainly due to increases in the
incarceration rate and impact of terrorism.
Iceland remains the most peaceful country in the world, a position it
has held since 2008. It is joined at the top of the index by New Zealand,
Austria, Portugal, and Denmark. Syria remains the least peaceful country
in the world, a position it has held for the past five years. Afghanistan,
South Sudan, Iraq, and Somalia comprise the remaining least peaceful
countries.
Europe, the world’s most peaceful region, recorded a deterioration for
the third straight year. It deteriorated across all three GPI domains and
eleven indicators, most notably on the intensity of internal conflict and
relations with neighbouring countries. For the first time in the history of
the index, a Western European country experienced one of the five largest
deteriorations, with Spain falling 10 places in the rankings to 30th, owing
to internal political tensions and an increase in the impact of terrorism.
South Asia experienced the largest regional improvement in peacefulness,
with Bhutan, Sri Lanka, India, and Nepal all improving. Four of the five
largest improvements in peacefulness occurred in sub-Saharan Africa, despite
the region having a slight deterioration in its overall peacefulness. The
single largest country improvement occurred in the Gambia, where
improvements in political instability, perceptions of criminality, and relations
with neighbouring countries saw it improve 35 places in the rankings,
moving up to 76th. The election of the new president Adama Barrow lay
behind the improvements in political stability and the Gambia’s relations
with neighbouring countries.
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region recorded an
improvement in peacefulness for only the third time in the last eleven years.
Despite the improvement, it remains the world’s least peaceful region, a
position it has held since 2015. Qatar experienced the single largest
deterioration in peacefulness, as the political and economic boycott placed
on it by the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Bahrain led to deteriorations
in relations with neighbouring countries and political instability.
The ten-year trend in peacefulness finds that global peacefulness has
deteriorated by 2.38 per cent since 2008, with 85 GPI countries recording
a deterioration, while 75 improved. The index has deteriorated for eight of
the last eleven years, with the last improvement in peacefulness occurring
in 2014. In Europe, the world’s most peaceful region, 61 per cent of
countries have deteriorated since 2008. Not one Nordic country is more
peaceful now than in 2008.
Global peacefulness has deteriorated across two of the three GPI domains
over the past decade, with Ongoing Conflict deteriorating by six per cent
and Safety and Security deteriorating by three per cent. Terrorism and
internal conflict have been the biggest contributors to the global deterioration
in peacefulness over the decade. One hundred countries experienced increased
terrorist activity, with only 38 improving, and total conflict deaths increased
by 264 per cent between 2006 and 2016. However, contrary to public
perception, the militarisation domain recorded a 3.2 per cent improvement
since 2008. The number of armed services personnel per 100,000 people
has fallen in 119 countries, and military expenditure as a percentage of
GDP fell in 102 countries with only 59 countries increasing their spending.
Trends over the last century show that the deterioration in peacefulness
in the last decade runs contrary to the longer term trend.
The economic impact of violence on the global economy in 2017 was
$14.76 trillion in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms. This figure is
equivalent to 12.4 per cent of the world’s economic activity (gross world
product) or $1,988 for every person. The economic impact of violence
increased by two per cent during 2017 due to a rise in the economic impact
of conflict and increases in internal security spending, with the largest
increases being in China, Russia and South Africa . Since 2012, the economic
impact of violence has increased by 16 per cent, corresponding with the
start of the Syrian war and rising violence in the aftermath of the Arab
Spring.
The report finds that peacefulness has a considerable impact on
macroeconomic performance. In the last 70 years, per capita growth has
been three times higher in highly peaceful countries when compared to
countries with low levels of peace. The difference is even stronger when
looking at changes in peacefulness, with the report finding that per capita
GDP growth has been seven times higher over the last decade in countries
that improved in peacefulness versus those that deteriorated.
Peacefulness is also correlated with strong performance on a number of
macroeconomic variables. Interest rates are lower and more stable in highly
peaceful countries, as is the rate of inflation. Foreign direct investment is
more than twice as high in highly peaceful countries. In total, if the least
peaceful countries had grown at the same rate as highly peaceful countries,
the global economy would be almost 14 trillion dollars larger.
The report’s Positive Peace research analyses the trends in Positive
Peace over the last decade, finding that changes in Positive Peace precede
shifts in GPI scores. These same factors also lead to many other positive
outcomes that societies consider important. Therefore, Positive Peace describes
an optimum environment for human potential to flourish. Positive Peace is
not only associated with higher levels of peace, it is also associated with
stronger macroeconomic performance, as the factors that sustain highly
peaceful societies also provide a framework for robust economic development:
l Non-OECD countries that improved in Positive Peace averaged 1.45
per cent higher GDP growth per annum from 2005 to 2016 than
those that deteriorated in Positive Peace.
l Improvements in Positive Peace are also linked to domestic currency
appreciation, with currencies on average appreciating by 1.4 per
cent when their Positive Peace improves, compared to a 0.4 per cent
depreciation when Positive Peace deteriorates.
l Credit ratings are also more likely to fall when countries experience
deteriorations in Positive Peace, falling on average by 4.5 points on
a 0 to 22 scale, while countries improving in Positive Peace are
more likely to see their credit ratings improve or stay the same.
l Countries that are high in Positive Peace have less volatile economic
performance.
l Measures of economic efficiency are also strongly correlated with
Positive Peace across six of the eight Positive Peace Pillars.
Globally, Positive Peace improved by 1.85 per cent from 2005 to 2016.
However, improvements in Positive Peace stalled from 2013 onwards. There
have been a number of worrying trends in the past few years, with the
Acceptance of the Rights of Others Pillar deteriorating across every region
of the world from 2013 to 2016. The trend was particularly pronounced in
Europe and North America, where this Pillar has been deteriorating since
2005. The greatest deterioration in Positive Peace occurred in the Middle
East and North Africa, which deteriorated across almost every Pillar of
Positive Peace.
The report finds that, on average, for a country’s GPI score to improve
there must be improvements across a broad range of Positive Peace indicators
and Pillars. However, a deterioration in peacefulness can be triggered by a
fall in just a handful of key Positive Peace indicators. A deterioration in the
Low Levels of Corruption, Well-Functioning Government, and Acceptance
of the Rights of Others Pillars are the most likely triggers for a fall in the
GPI score. From 2005 to 2016, 101 countries scores deteriorated in Low
Levels of Corruption. In general, there is a strong association between
movements in Positive Peace and their GPI score, with 70 per cent of
countries recording large improvements in the GPI also having sustained
improvements in Positive Peace beforehand.
G-7 SUMMIT-2018
T he 44th G7 summit was held on 8-9 June 2018, in La Malbaie, Quebec,

Canada. This was the sixth time since 1981 that Canada has hosted the
meetings.
In March 2014, the Group of Seven (G7)—comprising leaders of Canada,
France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States—
declared that a meaningful discussion was currently not possible with Russia
in the context of the G8. Since then, meetings have continued within the
G7 process. On the first day of the summit, the United States announced
that it would push for the reinstatement of Russia. Italy also requested a
restoration of the G8 shortly after. President Trump also pushed for other
countries to recognize Crimea as part of Russia, and stated that Ukraine was
“one of the most corrupt countries in the world” to G7 leaders.
The summit received much attention due to a significant decline of
relations of members with the United States. As a result, the summit was
dubbed the “G6+1” by France and some members of the media, signifying
the “isolation of the United States” in light of recent events.
Agenda and Preparation

In May 2017, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stated that he intended
to “showcase both its domestic and international priorities: to strengthen the
middle class, advance gender equality, fight climate change, and promote
respect for diversity and inclusion”.
In June 2017, Peter Boehm was appointed as Deputy Minister for the
G7 Summit and Personal Representative of the Prime Minister after serving
as the Canadian G7 Sherpa since 2012.
In December 2017, Trudeau unveiled the summit logo and announced
five key themes that Canada would advance once it assumed the Presidency
of the G7 on 1 January 2018.
l Investing in growth that works for everyone.
l Preparing for jobs of the future.
l Advancing gender equality and women's empowerment.
l Working together on climate change, oceans and clean energy.
l Building a more peaceful and secure world.
At the Summit, G7 leaders talked about investing in economic growth
that works for everyone and preparing people for the jobs of the future.
They reaffirmed their commitment to advance gender equality, defend their
democracies against foreign threats, and build a more peaceful and secure
world. They also discussed climate change, oceans, and clean energy.
Throughout the Summit, leaders discussed the future of the economy
and their shared responsibility to create sustainable economic growth that
works for everyone, particularly those at risk of being left behind. They
endorsed the Charlevoix Commitment on Equality and Economic Growth,
which reinforces a common commitment to fight poverty, achieve gender
equality, reduce income inequality, and ensure better access to financial
resources so that everyone has a chance to earn a decent living. They also
committed to build a common vision for the future of artificial intelligence
and to champion innovative financing that supports international development
and reinforces gender equality and women's empowerment.
G7 leaders discussed how to tackle climate change, and the importance
of investing in clean energy, and protecting our oceans and coastal
communities. Recognizing that plastics pose a significant threat to our
oceans, five countries have agreed to the Oceans Plastics Charter, which
speaks to our common resolve to eradicate plastic pollution. This is a
positive step for the environment and for businesses that will benefit from
reducing the cost associated with plastic use. Building on this initiative,
Canada will invest $100 million to rid our oceans of global marine litter
and plastic pollution.
G7 leaders agreed to the Charlevoix Blueprint for Healthy Oceans, Seas
and Resilient Coastal Communities, which will promote sustainable oceans
and fisheries, and support resilient coasts and coastal communities. Canada
will invest $162 million to support these goals, and preserve the health and
resilience of our oceans and coasts.
To build a more peaceful and secure world, leaders committed to take
strong action in response to foreign actors who seek to undermine our
democratic societies and institutions, our electoral processes, and our
sovereignty. G7 leaders agreed to establish a G7 rapid response mechanism,
which will strengthen coordination among our countries to identify and
respond to these diverse and evolving threats. Through this initiative, G7
countries will share information and analysis, and identify new opportunities
where we can work together to defend our democracies.
Gender equality is a fundamental human right and a top priority for
Canada and its G7 Presidency. To make gender equality a reality, all
women and girls around the world must have equal access to quality education
and learning opportunities. When women and girls have an equal chance to
learn, grow and succeed, they help build an economy that works for everyone.
Canada, along with the European Union, Germany, Japan, the United
Kingdom, and the World Bank, today announced an investment of close to
$3.8 billion CAD, marking a fundamental shift toward improving access
and reducing barriers to quality education around the world. Today’s
announcement represents the single largest investment in education for women
and girls in crisis and conflict situations. It has the potential to make a
difference in the lives of milions of the world’s most vulnerable women and
girls.
These investments will support global action to:
l Equip women and girls with the skills needed for the jobs of the
future.
l Improve training for teachers to provide better curriculum for women
and girls.
l Improve the quality of available data on women’s and girls’
education.
l Promote greater coordination between humanitarian and development
partners.
l Support innovative education methods, especially for vulnerable and
hard to reach groups, including refugees and displaced people.
l Support developing countries in efforts to provide equal opportunities
for girls to complete at least 12 years of quality education, from
primary to secondary school.
Canada will work with these partners along with others to support
women’s and girls’ education around the world. They will also make sure
the voices of women and girls are included when decisions are made on
education and employment.
BRICS SUMMIT 2018
T he heads of state and government of all five BRICS nations including

Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa convened for the 10th
BRICS Summit from July 25-27, 2018 in Johannesburg, South Africa.
The summit saw the BRICS leaders come together and discuss various
international and regional issues of common concern and adopted the
'Johannesburg Declaration' by consensus. The declaration reaffirms principles
of democracy, inclusiveness and agrees to fight unilateralism and
protectionism.

Key Points of the Declaration
The leaders jointly reaffirmed their commitment to the principles of mutual
respect, sovereign equality, democracy, inclusiveness and strengthened
collaboration.
The BRICS leaders have used the summit to reject the growing
unilateralism and instead reiterate their commitment to the strengthening of
multilateral institutions, calling for stronger intra-trade within member states.
The declaration comes as the United States and China remain deadlocked
in a trade war over tariffs.
Sustainable Development
The leaders reaffirmed their commitment to fully implementing the 2030
Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs), to provide equitable, inclusive, open, all-round innovation-driven
and sustainable development, in its three dimensions - economic, social and
environmental - in a balanced and integrated manner, towards the ultimate
goal of eradicating poverty by 2030.
Climate Change
The leaders welcomed the progress towards finalising the Work Programme
under the Paris Agreement and expressed their willingness to continue
working constructively with other Parties to conclude its related negotiations
at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
towards the 24th Conference of the Parties (UNFCCC COP24), which is to
be held in Katowice, Poland in December 2018.
They further called upon all countries to fully implement the Paris
Agreement including the principles of common but differentiated
responsibilities and respective capabilities and urged the developed countries
to provide financial, technological and capacity-building support to developing
countries to enhance their capability in mitigation and adaptation.
Energy
The leaders agreed to strengthen BRICS cooperation in energy, especially
in transitioning to more environmentally sustainable energy systems
supportive of the global sustainable development agenda and balanced
economic growth.
They also agreed to strive toward universal energy access, energy security,
energy affordability, reduced pollution and environmental conservation.

They also acknowledged that the BRICS Ministers of Energy agreed to
establish the BRICS Energy Research Cooperation Platform and to develop
its Terms of Reference.
Agriculture
The leaders reaffirmed their support for the establishment of the BRICS
Agricultural Research Platform (ARP) initiated by India in 2016.
They agreed to strengthen the agricultural research collaborative networks
among the BRICS countries to enhance the resilience of the collective
agricultural and food systems in the face of the changing climate.
They committed to step up intra-BRICS collaboration including within
the frame of the Agriculture Research Platform and the Basic Agriculture
Information Exchange System (BAIES).
Environment
The leaders reaffirmed to enhance cooperation and collaboration amongst
BRICS countries in the field of biodiversity conservation, sustainable use
and equitable access and benefit sharing of biological resources.
Population
The leaders expressed commitment to the continued implementation of the
Agenda for BRICS cooperation on population matters 2015-2020, which
was agreed to by the Ministers responsible for Population Matters in 2014.
The dynamics of population age structure changes in BRICS countries
pose challenges and present opportunities, particularly with regard to gender
inequality and women's rights, youth development, employment and the
future of work, urbanisation, migration and ageing.
Terrorism
The leaders deplored continued terrorist attacks, including in some BRICS
countries and condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations.
They recalled the responsibility of all the states to prevent financing of
terrorist networks and terrorist actions from their territories.
They called upon the international community to establish a genuinely
broad international counter-terrorism coalition and support the UN's central
coordinating role in this regard.
They called for expeditious finalisation and adoption of the
Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) by the United
Nations General Assembly.

To address the threat of chemical and biological terrorism, the leaders
emphasised on the need for launching multilateral negotiations on an
international convention for the suppression of acts of chemical and biological
terrorism, including at the Conference on Disarmament.
Economy
The leaders advocated continued use of fiscal, monetary and structural
policies in concert, to forge strong, sustainable, balanced and inclusive
growth.
They expressed concern at the spill-over effects of macro-economic
policy measures in some major advanced economies that may cause economic
and financial volatility in emerging economies and impact their growth
prospects adversely.
Hence, they called on major advanced and emerging market economies
to continue policy dialogue and coordination in the context of the G20, FSB
and other fora to address these potential risks.
Recalling the Johannesburg Summit's focus on the 4th Industrial
Revolution and the outcomes of the BRICS Meetings of Science and
Technology and Industry Ministers, the leaders commended the establishment
of the BRICS Partnership on New Industrial Revolution (PartNIR).
For the full operationalisation of PartNIR, an Advisory Group will be
set up, comprising respective representatives of BRICS Ministries of Industry,
to develop the Terms of Reference and a Work Plan, which is to be
submitted to the BRICS Chair.
The PartNIR aims to deepen BRICS cooperation in digitalisation,
industrialisation, innovation, inclusiveness and investment and to maximise
the opportunities and address the challenges arising from the 4th Industrial
Revolution.
Trade
Recognising that the multilateral trading system is facing unprecedented
challenges, the leaders underscored the importance of an open world economy,
enabling all countries and peoples to share the benefits of globalisation,
which should be inclusive and support sustainable development and prosperity
of all countries.
They called upon all WTO members to abide by WTO rules and
honour their commitments in the multilateral trading system.

IRAN AND WORLD POWERS
NUCLEAR DEAL
P resident Donald Trump on May 8, 2018 pulled the US out of the Iran
nuclear deal, saying it had inadequate mechanisms to prevent cheating
and would “never” bring peace. He described the deal forged by his
predecessor Barack Obama as a “horrible, one-sided” arrangement and said
he would sign a presidential order to reimpose sanctions on Tehran.
The Trump administration on May 21, 2018 announced a list of 12
demands for inclusion in a nuclear treaty with Iran, in order to prevent
Tehran from developing nuclear weapons “in perpetuity”. The new demands,
laid out by secretary of state Mike Pompeo, marked a fundamental departure
from the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which the US
exited earlier this month. Under the new demands, Iran must declare the
military dimensions of its nuclear programme and “permanently and verifiably
abandon such work in perpetuity”, stop uranium enrichment and allow
international inspectors “unqualified access to all sites throughout the entire
country”. “We will also ensure Iran has no path to a nuclear weapon–not
now, not ever.” Teheran will also be required to “halt further launching or
development of nuclear-capable missile systems” and end proliferation of
ballistic missiles. The new demands also state that Iran will be required to
pull out completely from Syria, end support for Houthi militias in Yemen,
the Taliban in Afghanistan, and allow the disarming of Shia militias in Iraq.
The US list also required Iran to cease backing Lebanon’s Hezbollah,
Gaza’s Hamas, and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Iran and six world powers agreed to a framework for a final deal on
Iran’s controversial nuclear program, on April 2, 2015. The understanding
paves the way for the start of a final phase of talks that aims to reach a
comprehensive agreement by the end of June, 2015. The agreement concludes
weeks of intense negotiations and comes two days beyond the initial March
31 deadline for an outline deal.
Representatives of Iran and the so-called P5+1 group—the permanent
members of the U.N. Security Council and Germany—have been negotiating
a deal about restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for sanctions
relief. International powers aim to impose limits on Iran’s nuclear enrichment
program, which they fear Tehran is using to build a nuclear weapon. Iran

insists the program is only for peaceful purposes and that it has a right to
enrichment. However, Tehran desperately needs relief from sanctions the
international community has imposed on the nation.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Zarif told reporters in Switzerland that the
agreement would show the world Iran’s nuclear program “is exclusively
peaceful, has always been and always will remain exclusively peaceful.”
The standoff over Iran’s nuclear program has dragged on for more than a
decade. In November 2013, both sides concluded a preliminary agreement
that froze some of Iran’s most sensitive nuclear activities in return for
limited sanctions relief. The parties also agreed to reach a conclusive deal
by June 2015.
Representatives on both sides of the negotiating table are under intense
pressure domestically. In the United States, politicians from both parties
have threatened to impose new, tough sanctions on Iran unless Kerry can
present details of specific agreements to curb the Iranian nuclear program.
Meanwhile, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei has made it clear
his country prefers a vague agreement that leaves room to hammer out more
details by June 30.
Right now, a thousand pundits and politicians are debating the details
of new framework nuclear deal with Iran. The details are far, far better than
the alternative—which was a collapse of the diplomatic process, a collapse
of international sanctions as Russia and China went back to business as usual
with Tehran, and a collapse of the world’s ability to send inspectors into
Iran. But ultimately, the details aren’t what matters. What matters is the
potential end of America’s 36-year-long cold war with Iran.
For the United States, ending that cold war could bring three enormous
benefits. First, it could reduce American dependence on Saudi Arabia.
Before the fall of the shah in 1979, the United States had good relations
with both Tehran and Riyadh, which meant America wasn’t overly reliant
on either. Since the Islamic Revolution, however, Saudi Arabia has been
America’s primary oil-producing ally in the Persian Gulf. After 9/11, when
19 hijackers—15 of them Saudis—destroyed the Twin Towers, many
Americans realized the perils of so great a dependence on a country that was
exporting so much pathology. One of the unstated goals of the Iraq War
was to give the United States a large, stable, oil-producing ally as a hedge
against the uncertain future of the House of Saud.
What George W. Bush failed to achieve militarily, Barack Obama
achieved diplomatically. In recent days, American hawks have cited Saudi
anxiety about a potential Iran deal as reason to be wary of one. But a big
part of the reason the Saudis are worried is because they know that as U.S.
-Iranian relations improve, their influence over the United States will diminish.
That doesn’t mean the U.S.-Saudi alliance will disintegrate. Even if it frays
somewhat, the United States still needs Saudi oil and Saudi Arabia still
needs American protection. But the United States may soon have a better
relationship with both Tehran and Riyadh than either has with the other,
which was exactly what Richard Nixon orchestrated in the three-way dynamic
between Washington, Moscow, and Beijing in the 1970s. And today, as
then, that increases America’s leverage over both countries.
Over the long term, Iran may also prove a more reliable U.S. ally than
Saudi Arabia. Iranians are better educated and more pro-American than
their neighbors across the Persian Gulf, and unlike Saudi Arabia, Iran has
some history of democracy. One of the biggest problems with America’s
Mideast policy in recent years has been that, from Saudi Arabia to Pakistan
to Egypt, the governments the United States supports preside over populations
that hate the U.S. nuclear deal, by contrast, may pave the way for a positive
relationship with the Iranian state that is actually undergirded by a positive
relationship with the Iranian people.
Which brings us to the second benefit of ending America’s cold war
with Iran: It could empower the Iranian people vis-a-vis their repressive
state. American hawks, addled by the mythology they have created around
Ronald Reagan, seem to think that the more hostile America’s relationship
with Iran’s regime becomes, the better the United States can promote
Iranian democracy. But the truth is closer to the reverse. The best thing
Reagan ever did for the people of Eastern Europe and the U.S.S.R. was to
embrace Mikhail Gorbachev. In 1987, American hawks bitterly attacked
Reagan for signing the INF agreement, the most sweeping arms-reduction
treaty of the Cold War. But the tougher it became for Soviet hardliners to
portray the United States as menacing, the tougher it became for them to
justify their repression at home. And the easier it became for Gorbachev to
pursue the policies of glasnost and perestroika that ultimately led to the
liberation of Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the U.S.S.R.
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, like Gorbachev, wants to end his
country’s cold war with the United States because it is destroying his
country’s economy. And like Gorbachev, he is battling elites who depend
on that cold war for their political power and economic privilege. As
Columbia University Iran expert Gary Sick noted, Iran’s hardline
Revolutionary Guards “thrive on hostile relations with the U.S., and benefit
hugely from sanctions, which allow them to control smuggling.” But “if the

sanctions are lifted, foreign companies come back in, [and] the natural
entrepreneurialism of Iranians is unleashed.” Thus “if you want regime
change in Iran, meaning changing the way the regime operates, this kind
of agreement is the best way to achieve that goal.” The best evidence of
Sick’s thesis is the euphoric way ordinary Iranians have reacted to this new
agreement. They’re not cheering because they want Iran to have 6,000
centrifuges instead of 20,000. They’re cheering because they know that
opening Iran to the world empowers them, both economically and politically,
at their oppressors’s expense.
What George W. Bush failed to achieve militarily, Barack Obama
achieved diplomatically. Finally, ending the cold war with Iran may make
it easier to end the civil wars plaguing the Middle East. Cold wars are rarely
‘cold’ in the sense that no one gets killed. They are usually proxy wars in
which powerful countries get local clients to do the killing for them.
America’s cold war with the U.S.S.R. ravaged countries like Angola and
El Salvador. And today, America’s cold war with Iran is ravaging Syria
and Yemen.
When America’s relationship with the Soviet Union thawed, civil wars
across the world petered out because local combatants found their superpower
patrons unwilling to send arms and write checks. The dynamic in the
Middle East is different because today’s cold war isn’t only between Iran
and the United States, it’s also between Iran and Sunni Arab powers like
Saudi Arabia and Egypt, neither of which seems particularly interested in
winding down the civil wars in Syria and Yemen. Still, a different
relationship between the United States and Iran offers a glimmer of hope.
In Syria, for instance, one reason Iran has staunchly backed Bashar al-Assad
is because it fears the fierce hostility of his successors. The United States
cannot entirely alleviate that fear, since some of the groups battling
Assad—ISIS, most obviously—are fiercely hostile to Iran and to Shiits in
general. But if Iran’s leaders knew that at least the United States would try
to ensure that a post-Assad government maintained good relations with
Tehran, they might be somewhat more open to negotiating a transfer of
power in Syria.
Clearly, the United States should push for the best nuclear deal with
Iran that it possibly can. But it’s now obvious, almost three decades after
Reagan signed the INF deal with Gorbachev, that it’s not the technical
details that mattered. What mattered was the end of a cold war that had
cemented Soviet tyranny and ravaged large chunks of the world. Barack
Obama had begun the process of ending America’s smaller, but still terrible,
cold war with Iran. In doing so, he had improved America’s strategic
position, brightened the prospects for Iranian freedom and Middle Eastern
peace, and brought himself closer to being the kind of transformational,
Reaganesque president he always hoped to be.
WHY INDIA DESERVES A PERMANENT

SEAT AT UN SECURITY COUNCIL?
E ver since taking over the leadership of the world’s largest democracy,
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has doggedly concentrated on
giving a new shape to India’s foreign policy. Modi’s global aspirations and
desire for international recognition became known the moment he extended
a formal invite to the leaders of neighbouring South Asian countries to
attend his swearing-in ceremony at Raisina Hills in 2014.
Modi has repeatedly struck one masterstroke after another during the
course of his foreign trips. Be it addressing a public meeting of NRIs inside
jam packed stadiums in USA and Australia or articulating the nation’s
external policy at the United Nations or National Assemblies of Nepal and
Bangladesh, Modi has made the world take notice of his eloquence and
oratorical skills. He has been exceedingly sharp in visiting places which
were mostly off the radar of Indian diplomats be it the state of Mongolia
which is strategically sandwiched between Russia and China or the energy
rich nations of Central Asia i.e. Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan.
Prime minister’s foreign visits have been high on symbolism and soft
power. He has been quick to sight old ties by invoking the teachings of
Buddhism and Islam. He hasn’t missed out on an opportunity to visit a
temple or gurdwara and successfully steered the holding of the first ever
International Yoga Day. Predictably, foreign policy is one area where Modi
has tasted relatively more success as compared to domestic issues. The
hateful rhetoric of the Hindu right concerning love jihad, ghar wapsi and
forced sterilization definitely embarrassed the ruling establishment headed
by Modi and the impasse in Parliament on the issue of Lalitgate has sent
the much awaited reforms in cold storage. Amid all this gloom, Modi can
stare at the horizon of foreign policy and give himself a pat on the back.
But Modi will have to do a lot more if he wishes to establish India’s
position as a country wielding global clout. The simplest way of achieving
that objective would be by attaining a permanent seat in the United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) which Nehru allegedly turned down in the 1950s.
India has served seven terms as a non-permanent member of UNSC and has
echoed the need for expansion and reform in the Security Council. A
permanent seat in UNSC would elevate India to the status of USA, UK,
France, China and Russia in the diplomatic sphere and warrant India a
critical say in all global matters.
Interestingly, India is not the only country in the world eyeing a spot
in UNSC. Other competing nations include the likes of Japan, Germany and
Brazil. The very notion of a reform or expansion in UNSC leads to the rise of
a few fundamental questions: How many countries will join the existing brigade
of P-5? What will be the basis of inclusion of more countries in UNSC?
Will it be economic status, regional parity or human development? If another
Asian country is to be included in UNSC then will it be Japan or India?
India commands three distinct characteristics which make its case for a
permanent seat compelling. Currently having a population of 1.28 billion,
India will become the most populous country in the world by 2022. Such
a large portion of the planet’s population cannot be altogether ignored or
kept at a distance from the decision making table of UNSC which brings
with itself the “veto” power. Secondly, India happens to be the second
fastest growing economy in the world making it an ideal destination for
foreign investment and future growth. Thirdly, India is ruled by a democratic,
secular government which has never been upstaged by an army coup and
can be labelled as a “responsible” nuclear power. India’s last stint as a non
permanent member of UNSC in 2011-12 was supported by regional rivals
Pakistan and China but Pakistan might turn out to be a big thorn in India’s
way if a global consensus is reached in proving India with permanent
membership. Pakistan is bound to raise the issue of regional imbalance if
India is in a position to acquire permanent membership and draw the
world’s attention towards the persisting Indo-Pak conflict regarding Kashmir.
Despite prospects of a bright economic future, India has reasons to fear
competing powers Japan, Germany and Brazil. India’s GDP (nominal) makes
it the ninth biggest economic power in the world. At present, Japan, Germany
and Brazil’s economic size is bigger than that of India with Japan being the
third largest in the world and second largest in Asia after China, Germany
being the largest in Europe and fourth globally, while Brazil commanding
pole position in South America and seventh globally.
As far as per capita income is concerned, India is nowhere on the list.
As per International Monetary fund (2017), India ranks 122 globally with
a per capita income of mere $7,174. Japan, Germany and Brazil rank much
higher at 28, 17 and 81, respectively. Human Development Index Report
(2016) of United Nations Development Program (UNDP) ranks India 131 in the
category of “medium human development.” Japan and Germany are countries
with “very high human development” ranking 6 and 17, respectively whereas
Brazil ranks 51 and is christened as a country with “high human development.”
Simplistic breakdown of facts and figures certainly lowers India’s
prospects of a permanent seat when compared with its rivals. But India has
a silver lining when it comes to its track record in terms of its contribution
to UN Peacekeeping forces which have played a pivotal role in combating
violence and maintaining peace. India is the second largest contributor to
UN Peacekeeping behind Ethiopia. Though India has a large physical
presence in UN Peacekeeping, it finances a minuscule 0.13 per cent of UN
peacekeeping operations. The P-5 has lesser boots on the ground but rules
the roost when it comes to financing peacekeeping operations with USA
pitching in with over 28 per cent financial contribution. Japan comes in
second with 10.83 per cent followed by other permanent members.
It is a complex situation. India is growing economically but lags behind
when it comes to per capita indicators. Owing to its military strength, it is
contributing in huge numbers to peacekeeping but cannot match up to the
financing levels of P-5 or Japan in relation to peacekeeping operations. The
story is a paradox. But the most important element of the story is yet to
be spoken about i.e. P-5. A reform in UN Security Council would necessitate
the need for an amendment in the UN Charter which is possible only when
a resolution is adopted by two-third member nations in the UN General
Assembly. It has to be further ratified by the constitutional process of two-
third member nations including P-5.
Will the P-5 agree to share their power and authority with other nations?
White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest is on record stating “President
(Obama) would support the inclusion of India in that process (reform of
UNSC)” but cables leaked by Wikileaks quoted Former US Secretary of
State Hillary Rodham Clinton ridiculing countries like India as “self appointed
front-runners” for a permanent membership of UNSC. The two statements,
one on-record and the other off-record, hint at the underlying duplicity of
USA. If the “Great Indian Dream” of attaining permanent membership has
to be accomplished then India will surely have to cultivate a global consensus
which will include the P-5. The penultimate question is: Can Modi pull off
a Himalayan miracle?
UNITED NATION’S OCEAN
CONFERENCE-2017
T he high-level UN Conference to support the Implementation of

Sustainable Development Goal 14 (or UN Ocean conference) was co-
hosted by the Government of Fiji and Sweden at the United Nation’s
Headquarters in New York, United States from 5 to 19 June, 2017. Its
objective was to conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine
resources for sustainable development. The theme of the conference was
‘Our Oceans, Our Future : Partnering for the Implementation of Sustainable
Developement Goal 14’.
The Earth’s waters are said to be under threat like never before, with
pollution, overfishing, and the effects of climate change severely damaging
the health of our oceans. For instance, as oceans are warming and becoming
more acidic, biodiversity is becoming reduced and changing currents will
cause more frequent storms and droughts. Every year around 8 million
metric tons of plastic waste leak into the ocean and make it into the circular
ocean currents. This causes contamination of sediments at the sea-bottom
and causes plastic waste to be embedded in the aquatic food chain. It could
lead to oceans containing more plastics than fish by 2050 if nothing is done.
Key habitats such as coral reefs are at risk and noise pollution is a threat
to whales, dolphins, and other species. Furthermore, almost 90 per cent of
fish stocks are overfished or fully exploited which costs more than $80
billion a year in lost revenues.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated that decisive, coordinated
global action can solve the problems created by Humanity. Peter Thomson,
President of the UN General Assembly, highlighted the conference’s
significance, saying “if we want a secure future for our species on this planet,
we have to act now on the health of the ocean and on climate change”.
The conference sought to find ways and urge for the implemention of
Sustainable Development Goal 14. Its theme is “Our oceans, our future:
partnering for the implementation of Sustainable Development Goal 14”. It
also asked governments, UN bodies, and civil society groups to make
voluntary commitments for action to improve the health of the oceans with
over 1,000 commitments—such as on managing protected areas—being made.
Participation
Participants include heads of State and Government, civil society
representatives, business people, actors, academics and scientists and ocean
and marine life advocates from around 200 countries. Around 6,000 leaders
gathered for the conference over the course of the week. The Governments
of Fiji and Sweden had the co-hosting responsibilities of the Conference.
Seven partnership dialogues with a rich state-developed state theme were
co-chaired by Australia-Kenya, Iceland-Peru, Canada-Senegal, Estonia-
Grenada, Italy-Palau, Monaco-Mozambique and Norway-Indonesia. On 9
June, 2017 an official side event of the United Nations Ocean Conference
was held for addressing ways by which the private sector provides practical
solutions to address the problems such as by improving energy efficiency,
waste management and introducing market-based tools to shift investment,
subsidy and production. Nine of the world's biggest fishing companies from
Asia, Europe and the US have signed up for The Seafood Business for
Ocean Stewardship (SeaBOS) initiative, supported by the Stockholm
Resilience Centre, aiming to end unsustainable practices.
Research and Technology Projects
At the conference Indonesia published its Vessel monitoring system (VMS)
publicly revealing the location and activity of its commercial fishing boats
on the Global Fishing Watch public mapping platform. Brian Sullivan states
that the platform can easily incorporate additional data sources which may
allow “moving from raw data to quickly producing dynamic visualizations
and reporting that promote scientific discovery and support policies for
better fishery management”.
Irina Bokova of UNESCO notes that “we cannot manage what we
cannot measure, and no single country is able to measure the myriad changes
taking place in the ocean”, and asks for more maritime research and the
sharing of knowledge to craft common science-based policies. Peru co-
chaired the “Partnership Dialogue 6 - Increasing scientific knowledge, and
developing research capacity and transfer of marine technology” with Iceland.
On 7 June researchers at the Dutch The Ocean Cleanup foundation published
a study according to which rivers—such as the Yangtze—carry an around
1.15-2.41 million tons of plastic into the sea every year.
Impact and Progress
Marine biologist Ayana Elizabeth Johnson notes that the UN’s work alone
is not nearly enough and that for a solution to this existential crisis of the
health of our global environment, strong and inspired leadership at all levels
-from mayors, to governors, CEOs, scientists, artists and presidents is needed.
In 2010 the international community agreed to protect 10% of the
ocean by 2020 in the Convention on Biological Diversity’s Strategic Plan
for Biodiversity 2011-2020 and Sustainable Development Goal 14. However,
as of June 2017 less than 3% of the ocean are under some form of protection.
Pledges made during the conference would add around an additional 4.4 per
cent of protected marine areas, increasing the protected total to around
7.4% of the ocean.
Peter Thomson called the conference was a success, stating that he was
“satisfied with [its] results”, that the conference “held at a very critical
time” has “turned the tide on marine pollution”. He says that “we are now
working around the world to restore a relationship of balance and respect
towards the ocean”. Elizabeth Wilson, director of international conservation
at Pew Charitable Trusts thinks that this meeting “will be followed by a
whole series of other meetings that we hope will be impacted in a positive
way”. The next conference is scheduled for 2020. Portugal’s Minister for
the Seas, Ana Paula Vitorino stated that Lisbon would like to host the next
event in 2020. Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohamed
also offered for Keyna to host the next event.
Culture and Society
The event coincided with the World Oceans Day on 8 June and started with
the World Environment Day on 5 June. On 4 June the World Ocean
Festival took place at New York City’s Governors Island. The festival was
hosted by the City of New York, organized by the Global Brain Foundation
and was free and open to the public. China announced a new international
sailing competition and Noahs Sailing Club press officer Rebecca Wang
stated that “sailing allows for a better appreciation of the ocean and the
natural environment. Many wealthy Chinese think of luxury yachts when
they think of maritime sports, and we’re trying to foster a maritime culture
that's more attuned to the environment”.
Users of social media worldwide use the hashtag #SaveOurOcean for
discussion, information and media related to the conference and its goals.
The #CleanSeas cyber campaign calls on governments, industry and citizens
to end excessive, wasteful usage of single-use plastic and eliminate
microplastics in cosmetics with its petition getting signed by more than 1
million people.
vvvv
III
ESSAYS ON POLITICAL
AND L EGAL I SSUES
Essays on Political and Legal Issues F 113

JUDICIAL ACTIVISM IN INDIA
T he concept of judicial activism which is another name for innovative

interpretation was not of the recent past; it was born in 1804 when
Chief Justice Marshall, the greatest Judge of the English-speaking world,
decided Marbury v. Madison. Judicial creativity may yield good results if
it is the result of principled activism but if it is propelled by partisanship,
it may result in catastrophic consequences generating conflicts which may
result in social change.
The function of the American Judiciary was intended to be proscriptive
to block the enforcement of an unjust law or action instead of being
prescriptive giving directions as to how remedial actions should be taken by
the Executive. The Fifth Amendment to the American Constitution mandating
inter alia that no one shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without
due process of law was in the beginning understood as applicable only to
the Union. It however was extended by the Fourteenth Amendment to the
States also. As a result of this decision, the responsibility of the American
Supreme Court to interpret the legislative and executive actions in the light
of the due process clause became very great.
Judicial Activism in India

Judicial activism was made possible in India, thanks to PIL (Public
Interest Litigation). Generally speaking before the court takes up a matter
for adjudication, it must be satisfied that the person who approaches it has
sufficient interest in the matter. Stated differently, the test is whether the
petitioner has locus standi to maintain the action? This is intended to avoid
unnecessary litigation. The legal doctrine ‘Jus tertii’ implying that no one
except the affected person can approach a court for a legal remedy was
holding the field both in respect of private and public law adjudications until
it was overthrown by the PIL wave.
PIL, a manifestation of judicial activism, has introduced a new dimension
regarding judiciary’s involvement in public administration. The sanctity of
locus standi and the procedural complexities are totally side-tracked in the
causes brought before the courts through PIL. In the beginning, the
application of PIL was confined only to improving the lot of the
disadvantaged sections of the society who by reason of their poverty and
ignorance were not in a position to seek justice from the courts and,
therefore, any member of the public was permitted to maintain an application
for appropriate directions.
After the Constitution (Twenty fifth Amendment) Act, 1971, by which
primacy was accorded to a limited extent to the Directive Principles vis-...-
vis the Fundamental Rights making the former enforceable rights, the
expectations of the public soared high and the demands on the courts to
improve the administration by giving appropriate directions for ensuring
compliance with statutory and constitutional prescriptions have increased.
Beginning with the Ratlam Municipality case the sweep of PIL had
encompassed a variety of causes.
Ensuring green belts and open spaces for maintaining ecological balance;
forbidding stone-crushing activities near residential complexes; earmarking
a part of the reserved forest for Adivasis to ensure their habitat and means
of livelihood; compelling the municipal authorities of the Delhi Municipal
Corporation to perform their statutory obligations for protecting the health
of the community; compelling the industrial units to set up effluent treatment
plants; directing installation of air-pollution-controlling devices for preventing
air pollution; directing closure of recalcitrant factories in order to save the
community from the hazards of environmental pollution and quashing of a
warrant of appointment for the office of Judge, High Court of Assam and
Guwahati are some of the later significant cases displaying judicial activism.
A five-member Bench of the Andhra Pradesh High Court in D.
Satyanarayana v. N.T. Rama Rao has gone to the extent of laying down the
proposition that the executive is accountable to the public through the
instrumentality of the judiciary.
Consistency in adhering to earlier views despite the amendment of the
law is an aspect - though not a brighter one - of judicial activism. Illustrative
of this in the Indian context is the decision of the Supreme Court in Bela
Banerjee case in which even after the Constitution (Fourth Amendment)
Act, 1955 specifically injuncting that no law concerning acquisition of
property for a public purpose shall be called in question on the ground that
the compensation provided by that law is not adequate, the Supreme Court
reiterated its earlier view expressed in Subodh Gopal and Dwarkadas cases
to the effect that compensation is a justiciable issue and that what is provided
by way of compensation must be “a just equivalent of what the owner has
been deprived of”. Golak Nath case is also an example of judicial activism
in that the Supreme Court for the first time by a majority of 6 against 5,
despite the earlier holding that Parliament in exercise of its constituent
power can amend any provision of the Constitution, declared that the
fundamental rights as enshrined in Part III of the Constitution are immutable
and so beyond the reach of the amendatory process. The doctrine of
“prospective overruling”, a feature of the American Constitutional Law, was
invoked by the Supreme Court to avoid unsettling matters which attained
finality because of the earlier amendments to the Constitution. The declaration
of law by the Supreme Court that in future, Indian Parliament has no power
to amend any of the provisions of Part III of the Constitution became the
subject-matter of very animated discussion.
Kesavananda Bharati had given a quietus to the controversy as to the
immutability of any of the provisions of the Constitution. By a majority of
seven against six, the Court held that under Article 368 of the Constitution,
Parliament has undoubted power to amend any provision in the Constitution
but the amendatory power does not extend to alter the basic structure or
framework of the Constitution. Illustratively, it was pointed out by the
Supreme Court that the following, among others, are the basic features: (i)
Supremacy of the Constitution; (ii) Republican and Democratic form of
Government; (iii) Secularism; (iv) Separation of powers between the
legislature, the executive and the judiciary; and (v) Federal character of the
Constitution. Supremacy and permanency of the Constitution have thus
been ensured by the pronouncement of the summit court of the country with
the result that the basic features of the Constitution are now beyond the
reach of Parliament.
The judicial power under our Constitution is vested in the Supreme
Court and the High Courts which are empowered to exercise the power of
judicial review both in regard to legislative and executive actions. Judges
cannot shirk their responsibilities as adjudicators of legal and constitutional
matters.
A common criticism we hear about judicial activism is that in the name
of interpreting the provisions of the Constitution and legislative enactments,
the judiciary often rewrites them without explicitly stating so and in this
process, some of the personal opinions of the judges metamorphose into
legal principles and constitutional values. One other facet of this line of
criticism is that in the name of judicial activism, the theory of separation
of powers is overthrown and the judiciary is undermining the authority of
the legislature and the executive by encroaching upon the spheres reserved
for them. Critics openly assert that the Constitution provides for checks and

balances in order to pre-empt concentration of power by any branch not
confided in it by the Constitution.
Laws enacted by the legislature must be implemented by the executive
and their interpretation is within the province of the judiciary. That is the
reason why judiciary has always been treated as the least dangerous branch
and sometimes it is also described as the weakest of the three branches with
no control either on the purse or on the sword. By reason of judicial
activism, much good or harm could be brought about by the Judges by
resorting to innovative interpretation. Decisions rendered by courts generally
receive public acceptance in every democracy adhering to the concept of
rule of law. The criticism occasionally voiced that the judiciary does not
have a popular mandate and, therefore, it cannot play a prescriptive role
which is the domain of the elected law-making body sounds at first blush
sensible. Even so, the prescriptive role of the judiciary sometimes receives
public approbation because the role played by it sustains what the Constitution
mandates and averts the evils the basic document seeks to prohibit.
Popular Mandate and Judiciary

Where the public opinion asserts itself against the decisions of the judiciary,
the question immediately surfaces as to the legitimacy of the judiciary since
it lacks popular mandate. That is the reason why judiciary was cautioned
by eminent legal philosophers to exercise great restraint while declaring the
actions of the legislature unconstitutional. Judicial veto must not be exercised
except in cases that “leave no room for reasonable doubt”.
Very eminent Judges like Holmes, Brandeis and Frankfurter always
adhered to the theory of reasonable doubt believing firmly that what will
appear to be unconstitutional to one person may reasonably be not so to
another and that the Constitution unfolds a wide range of choices and the
legislature therefore should not be presumed to be bound by any particular
choice and whatever choice is rational, the court must uphold as constitutional.
No legislature can with reasonable certainty foresee the future contingencies
and necessarily every enacted law, on a closer scrutiny, will reveal several
gaps which the judiciary is expected to fill. This is popularly called judicial
legislation.
The line of demarcation between the three organs of the State as laid
down in the aforesaid ruling of the Apex Court finds clearer expression in
its subsequent rulings in Supreme Court Employees’ Welfare Assn. v. Union
of India and Mallikarjuna Rao v. State of A.P.
It is true that in adjudicating public law matters, the court takes into
account the social and economic realities while considering the width and
amplitude of the constitutional rights.
The permanent values embodied in the Constitution need interpretation
in the context of the changing social and economic conditions which are
transitory in nature. The constitutional court undertakes the delicate task of
reconciling the permanent with the transitory. It is the duty of the executive
to implement faithfully the laws made by the legislature. When the executive
fails to discharge its obligations, it becomes the primordial duty of the
judiciary to compel the executive to perform its lawful functions. In the
recent times, much of the criticism aired against the judiciary concerns this
area. When crimes are committed by men in power and attempts are made
to conceal them by rendering the official machinery ineffective, recourse to
judiciary becomes inevitable. It becomes the duty of the judiciary to take
cognizance of the executive’s lapses and issue appropriate directions as to
the method and manner in which the executive should act as ordained by
the Constitution and the laws. If the judiciary fails to respond, it would be
guilty of violating the Constitution, a treason indeed.
Neither the political executive which is responsible for laying down the
policy nor the permanent executive comprising civil servants who are enjoined
to carry out the policies of the executive can act in any manner contrary
to what the Constitution prescribes. When all the three organs of the State
- the legislature, executive and the judiciary - owe their existence to the
Constitution, no single organ can claim immunity from accountability.
Accountability of Judiciary
To whom the judiciary is accountable is the next question. The answer to
this is found in the Constitution itself. A judge of the Supreme Court or a
High Court can be impeached on the ground of proved misbehaviour or
incapacity and the power in this regard is vested in Parliament vide Articles
124(4) and 217(1)(b). When a judge is impeached, Parliament acts as a
judicial body and its members must decide the guilt or otherwise of the
judge facing the indictment objectively uninfluenced by extraneous
considerations. When such a judicial function is discharged by Parliament,
it is highly debatable whether political parties can issue whips directing
their members to vote in a particular manner. An interesting case study in
this regard is the impeachment proceedings against Shri Justice V. Ramaswamy
which ended unsuccessfully.

Judicial creativity even when it takes the form of judicial activism
should not result in rewriting of the Constitution or any legislative enactments.
Reconciliation of the permanent values embodied in the Constitution with
the transitional and changing requirements of the society must not result in
undermining the integrity of the Constitution. Any attempt leading to such
a consequence would destroy the very structure of the constitutional
institutions. Conscious of the primordial fact that the Constitution is the
supreme document, the mechanism under which laws must be made and
governance of the country carried on, the judiciary must play its activist
role. No constitutional value propounded by the judiciary should run counter
to any explicitly stated constitutional obligations or rights. In the name of
doing justice and taking shelter under institutional self-righteousness, the
judiciary cannot act in a manner disturbing the delicate balance between the
three wings of the State.
The new jurisprudence that has emerged in the recent times has
undoubtedly contributed in a great measure to the well-being of the society.
People, in general, now firmly believe that if any institution or authority
acts in a manner not permitted by the Constitution, the judiciary will step
in to set right the wrong.
Judicial activist fervour should not flood the fields constitutionally
earmarked for the legislature and the executive. That would spell disaster.
Judges cannot be legislators - they have neither the mandate of the people
nor the practical wisdom to gauge the needs of different sections of society.
They are forbidden from assuming the role of administrators. Governmental
machinery cannot be run by the judges. Any populist views aired by judges
would undermine their authority and disturb the institutional balance.
Fidelity to a political or social philosophy not discernible from the
constitutional objectives in the discharge of judicial functions is not judicial
activism; it is subversion of the Constitution. Any judicial act which is
politically suspect, morally indefensible and constitutionally illegitimate
must be curbed.
Judicial activism characterised by moderation and self-restraint is bound
to restore the faith of the people in the efficacy of the democratic institutions
which alone, in turn, will activate the executive and the legislature to
function effectively under the vigilant eye of the judiciary as ordained by
the Constitution.

ANTI-RAPE LAW
P resident Ram Nath Kovind on April 22, 2018 promulgated the criminal
law amendment ordinance, paving the way for providing stringent
punishment, including death penalty, for those convicted of raping girls
below the age of 12 years. The President’s nod to the ordinance related to
rape convicts, came after the Union Cabinet’s approval for tightening the
law against people involved in rape, following the public outcry over cases
of sexual assault and murder of minors in Kathua and Surat and the rape
of a girl in Unnao. The ordinance stipulates stringent punishment for
perpetrators of rape, particularly of girls below 16 years. Death sentence has
been for rapists of girls under 12 years. The minimum punishment in case
of rape of women has been increased from rigorous imprisonment of seven
years to 10 years, extendable to life imprisonment. According to the ordinance,
in case of rape of a girl under 16 years, the minimum punishment has been
increased from 10 years to 20 years, extendable to imprisonment for rest
of the life which means jail term till the convict’s natural life. The punishment
for gangrape of a girl below 16 years will invariably be imprisonment for
the rest of life of the convict. Stringent punishment for rape of a girl under
12 years has been provided with the minimum jail term being 20 years
which may go up to life in prison or death sentence.
With then President Pranab Mukherjee giving his assent to the Criminal
Law Amendment Bill-2013, India got a new anti-rape law ensuring stringent
punishment for crimes against women. The Bill was passed by both Houses
of Parliament in March 2013.
The new law incorporating enhanced punishment for acid attacks,
voyeurism and stalking also fixed the age of consensual sex at 18. The new
provisions in the law reflects the recommendation of Justice J S Verma
Committee, constituted in the wake of the Delhi gangrape case in December,
2012. The law, which amended various sections of Indian Penal Code and
Code of Criminal Procedure, has replaced an anti-rape ordinance promulgated
on February 3, 2013.
“The President of India has accorded his assent to the Bill on April 2,
2013, and it will now be called the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act,
2013... . The Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha on March 19, 2013, and
by the Rajya Sabha on March 21, 2013.”
The anti-rap law provides death penalty in rarest of rare rape cases
causing death or persistent vegetative state under Section 376-A.
In its effort to make acid attack a heinous offence, the government
wanted life imprisonment for the perpetrators. However, it was rejected by
the Lok Sabha on March 19. As per the new law, acid attack would attract
a 10-year prison term, which could extend to imprisonment for life and fine
to be paid to the victim. Acid attack has also been made a non-bailable
offence. Disrobing a woman by force even at a private place, including a
house, would be a non-bailable offence with jail term of up to seven years.
Under pressure from political parties, the government had also diluted
the stringent provisions on stalking and voyeurism in the criminal amendment
bill. As per the amendments in the new law, both the offences would be
bailable for first-time offenders. However, repeat offenders would be denied
bail and punishment extended to a maximum of five years in jail.
The law replaces the Criminal Law (Amendment) Ordinance, which was
passed by the government in February. Here are the salient features of the
bill, which is now a law.
l The law maintains death as the maximum penalty in case of rape
where the victims dies or slips into a coma.
l It also defines stalking and voyeurism as crimes with punishments up
to seven years. The two terms weren’t part of Indian criminal laws,
leaving ambiguity about such offences.
l The minimum age under law for consensual sex has been retained at
18. One of the key proposals in the draft bill was to lower the age for
consensual sex to 16, which was opposed by several political parties.
l It also provides for imprisonment of at least 10 years for causing
permanent damage to a woman’s body by throwing acid.
l The law considers attempts to disrobe a woman in private a crime.
Such acts committed only in public places are considered crimes.
l The law includes a provision which makes it mandatory for all hospitals
to provide medical treatment to rape victims, failing which those in
charge of hospitals could face up to one year of imprisonment and
a fine.
The conscience of a country like India was shaken up when the
horrendous gang rape of a 23-year-old girl made headlines in almost all
national newspapers in mid-December in 2012.
In response to public outcry over the brutal rape which later resulted in
death, the Government had to set up a three-member panel, headed by the
former Chief Justice of India Mr. J.S. Verma, with former Chief Justice of
Himachal Pradesh Ms. Leila Seth and former Solicitor General Mr. Gopal
Subramaniam as the other members. The Committee submitted its 630-page
report, which took into account various aspects related to crime against
women, on January 23, 2013, within a short period of 30 days of its
inception. The then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh was very thankful
to the former Chief Justice Mr. Verma and the other two members of the
Committee for completing their important task in such a short time and
expressed his feelings in a personal letter to Mr. Verma.
The Committee, set up in response to the brutal gang rape which turned
into murder, has, in fact, outlined recommendations on how to tackle
gender violence in the largely patriarchal society. How eager are the people
to put an end to the atrocities on women can be gauged from the fact that
the Committee received over 80,000 responses from the public as well as
women’s rights groups, academics, gender experts and lawyers. The
Committee put forward its report taking into account and weighing up all
these responses. The top 10 key recommendations put forward by the
Verma Committee are as follows:
1. Punishment for Rape : The panel has not recommended the death
penalty for rapists. It suggests that the punishment for rape should be
rigorous imprisonment or RI for seven years to life. It recommends
that punishment for causing death or a “persistent vegetative state”
should be RI for a term not be less than 20 years, but may be for life
also, which shall mean the rest of the person’s life. Gang-rape, it
suggests should entail punishment of not less than 20 years, which may
also extend to life and gang-rape followed by death, should be punished
with life imprisonment.
2. Punishment for other sexual offences : The panel recognised the
need to curb all forms of sexual offences and recommended -
Voyeurism be punished with upto seven years in jail; stalking or
attempts to contact a person repeatedly through any means by up to
three years. Acid attacks would be punished by up to seven years if
imprisonment; trafficking will be punished with RI for seven to ten
years.
3. Registering complaints and medical examination : Every complaint
of rape must be registered by the police and civil society should
perform its duty to report any case of rape coming to its knowledge.

4. Marriages to be registered : As a primary recommendation, all
marriages in India (irrespective of the personal laws under which such
marriages are solemnised) should mandatorily be registered in the
presence of a magistrate. The magistrate will ensure that the marriage
has been solemnised without any demand for dowry having been made
and that it has taken place with the full and free consent of both
partners.
5. Amendments to the Code of Criminal Procedure : The panel
observed, “The manner in which the rights of women can be recognised
can only be manifested when they have full access to justice and when
the rule of law can be upheld in their favour.”
6. Bill of Rights for women : A separate Bill of Rights for women that
entitles a woman a life of dignity and security and will ensure that a
woman shall have the right to have complete sexual autonomy including
with respect to her relationships.
7. Review of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act : The panel has
observed that the “impunity of systematic sexual violence is being
legitimised by the armed forces special powers act.” It has said there
is an imminent need to review the continuance of AFSPA in areas as
soon as possible. It has also recommended posting special commissioners
for women’s safety in conflict areas.
8. Police reforms : To inspire public confidence, the panel said, “police
officers with reputations of outstanding ability and character must be
placed at the higher levels of the police force.”
9. Role of the judiciary : The judiciary has the primary responsibility
of enforcing fundamental rights, through constitutional remedies. The
judiciary can take suo motu cognizance of such issues being deeply
concerned with them both in the Supreme Court and the High Court.
10. Political Reforms : The Justice Verma committee observed that reforms
are needed to deal with criminalisation of politics. The panel has
suggest that, in the event cognizance has been taken by a magistrate
of an criminal offence, the candidate ought to be disqualified from
participating in the electoral process. Any candidate who fails to disclose
a charge should be disqualified subsequently. It suggested lawmakers
facing criminal charges, who have already been elected to Parliament
and state legislatures, should voluntarily vacate their seats.

INDO–CHINA RELATIONS
D espite growing economic and strategic ties, several issues continue to

strain Sino-India relations. Though bilateral trade has continuously
grown, India faces massive trade imbalance heavily in favour of China. The
two countries have failed to resolve their long-standing border dispute and
Indian media repeatedly report Chinese military incursions into Indian
territory. Both nations have steadily built-up military infrastructure along
border areas. Additionally, India harbours suspicions about China’s strong
strategic relations with its arch-rival Pakistan while China has expressed
concerns about Indian military and economic activities in disputed South
China Sea.
PM Narendra Modi met Chinese Prez. Xi Jinping in Wuhan on April,
27-28, 2018 in an informal summit. The two leaders spent two days in the
exclusive company of each other, holding six separate meetings spread over
a span of 9 hours, in itself, was significant for many reasons. India and
China are two giant nations of Asia, both are fastest growing big economies,
have high stakes in their journeys towards joining the ranks of developed
nations and striving to find and reach their place of influence in the world.
Both of them at this juncture cannot afford to put their economic and geo-
political interests in jeopardy and divert their attention and energies by
acrimonies particularly in their neighbourhoods. That is why both of them
have to and can deal with each other’s sensitivities in a more attentive and
effective manner. And this was the objective with which the Summit was
held to some arguable success.
There was no joint declaration at the end of the Summit. Instead, both
the nations issued their separate statements. As India put fourth in its
statement, “The two leaders underscored the importance of maintaining
peace and tranquillity in all areas of the India-China border region in the
larger interest of the overall development of bilateral relations. To this end,
they issued strategic guidance to their respective militaries to strengthen
communication in order to build trust and mutual understanding and enhance
predictability and effectiveness in the management of border affairs. The
two leaders further directed their militaries to earnestly implement various
confidence building measures agreed upon between the two sides, including
the principle of mutual and equal security and strengthen existing institutional
arrangements and information sharing mechanisms to prevent incidents in
border regions.”
Chinese president Xi-Jinping visited India in September 2014. He met
his Indian counterpart Pranab Mukherjee and prime minister Narendra Modi
and discussed bilateral and regional issues. India raised concerns over the
standoff at the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh and repeated incidents
along the border. India and China concluded a series of agreements, pledging
$20 billion investments in five years, opening up an additional route for the
Kailash Mansarovar Yatra besides enhancing cooperation in railways and
giving greater access to India’s pharma and farm products. China will help
strengthen the railway network in India by increasing speed of trains,
studying feasibility of cooperation in high-speed railways and redevelopment
of railway stations. As part of the Five-year Trade and Economic
Development Plan, the two countries will take steps to promote balanced
trade relations. This includes enhanced cooperation between chambers of
commerce and the financial sector.
Other Important Deals include:
Industrial Park
• MoU between Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation and
Beiqi Foton Motor.
• A 1250-acre Industrial Park near Pune to provide cluster-type
development and generation of employment.
• Similar pact between China Development Bank Corporation and
iNDEXTb for industrial park in Gujarat.
ISRO & China National Space Administration
Cooperation in exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes.
Includes R&D of satellites: scientific experimental ones, remote sensing
satellites & communications ones.
On Customs
To help fight transborder economic crimes and custom offences through
info-sharing. Also facilitate trade through enhanced customs cooperation
Sister Act
• Sister city relationship between Mumbai and Shanghai for people-to-
people exchanges.
• Similar pacts were signed pairing Ahmedabad with Guangzhou and
Gujarat with Guangdong province.
Cultural Exchange
• To enable producers from both countries to pool artistic, technical,
financial and marketing resources; help Indian productions to get
better market access.
• Collaborations between the two countries’ museums, archaeological
institutes & performing art centres.
What Make Them Closer?
1. China and India both are Asian countries separated by the formidable
geographical obstacles of the Himalayan mountain chain.
2. China and India are the world’s most populous countries and also
fastest growing economies.
3. China and India are two of the world’s oldest civilizations and have
coexisted in peace for millennia.
PARLIAMENTARY VS. PRESIDENTIAL

SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
T he term parliamentary system does not mean that a country is ruled by

different parties in coalition with each other. Such multi-party
arrangements are usually the product of an electoral system known as
proportional representation. India stands out as a shining symbol of democracy
amongst the nations that emerged as independent states after the demise of
colonial rule post-World War II. India’s founding fathers, opted for the
Westminster model of parliamentary democracy as practiced in Britain with
some modifications.
They did study the American and French presidential systems but opted
for the Parliamentary system of government. Parliamentary countries like
India that use “first past the post” voting usually have governments composed
of one party.
However, parliamentary systems in continental Europe do use
proportional representation, and tend to produce election results in which no
single party has a majority of seats.

Some believe that it’s easier to pass legislation within a parliamentary
system. This is because the executive branch is dependent upon the direct
or indirect support of the legislative branch and often includes members of
the legislature. In a presidential system, the executive is often chosen
independently from the legislature. If the executive and legislature in such
a system include members entirely or predominantly from different political
parties, then stalemate can occur.
In addition to quicker legislative action, Parliamentarianism has attractive
features for nations that are ethnically, racially, or ideologically divided. In
a unipersonal presidential system, all executive power is concentrated in the
president. In a parliamentary system, with a collegial executive, power is
more divided.
It can also be argued that power is more evenly spread out in the power
structure of parliamentarianism. The premier seldom tends to have as high
importance as a ruling president, and there tends to be a higher focus on
voting for a party and its political ideas than voting for an actual person.
THE CASE AGAINST
India is developing not because of the political system. India is developing
inspite of the political system. With proper and accountable form of
governance, India could have by now reached a super power status given
the resources and the abilities of the people.
India experimented with parliamentary system of democracy, copied
largely from UK. Unfortunately it has not worked for India. India as a
nation is deeply divided into several groups with conflicting interests.
Indian democracy in practice has not been able to abolish caste system that
divides the majority community into groups with conflicting interests despite
many laws. Accountability is the major causality in the Indian style of
democracy.
The Political parties often give importance to the winning chances
based on the group and caste following a candidate has. Even in cabinet
formation, caste plays its role, many times in the formation of Cabinet.
Caste and communal divide made India into one of the most corrupt nations
in the world. Some credible estimates put the annual corruption at 50
Billion dollars.
To fight the twin causes of corruption and caste, may be India need to
debate on a presidential form of government on the US model. A strong
executive President does not need the support of caste and communal vote
banks. He can go ahead with reforms that make the administration more
transparent, less corrupt and more account to the citizens and the nation. A
powerful and committed, and accountable administration is the need of the
hour.
India’s parliamentary democracy after more than half a century in
existence today presents a sordid picture if the following features that have
emerged are taken into account:
l Due to the compulsions of electoral arithmetic of a parliamentary
system. India has become politically more divisive and fragmented.
l India’s political dynamics today are more driven by considerations
of casteism, communalism and other sectarian factors.
l In India today no political party can claim to be a national party
of stature. Their influence may be predominant in some regions
and negligible or even non-existent elsewhere.
l India’s Congress Party claiming to be more than a century old has
yet to nurture a leadership independent of the political dynasty that
has held sway ever since independence. In election after election to
ensure their success they look for their dynastic icon of the day to
lead them.
l Election tickets for contesting elections are being given by all
political parties to the progeny of existing political leaders, their
wives, their kin or close aides down to personal assistants. Merit is
not the consideration, nor a record of public service.
l The above has de-generated to the level of criminals, people charge-
sheeted in courts and those having considerable muscle-power to
contest elections on tickets of political parties whose sole
consideration is how many seats can these notorious elements bring
along.
l In the absence of clear mandates, India has entered the era of
coalition politics where political defections are the order of the day
and political loyalties are switched by the number of briefcase full
of millions of rupees that can change hands.
l Crucial portfolios in the Central Cabinet have been given not on the
basis of the professional competence of the Minister so appointed
but by blackmail of withdrawing support to the coalition even
though the Minister may be a tainted one.
l In such a milieu India’s foreign policies are getting communized
and communalized and national security priorities are given a go-
by.

Why not we debate the merits and demerits of presidential form of
Government for India and if it appears to be suitable then why not go for
it?
NINTH SCHEDULE VERDICT—

JUDICIAL ANTIDOTE TO POLITICS
OF SOCIAL JUSTICE
S upreme Court of India reasserted its powers as a watchdog of the

country’s parliament on January 11th 2007, ruling it had the right to
overturn laws, which the legislature had tried to put beyond judicial review.
Progressive laws designed to protect sweeping land reforms and end
feudalism following the foundation of modern India had been put out of the
judiciary’s reach in a small pocket of the constitution known as the ninth
schedule. That was done to protect the laws from appeal by disgruntled
feudal lords, and other challenges. But parliament has increasingly hidden
controversial laws unrelated to land reform behind that protective cloak,
including some that out rightly contradict earlier Supreme Court rulings.
The ruling means around 30, ninth schedule laws contested by Indian
citizens in so-called public interest litigations can now come under Supreme
Court scrutiny. These include controversial state laws that reserve government
jobs and college seats for people from lower castes and other historically
oppressed groups.
What is Ninth Schedule ?

l The 9th Schedule was included in the Indian Constitution by the
Constitution (First Amendment) Act, 1951, along with Article 31
B. The objective of the schedule is to immunize certain acts and
regulations from a challenge on the ground of violation of
fundamental rights under Articles 14, and 19 of the Constitution.
Thus, its purpose was to deprive the courts of the power to challenge
the validity of the acts passed by the legislature.
l Article 31B, which gives blanket protection to all items in the 9th
Schedule, is also retrospective in nature. So, even if a statute which

has already been declared unconstitutional by a court of law is
included within the schedule, it is deemed to be constitutional from
the date of its inception.
l The basic purpose of the schedule was to abolish zamindari system.
But with the passage of time, the Ninth Schedule has become a
laundry bag, into which all laws with a spot on them have been
tucked away in order to avoid judicial scrutiny.
Apprehensions and Ground Reality

Any of the apprehensions about the verdict should be dismissed about its
going to open a Pandora’s box. The verdict only reaffirms Fundamental
Rights. There is no question of confrontation between two institutions of
democracy as every institution is working under demarcated spheres. The
Supreme Court is only doing its duty and Parliament is doing its. So long
as they remain within their limits, there is no problem. The Supreme Court
has the power of judicial review under the Constitution. If any attempt is
made to evade judicial review by putting a large number of 284 Acts under
the Ninth Schedule saying they are immune to judicial review, that is a
dishonest way of doing things under the Constitution.
First some level setting. For years we had been told that the basic
structure of the constitution couldn’t be amended. We had also been told for
years that the fundamental rights were what they were meant to be
fundamental. So what do you think happens when the fundamental rights
get in the way of the political agenda of the government of the day. You
realize that you cannot amend the constitution to change its basic structure
but you have to preserve these laws that you made that were meant to favor
some individuals while discriminating the rights of others. So what do you
do? You pass the First Amendment to the world’s lengthiest written
constitution. Remember the purpose of the constitution is to layout general
and fundamental principles, articles of faith, values that we collectively share
and believe in and which are meant to form the basis for law making. So
when you have the lengthiest written constitution it is indication that
somewhere in the process of laying out general principles we went about
making a number of special provisions and exceptions to accommodate
special interests. So what then was the motivation to amend a constitution
which was already diluted in its design with IFs and BUTs.
The answer to this question becomes clear with a reading of the First
Amendment. The first amendment was brought about by Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru, on 10th May 1951 to address judicial decisions and pronouncements
specially in regard to the chapter on fundamental rights. Nehru was also
very clear on the purpose behind the first amendment. The state wanted to
pursue nationalization, take away lands from the zamindars and re-distribute
them and make special provisions for the socially and economically backward.
Despite having architected the constitution, the lengthiest one at that, Nehru
was not confident that the laws made to pursue these special interests of the
state would stand up to judicial scrutiny on account of being discriminatory,
hence the first amendment.
It was the First Amendment that brought in Articles 31A and 31B
conferring upon the state the right to make laws to acquire private property
and to then deem such laws as not being discriminatory and to further
protect all such laws from any judicial review by creating something called
the Ninth Schedule. It is interesting to note that the origins of the Ninth
Schedule lie in land acquisition by the state, given the political debate on
SEZs and Singur, Nandigram.
Since the First Amendment, the Ninth Schedule has been relied upon to
amend the constitution multiple times over. The 4th amendment inserted six
acts to the 9th schedule. The 17th amendment added 44 more acts. The 29th
amendment brought in 2 acts from Kerala. The 34th amendment in 1974
added 20 more land tenure and land reforms laws enacted by the states. In
1975 Indira Gandhi’s infamous abuse of executive power leading upto
emergency saw the 39th amendment adding certain central enactments.
1976 saw the 40th amendment even more to the 9th schedule. The 47th
amendment in 1984 added more, and then in 1990 the 66th amendment
gave more protection to land ceiling acts. Which then brings us to the
present dispute.
The 76th amendment to accommodate Tamil Nadu Government’s
legislation to provide for reservations to the level of 69 percent for SC/ST
and OBCs. What takes the cake however is the 78th amendment, which was
about not just immunity to laws in 9th schedule, which was suspect, but
amendments to those laws and making those amendments immune. Since
then we have had absurd laws from Sugarcane supporting price to the New
Delhi Urban Zoning Laws all clamoring for an exalted spot in the much-
abused Ninth Schedule.
Till date, the norm has been that the Supreme Court is the final interpreter
of the law and its word regarding the validity of a law is final. Only land
reform laws were supposed to be included in the Ninth Schedule, but in the
recent times governments have included several controversial legislations
under it. In recent times, it was misused widely by governments. Not just
land reforms laws, the Ninth Schedule today includes several controversial
legislation like the 69 per cent reservation law of Tamil Nadu, which
violates the Apex Court’s 50 per cent ceiling on quotas.
The Supreme Court Ruling

Rejecting the argument of the government that the court has no role to play
once a law is placed in the Ninth Schedule, a nine-judge Bench, headed by
outgoing Chief Justice Y.K. Sabharwal, said, “This court, being bound by
all provisions of the Constitution and also by the basic structure doctrine,
has necessarily to scrutinise the Ninth Schedule laws.” It said if any of such
laws violated the fundamental rights under Articles 14 (equality), 15
(religious, caste and race discrimination), 19 (freedom of speech), 21
(protection of life and liberty), these are deemed to be striking at the root
of the basic structure of the Constitution and apparently open to judicial
review, even if put in the Ninth Schedule. The judgement set at rest the
raging debate in political circles in the wake of a demand that the laws on
certain contentious issues like reservation and sealing in Delhi be put in the
Ninth Schedule to take these out of bound for the apex court to adjudicate
upon these.
The judgement improved upon the famous Keshwananda Bharti case
decision of 1973 with the Bench unanimously concluding that the 29th
amendment of the Constitution (in 1972) making provision in Article 31-
B against court’s invalidation of certain laws by putting these in Ninth
Schedule, would not apply to any legislation that violated the enumerated
fundamental rights. The verdict in the Keshwananda Bharti case was by a
13-judge Bench with 7-6 majority.
The Bench said, “The power to grant immunity (to Parliament on the
Ninth Schedule laws), at will, on fictional basis, without full judicial review,
will nullify the entire basic structure doctrine. The golden triangle rights
under Articles 14, 14 and 19 read with 21, formed basic feature of the
Constitution as these provisions stand for equality and the rule of law.” Any
challenge made to such laws, has to be tested “on the touchstone” of the
basic feature reflected in Article 21, read with Articles 14, 15 and 19, and
the principles laid down there under, the court ruled. “Justification for
conferring protection, is not blanket on the laws included in the Ninth
Schedule by the constitutional amendments,” the court said.
Tightening the constitutional provisions on the Ninth Schedule laws, it
said any legislation passed after 1973, if violated the basic fundamental
rights, was open to challenge in the court, irrespective of it being placed
in the Ninth Schedule.
Since over 30 petitions had been filed against such laws, including the
Tamil Nadu Reservation Act that raised the ceiling of quota from 50 per
cent to 69 per cent, land reform laws passed by it and West Bengal and
Gujarat and certain property-related laws by some other states, the court
said a three-judge Bench would now decide these petitions on merits as per
the laid-down parameters. But the Bench clarified that if the apex court had
already given validating verdict on placing of any law in the Ninth Schedule
in between, the parameters laid down today would not affect that order.
Significance of 1973
So what is the significance of 1973? Foremost is the landmark verdict in
the Keshavanand Bharti case when the Supreme Court for the first defined
the concept of the basic structure of the constitution. Also if you look at
the acts prior to 1973 in the 9th schedule they were primarily agrarian
reforms. Most of the executive abuse started with Indira Gandhi’s actions
prior to emergency and subsequent vote bank politics that saw absurd laws
making their way to the 9th schedule violating freedom and imposing
restrictions.
The Ninth schedule saga also highlights an important aspect of the Right
of Center Political and Intellectual Movement in India. That for 34 years
there was not a murmur of protest or legal challenge tells us that there is
no Right of Center Movement in India. Yes there are some who claim to
be for reforms and markets but these are individuals who see capitalism as
an end in itself while missing the underlying fundamental principle of
Individual Freedom. It is this same mindset that endorses the State’s pursuit
of industrialization through SEZs on the basis of phony faith in capitalism
while looking the other way as the State violates fundamental rights and
individual freedom to acquire private property on behalf of private enterprises.
This underlying intellectual contradiction sums up why there is no
constituency for economic reforms in the country - because there is no
fundamental belief in the primacy of individual freedom.

RELEVANCE OF RAJYA SABHA
D uring the last 68 years, Rajya Sabha has emerged as a Parliamentary

institution of great repute and has contributed immensely to the success
of our parliamentary democracy. It has given representation, as Shri
Gopalaswami Ayyangar, a legal luminary and a member of the Constituent
Assembly had aptly said, “to the seasoned people who may not be in the
thickest of political fray, but who might be” willing to participate in the
debate with an amount of learning and importance”. Rajya Sabha is a
permanent body and is not subject to dissolution. However, one third of its
members retire biennially. A member who is elected for a full term retains
his membership for six years.
During the span of six decades, the Council of States has played a
remarkable role as a revisory chamber, deliberative body and legislative
apparatus. Compared to many other Second Chambers in the world, Rajya
Sabha has given a good account of its performance. It has succeeded in
combining dignity with intense activity. Rajya Sabha’s record in initiating
legislative measures is a testimony to the fact that while it may be a Second
Chamber, it cannot be treated as a secondary chamber. Numerous legislations
have been introduced in Rajya Sabha, the depth and content of which
encompassed the interests of the downtrodden and suffering sections of our
society. The Hindu Marriage and Divorce Bill, 1952; The Child Labour
(Prohibition and Regulation) Bill, 1986; The Transplantation of Human
Organs Bill, 1994, The Marriage Laws (Amendment) Bill, 1999, The Pre-
Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse)
Amendment Bill, 2001, etc., speak of the comprehensive vision of Rajya
Sabha in taking appropriate measures for the welfare of the underprivileged
and the needy.
Over the years, Rajya Sabha has assumed a more dynamic role in
deliberating issues of common concern and bringing out legislations of far
reaching significance. Active participation of its members in the proceedings
of various committees also highlights the expanding role of Rajya Sabha.
Occupational background of members of Rajya Sabha has reflected a marked
change in the last 65 years. Earlier lawyers constituted a major chunk of
the occupational distribution in the House. Today, maximum number of
members have preferred to put their profession as ‘Political and Social
Workers’. In 1952, almost all the members were freedom fighters and had
participated in the freedom movement, but they preferred to give their
chosen profession as either agriculturist or lawyers or medical practitioners
or educationists. However, today many members have had previous legislative
experience either in the State Assemblies or in Lok Sabha or have served
the Government or judiciary in various meaningful capacities. Also, there
are members with specialized professional experience in wide range of
fields including editorship of newspapers, magazines, etc. film making to
tourism and hotel industry. Thus, we may say that Rajya Sabha members
with their higher age profile, varied educational qualification and diverse
professional experience reflect the changing profile of our nation and to that
extent today are better equipped to discharge their responsibilities effectively
and contribute to the all round development of the nation.
Public perceptions of the functioning of the democracy is not only based
on the quality of governance provided by the executive but also on how far
the proceedings in the House are relevant for its welfare and Rajya Sabha
has performed this role remarkably well, deliberating fruitfully on numerous
socio-economic issues and passing legislations aimed at the welfare of the
people. Rajya Sabha has, indeed, emerged as a front ranking second chamber
translating successfully the principles of bicameralism into practice.
The Case Against

There is an urgent need for redefining and reorienting the role of the Upper
House of Parliament to make it more relevant and effective in meeting the
present and future challenges that confront India as it tries to realize the
vision of becoming a frontline nation by 2020. The Council of States had
a special role to play in bringing about coherence in national and state
development policies. Also the Rajya Sabha should set high standards for
other elected bodies to emulate; particularly the State legislatures and zilla
parishads. While the Council of States could not bring down a government,
it made a valuable contribution through meaningful deliberations.
Every so often the Rajya Sabha becomes a topic of controversy, generating
a debate over the relevance of an “indirectly elected chamber” in this age
of mass democracy and direct elections. In recent years there seems to be
considerable concern over the role money power has come to play in the
election of candidates. Almost all political parties are now reduced to
selecting those candidates who can finance their way into the Rajya Sabha.
This is bound to disturb not only the representative character of the Upper
House but it also defeats the original purpose of having a second chamber.
A second chamber would inevitably tend to act as a “cog in the wheel”
of the nation’s progress. But the dominant leadership of the Constituent
Assembly, which packed the all-crucial Union Constitution Committee, had
no doubts about a second chamber. The inclination was to provide a forum
for “elders”, “wise men” or “statesmen” from where they could act as
speed-breakers, without of course doing any great injustice to the principle
of direct representation or distracting from the representative ness of the
Lower House.
What we have really achieved by the existence of this second chamber
is only an instrument by which we delay action which might be hastily
conceived and we also give an opportunity, perhaps to seasoned people who
may not be in the thickest of the political fray, but who might be willing
to participate in the debate with an amount of learning and importance
which we do not ordinarily associate with a House of People.
In other words, it is “An institutional arrangement designed to provide
insurance against legislative tyranny of the popular lower chambers.” This
original purpose has more than been justified in recent years, especially now
that the same political party/parties does not enjoy a majority in both the
Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha.
Sometimes even the lack of a Rajya Sabha majority acts as an internal
check on rash and haughty judgment; in particular, the Centre now seems
to be doubly circumspect in wanting to invoke Article 356 against states,
being ruled by unfriendly political parties.
Notwithstanding the unhealthy role money power has come to play in
the selection of the Rajya Sabha candidates, it is generally conceded that of late
the Upper House has been witnessing a higher standard of debate, with rules
permitting the members to seek clarifications from the ministers. A good case,
all said and done, for the Rajya Sabha priding itself in a bit of institutional history.
CAN RELIGION AND POLITICS CO-

EXIST?
O n the outer margins of the debate over the place of religion in politics,
there are two extreme positions, each fuelling the fundamentalism of
the other. Now, religions do not advocate suicide bombing, though there is
no doubt that many abuses are carried out in the name of religion. And
religions do not need to be theocratic: They can easily co-exist with secular
forms of government without attracting divine retribution.
Despite the separation of church and state in India, religion and politics
in this country have long influenced one another in ways direct and
indirect.
Contemporary analysts too frequently assume that the mutually fructifying
influence between religion and politics either no longer exists or is deeply
problematic. Their mistake is a result of focusing too narrowly on the
recent constitutional trend toward strengthening the separation of church
and state, rather than looking more broadly at the worlds of religion and
politics as they actually intersect, and mutually flourish today. That church
and state in India are in fact separate means that ours is a secular government-
-but it does not mean that ours is a secular society. It isn’t now. It has never
been.
In fact, the terrain on which religion and politics have most often met
in Indian history is the realm of non-state institutions we call civil society.
In every aspect of human endeavor, faith matters to people and to particular
communities, and, when as citizens these people and communities participate
in politics, to the nation at large.
These facts suggest a logic for religious engagement in the civic realm
that clashes with a dominant strand of argument in academic philosophy
that, although prominent in scholarly debates, has very little to do with how
people actually talk and act. The academic philosophers insist that the
convictions of the religious need to be translated into a purely secular idiom
if the faithful are to join in political deliberation. If the religiously minded
are not comfortable translating their convictions into such a secular idiom,
they had best remain silent.
Some versions of this argument--for example, that associated with the
late John Rawls--are subtle and complex. Others are much simpler. They
assume that there is a single vocabulary for political discussion; if your
speech lies out side the purview of a secular language of ‘public deliberation,’
it isn’t legitimately public speech at all.
The draconian requirement that a purely secular mode of speech supplant
all other ways of making public argument cuts against the grain of American
political history and civic culture. In the real world of religion and politics
as they actually coexist in America, citizens resort to ‘god talk’ at least as
much as they use ‘rights talk.’ Faith informs the way America speaks and
has always spoken. The U.S. Constitution never required that people give
up the communal dimensions of their faith as the price for civic admission.
Catholics, Lutherans, Jews--all built networks of schools and charitable
institutions. Jews, in particular, distinguished themselves publicly through
visible markers of their identity in dress and in dietary regulations. Even
a cursory glance at our history shows the manner in which confessional
pluralism and social pluralism have been linked in the American polity as
religious differences were marked publicly through a variety of modes of
communal identification. One reason that America’s religious institutions
are such an indispensable part of American civil society is that religion in
America has never been compelled to privatize itself along the lines suggested
by Rawls.
For the first 150 years of the American republic, primary responsibility
for religious rights and liberties was lodged in the states. No federal law
governing religious institutions in their relation to the government was ever
passed. The federal government got into the act where religion is concerned-
-at least in a big way--only during the last half century.
In recent years, a constitutional position has emerged that might be
called strong separationism. This position seeks to do on the level of law
what a strict version of Rawlsian philosophy aims to do in the realm of
discourse-namely, to strip public life of religious markers, emblems, and
ceremony.
This position can be called as liberal monism, for its origins lie in
certain strands of classical liberal political philosophy. This position holds
that all institutions within a democratic society must conform to a single
authority principle; a single standard of what counts as reason and deliberation;
a single vocabulary of political discussion. Within this position, religion is
routinely discounted-as the secularization hypothesis would have it--as
irrationalism, or as a search for epistemological privilege.
The Real Questions Raised

Rather than asking how much religion can, or should, the polity tolerate,
we might pose a different question instead: What sort of political arrangements
“enable religion to play the constructive public role that religious commitments
themselves demand?”
One enters political life as a citizen. But if one also has religious
convictions, these convictions naturally will inform one’s judgments as a
citizen. My religious views help to determine who I am, how I think, and
what I care about. This is as it should be. In India it makes no sense to ask
people to bracket what they care about most deeply when they debate issues
that are properly political.
Religion has served as a valuable anchor in the lives of millions of
people since the founding of our republic. It is said that India is the most
religious of the major industrializing states. We have religions that believe
in the use of hallucinogens ; religions that believe that your money should
be theirs ; many religions that believe that they are the chosen people and
the rest of us are toast; religions that are proud of the objectification of
women; religions that worship animals and others that worship plants. We
have Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Catholics, Methodists, Mormons, Presbyterians,
Lutherans, Jews, Buddhists, Christian Scientists and many more. If you
want to divine the future by reading the entrails of a liberal, knock yourself
out. We have so many different religions in this country that if you can’t
find one that you like then you ain’t trying! And if you don’t find one,
make up your own. In itself that idea neither paralyzes me with fear nor
rejoices me. If religion is what it takes to help you get through your life,
then more power to you, brother.
MORALITY AND POLITICS: WHOM TO

BELIEVE?
A nation’s political trends are governed by several factors--the state of

the economy, the vested interests of politicians and bureaucrats, the
attitudes of the media, and many others. But the fundamental factor is
moral: the beliefs people have about right and wrong, good and bad; their
aspirations for their lives; the virtues they practice and vices they denounce;
the responsibilities and obligations they accept; the things they feel entitled
to; the standards that govern their sense of fair play; the ideals that shape
their sense of what is worthy.
Social Security
The impact of morality on politics is obvious for many of the issues on the
political front burner today, such as sex and violence in popular entertainment,
or the alleged decline of “family values.” But these are just the tip of the
iceberg. To understand the broader and more pervasive impact of morality,
consider another issue on the front burner: Social Security reform.
On its face, the plan to privatize the government retirement system is
not a moral issue but an economic one. Advocates of the plan argue that
because Social Security is a “pay as you go” system, in which current
benefits are paid by current taxes rather than by returns on funds invested
in the past, the system is headed for financial disaster as the number of
retirees increases in proportion to the number of workers supporting them.
Opponents claim that the problems can be fixed by relatively minor
adjustments to the retirement age, payroll tax rates, and benefit levels.
Opponents of the privatization plan also claim that investing retirement
funds in the stock market is too risky a proposition for most people; too
many would end up destitute in old age. Advocates of privatization argue
that the market trends upward over the long-term, and that the returns
people get over an extended period will far exceed what they can expect
from Social Security.
So where in the debate over Social Security does morality enter the
picture? Everywhere.
Social Security was created in 1935 as the centerpiece of President
Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. Imagine that 150 years earlier, someone
had proposed to the Founding Fathers, at the Constitutional Convention
where they were creating a new federal government, that the government
pay for every citizen’s retirement by taxing a portion of every citizen’s
earnings. It would have been denounced as a system of universal dependence
and universal slavery, an insulting attempt to treat free men like the mob
in ancient Rome. What made Social Security possible in 1935 was not
economic change. It was not the Depression. There had been depressions
before, and absolute standards of living were still much higher in the 1930s
than in previous generations, despite the increase in relative poverty.
What made Social Security possible was the growth of collectivist thinking
among intellectuals and cultural leaders during the preceding century. The
ground was prepared by critics of individualism who taught that solidarity
and equality are more important than freedom. As noted in book A Life of
One’s Own, thinkers like Thomas Hill Green and L.T. Hobhouse in England
and John Dewey in America explicitly rejected the tenets of individualism.
They attacked the pursuit of self-interest as selfish, insisting that individualists
must be made to serve the public interest. They attacked the culture of self-
reliance, insisting that individuals are creatures of their social environment.
During the decades prior to the New Deal, advocates of the welfare state
claimed that the poor are not responsible for their condition; they attacked
private charity organizations for trying to teach “bourgeois” virtues to the
poor. They argued that the old rights of life, liberty, and property had to
be supplemented with new rights to economic security provided by the
government.
Roosevelt was relying on this cultural background when he crowed that
the New Deal represented “an appeal from the clamor of many private and
selfish interests . . . to the ideal of the public interest,” and when he spoke
of “a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and
prosperity can be secured for all.” These moral assumptions were essential
to the creation of Social Security and other welfare state programs.
The same assumptions operate today. Critics of Social Security
privatization appeal to the “solemn compact between the generations” , that
is, the moral ideal of solidarity. They argue that society has a moral
obligation to provide for the essential needs of its members. They defend
Social Security’s massive transfers of wealth--from workers to retirees,
from the wealthy to the poor, from men to women, from the able-bodied
to the disabled-on the grounds of equality.
The Unknown Ideal

This is not to say that moral assumptions are the only relevant factors.
Economists have shown the deleterious effects of the current system. The
Cato Institute, the National Center for Policy Analysis, and other think
tanks have worked out proposals showing in detail how a private system
would work-and how to get there from here. José Piñera, architect of
Chile’s privatization, has been a tireless promoter of similar efforts
worldwide. Without this massive evidence for the practicality of a private
system, a purely moral argument would never get a hearing. The same is
true for other efforts to get government out of our lives.
But without the moral argument, the practical arguments don’t stand a
chance, either. We have a mixed economy because we have a mixed culture.
Our market society is saddled with government regulations and subsidies
because our individualist culture is densely marbled with veins of altruist,
egalitarian, and communitarian moral premises. Advocates of freedom have
had great success in areas like deregulating the airlines and privatizing
municipal services, where there is no strong moral sentiment to overcome.
But we have had little success in cutting back the welfare state, which rests
on an unchallenged altruist foundation. And we are losing ground in areas
like civil rights and the environment, where the enemy’s moral assumptions
are in the ascendancy.
In economic terms, capitalism has won its century-long battle against
socialism. But in moral terms, as Ayn Rand said, it remains an unknown
ideal.
CORPORATE GOVERNANCE : MEANING,

PRINCIPLES, PROBLEMS AND IMPACT
C orporate governance has succeeded in attracting a good deal of public

interest because of its apparent importance for the economic health of
corporations and society in general. However, the concept of corporate
governance is poorly defined because it potentially covers a large number
of distinct economic phenomenon. As a result different people have come
up with different definitions that basically reflect their special interest in the
field. It is hard to see that this ‘disorder’ will be any different in the future
so the best way to define the concept is perhaps to list a few of the different
definitions rather than just mentioning one definition.
Definition Explained
“Corporate governance is a field in economics that investigates how to
secure/motivate efficient management of corporations by the use of incentive
mechanisms, such as contracts, organizational designs and legislation. This
is often limited to the question of improving financial performance, for
example, how the corporate owners can secure/motivate that the corporate
managers will deliver a competitive rate of return”,.
Corporate governance is the set of processes, customs, policies, laws and
institutions affecting the way a corporation is directed, administered or
controlled. Corporate governance also includes the relationships among the
many players involved (the stakeholders) and the goals for which the
corporation is governed. The principal players are the shareholders,
management and the board of directors. Other stakeholders include employees,
suppliers, customers, banks and other lenders, regulators, the environment
and the community at large.
Corporate governance is a multi-faceted subject. An important theme of
corporate governance is to ensure the accountability of certain individuals
in an organization through mechanisms that try to reduce or eliminate the
principal-agent problem. A related but separate thread of discussions focus
on the impact of a corporate governance system in economic efficiency,
with a strong emphasis on shareholders welfare. There are yet other aspects
to the corporate governance subject, such as the stakeholder view and the
corporate governance models around the world.
There has been renewed interest in the corporate governance practices
of modern corporations since 2001, particularly due to the high-profile
collapses of a number of large U.S. firms such as Enron Corporation and
Worldcom. In 2002, the US federal government passed the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act, intending to restore public confidence in corporate governance.
History
In the 19th century, state corporation law enhanced the rights of corporate
boards to govern without unanimous consent of shareholders in exchange
for statutory benefits like appraisal rights, to make corporate governance
more efficient. Since that time, and because most large publicly traded
corporations in the US are incorporated under corporate administration
friendly Delaware law, and because the US’s wealth has been increasingly
securitized into various corporate entities and institutions, the rights of
individual owners and shareholders have become increasingly derivative and
dissipated. The concerns of shareholders over administration pay and stock
losses periodically has led to more frequent calls for corporate governance
reforms.
In the 20th century in the immediate aftermath of the Wall Street Crash
of 1929 legal scholars such as Adolf Augustus Berle, Edwin Dodd, and
Gardiner C. Means pondered on the changing role of the modern corporation
in society. Berle and Means’ monograph “The Modern Corporation and
Private Property” (1932, Macmillan) continues to have a profound influence
on the conception of corporate governance in scholarly debates today.
From the Chicago school of economics, Ronald Coase’s “Nature of the
Firm” (1937) introduced the notion of transaction costs into the understanding
of why firms are founded and how they continue to behave. Fifty years
later, Eugene Fama and Michael Jensen’s “The Separation of Ownership and
Control” (1983, Journal of Law and Economics) firmly established agency
theory as a way of understanding corporate governance: the firm is seen as
a series of contracts. Agency theory’s dominance was highlighted in a 1989
article by Kathleen Eisenhardt (Academy of Management Review).
US expansion after World War II through the emergence of multinational
corporations saw the establishment of the managerial class. Accordingly, the
following Harvard Business School management professors published
influential monographs studying their prominence: Myles Mace
(entrepreneurship), Alfred D. Chandler, Jr. (business history), Jay Lorsch
(organizational behavior) and Elizabeth MacIver (organizational behavior).
According to Lorsch and MacIver “many large corporations have dominant
control over business affairs without sufficient accountability or monitoring
by their board of directors.”
In the first half of the 1990s, the issue of corporate governance in the
U.S. received considerable press attention due to the wave of CEO dismissals
(e.g.: IBM, Kodak, Honeywell) by their boards. CALPERS led a wave of
institutional shareholder activism (something only very rarely seen before),
as a way of ensuring that corporate value would not be destroyed by the
now traditionally cozy relationships between the CEO and the board of
directors (e.g., by the unrestrained issuance of stock options, not infrequently
back dated).
In 1997, the East Asian Financial Crisis saw the economies of Thailand,
Indonesia, South Korea, Malaysia and The Philippines severely affected by
the exit of foreign capital after property assets collapsed. The lack of
corporate governance mechanisms in these countries highlighted the
weaknesses of the institutions in their economies.
In the early 2000s, the massive bankruptcies (and criminal malfeasance)
of Enron and Worldcom, as well as lesser corporate debacles, such as
Adelphia Communications, AOL, Arthur Andersen, Global Crossing, Tyco,
and, more recently, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, led to increased shareholder
and governmental interest in corporate governance. This culminated in the
passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002. But, since then, the stock
market has greatly recovered, and shareholder zeal has waned accordingly.
Principles
Key elements of good corporate governance principles include honesty,
trust and integrity, openness, performance orientation, responsibility and
accountability, mutual respect, and commitment to the organization.
Of importance is how directors and management develop a model of
governance that aligns the values of the corporate participants and then
evaluate this model periodically for its effectiveness. In particular, senior
executives should conduct themselves honestly and ethically, especially
concerning actual or apparent conflicts of interest, and disclosure in financial
reports.

Commonly accepted principles of corporate governance include
Rights and equitable treatment of shareholders: Organizations should respect
the rights of shareholders and help shareholders to exercise those rights.
They can help shareholders exercise their rights by effectively communicating
information that is understandable and accessible and encouraging shareholders
to participate in general meetings.
Interests of other stakeholders: Organizations should recognize that they
have legal and other obligations to all legitimate stakeholders.
Role and responsibilities of the board: The board needs a range of skills
and understanding to be able to deal with various business issues and have
the ability to review and challenge management performance. It needs to be
of sufficient size and have an appropriate level of commitment to fulfill its
responsibilities and duties. There are issues about the appropriate mix of
executive and non-executive directors. The key roles of chairperson and
CEO should not be held by the same person.
Integrity and ethical behaviour: Organizations should develop a code of
conduct for their directors and executives that promotes ethical and
responsible decision making. It is important to understand, though, that
systemic reliance on integrity and ethics is bound to eventual failure. Because
of this, many organizations establish Compliance and Ethics Programs to
minimize the risk that the firm steps outside of ethical and legal boundaries.
Disclosure and transparency: Organizations should clarify and make
publicly known the roles and responsibilities of board and management to
provide shareholders with a level of accountability. They should also
implement procedures to independently verify and safeguard the integrity of
the company’s financial reporting. Disclosure of material matters concerning
the organization should be timely and balanced to ensure that all investors
have access to clear, factual information.
Issues involving corporate governance principles include: oversight of
the preparation of the entity’s financial statements ; internal controls and the
independence of the entity’s auditors ; review of the compensation
arrangements for the chief executive officer and other senior executives ;
the way in which individuals are nominated for positions on the board ; the
resources made available to directors in carrying out their duties ; oversight
and management of risk ; and dividend policy.
Mechanisms and controls

Corporate governance mechanisms and controls are designed to reduce the
inefficiencies that arise from moral hazard and adverse selection. For example,
to monitor managers’ behaviour, an independent third party (the auditor)
attests the accuracy of information provided by management to investors.
An ideal control system should regulate both motivation and ability.
Systemic problems of corporate governance

Supply of accounting information: Financial accounts form a crucial link in
enabling providers of finance to monitor directors. Imperfections in the
financial reporting process will cause imperfections in the effectiveness of
corporate governance. This should, ideally, be corrected by the working of
the external auditing process.
Demand for information: A barrier to shareholders using good information
is the cost of processing it, especially to a small shareholder. The traditional
answer to this problem is the efficient market hypothesis (in finance, the
efficient market hypothesis (EMH) asserts that financial markets are efficient),
which suggests that the shareholder will free ride on the judgements of
larger professional investors.
Monitoring costs: In order to influence the directors, the shareholders
must combine with others to form a significant voting group which can
pose a real threat of carrying resolutions or appointing directors at a general
meeting.
Impact of Corporate Governance

Positive effect of good corporate governance on different stakeholders
ultimately result into strong economy, and hence good corporate governance
is tool for socio-economic development. After East Asia economy collapse
in late 20th century, World Bank president warned those countries, that for
sustainable development, corporate governance is must to be good. Economic
health of a nation depends substantially how sound and ethical businesses
are.
Corporate governance, the unwieldy name given to the systems that
guide the control and management of corporations, is a relatively recent
term that came into being in the 1970s. Because corporate governance
structures and processes specify the various roles and duties of corporate
directors, senior executives, shareholders, and other stakeholders in the
corporation, they play a large role in determining how responsible and
accountable a corporation’s leaders will be in exercising their authority.
When properly designed, governance processes guide companies toward
useful objectives and help them monitor and measure their progress in
achieving those objectives; when poorly designed, these processes permit
companies to drift toward painful losses for shareholders and everyone else
with a stake in the company.
A company’s corporate governance—whether good or bad—is established
by its board of directors. Ideally, these directors will be energetic, experienced
people deeply concerned about the company’s welfare. Because the board’s
most pivotal responsibilities are to hire and supervise the company’s chief
executive officer (CEO), these directors should not be company employees
who work under the CEO’s direction; instead, they should be independent
of the company’s management. When independent directors know how to
work effectively with the company’s senior management team, they are
likely to produce a corporate climate that accelerates the growth of long-
term shareholder value.
THE IDEAL AND CONCEPT OF

WELFARE STATE
T he English term “welfare state” is believed by Asa Briggs to have been

coined by Archbishop William Temple during the Second World War,
contrasting wartime Britain with the “warfare state” of Nazi Germany.
Friedrich Hayek contends that the term derived from the older German
word Wohlfahrtsstaat, which itself was used by nineteenth century historians
to describe a variant of the ideal of Polizeistaat (“police state”). It was fully
developed by the German academic Sozialpolitiker—“socialists of the
chair”—from 1870 and first implemented through Bismarck’s “state
socialism”. Bismarck’s policies have also been seen as the creation of a
welfare state.
There are three main interpretations of the idea of a welfare state:
(a) the provision of welfare services by the state.
(b) an ideal model in which the state assumes primary responsibility
for the welfare of its citizens. This responsibility is comprehensive,
because all aspects of welfare are considered; a “safety net” is not
enough, nor are minimum standards. It is universal, because it
covers every person as a matter of right.
(c) the provision of welfare in society.
In many “welfare states”, especially in continental Europe, welfare is not
actually provided by the state, but by a combination of independent, voluntary,
mutualist and government services. The functional provider of benefits and
services may be a central or state government, a state-sponsored company or
agency, a private corporation, a charity or another form of non-profit
organisation. However, this phenomenon has been more appropriately termed
a “welfare society,” and the term “welfare system” has been used to describe
the range of welfare state and welfare society mixes that are found.
The development of welfare states

An early version of the welfare state appeared in China during the Sang
Dynasty in the 11th century. Prime Minister Wang Anshi believed that the
state was responsible for providing its citizens the essentials for a decent
living standard. Accordingly, under his direction the state initiated agricultural
loans to relieve the farming peasants. He appointed boards to regulate wages
and plan pensions for the aged and unemployed. These reforms were known
as the “new laws,” New Policies.
Modern welfare states developed through a gradual process beginning in
the late 19th century and continuing through the 20th. They differed from
previous schemes of poverty relief due to their relatively universal coverage.
The development of social insurance in Germany under Bismarck was
particularly influential. Some schemes, like those in Scandinavia, were
based largely in the development of autonomous, mutualist provision of
benefits. Others were founded on state provision. The term was not, however,
applied to all states offering social protection. The sociologist T.H. Marshall
identified the welfare state as a distinctive combination of democracy, welfare
and capitalism.
Examples of early welfare states in the modern world are Germany, all
of the Nordic Countries, the Netherlands, Uruguay and New Zealand in the
1930s. Germany is generally held to be the first social welfare state. Changed
attitudes in reaction to the Great Depression were instrumental in the move
to the welfare state in many countries, a harbinger of new times where
“cradle-to-grave” services became a reality after the poverty of the Depression.
During the Great Depression, it was seen as an alternative “middle way”
between communism and capitalism. In the period following the Second
World War, many countries in Europe moved from partial or selective provision
of social services to relatively comprehensive coverage of the population.
The activities of present-day welfare states extend to the provision of
both cash welfare benefits (such as old-age pensions or unemployment
benefits) and in-kind welfare services (such as health or childcare services).
Through these provisions, welfare states can affect the distribution of
wellbeing and personal autonomy among their citizens, as well as influencing
how their citizens consume and how they spend their time.
After the discovery and inflow of the oil revenue, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,
Qatar, Bahrain, Oman and the United Arab Emirates all became welfare
states. However, the services are strictly for citizens and these countries do not
accept immigrants; those born in these countries do not qualify for citizenship
unless they are of the parentage belonging to their respective countries.
In the United Kingdom, the beginning of the modern welfare state was
in 1911 when David Lloyd George suggested everyone in work should pay
national insurance contribution for unemployment and health benefits from
work.
In 1942, the ‘Social Insurance and Allied Services’ was created by Sir
William Beveridge in order to aid those who were in need of help, or in
poverty. Beveridge worked as a volunteer for the poor, and set up national
insurance. He stated that ‘All people of working age should pay a weekly
national insurance contribution. In return, benefits would be paid to people
who were sick, unemployed, retired or widowed.’ The basic assumptions of
the report were the National Health Service, which provided free health
care to the UK. The Universal Child Benefit was a scheme to give benefits
to parents, encouraging people to have children by enabling them to feed
and support a family. This was particularly beneficial after the second world
war when the population of the United Kingdom declined. Universal Child
Benefit provided encouragement for new babies, which sparked the Baby
boom. The impact of the report was huge and 600,000 copies were made.
He recommended to the government that they should find ways of tackling
the five giants, being Want, Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness. He
argued to cure these problems, the government should provide adequate
income to people, adequate health care, adequate education, adequate housing
and adequate employment. Before 1939, health care had to be paid for, this
was done through a vast network of friendly societies, trade unions and
other insurance companies which counted the vast majority of the UK
working population as members. These friendly societies provided insurance
for sickness, unemployment and invalidity, therefore providing people with
an income when they were unable to work. But because of the 1942
Beveridge Report, in 5th July 1948, the National Insurance Act, National
Assistance Act and National Health Service Act came into force, thus this
is the day that the modern UK welfare state was founded.
Debating the welfare state
The concept of the welfare city remains controversial, and there is continuing
debate over governments’ responsibility for their citizens’ welfare. Here, it
is crucial to clarify what exactly one means by welfare state. First, a welfare
state is not a state run economy. The welfare state refers to the programs
paid by the government that provide basic temporary and conditional
financial help to those legally unable to provide to themselves because of
their current economic situation due to health problems, mental diseases,
etc. or because of a major natural disaster or terrorist attack.
Arguments in favor
Humanitarian—the right to the basic necessities of life is a fundamental
human right, and people should not be allowed to suffer unnecessarily
through lack of provision.
Altruism—helping others is a moral obligation in most cultures; charity
and support for people who cannot help themselves are also widely thought
to be moral choices.
Utilitarian—the same amount of money will produce greater happiness
in the hands of a less well-off person than if given to a well-off person;
thus, redistributing wealth from the rich to the poor will increase the total
happiness in society.
Religious—major world religions emphasize the importance of social
organization rather than personal development alone. Religious obligations
include the duty of charity and the obligation for solidarity. However,
before the welfare state in the UK, charitable donations were normally 10%
of a persons income and the number of charities in the UK was enormous
as was the amount of support given by them to the paupers. Therefore
although this is fulfilled by a welfare state, it is actually a concept of
welfare, not necessarily welfare provided by the state.
Economic—social programs perform a range of economic functions,
including e.g. the regulation of demand and structuring the labour market.
Social - social programs are used to promote objectives regarding
education, family and work.
Market failure – in certain cases, the private sector fails to meet social
objectives or to deliver efficient production, due to such things as monopolies,
oligopolies, or asymmetric information.
Social justice - the money the state provides comes from the nation’s
labor and natural resources through universal taxation, the rich manages the
wealth that is often inherited, and do not necessarily contribute more than
the average worker, therefore it is a matter of justice to provide for the
private individual who cannot legally provide to himself. Further, there will
also be members of societies who through disability, health problems, or
other causes out of the individual’s control, are unable to provide for
themselves.
Economies of scale - some services can be more efficiently paid for
when bought “in bulk” by the government for the public, rather than
purchased by individual consumers. The highway system, water distribution,
the fire department, universal health, and national defense might be some
examples.
Anti-crime - people with low incomes do not need to resort to crime to
stay alive, thus reducing the crime rate. Empirical evidence indicates that
welfare programs reduce property crime.
Arguments against
Moral (compulsion) – libertarians believe that the “nanny state” infringes
upon individual freedom, forcing the individual to subsidize the consumption
of others. They argue that social spending reduces the right of individuals
to transfer some of their wealth to others, and is tantamount to a seizure
of private property.
Reduced morality – the introduction of the welfare state and benefits
that support people who do not contribute to the national good, reduces the
compulsion to contribute.
Religious/paternalism – some Protestant Christians and an increasing
number of Catholics also believe that only voluntary giving (through private
charities) is virtuous. They hold personal responsibility to be a virtue, and
they believe that a welfare state diminishes the capacity of individuals to
develop this virtue.
Anti-regulatory - the welfare state is accused of imposing greater burdens
on private businesses, of potentially slowing growth and creating
unemployment.
Efficiency - the free market leads to more efficient and effective
production and service delivery than state-run welfare programs. They argue
that high social spending is costly and must be funded out of higher levels
of taxation. According to Friedrich Hayek, the market mechanism is much
more efficient and able to respond to specific circumstances of a large
number of individuals than when run by the state. An example of the
inefficiency of the state is that in the UK, there is one non-teaching civil
servant for every classroom in the country, whether they be administrators,
managers, inspectors, etc.
Motivation and incentives - the welfare state may have undesirable
effects on behavior, fostering dependency, destroying incentives and sapping
motivation to work.
Charitable - by the state assuming a larger burden for the financial care
of people, individuals may feel it is no longer necessary for them to donate
to charities or give to philanthropies.
Managerial statecraft - this paleoconservative view posits that the welfare
state is part of an ongoing regime that remains in power, regardless of what
political party holds a majority. It acts in the name of abstract goals, such
as equality or positive rights, and uses its claim of moral superiority, power
of taxation and wealth redistribution to keep itself in power.
Crime - state provided welfare normally incurs high tax economy, this
in turn leads to people feeling protective over their earnings and therefore
looking for ways to cheat the tax system to pay less tax. This in turn
reduces overall morality. People dependent on welfare have been found by
surveys to be more depressed and have a lower self esteem than working
people, this in turn often leads to them feeling rejected, hopeless and/or
abandoned by the populace at large, therefore they have a lower self of
national unity of community responsibility and may turn to crime to get
back at society or just fill the time.
Abuse - state provided welfare benefits often finish by being fraudulently
claimed by those who are not in real need. To counter this effect, more and
more requirements are introduced for welfare claimants to prove their
eligibility to obtain benefits. Thus results in creating complex and costly
bureaucratic procedures whose effect is often adverse to the desired - the
poor and needy persons who are not able to do the required paperwork are
left behind while others get specialized in overcoming the bureaucratic
hurdles (often by fraud or bribery) and claiming the benefits.
Discussion of some of the criticisms

Some criticism of welfare states concern the idea that a welfare state makes
citizens dependent and less inclined to work. Certain studies indicate there
is no association between economic performance and welfare expenditure in
developed countries (see A. B. Atkinson, Incomes and the Welfare State,
Cambridge University Press, 1995) and that there is no evidence for the
contention that welfare states impede progressive social development. R. E.
Goodin et al, in The Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Cambridge

University Press, 1999), show that on some economic and social indicators
the United States performs worse than the Netherlands, which has a high
commitment to welfare provision. However, the United States leads most
welfare states on certain economic indicators, such as GDP per capita
(although in 2006 it had a lower GDP per capita than Norway). The United
States also has a low unemployment rate (although not as low as Denmark,
Norway) and a high GDP growth rate, at least in comparison to other
developed countries (its growth rate, however, is lower than Finland’s and
Sweden’s, two nations with relatively small populations but comparatively
high commitments to welfare provision; the United States’ growth rate is
also lower than the world’s overall). The United States also leads most
welfare states in the ownership of consumer goods. For example, it has
more TV’s per capita, more personal computers per capita, and more radios
per capita than what people would call welfare states.
Another criticism comes from Classical Liberalism. Namely, that Welfare
is theft of Property or Labor. This criticism is based upon classical liberalist
ideals, wherein a citizen owns his body, and owns the product of his body’s
labor (i.e. goods, services, or money). Note that in this definition property
that is inherited is not included. So to remove money through legal
mechanisms set by a democratically elected assembly from the working or
non-working citizen and give it to a non-working or handicapped citizen or
to a child is argued to be theft of the worker’s property and/or labor and
a violation of his property rights.
A third criticism is that the welfare state allegedly provides its dependents
with a similar level of income to the minimum wage. Critics argue that
fraud and economic inactivity are apparently quite common now in the
United Kingdom and France. Some conservatives in the UK claim that the
welfare state has produced a generation of dependents who rely solely upon
the state for income and support instead of working even though assistance
is only given to those unable to work so that actually being able to work and
instead relying on the state for income is a criminal offence. The welfare state
in the UK was created to provide a carefully selected number of people with
a subsistence level of benefits in order to alleviate poverty, but that as a
matter of opinion has been overly expanded to provide a large number of
people indiscriminately with more money than the country can afford.
Some feel that this argument is demonstrably false: the benefits system in
the UK hands out considerably less money than the national minimum wage,
although people on welfare often find that they qualify for a variety of
benefits, including benefits in-kind, such as subsidised accommodation which
usually make the overall benefits much higher than figures show. On the
other hand, benefits handed-out in the U.S. often exceed $10 an hour (varying
state-to-state), when one accounts for all the free services provided (free
housing, free food, free welfare checks), such that it’s wiser economically not
to work, rather than to accept $6 at the local retail store. One must not forget
that even working families may be eligible for benefits when even when
working their income does not cover their or their children’s basic needs.
A fourth criticism of the welfare state is that it results in high taxes. This
is usually true, as evidenced by places like Denmark (tax level at 50.4% of
GDP in 2002) and Sweden (tax level at 50.2% of GDP in 2002). Such high
taxes do not necessarily mean less income for the nation overall, since the
state taxes go directly to the people it is taxed from. The real issue is that
they result in a major redistribution of that income from the citizens on the
productive side of the equation to the citizens on the welfare state side. Thus
the productive, self-reliant citizens subsidise the lifestyle of others.
A fifth criticism of the welfare state is the belief that welfare services
provided by the state are more expensive and less efficient than the same
services would be if provided by private businesses. In 2000, Professors
Louis Kaplow and Steven Shafell published two papers, arguing that any
social policy based on such concepts as justice or fairness would result in
an economy which is Pareto inefficient. Anything which is supplied free at
the point of consumption would be subject to artificially high demand,
whereas resources would be more properly allocated if provision reflected
the cost. However it is not clear how this would apply to services such as
health and education, where individuals are unlikely to demand more services
that are actually required, where the benefits of providing the service flow
through to all levels of society (by reducing disease, and increasing the
wealth-creation abilities of the population).
The most extreme criticisms of states and governments, are from
anarchists, who believe that all states and governments are undesirable and/
or unnecessary. Most anarchists believe that while social welfare gives a
certain level of independecy from the market and individual capitalists, it
creates dependence to the state, which is the institution that, according to
this view, supports and protects capitalism in the first place. Nonetheless,
according to Noam Chomsky, “social democrats and anarchists always agreed,
fairly generally, on so-called ‘welfare state measures’” and “Anarchists
propose other measures to deal with these problems, without recourse to
state authority.” Anarchists believe in stopping welfare programs only if it
means abolishing government and capitalism as well.

CONSTITUTIONALITY AND JUDICIAL
INTERPRETATION OF BANDH
I t is a sad irony that a bandh professing to protest against anti-people

policies becomes anti-people itself, as it inflicts great suffering on hundreds
of thousands of people who have no means of protesting against the
deprivation of a day’s earnings, essential to run their households. It is not
as if those organizing a bandh do not know of its terrible consequences on
the poor. But the bandh is not intended to protect the freedom of the poor
or the vulnerable, as the Narmada Bachao Andolan is. It is a political
statement made by one power group to another.
Nor, let it be said, is a bandh effected by taking recourse to the basic
freedom guaranteed to citizens by our Constitution; it is effected by coercion
and threats. If nobody works, or opens their shops, it is not because they
bravely sacrifice a day’s earnings to make a political statement, but because
they would be punished in a brutal and manifest manner if they did not
keep their shops shut or desist from earning that day’s wages.
It is necessary for all those parties and unions that resort to this means
of inflicting suffering on the poorest in our cities to consider the value of
this power they so very clearly have, the power of coercion. The parties
have formed governments - the prime source of power - because they were
protected by freedoms guaranteed to them as groups and as individuals.
Should they then not do all they can to safeguard those rights for all,
including the poorest, and not confine their concern only to the urban
middle class?
Apex Court and Bandh

The apex court had in 1998 clearly upheld the ruling of a full bench of the
Kerala High Court that calling or enforcing a bandh was illegal and
unconstitutional. In the case of DMK and its allies calling for a bandh, the
apex court observed that the object of the DMK and its constituents was to
demonstrate their might rather than doing it for a cause. According to the
bench, a bandh call essentially paralysed public life and was violative of the
Fundamental Rights guaranteed under Article 19 (Freedom of Speech) and
Article 21 (Right To Liberty) of the Constitution. The media, social activists,
and the High Court exercises the rights and the freedom guaranteed to all

and, by doing so, express in a real sense the value that is collectively placed
on the concept of freedom.
The Supreme Court decided to ban bandh called by Tamil Nadu
Government. By calling Bandh as unconstitutional, Court has outburst the
state government on the basis of what the AIADMK lawyer said, without
making any effort to know the other side, was unwarranted, that too on a
matter of constitutional importance.
It is true that State-sponsored bandhs cause tremendous inconvenience to
the people. But the highest court of the land cannot speak of recommending
the dismissal of a duly-elected government. In the context of declining
parliamentary values, the rise of judicial intervention may be welcome. But
the judiciary cannot undermine other institutions. The subject of making
laws and enunciating general principles of public importance should best be
left to the legislatures. The function of the courts is to interpret the
Constitution, not write it.
In recent years, the judiciary has intervened in many laws passed by the
legislature, including the law providing 27 per cent reservation for the
OBCs in elite educational institutions or calling ‘illegal’ the bandh called by
state governments. Even for small things, the Chief Secretaries of many
States have been hauled up. In this regard, the oral observation of Justice
Agrawal that the court would recommend the dismissal of the Tamil Nadu
government is a clear departure from the doctrine of separation of powers.
The comments are not consistent with the provisions of the Constitution.
Nor are they in the interest of a sound and healthy judiciary.
Judges should interpret the law as it exists and as laid down by the
representatives of the people. The Constitution clearly says it is the executive’s
prerogative to recommend the dismissal of a State government when it is
satisfied that there is a breakdown of the constitutional machinery.
Politically sensitive issues such as the Babri Masjid, the Cauvery water
dispute, the Mullaiperiyar row and, the Sethusamudram issue, which should
have been resolved through political acumen and statesmanship, have all been
referred to courts for resolution. Any observation or order by courts on the
issues generates tremendous heat. Judges should exercise restraint while passing
comments in open courts on such issues because they lead to needless
controversy. I think rest of the things will be crystal clear now.
There is serious concern today over judicial over-reach and even high-
handedness. Bringing home the point, I want to draw your attention to few
of the recnt past incidents. In a 1998 Supreme Court judgment in CPI(M)
versus Bharat Kumar & Ors, which upheld a Kerala High Court ruling of
1997, held all ‘bandhs’ — as distinct from ‘general strikes’ and ‘hartals’ —
to be unconstitutional on the grounds that they “trampled upon the rights
of the citizens of the country protected by the Constitution” and were “not
in the interests of the nation,” tending to “retard the progress of the nation
by leading to national loss of production.” Since then, numerous general
strikes, hartals, and bandhs have taken place across the length and breadth
of India, involving a plethora of political players and issues, with nobody
in a position to make the fine academic distinctions that the Kerala High
Court and the Supreme Court formulated in their judgments.
For example, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the saffron brigade have
called for, conducted, and got away with several attempted bandhs. A case
in point is the August 27, 2007 Hyderabad bandh protesting against the
terror strike at Lumbini Park and Gokul Chat. And what about other forms
of protest actions? Will the Supreme Court rule on what kind of constitutional
animal is a ‘rail roko,’ of the kind the BJP State unit staged in Hyderabad
in September 2007 against the Sethusamudram project? Does it fall under
the definition of a general strike or a hartal or a bandh? Is it constitutional?
As political leaders have observed, the logical consequence of the Supreme
Court’s unevenly implemented ban on bandhs will be a ban on all protest
actions and the right to strike. If that happens, the highest court in the land
will itself be responsible for the trampling on fundamental rights that its
1998 judgment warns against.
Even more disturbing is the implication of Justice Agrawal’s remarks
about dismissing a duly elected State government and imposing President’s
Rule, especially in the light of what the Supreme Court has ruled in the
Bommai case. In that historic March 1994 judgment, a nine-judge bench,
reviewing the scandalous misuse of the knife of Article 356 of the
Constitution, largely by Congress-run Central governments, over four decades,
laid down new guidelines and standards for the constitutional exercise of
that power. Thanks to that sagacious judicial intervention, Article 356 fraud
has become much more difficult to commit, although still not impossible
as is evidenced by the cases of Bihar and Jharkhand.
Bommai full-throatily asserted the power of judicial review over Article
356(1) proclamations, which can be struck down by the higher judiciary if
they are found to be mala fide or based on wholly irrelevant or extraneous
grounds. Nowhere does the Constitution or the Bommai judgment envisage
any role for the Supreme Court in triggering the invocation of Article 356.
Justice Agrawal’s oral observation, that the Supreme Court might
“recommend” to the President dismissal of the DMK government, is
shockingly unjust to Bommai. It is also constitutionally off-track, considering

that there would be a flagrant conflict of interest between such pre-emptive,
anti-democratic recommendation and the power of judicial review. The
Central government has done well to make it instantly clear that nothing can
be further from its mind than an unconstitutional course such as the dismissal
of the DMK government.
Sufferings Caused
However, the problem in India is that in exercising one precious right, we
often extinguish that right in others, particularly the most vulnerable, those
who constitute what is called the unorganized sector of society. When a
political party or a trade union, or a group of trade unions, decides to call
a bandh and shut down a State for a day, lakhs of people who are in the
unorganized sector - labourers, hawkers, tailors, cobblers, roadside barbers,
rickshaw pullers, auto and taxi drivers and so on - lose their earnings for
that day. Most of them depend on their daily earnings to manage their
households and have to do without the means to feed their families.
More often than not, bandhs have no effect on public awareness of the
reasons they were organized for, except in a vague way. Take the recent
bandh called by trade unions, as a result of which West Bengal and Kerala
virtually shut down. If one were to ask people in those States if they knew
the reason, it is more than likely that most of them would not know. A
bandh to protest against the “anti-people policies of the United Progressive
Alliance government” is seen more correctly for what it is - a demonstration
of the political power of the trade unions.
No one can deny political leaders the right to call for bandhs or go on
a fast to press their demands. But however noble their intentions, bandhs
provide a chance for anti-social elements to impose their writ on unwilling
citizens. The right of a party to strike should in no way interfere with the
right of a non-concerned citizen to go about his work. The Supreme Court
deserves praise for doing the needful to protect the people’s rights. The
DMK should have resorted to some other means to draw attention to the
Sethusamudram project. Strikes and hartals, which were used as effective
means to protest against the British occupation of India, cannot be used in
independent India. But the DMK’s bandh call was unjustified as the party
is in power at the Centre and in Tamil Nadu. It is the daily wage earners
who suffer the most during bandhs. There is no insurance for their lost
wages. A law should be enacted saying the party that calls for a bandh or
strike should bear the economic losses.
GUARDING THE GUARDIANS :
NATIONAL JUDICIAL COUNCIL
T he Centre proposed to establish a National Judicial Council to examine

allegations of misconduct or incapacity against senior judges, but SC
rejected this proposal. Here, we present a legislative brief on the Judges
(Inquiry) Bill.
Highlights of The Bill
In India an investigation into the misbehaviour or incapacity of Supreme
Court and High Court judges is governed by the Judges (Inquiry) Act,
1968. That Act provides for an inquiry of a judge by an investigative
committee set up for the purpose, if a motion is moved in Parliament for
the removal of the judge. The only penalty is that of removal by impeachment.
There has been only one case in which a judge, Justice Ramaswami of the
Supreme Court, has been investigated for misconduct under the Judges
(Inquiry) Act, 1968. Though the Inquiry Committee ruled against him, the
motion was not passed in Parliament.
Currently the appointment and oversight of judges is exclusively by the
judiciary. In 2003 the Constitution (98th Amendment) Bill to establish a
National Judicial Commission and amend Articles 124, 217, 224 and 231
of the Constitution relating to the appointment of judges and acting judges,
and the creation of common High Courts for two or more states, was
introduced. The Bill lapsed due to the dissolution of the Lok Sabha. After
the formation of the 14th Lok Sabha, a concept paper on a National Judicial
Commission was prepared by a member of the National Advisory Council
(NAC) for discussion. The Judges (Inquiry) Bill, 2005 was drafted by the
government and forwarded to the Chief Justice of India (CJI) for comments,
who recommended that the Law Commission should examine it. The Law
Commission presented its report on the 2005 draft version of the Bill in
January 2006.
The revised Judges (Inquiry) Bill, 2006 incorporated almost all the Law
Commission’s recommendations. It replaces the 1968 Act and establishes a
National Judicial Council (NJC). Any complaint by any person against High
Court and Supreme Court judges, as well as a motion for removal of a
judge moved in Parliament, shall be investigated by the NJC. If any charges
relating to misbehaviour and incapacity of a judge are proved, the NJC may
recommend removal, or impose minor measures as stipulated under the Bill,
if the NJC determines that the infraction does not merit removal.
Key features
National Judicial Council : The Bill establishes a National Judiciary Council
(NJC) to conduct investigations of allegations of misbehaviour and physical
or mental incapacity of Supreme Court and High Court judges. The NJC
shall recommend removal of the judge or impose minor measures if the
allegations are proved. If the complaint is against a Supreme Court judge,
the NJC shall consist of the CJI and the four senior most Supreme Court
judges. If the complaint is against a High Court judge, the NJC shall consist
of the CJI, two senior most Supreme Court judges and two High Court
Chief Justices. If the complaint is against any member of the NJC, he shall
be replaced by the judge next in seniority. The NJC shall issue a code of
conduct that sets guidelines for the behaviour of judges. The code shall
include that all High Court and Supreme Court judges shall reveal their
assets and liabilities on an annual basis to the respective Chief Justice.
Complaint and Reference Procedures : Any person may make a complaint
involving an allegation of misbehaviour or incapacity against a judge, to the
NJC. The complaint has to be filed within two years of the alleged infraction.
If the complaint is found to be frivolous, vexatious or not made in good
faith, the complainant may be punished with up to one year imprisonment
and a fine up to Rs 25,000. The NJC may also choose to entertain a
complaint from any other source. If Parliament admits a motion for the
removal of a judge on the grounds of misbehaviour or incapacity signed by
least 100 MPs in the Lok Sabha, or by 50 MPs in the Rajya Sabha, it shall
be referred to the NJC for investigation. The motion for removal shall be
kept pending until the NJC submits its report.
Investigation and Inquiry : The NJC may constitute an investigative
committee comprising one or more of its members to conduct a preliminary
investigation to determine if there are sufficient grounds to frame charges.
During the preliminary investigation or inquiry, the NJC may recommend the
stoppage of judicial work to the judge concerned, including already assigned
work. Information or documentation about the case shall not be revealed
except on the direction of the NJC. The NJC may, at the request of the
complainant, keep his identity confidential and accord other protection. If the
NJC proposes to conduct an inquiry after a preliminary investigation, or in
the case of a reference from Parliament, the NJC shall frame definite charges

against the judge and communicate these to him. The concerned judge shall
be given reasonable opportunity to present a written statement of defence.
An inquiry shall be conducted by the NJC in camera. It shall be completed
within six months, which could be extended by a further six months for
reasons recorded in writing by the NJC. If requested by the NJC, the central
government may appoint an advocate to conduct the case against the judge.
If all or any of the charges are proved during the course of the NJC’s inquiry,
but the NJC believes they do not merit removal of the judge, it may impose
minor measures. Minor measures are defined as meaning the following: (i)
issuing advisories, (ii) issuing warnings, (iii) withdrawal of judicial work for
a limited time including cases already assigned, (iv) request to the judge to
voluntarily retire, and (v) public or private censure or admonition.
If the NJC is satisfied that the charges against a judge have been proved,
and he should be removed, the NJC shall advice the President accordingly.
The President shall cause the findings to be laid before both Houses of
Parliament, and a motion shall be taken up in one of the Houses to impeach
the judge.
Key Issues and Analysis

There are a number of conceptual issues in the Bill that need to be addressed.
These are: (i) who should be judging the misbehaviour or incapacity of
judges; (ii) whether an impeachment by Parliament of a judge should be
open to appeal; (iii) what should be the procedure of making complaints
against judges; and (iv) the constitutional validity of the Bill. These four,
as well other issues, are discussed below.
Judging the judges

The Supreme Court has, in several decisions, analysed issues relating to
appointment and oversight of judges solely by the judiciary. The 67th
Constitutional (Amendment) Bill, 1990 proposed the creation a National
Judicial Commission composed of serving judges headed by the CJI for
judicial appointments. The Bill was not passed but the Supreme Court
mandated the creation of such a commission in a 1993 decision which stated
that the President had to consult the serving judiciary alone in appointing
judges. In the Ramaswami case, the Supreme Court held that any body
investigating the judicial conduct should be predominantly composed of the
judiciary. In 1997, the Supreme Court passed two resolutions establishing
in-house procedures for examining any complaints against a judge, and
adopting “The Restatement of Values of Judicial Life” against which judicial
conduct would be measured. The decision that only judges would oversee
judicial appointments was upheld in another Supreme Court decision in
1998.
The Law Commission, chaired by Justice M. Jagannadha Rao, submitted
its 195th report on an earlier draft of the Judges (Inquiry) Bill in 2006. It
stated that the judiciary must be held accountable, but that the oversight
should be with a committee consisting solely of the serving judiciary. It
argued that this is the norm on the independence of the judiciary, and gave
the examples of the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany and
Australia, in which judicial oversight is exclusively within the control of the
judiciary.
An expert paper was written for the NAC on a proposed National
Judicial Commission to oversee both the appointment and oversight of
judges. It stated that the Commission proposed by the 67th Amendment was
“dominated by the judiciary whereas most functioning commissions in other
parts of the world are dominated by members of appointees of the legislative
and executive branches”. It suggested a National Judicial Commission
composed of the members from the legislature, the judiciary and the executive
whose decisions would be binding on the President (this would require
amendments to the Constitution).
The Standing Committee, while deliberating on this Bill, stated that
there was a “general consensus among the Committee Members that the
proposed judicially exclusive composition of the National Judicial Council
is not in consonance with the principle of accountability.” It stated that
either the NJC should be expanded to include non-judicial members
representing the legislature and the executive, or, alternatively, an Empowered
Committee, with members from the judiciary, executive, legislature and the
Bar, should be set up to screen complaints before they were investigated by
the NJC.
Appeal to the Supreme Court after Impeachment

In a 1992 ruling, the Supreme Court had held that the Inquiry Committee
under the Judges Inquiry Act, 1968 was only an investigative body, and that
the question for judicial review would arise only after an impeachment
motion was passed by the Parliament. The Law Commission quoted this
judgment and determined that the remedy of judicial review cannot be
ousted because it is part of the “basic structure of the Constitution and
cannot be removed even by constitutional amendment”. The Law Commission
recommended an appeal process, whereby a Judge would have the right to
appeal to the Supreme Court against both minor measures imposed by the
NJC, or an order for his removal from the President pursuant to an
impeachment motion in the Parliament.
The Standing Committee has recommended against including any
provision for appeal after a removal order has been passed by the President
following an impeachment motion in the Parliament. The Committee said
that constitutionally mandated due process is inherent in the process for
removal, and any appeal would amount to an action against the constitutional
authority of the President and was unwarranted. With regard to appeals
against minor measures, the Standing Committee stated that the judiciary
has the inherent power to review in cases of apparent injustice, and that a
specific appeal process was not necessary in the Bill.
Complaints Procedure
In the Ramaswami case, the Supreme Court had cited that the provision of
proving the misbehaviour or incapacity of a judge was separate from that
of his impeachment, and thus Article 124(4) of the Constitution was a
judicious mix of both legislative and judicial functions. The Law Commission
cited this to clarify that complaints could come from outside of the Parliament
because that was part of the judicial function, which was informational. It
cited similar cases that had been decided in the US and Canada, in which
it was ruled that the legislature could delegate such functions to a judicial
council.
In respect of the Bill providing for complaints from “any person”, the
Standing Committee cautioned against an “open system of complaints by
any person” subjecting judges to both genuine and frivolous complaints.
The Committee contrasted this with the Parliamentary reference procedure
in the Bill where a stipulated number of MPs is required to support a
motion for a judge’s removal before it was referred to the NJC, and
observed that “an individual is being equated with 100 MPs of Lok Sabha
and 50 MPs of Rajya Sabha for making a complaint against a judge.”
Disclosure of assets
The Bill does not specify whether the details of assets disclosed annually by
judges to the respective Chief Justice shall be made public. Pursuant to a
Supreme Court judgement, all candidates for elections to Parliament or state
legislatures have to declare their assets, and their disclosures are made
public. In the US, all judicial officers are required to disclose their assets
and income.
NOTA : STARTING POINT FOR A
CLEAN-UP
W ith a view to bringing about purity in elections, the Supreme Court

on September 27, 2013 held that a voter could exercise the option
of negative voting and reject all candidates as unworthy of being elected.
The voter could press the ‘None of the Above’ (NOTA) button in the
electronic voting machine. The court directed the Election Commission to
provide the NOTA button in the EVM.
Giving right to a voter not to vote for any candidate while protecting
his right of secrecy is extremely important in a democracy. Such an option
gives the voter the right to express his disapproval of the kind of candidates
being put up by the parties. Gradually, there will be a systemic change and
the parties will be forced to accept the will of the people and field candidates
who are known for their integrity.
The NOTA option will accelerate effective political participation in the
present state of the democratic system and the voters will in fact be empowered.
Not allowing a person to cast a negative vote would defeat the very
freedom of expression and the right to liberty. Election Conduct Rules
41(2) and (3) and 49-0 of the Rules were ultra vires Section 128 of the
Representation of the People Act and Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution
to the extent they violate secrecy of voting.
Civil liberties activists in India have had to fight long for, first, the right
to cast a negative vote, and next, to protect the secrecy of this negative
ballot. In the age of the Electronic Voting Machine (EVM), once the
invalid vote ceased to exist, voters had only one option to show their
dissatisfaction with the candidates seeking to represent them, and with the
whole political system: staying away from the polling booth. The problem,
of course, was that the activist-protesters got clubbed with those too lazy
to stand in a queue and vote. Then came the recourse to 49-0, a rule in the
Conduct of Election Rules, which allowed voters to not cast their vote after
entering the polling booth and registering their electoral roll number in the
register of electors in Form 17A. Under this rule, the voters had to record
their decision to not vote in the remarks section of the form available with
the presiding officer. This record of non-voting was necessary to ensure that
the presiding officer was able to tally, after the voting came to an end, the
total votes polled with the number of voters who had signed against their
roll number in the register. But this effectively compromised the secrecy of

the so-called negative vote. After a long legal battle, the Supreme Court on
September 27, 2013 ordered the provision of a “None of the Above”
(NOTA) option in EVMs and ballot papers at the end of the list of the
contesting candidates.
Hard-won it might be, but NOTA can at best nudge the electoral system
towards incremental changes. While delivering the judgement on this issue,
the Supreme Court expressed hope that this would accelerate effective
political participation of the people in the democratic system and empower
the voters. In its immediate effect, however, a NOTA vote is not much
more than an “invalid” vote on a ballot paper. The NOTA option cannot
result in the rejection of the entire list of contestants, and even if a majority
of the people press the NOTA panel on the EVM, the contestant with the
largest number of votes would still win under the first-past-the-post system.
If the NOTA option holds not just some symbolic value, and is not a
mere outlet for moral outrage, it is because of what is could do rather than
because of what it is. Former Chief Election Commissioner N. Gopalaswami
says, “a time will come with demands for fresh election with a fresh set of
candidates if, in the first election, NOTA scores the highest votes.” NOTA
will gain political legitimacy when it outscores the contestants. Then, it is
hoped, the option would not be allowed to remain impotent, and there will
be a popular demand for the cancellation of the election.
But if the realisation of NOTA’s potential is a desired goal, then the
time to invest NOTA with more purpose is now and not later after an
election in which NOTA outscores the winner. Indeed, if a NOTA vote that
can reject all contestants is in place, political parties might pay more attention
to who they are nominating as candidates.
In the NOTA judgement, the Supreme Court voiced this expectation
of political parties: “When the political parties will realise that a large
number of people are expressing their disapproval with the candidates being
put up by them, gradually there will be a systemic change and the political
parties will be forced to accept the will of the people and field candidates
who are known for their integrity.” But electoral reform in India has been
slow, and often at the initiative of the judiciary. The NOTA plan has been
lying with the centre for the 14 years. The Law Commission of India
on May 29, 1999, had favoured NOTA in its 170 report to then law
minister Ram Jethmalani. The Centre had sought the commission’s view on
the issue on November 2, 1995. No doubt, NOTA would encourage voters,
who shy away from voting process given the credentials of candidates, to
cast their vote which would deter unscrupulous elements from casting vote
on their behalf.
vvvv
IV
ESSAYS ON
ECONOMIC ISSUES
Essays on Economic Issues F 167

CENSUS-2011
T he provisional data of the Census 2011 was made public on March 31,
2011. It stated that India’s population has touched a new figure 1.21
billion with a rise of over 181 million from the last decade (1991-2001).
Now, India’s population has touched the combined population of the well-
known countries like the United States, Indonesia, Brazil, Pakistan, Bangladesh
and Japan that is 1,214.3 million. It is the 15th Census of India since 1872
and has presented many significant facts some of which are encouraging,
while some discouraging as well. The most significant encouraging trend
that it has shown is, however, that after a lapse of 9 decades, the past decade
(2001-2011) witnessed the addition of smaller population than the decade that
had just preceded, i.e., 1991-2001. The significant fact that has come to light
is within the last 6 years, 5 States—Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra and Rajasthan—have added considerably to the population growth
as half of the kids in these States belong to the age group of 1 to 6. But the
silver lining is that two of the most populous States—Uttar Pradesh and
Bihar—have shown a decline in the decadal growth. During the past decade
(1991-2001), these two States had shown the growth of 25.9 percent and 28.9
per cent, respectively, whereas during the present decade (2001-2011) the
growth has come down to 20.2 per cent and 25.4 per cent, respectively.
Kerala has also shown a declining trend in the population growth by 4.9
per cent, that is very encouraging. One point is a must-remember that Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar taken together alone account for the 25 per cent of
India’s overall population of 121 crore and any trend that pinpoints the
decline in population growth is very heartening.
The Census figures indicate an increase in sex ratio in 29 States and
Union Territories, with women outnumbering in Kerala. There were 1,084
women against 1,000 men in Kerala, followed by Puducherry where the
figure was 1037. Daman and Diu has a sex ratio of 618, next only to Dadra
and Nagar Haveli at 774. Among the districts, Mahe (Puducherry) has the
highest sex ratio of 1,176, followed by Almora in Uttarakhand, where it is
1,142. In Daman, it is the lowest at 533, and in Leh of Ladakh, it is 583.
The three major States of Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar and Gujarat have
shown a decline in the sex ratio compared with the figures of Census 2001,
while 29 States and Union Territories have shown an increase.
It is not without significance that for the first time since Independence,
India added fewer people to its population in the decade just ended than in
the previous one. While decadal population growth rates have consistently
been declining since the 1960s, the absolute addition in each decade was
always higher than in the previous decade. That has now changed.
One very encouraging fact that the Census 2011 has presented is, however,
this that India’s literacy rate has touched 73%, according to the final results
of the 2011 Census, up from 65% in 2001 and just 52% in 1991. But this
is well short of the target set by the Planning Commission to achieve a
literacy rate of over 85% by 2011-12. Only 10 States and Union Territories
mostly with very small populations, barring Kerala with a population of 33
million and Delhi with 16 million, are over the 85% target. Four high
population States accounting for about 44% of the country’s population—UP,
Bihar, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh—have not even managed 70% literacy
and Madhya Pradesh just about touched 69.3%. Bihar and Rajasthan have the
lowest literacy rates among major States in the country, 61.8% and 66.1%,
respectively and they also have the lowest female literacy rate of about 57%.
The huge disparity in improvement of literacy can be gauged from the fact
that there are still districts like Alirajpur in Madhya Pradesh and Bijapur in
Chhattisgarh where the literacy rate is as low as 37% and 42%, respectively.
The Census definition of literacy is the ability to both read and write in any
language. The population below six years is not counted as they are considered
illiterate, irrespective of their ability to read or write. Not only is India’
literacy rate inching upward, what is even more heartening is that the male-
female literacy gap has been significantly reduced in the last one decade.
While the percentage growth in overall literacy during this period is 39%, for
men it was 32% and for women it was a very high 49%.
REFORMS PERSPECTIVE AND

SECOND GENERATION REFORMS
T he essence of economic reforms is the dismantling of controls over the

economy with the state yielding to market forces. It was in 1991 that
a comprehensive economic reforms package was drawn up and attempted to
be implemented in India.
The problems of the economy which assumed alarming proportions in
1991. The Gulf War in 1990 sharply accentuated the problems. The economy
was already fragile for three reasons: (i) fiscal crisis, (ii) unmanageable
BoP, and (iii) high rate of inflation.
The fiscal situation had deteriorated throughout the 1980s due to the
growing burden of non-development expenditure. The gross fiscal deficit of
the Central government was 8.2 per cent of GDP during the late 1980s as
compared to 6.3 per cent during the early 1980s. To fill the gap successive
governments indulged in excessive borrowing from internal and external
sources leading to mounting internal debt from 35 per cent of GDP in
1980-81 to 53 per cent in 1990-91. This made the burden of servicing the
debt onerous. Interest payments which increased from 2 per cent of GDP
and 10 per cent of the Centre’s expenditure in 1980-81 to 4 per cent and
19 per cent in 1990-91 respectively had eaten up 37 per cent of total
revenue collections of the Centre.
The BoP crisis too was neither sudden nor unexpected. The vulnerability
of the BoP was accentuated by two other factors: (i) difficulty in rolling
over existing short-term debt in the range of $6 billion, and (ii) massive net
outflow of $1.3 billion of non-resident Indian deposits in 1991. The last
resort resources of using stocks of gold to obtain forex, borrowing from
multilateral financial institutions and emergency bilateral assistance from
donor countries rescued the country from possible default situation. Instead
of taking corrective measures to manage BoP, short-term debt was incurred
to finance imports of petroleum and fertilisers while borrowings from
international market were used to sustain imports and defence purchases.
The rapid pile up of external debts and increased burden of debt servicing
eroded international confidence in India’s capacity for repayment.
The price situation too came under severe pressure. The rate of inflation
in terms of wholesale price index (WPI) climbed from 4.5 per cent in 1985-
86 to more than 10 per cent in 1990-91. The consumer price index (CPI)
rose by 11.2 per cent per annum during this period. This was attributable
to the large deficits which were inevitably associated with a monetisation
of budget deficits and an excessive growth of money supply.
RESPONSE TO THE CRISIS
Now, the government had two major goals: (a) restoration of stability in the
economy by cutting down the fiscal deficits and bringing stability in the
BoP; and (b) to make structural changes or adjustments in the economy; a
process of reform which had been going on for the last decade but at an

insignificant pace, but now to be taken up on a wider scale and at a pace
whose impact would be direct and seen in the long term.
The objectives of the structural reforms were to shift resources from (a)
the non-traded goods sector to the traded goods sectors (and within the
traded goods sector, from import to export activities); and (b) from the
government sector to private sectors. It also sought to improve resource
utilisation by (a) increasing the degree of openness of the economy, and (b)
changing the structure of incentives intervention to rely more on the market
place, dismantle controls to rely more on prices and wind down the public
sector. To achieve these ends, (a) trade and foreign investment policies, (b)
industrial deregulation and public sector reforms, and (c) financial reforms
were enunciated. The main endeavour was to raise the rate of growth of
output in the medium term.
GLOBAL REFORM IMPACT
Over the year, since the World Bank and IMF began to get actively involved
in development assistance and BoP support, the two institutions have evolved
some key programmes under the name of structural adjustments in respect
of the World Bank and conditionalities in respect of the IMF.
While IMF’s conditionalities impel the countries, which borrow to meet
BoP crisis, to manage effective demand better, contain deficits and regulate
their economies with market-oriented instruments like tariffs, the World
Bank, on its part, has evolved a structural programme to reduce governmental
intervention and bring about an atmosphere of competitiveness through the
entry of the private sector. Elimination of hugh budget deficits, cutting
down subsidies and abolition of price controls and elimination of regulatory
and licensing systems are some other reforms advocated by the World Bank.
The policies of the World Bank and IMF, largely shaped by the western
perception of market economy (further endorsed by the collapse of the
communist regimes and their economic systems), were forced upon the
Latin American and African countries to achieve the ends of globalisation
of economy. The end result was disastrous for many of these countries.
It were not just the IMF’s conditionalities for imparting assistance that
led to the government going in for structural reform in 1991, but the
realisation the planning and the controlled approach to India’s economic
development had failed, and as a consequence of not modifying obsolete
features, economic growth was severely distorted and stunted. The reform
programme aimed to improving efficienty in resource use and resource
allocation, and at creating a macroeconomic environment which facilitates
and is conducive to rapid growth.

The key areas of policy reform were
1. deregulation and reliance on market forces in the economy;
2. privatisation/commercialisation of public sector enterprises;
3. measures to stimulate domestic production and broaden the supply
base of the economy;
4. adoption of realistic exchange rate policy;
5. trade and payment liberalisation;
6. promotion of industrial diversification;
7. boosting exports and imports; and
8. reform of the banking and finance sector.
SECOND GENERATION REFORMS
The concept of second generation reform was evolved by the IMF to
insulate developing countries from marginalisation in the wake of
globalisation. The first generation reform is not, by itself, enough either to
accelerate social progress sufficiently or to allow countries to complete
more successfully in global markets.
The need to eliminate distortions and inefficiency in markets provided
the motivation for a first generation of reforms intended to make markets
work more efficiently—pricing, exchange rate and interest rate reforms, tax
and expenditure reforms and establishment of rudimentary market institutions.
It needs to be reiterated that the two generations exist together, and not
one after the other.
l.Extending Reforms to the States: The reforms in the Central
government need to be extended to the state government level. This
is because states are responsible for health, education, agricultural extension
and agriculture-related services, irrigation, power distribution, rural, state
and district roads, municipal services in urban areas which directly affect
the life of the people. The efficiency levels in government system have
deteriorated in many states. Administrative reforms designed to improve
performance and increase accountability are essential if resources are to be
translated into effective development work.
A serious effort should be made by the states to create an investor-
friendly environment and reduce the rigours of the “inspection raj”.
2. Labour Legislation : An area that has not been touched by reforms
so far relates to the reforms in the labour market. India’s labour laws deny
firms the flexibility needed to operate successfully in the highly competitive
markets.

Labour laws should be amended to bring them in line with the practices
in other countries. The existing laws only apply to the organised sector
which constitutes only 8 per cent of the labour force. Ninety-two per cent
of the labour population derives no benefit from these laws. Simultaneously,
the laws also need to be amended to ensure a particular level of labour
protection and welfare measures the effectiveness of measures relating to
social security, occupational health and safety, minimum wages and linkage
of wages with productivity and the safeguards and facilities required for
women and handicapped persons in employment.
3. Legal System: The legal procedures in India are enormously time-
consuming. There is a need for reforms at two levels: administrative problems
of how courts work and redrafting of fossilised legislations. Reform of our
legal system is vital for economic progress as well as social justice.
4. IPR Regime: India needs to establish a good intellectual property
rights (IPR) regime to open up possibilities of huge rewards for innovation.
We also need to create a database of our traditional wealth of knowledge
to safeguard it from being pirated by other countries.
5. Education: The country needs to expand both the quantity and
quality of educational services in the country. This requires not only universal
and compulsory primary education as a first step but also empowerment of
parents and local governments such as panchayats for effective results.
6. Social Security Nets: India needs to consolidate various anti-poverty
measures into a coherent targeted safety net for the poor. There is also the
challenge of fulfiling social obligations towards the huge middle class which
has been hit hard with inflation and mass unemployment among the educated.
The increase in life expectancy, the breakdown of the joint family
system and the desire for modern medical care have created several problems
for the aged. We need to set up a system for old age income security. To
meet all these obligations, the government should withdraw from most areas
of commercial activity and restrict itself to overall governance and social
responsibilities.
7. Environment Sustainability: Economic growth along with
environmental degradation does not increase social welfare. We need to
institute effective policies to preserve and regenerate environmental resources.
A combination of economic incentives, liability laws and an awareness
campaign can help clean up air and water.

14TH FINANCE COMMISSION
(2015-2020)
A rticle 280 of the Constitution of India requires the constitution of a

Finance Commission every five years, or earlier. For the period 1st
April, 2015 to 31st March, 2020 the 14th Finance Commission (FFC) was
constituted by the orders of President on 2nd January, 2013 and submitted
its report on 15-12-2014. The FFC was constituted under the chairmanship
of Dr. Y.V. Reddy, former Governor of RBI. Ms. Sushma Nath, Dr. M.
Govinda Rao, Dr. Sudipto Mundle and Prof. Abhijit Sen (Past time) were
the other members of the commission.
The Finance Commission was required to recommend the distribution of
the net proceeds of taxes of the Union between the Union and the States
(commonly referred to as vertical devolution); and the allocation between
the States of the respective shares of such proceeds (commonly known as
horizontal devolution).
With regard to vertical distribution, FFC has recommended that the
States’ share in the net proceeds of the Union tax revenues be 42%. The
recommendation of tax devolution at 42% is a huge jump from the 32%
recommended by the 13th Finance Commission. As compared to the total
devolutions in 2014-15 the total devolution of the States in 2015-16 will
increase by over 45%.
FFC has taken the view that tax devolution should be primary route of
transfer of resources to States. It may be noted that in reckoning the
requirements of the States, the FFC has ignored the Plan and Non-Plan
distinction; it sees the enhanced devolution of the divisible pool of taxes as
a “compositional shift in transfers from grants to tax devolution”.
Keeping in mind the spirit of cooperative federalism that has underpinned
the creation of National Institution for Transforming India (NITI), the
Government has accepted the recommendation of the FFC to keep the
States’ share of Union Tax proceeds (net) at 42%.
In recommending horizontal distribution, the FFC has used broad
parameters of population (1971) and changes of population since, income
distance, forest cover and area. Where:
l Population is the population of the State as per the 1971 census.
l Demographic change are changes in population since 1971.

l Income Distance is computed by calculating the difference between
3 years average (2010-11 to 2012-13) GSDP for each State with
respect to the State with highest per capita GSDP.
l Forest Cover has been used as there is an opportunity cost in terms
of area not available for other economic activities.
l Area has a floor limit at 2% for smaller States in deciding the
horizontal devolution.
Highlights of the 14th Finance Commission’s recommendations
l Devolution to states: States’ share in net proceeds from tax collections
be 42%—a huge jump from 32% recommend by the 13th Finance

Commission, and the largest change even in the percentage of
devolution.
l Big jump in tax share: Compared with 2014-15, the total devolution
to states in 2015-16 will increase by over 45%.

l Resource transfer: Tax devolution be the primary route resource
transfer to states.
l NITI connect: The govt has accepted the recommendations in view
of the spirit of the National Institution for Transforming India (NITI).

l Grants: Should be distributed to states for local bodies on the basis
of the 2011 population data; the grants be divided into two broad
categories on the basis of rural and urban population—constituting
gram panchayats, and constituting municipal bodies.
l Types of grants: A basic grant and a performance grant—the ratio
of basic to performance grant be 90:10, with respect to panchayats;

and 80:20 in the case of municipalities.
l Total grants: Rs. 2,87,436 crore for a five-year period from April
1, 2015, to March 31, 2020; of this, Rs. 2,00,292.20 crore to be

given to panchayats and Rs. 87,143.80 crore to municipalities.
l Grant transfers: For 2015-16, transfers will be to the tune of Rs.
29,988 crore.
l Disaster relief: The percentage share of states to continue as before
and follow the current mechanism—to the tune of Rs. 55,097 crore.
After implementation of GST, disaster relief will be given according
to the recommendations of the Finance Commission.
l Post-devolution revenue deficit grants: A total of Rs. 1,94,821 crore on
account of expenditure requirements of states, tax devolution and revenue

mobilisation capacity of the states. These will be given to 11 states.

ENERGY CRISIS IN INDIA
E nergy crisis and finding a viable solution for it constitutes an important

contemporary debate in India today. Energy crisis has a great bearing
on all socio-economic development of a country and over sorverighty.
Indo-US nuclear deal, trans-country pipelines and aggressive policy of
securing petroleum fields in different parts of the world can be seen in light
of the energy crisis.
India is not the stand alone case facing energy crisis. The world on the
whole is facing energy crisis. Energy-intense economies of the developed
world coupled with increasing demand from rapidly developing countries
such as India, China, Brazil is responsible for huge increase in demand.
Plateauing of petroleum productions in traditional oil producing countries
such as Saudi Arabia along with political instabilities in countries like Iraq,
Iran and Nigeria has led to scenario where demand outstrips the supply.
In India, there are a number of factors which led to the situation of
energy crisis. There has been sharp rise in the consumption of energy in
India since the last decade of 20th century. The year 1991unleashed the
forces of liberalization, privatization, and the globalization in Indian economy.
The resultant growth of manufacturing sector and accompanying rise in
energy-intensive consumption patterns and lifestyles has been a major reason
for increase in energy demand. The co-relation of energy and economy is
well-known and the fact a country needs to be energy secured to sustain
high growth rates of economy is well-established fact.
Wide range of energy resources are being harnessed by India. These
include renewable, non-renewable, traditional and nuclear resources.
Renewable resources include hydroelectricity, solar energy, geothermal
energy, tidal energy, etc. These resources have failed to fill the gap of
demand and supply of energy due to variety of reasons. Hydroelectricity is
a cheap source of energy but is inflexible in terms of location. There are
many social and environmental concerns such as displacement of tribals,
submergence of forests are associated with hydroelectricity. Other renewable
energy resources such as solar power, geo-thermal, tidal power are in
nascent stage of development and are commercially unviable.
Non-renewable energy forms a major chunk of total energy resources of
the country. Coal, oil or gas fired power stations produce electricity.
Petroleum derivatives are used in transportation sector. Problem with non-
renewable energy is that India has to import a major portion of petroleum
products as it is not naturally endowed with them in sufficient quantum.
Soaring international prices of crude oil entails heavy outflow of foreign
exchange and there is omnipresence of energy insecurity in the event of
disruption in supply.
Traditional energy resources like firewood, dried cow dung cake, and
charcoal are being used in rural India. Such usage of traditional energy
resources is inefficient and can make life miserable for men. To achieve
cent per cent rural electrification as envisged by National Programme for
Rural Electrification, availability of ample energy is a must.
Nuclear energy is being offered as a panacea for energy crisis being
faced by India. Nuclear energy is location independent source of energy i.e.
a nuclear reactor can be set in any locality to supply electricity. Further
nuclear fuel is cheaper than the petroleum. India has gained a considerable
expertise in the development and harnessing of nuclear energy. India’s
nuclear programme is three-stage programme which encompasses the use of
vast thorium reserves in the country. Nuclear energy is seen to be capable
of bridging the gap between the demand and supply of energy in India.
Of late, the nuclear energy programme faced problem of non availability
of natural Uranium for rapid expansion of nuclear energy in country.
Natural Uranium occur in small quantities in India and India cannot import
Natural Uranium from outside as it is not a signatory to NPT and as a
consequence NSG refused to export any nuclear energy related material and
technologies to India.
Indo-US nuclear deal should be seen in the light of the projected benefits
of nuclear energy. July 18, 2005 deal envisaged that US will co-operate
with India for the development of civilian nuclear technology and use its
good offices to ensure NSG rules are modified in a way so that India would
be able to receive natural uranium as well as advanced nuclear technologies
for civilian use. The deal in turn obliges India to demarcate its civilian as
well as military establishment under IAEA regime.
There are many strategic and defensive aspect undercurrents of the
nuclear deal. Questions have been raised in parliament regarding India
compromising its sovereignty, independent foreign policy and about the
reliability of USA as a long term strategic partner. Scientists have alleged
that US has shifted the goal posts and is demanding more obligations from
India than that were required by July 18 deal.
Former honourable President Kalam has released a road map for achieving
the energy security for the nation. He visualizes important contribution by
hydroelectric power and nuclear power for the attainment of energy security.
He also placed emphasis on conventional source as well as renewable
sources of energy such as wind power for energy security of the country.
Government of India has been pursuing other avenues also in order to
achieve energy security. Government has entered into the agreements with
countries like Qatar for the purpose of import, storage and then marketing
of LNG in India. Government is also actually looking into the feasibility
of transnational gas pipelines such pipelines being proposed Iran-Pakistan-
Indian pipelines and Myanmar- Bangladesh-India Pipeline. It proposes to
form a grid of pipelines and also to rope in China so as to make such
venture more secure and financially viable.
ONGC videsh limited (OVL) is actively investing in overseas petroleum
fields by acquiring stakes, farming partnerships with different multinational
consortiums to secure hydrocarbons for the country.
India has been given a membership to group of countries involved in
research in International Thermonuclear Experimental reactor (ITER). This
research is aimed at finding means to harness thermo-nuclear energy for
peaceful purposes i.e. for the production of electricity. ITER is projected
as means that can provide unlimited energy using the principle of nuclear
fusion.
Whole India is actively trying to achieve energy security at various
international levels. It is imperative that already energy infrastructure should
be upgraded and made efficient. National grid system should be able to
provide electricity generated out of hydel potential in Himalayas to plains
of India. And wind-powered electricity from coastal areas to interiors. In
other words, country should be capable of transporting energy from energy
access regions to energy deficit regions of the country.
There should be greater emphasis on renewable sources of energy.
Government should provide funds for research and development of
commercially viable methods of harnessing renewable sources of energy.
India being a tropical country offers a great potential of solar energy, and
tidal energy. Government should subsidise solar equipments as it had done
for solar cooker.
Decentralized HEPs and wind power are the commercially viable resources
of renewable energy in India today. Small hydroelectric power project built
to satisfy the energy needs of surrounding villages offers a solution for the
electrification of rural areas in mountainous regions. Wind power is already
a major source of energy. States of Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Gujarat
have taken lead in this sector. Government should encourage this private
sector initiative by providing the required infrastructure at war footing. So
that estimate potential can be harnessed. Private sector participation should
be encouraged. National policy on electricity now provides that private
units can have their own captive power plants and can even sell the surplus
electricity to interested buyers. Government needs to provide tax incentives
such as rebate in various taxes in order to achieve active private sector
participation in energy generation.
Ethanol and Biodiesel are the latest buzzwords in debates on energy
crisis in India. Ethanol is produced from sugarcane and is mixed with
petrol. Countries such as Brazil and USA are already using Ethanol on large
scale. Uses of Ethanol in large scale will invariably boost sugarcane farming
in country.
Biodiesel is obtained by processing oil obstained from various plant
seeds. Northern Railways is conducting experiment of running locomotive
on Biodies. Even if small percentage of Ethanol and Biodiesel is blended,
immense savings on import bill can be effected.
Energy crisis in India can be tackled by the effective involvement of
civil society. In India, civil society is inactive in the field of energy
conservation unlike the Western countries. Energy conservation is the key
issue Govt. and civil society can lead the front by educating masses about
the need to conserve energy. Energy conserved is energy earned.
RESERVATION IN THE PRIVATE

SECTOR—A RATIONAL AND
RITUALISTIC PLACEBO
E conomic policy-making based on castes has become a necessity in

India. It arises from the failure of the so-called modern governance
since Independence. Modern governance based on authentic engagement
should have engendered a modern nation wherein caste is not a facilitator
of economic advancement.

Authentic governance would have engendered a nation wherein caste is
not a barrier to economic advancement. But sociologists, development
economists and political leaders have evaluated caste as a probable ally of
the privileged and as a definite burden of the economic underclass. The
presence of a very large economic underclass is a threat to rapid economic
development, hopes and aspirations, and social harmony in India.
Furthermore, an economic underclass of such magnitude is peculiar to
India. It is very young. India’s demography is distinctly different from that
of, say, China. Comparisons with China become inevitable, even if boring,
in these circumstances.
First, the ratio of the employed to those that are dependent on the
employed is about 50 per cent more in China than in India. Why? Fewer
people are employed or self-employed in India; for every employed or self-
employed person, more are dependent in India than in China. The dependents
in India have impaired access, if at all, to education, health care and any
form of social security. The Central and State Governments in India are too
poor and helpless to offer any hope or help to the dependents.
Second, the young constitute a very large part of the dependent class.
More than 50 per cent of India’s population is aged below 25. Their literacy
level is just over 73 per cent. More than 65 per cent of the young are
‘stuck’ in the villages.
The Central and State Governments in India are preoccupied high-wage
islands that are too saturated to offer any gainful employment to the young.
They have little reason to appreciate how they have stymied the hopes of
the young. The young are impressionable. Despair and despondency come
as easily to them as hope and optimism. If the young can be nurtured on
honest hope, they will make a positive impact on the course of social and
economic development. The key to stoking hope and optimism lies in
opening up as many employment opportunities to them as possible. If their
hopes are sustained, they will reinforce India’s considerable depth in world-
class human resources.
It makes no difference if we make an honest beginning with a placebo.
Reservation in the private sector could stoke hope and optimism. At its
worst, it will be a placebo. A placebo is a medication that is made of an
inert substance. Placebos are prescribed to provide mental relief. They are
most useful in the treatment of economic disorders and ironies.

Many Ironies
Castes originated many millennia ago and were aimed at accomplishing
economic objectives. They evolved from authoritarian engagement within
society, and as a response to the fulfilment of individual and collective
economic needs. What is peculiar is that the practice of castes in modern
times is not based on any “written constitution”, police, laws, courts, and
rewards and penalties.
Castes propagate themselves. They have been accepted, enforced and
practised through a ritualistic system of engagement. As a result, castes
require passive compliance. There is no compulsion for anyone to cling on
to any one caste. There are no penalties for crossing over to another caste.
Quite clearly, regardless of the burdens and the handicaps that it imposes,
the caste system works on voluntary compliance. Nevertheless, so many
millions willingly work with the burdensome economic handicaps.
The ritualistic practice of caste is unrelated to the value chains pertinent
to modern economic activity. Castes serve no definitive economic purpose
in an era of silicon chips, artificial intelligence, robots, unmanned
spaceships and aeroplanes, stem-cell research, pasteurised milk and
employee-owned companies. Nevertheless, the government is involved
in a struggle with caste-driven poverty. It is perhaps losing too.
The irony is that it has access to a range of legitimate powers. But it
has been unable to use these powers to use government and public
institutions to root out caste-driven poverty.
That it now seeks to reserve jobs in the private sector says much about
government’s limitations and about the authentic engagement that India’s
private sector can provide. The private sector could surely regard this as an
acknowledgement of its remarkable capability to cope with complexity
without losing effectiveness and integrity.
One Organic Analogy

Energy from organic fuels is released when they combine with oxygen
extracted from air. Hydrocarbons locked in organic fuels burn methodically
to combine with oxygen. The combustion produces enormous energy; it is
characterised by method and science.

Fuels need a ‘spark’ that sets fire to them. Without the spark, the
combination of fuel and air will merely be cosmetic and physical. To be
sure, the mixture will be inert and useless. The spark makes the vital
difference. Hydrocarbons then combine with exact amounts of oxygen drawn
from the air. Every unit of combustible hydrocarbon requires an exact
amount of oxygen. If there is too much oxygen, the oxygen is wasted. If
there is too little oxygen, the hydrocarbon is wasted. The organic fuel rots.
Starved of Oxygen
Government is the principal economic facilitator of every country. It is the
oxygen. Households and businesses are the organic fuels. Good policies are the
sparks. When households and businesses receive the right amount of oxygen
and sparks, they produce dazzling results. Economic output surges. When the
supply of oxygen is cut, the economy sags. Households and businesses rot.
Towards growing the aggregate economy, India needs a massive supply
of oxygen from the government sector but cannot ‘afford’ it because of the
high modal income ratio of 5.08. India’s economy is emaciated because it
pays a lot more to its government sector than it receives.
India also needs a massive expansion of public infrastructure aimed at
growing the aggregate economy but cannot find internal surpluses of a large
magnitude. Why? A very large part of the private sector’s savings and taxes
is utilised towards paying the government sector’s present and past employees
and towards paying interest on borrowings. But the private sector cannot
grow without the wide range of relevant economic and social services from
the government sector. If the private sector could grow on its own, the
government sector would have become redundant among the market-economy
adherents, and at least in the US. It has not. Its continued relevance and
growth serve to remind us of the critical role played by the government
sector.
The Economic Rot

India needs a bigger government sector but cannot afford it. Oxygen from
government is very expensive. This explains the massive unemployment and
poverty; and why India’s per capita income in purchasing power terms is
among the lowest in the world. The rot is the result of India’s high modal
income ratio, the highest in the world.
India employs a very small part of its total workforce in its government
sector; which nominally provides a wide and extraordinary range of services,
but employs only about 10 per cent of the total workforce. France, if it
were as populous and ‘efficient’ as India, would employ at least 21.4 per
cent of its workforce in the government sector to provide the same range
of services. The US would employ at least 15.3 per cent of its workforce
to provide the same range of public services and defence. Therefore, from
the perspective of linear proportionality, India’s government sector is the
global paragon of efficiency. India accomplishes a whole lot with a very
small government sector in terms of headcount.
But there is a catch. India’s government sector extracts a whole lot as
salaries, perquisites and post-retirement payouts per employee. Employment
in the government sector is a privilege. It cannot be expanded because it is
very costly. Any increase in the headcount in the government sector could
lead to a reduction in the per capita emoluments of employees in the
government sector.
Gold for All?

This explains in part why many political parties have eagerly sought
‘reservation’ for the weaker classes in India’s private sector. If new job-
seekers were absorbed by the private sector, the affordability issue pertinent
to the government sector would be obviated.
At the same time, reservation in India’s private sector would stir
significant hope among the young in the economic underclass. They would
root for the rapid growth of the private sector and its stability.
They may begin to appreciate the real causes of poverty and may become
the new advocates for expanding the role of the private sector. They
may seek a better and larger supply of oxygen from government. Above all, they
would realize that breaking the shackles of caste is easier done than discussed.
Need for Affirmative Action not Reservation

The issue of equality is fundamentally political. Harold Laswell’s definition
of politics as “who gets what, when, and why” captures the core reality.
In regard to reservation of jobs in the private sector, the Common Minimum
Programme says: The UPA Government is very sensitive to the issue of
affirmative action, including reservations in the private sector. It will
immediately initiate a national dialogue with all political parties, industry
and other organisations to see how best the private sector can fulfil the
aspirations of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes youth.
Quota in Premier Institutions

The CMP has come fully alive, thanks to the pronouncements of the Human
Resource Development Minister and the Prime Minister respectively on
reservation, of seats, in the premier higher education institutions and jobs in
the private sector. Specifically, the Government would like to extend the 22.5
per cent quota in jobs for SC/ST candidates, hitherto limited to the public
sector, to the private sector, and wants the Indian Institutes of Technology,
the Indian Institutes of Management and all federally funded universities to
reserve 27 per cent of their seats for Other Backward Castes (OBC), over and
above the 22.5 per cent quota for SC/ST students.
Much heat has been generated by the proposal to reserve 49.5 per cent
of seats in ‘elite’ institutions of higher learning. Apart from the UPA
manifesto that has put it on the agenda in general terms, in December 2005,
Parliament approved the 104th Constitution Amendment Bill seeking
reservation for SC, ST and OBC candidates in non-minority unaided private
educational institutions.
Scope of Article 15 Enlarged

The Amendment enlarges the scope of Article 15 of the Constitution, which
provided reservation of seats to SC, ST, and OBC students in government-
aided educational institutions only. The Amendment would enable Parliament
as well as the State Legislature to make appropriate laws for this purpose.
Following the HRD Minister’s initiative, the Maharashtra Government
approved, in April, a draft ordinance aimed at 49.5 per cent reservation in
private professional institutions. Students across the country in private
institutions and some experts in IITs and IIMs are not especially enthused
by the new reservations policy.
The country has lived with the caste-based reservations for over five
decades. The primary focus of reservations has been on the SCs/STs, up
until a veteran politician brought the OBC issue to the fore. According to
the data from the 2011 Census, the Scheduled Caste population accounted
for 16.6 per cent of the total and the Scheduled Tribes 8.6 per cent. If the
SC/STs, forming a quarter of the billion-plus Indians, continue to be left
behind in terms of economic and social advancement, it is a disgrace for
all of us who have allowed it to happen. In 2001, that is, five decades after
the Constitution had come into force, the educational profiles of the SC and
ST populations and the rest of India are not fully compatible and comparable.
High Level of Illiteracy

It is a sad commentary that the country as a whole has a high level of
illiteracy, and SC/ST have even higher rates. Similarly, there is a tiny
percentage of population with technical degrees and diplomas, which should
be seen as a major problem in addition to the differences: 0.1 to 0.2 per
cent of the SC/ST population versus 0.6 per cent for the rest.
Fortunately, there are encouraging signs. Of the 353 million in the
5-19 age group, those attending school was 59 per cent for the total, 55 per
cent for SCs and 49 per cent for STs. The percentage attending school
while doing work (main or marginal) was 1.7 per cent, for all, 1.6 per cent
for SCs and 2.7 per cent for STs. The challenge is not limited to addressing
the differences, however sharp; it is to also address across the board and for
the whole country the problem of inadequate higher educational opportunities.
Expanding Higher Education

The Centre must come out with a comprehensive Higher Education Expansion
Plan (HEEP), with the caste-based reservations being one element. The
Plan should incorporate the sane advice of the President and increase places
all round, including, as suggested by the Planning Commission Deputy
Chairman, setting up some 15 more new IIT-like institutions. The HEEP
should also go into the mechanics of setting up and regulation of private
institutions, including private universities, so as to safeguard student interests
and not imposing such restrictions as would lead to corruption.
An important element of the HEEP should also be an irrevocable
commitment on the part of all political parties to end the use of caste in
public life by a certain date. Just as the reservation of seats in the Lok
Sabha is to end in January 2020, we should aim for all educational and job
quotas to cease by August 15, 2020. From then on, the caste of a person
should be his or her private concern only.
Upgradation of Govt Schools
It is also worth mentioning that a strong tree can never come up on weak
roots. Rural and urban government schools repel students and teachers alike,
instead of attracting them. Government primary and secondary schools need
upgradation (preferably on a standard architectural design) to such a level
that the best teachers would not hesitate switching from a posh private
school to a newly-built government school. A hike in government teacher
salaries too would help in attracting students and teachers.
As for private sector employment reservations for SC/ST, one should
not forget the main challenge the sector is to face. On January 22,
2005, the then Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, while delivering
the inaugural address at the summit on “Indian CEOs: Competencies
for Success,” warned Corporate India “against complacency and asked
industry leaders to emulate the Chinese economic model and promised
to remove all barriers to growth and create an environment to make
Indian companies globally competitive” (The Hindu, January 23, 2005).
Caste-based reservations in private sector employment may not be
compatible with building global competencies.
Government should clear the ground by emphasising affirmative action
and not reservations in private sector employment. The nature of affirmative
action should be for the private sector to create facilities to train SC/STs
to gain competencies and of course jobs by their own merit. If a private
sector group were to set up exclusive facilities for upgrading skills of SC/
ST candidates, the Government should provide matching grants in a manner
of private public partnership.
Ultimately, the fundamental issue is: Can we sustain social justice without
social harmony? Can the Scheduled Castes and Tribes prosper forever without
the goodwill of the others? Also, will these open tests fetch politicians more
votes than extending reservation to the private sector?
They should also organize themselves under the new leadership evolved
from amongst themselves (not depending on its old leadership which goes
on changing its stance in view of its own personal benefits) and launch a
movement to force the government to take decisive action in the matter and
not pay only lip-service to their cause.
SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONE
S pecial economic zone or SEZ refers to a totally commercial area specially

established for the promotion of foreign trade. A special economic zone
(SEZ) is a geographical region that has economic laws more liberal than a
country’s typical economic laws. Usually, the goal is flourishment in foreign
investment. In other words, SEZs are specifically delineated enclaves treated
as foreign territory for the purpose of industrial, service and trade operations,
with relaxation in customs duties and a more liberal regime in respect of
other levies, foreign investments and other transactions. These regions exist
in many countries of the world and China perhaps the oldest to give reality
to this concept. Although they exist in several countries, their attributes
vary. Typically, they are regions designated for economic development
oriented towards inward FDI and exports fostered by special policy incentives.
The SEZs in India are the outcome of the present government’s industrial
policy which emphasizes deregulation of Indian industry and to allow the
industries to flexibly respond to the market forces. All undertakings other
than the small scale industrial undertakings engaged in the manufacture of
items reserved for manufacture in the small scale sector are required to
obtain an industrial licence and undertake an expert obligation of 50% of
the annual production. This condition of licensing is, however, not applicable
to those undertakings operating under 100% export oriented undertakings
scheme, the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) or the special economic zone
schemes (SEZs). The first EPZ in India was set up in Kandala (1965) as
an privileged zones with liberal tax and labour laws.
During late 1990s, the-then Union Commerce Minister Murasoli Maran
visited the high-tech SEZs in China and got impressed by their contribution
to the rapid growth of GDP of the country. He then thought about taking
measures to do the same in India. However, by that India was already
introduced with the first export processing zone in Kandala. But the main
difference that it was not SEZ but EPZ. India was not deemed to be very
happy with the EPZs because they were falling short due to various reasons.
As a result, the expectation rose high and the SEZs were conceived to be
far efficient, calculated and modernized than the EPZs. In the light of the
experience drawn from international level, it is evident these centres have
added tremendously in the growth of employment and foreign direct
investment of FDI. Their role has been evaluated as very significant in the
growth of the economy of the host country. In New Delhi, the international
convention on special zone was arranged on March 21, 2002.
The government of India announced SEZ policy in March 2000 under
the export-import policy for the augmentation of export production.
Government came out with special economic zones act in the year 2005.
This Act provided for the establishment, development and management of
the Special Economic Zones for the promotion of exports and for the
matters connected therewith.
The main underlying purpose behind the creation of SEZs is to create
a hassle-free environment for the promotion of exports. These zones are
regarded as duty free enclaves and for the purpose of trade operations they
are deemed to be foreign territories. The SEZ policy offers various fiscal
and regulatory incentives to the developers within the zone along the incentives
available with central SEZ policy. They are to emerge as zones of excellence.
The basic presumption behind SEZs is that they will bring large scale
investment of global funds into the manufacturing and service sectors and
pump the economy to its top. As a result, the infrastructure conceived is
world class. There will be easily available marketing initiatives and from
them Indian industry is expected to gain benefit. The setting up of the SEZs
will allure investment from within India and abroad. This will also lead to
the development of the concerned area, ensuring better quality of goods and
services, large scale employment and many other elements highly expected
to boom the already growing market economy of India. According to the
government, if all these are totalled then it will lead a total forwarding of
Indian economy.
To develop SEZs, there has to be someone who needs to improve the
basic infrastructure. Upon that infrastructure, the superstructure of SEZs
will function. The infrastructure will play one of the key roles behind the
success of each and every SEZ. For example, if production is huge and
ready to reach the port but due to bad transportation goods cannot be
reached there in time then order is cancelled. It implies no fault in the
superstructure will soon loose the motivation and the success will be at
stake. Therefore, by our common sense, we can understand the importance
of infrastructure.
The government is also in the same footing of common sense with that
of an ordinary prudent person and after a cautious observation of the main
objectives of the SEZ policy it has come to this opinion that there shall
be no lack of efforts in the infrastructural development of the SEZs. As
a result, the role of developer has been conceived with due care and
attention.
Developer means a company that develops the infrastructure and other
facilities on land earmarked as SEZs. The incentives under this policy given
to the developers are: Items imported for setting up, operation and
maintenance of SEZs will be exempted from customs duty; exemption from
excise duty for the goods required for abovementioned purposes; income
tax exemption for a period of 10 years in the first 15 years operation;
exemption from central sales tax for the goods used for development and
maintenance; exemption from service tax with reference to the services
required in connection to the development and maintenance of the SEZs;
drawbacks and any other benefits are admissible from time to time; apart
from the developers it also preserves certain incentives for the enterprises
also. Let’s have a look on them; 100% income tax exemption for a
considerable period of time; 100% FDI permitted to the manufacturing
sectors except for some specified; external maturity borrowings through
recognized banks with any hard regulation; requirements of no import
licence; exemption from licensing regulations for the items reserved under
SSI sector; no routine examinations by Customs for export and import
cargo; exemption from Central Sales Tax and Service Tax; exemption from
customs duties, central excise duties and the like.
The term ‘exemption’ is very commonly used here. But there has been
no proper jurisdiction in order to boom up the economy whether the loss
of public revenue is an inevitable requirement or not. To attain the goals,
management is a very important factor in any business entity. This concept
is also applicable with respect to SEZs.
The above discussion clicks in our mind that the government has
deliberated the SEZ policy with all due care in order to enhance the
economic growth of India. Since policy can be changed with the change of
government, therefore, to give it a binding nature, government has enacted
SEZ Act to enforce the development envisioned by it. In a broader aspect,
SEZs will create employment, quality goods and services and India will be
able to bag a good position in the international economic scenario. Therefore,
for the sake of argument it can be presumed that SEZ policy is a welfare
policy and all shackles be removed from its way of calculated success. But
people from various parts of our country are vehemently protesting against
the coming up of SEZs. The question is ‘why’ ? Let’s take a drive to
address this question by taking into account the various concerns related
inevitably to SEZs.
Recent Developments
The first and second world wars taught a great lesson to the people of the
world. After these two disasters, democracy has been seen as a global
entitlement. People started abhorring totalitarianism and dictatorship as those
two have already proved their status. Presently, democracy is the best
alternative available. Since democracy is a government by the people, of the
people, therefore, public opinion plays a crucial role. A true democracy is
the rule by the majority and willingness of the minority to accept the rule.
The role of minority is very important and willingness of the minority to
accept the rule. The role of minority is very important because it brings into
the notice to the public about various flaws in the present government and
suggests for the reform. If the present government does not acknowledge
and address the flaws pointed out by the opposition then there is a reasonable
apprehension that in the next election people will not given them a chance
to rule. Therefore, the majority cannot blatantly deny the role of opposition.
This has also been true with reference to our present Indian government as
far as the SEZ policy is concerned. Keeping in view the grouping opposition
and grievance amongst the people the govt. had to give a fresh thought to
the SEZ policy and some necessary amendments were brought in. The
measures taken are:
1. The policy of SEZ has already become a political football that worries
the govt. of inviting popular backlash. The controversy has already
become a major election issue. Therefore, the govt. decided not to grant
permission for new SEZs until and unless the rehabilitation policy put
into place properly. This is due to the political cost involved in the issue
being measured too high to bear.
2. The new National Rehabilitation and Resettlement (NRR) 2006 policy
suggests that first priority should be to provide land for land. People
whose lands are acquired should get jobs in the new industries established
on their land. The compensation package includes allotting a free house
site to the affected family, allotting cultivable land a rehabilitation grant
equivalent to 750 days minimum agricultural wages, giving fishing
rights where dams are made.
3. “The government has further decided to make the final version of
the policy (NRR) legally enforceable.” said Minister, Rural
Development. This policy introduces the concept of social impact
assessment (SIA) along with the current norm of environmental impact
assessment. The SIA would also involve public hearings on

displacement-related issues, loss of livelihood, compensation and effects
on family. Sources said there is also a proposal to set up a statutory
National Rehabilitation Commission to ensure “independence” of the
monitoring mechanism.
4. New ceiling has been imposed on the size of SEZs. Minimum processing
area has raised from 35% to 50%. This new norm has already upset
some of the developers of multi-product SEZs which had to cut down
certain plans chocked out earlier.
5. Speaking at a FICCI meeting, the then PM said, “issues such as land
acquisition and displacement of people and their rehabilitation and
resettlement should be transparently addressed.” Urging the Indian
industry to be sensitive to the need to empower the weaker sections of
society, Mr. Singh said, “industrial development is not a zero-sum
game.” According to the then PM, “the policy of SEZ is irreversible but
since it is exposed to certain problems which cannot be dismissed, it is
the strength of our democracy. A mechanism is to be set up to address
those gaps in the policy. There will be a comprehensive review of
empowered group of ministers (EGoM) with reference to the pending
approvals. He said, “I do believe that we should address these concerns
if we want the policy to succeed in the long run.”
6. The other developments include (i) Area of an SEZ capped at 5000
hectares; states can fix lower ceiling, (ii) state governments are barred
from acquiring land, developers will have to do it of their own, (iii) at
least one job per family of those displaced, (iv) developers to devote at
least 50% area for core activities like manufacturing (v) list of non-
processing activities may be reviewed.
7. One more step has been taken to make special economic zones more
acceptable to critics. State governments have decided not to give any tax
exemption to non-processing areas in SEZs. As a result of this decision,
states levies on building material and fuel are now expected to be
applicable with reference to non-processing activities in SEZs.
E-COMMERCE
E -Commerce, also known as e-Business, or electronic business, is simply

the sale and purchase of services and goods over an electronic medium,
like the Internet. It also involves electronically transferring data and funds
between two or more parties. Simply put, it is online shopping as we
commonly know it.
e-Commerce started way back in the 1960s when organizations began to
use Electronic Data Interchange (EDI) to transfer documents of their business
back and forth. The 1990s saw the emergence of online shopping businesses,
which is quite a phenomenon today. It has become so convenient and easy,
that anyone can shop for anything right from a living room, with just a few
clicks. This has evolved more with the emergence of smartphones, where
now, you can shop from anywhere and anytime, with a wireless device
connected to the Internet. Now you can search for almost any product or
service online, without having to go anywhere physically.
What is Mobile Commerce?
Mobile Commerce simply means buying and selling of goods, done by
customers using their mobile devices.
With mobile devices taking over the planet, quite literally everyone uses
their mobile devices more often than their laptops or desktops—to browse
the internet. There has been a huge increase in transactions done via mobile
devices in the last few years—so the benefits of mobile commerce are
significant.
Different Types of e-Commerce
Different e-commerce websites are labeled or referred to differently, based
on the function they fulfill.
l Business-to-Business (B2B): Electronic transactions of goods and
services between companies.
l Business-to-Consumer (B2C): Electronic transactions of goods and
services between companies and consumers.
l Consumer-to-Consumer (C2C): Electronic transactions of goods and
services between consumers, mostly through a third party.
l Consumer-to-Business (C2B): Electronic transactions of goods and
services where individuals offer products or services to companies.
l Business-to-Administration (B2A): Electronic transactions of goods
and services between companies and public administrations.
l Consumer-to-Administration (C2A): Electronic transactions of goods
and services between individuals and public administrations.

Importance of e-Commerce
With the use of mobile devices and laptops increasing every day, there are
a lot of advantages of e-commerce like -
l Global market reach
l A global choice for consumers
l Short product/service distribution chain
l Lesser costs and pricing
Disadvantages of e-Commerce
And there are some risks too with e-commerce
l Fraud and online insecurity
l Data privacy issues
l No testing or checking of services or goods
l Dependence on electronic technologies
Impact
l Impact on Markets and Retailers: e-commerce markets are growing at
noticeable rates. The online market is expected to grow by 56% in 2015-

2020. Traditional markets are only expected 2% growth during the same
time. Brick and mortar retailers are struggling because of online retailer’s
ability to offer lower prices and higher efficiency. Many larger retailers
are able to maintain a presence offline and online by linking physical and
online offerings.
e-commerce allows customers to overcome geographical barriers and
allows them to purchase products anytime and from anywhere. Online
and traditional markets have different strategies for conducting business.
Traditional retailers offer fewer assortment of products because of shelf
space where, online retailers often hold no inventory but send customer
orders directly to the manufacture. The pricing strategies are also different
for traditional and online retailers. Traditional retailers base their prices
on store traffic and the cost to keep inventory. Online retailers base
prices on the speed of delivery.
There are two ways for marketers to conduct business through e-commerce:
fully online or online along with a brick and mortar store. Online marketers
can offer lower prices, greater product selection, and high efficiency
rates. Many customers prefer online markets if the products can be
delivered quickly at relatively low price. However, online retailers cannot
offer the physical experience that traditional retailers can. It can be
difficult to judge the quality of a product without the physical experience,
which may cause customers to experience product or seller uncertainty.
Another issue regarding the online market is concerns about the security
of online transactions. Many customers remain loyal to well-known retailers
because of this issue.
Security is a primary problem for e-commerce in developed and developing
countries. e-commerce security is protecting business' websites and
costumers from unauthorized access, use, alteration, or destruction. The
type of threats include: malicious codes, unwanted programs (ad ware,
spyware), phishing, hacking, and cyber vandalism. e-commerce websites
use different tools to avert security threats. These tools include firewalls,
encryption software, digital certificates, and passwords.
l Impact on Supply Chain Management: For a long time, companies
had been troubled by the gap between the benefits which supply chain
technology has and the solutions to deliver those benefits. However, the
emergence of e-commerce has provided a more practical and effective
way of delivering the benefits of the new supply chain technologies.
e-commerce has the capability to integrate all inter-company and intra-
company functions, meaning that the three flows (physical flow, financial
flow and information flow) of the supply chain could be also affected
by e-commerce. The affections on physical flows improved the way of
product and inventory movement level for companies. For the information
flows, e-commerce optimised the capacity of information processing than
companies used to have, and for the financial flows, e-commerce allows
companies to have more efficient payment and settlement solutions.
In addition, e-commerce has a more sophisticated level of impact on
supply chains: Firstly, the performance gap will be eliminated since
companies can identify gaps between different levels of supply chains by
electronic means of solutions; Secondly, as a result of e-commerce
emergence, new capabilities such implementing ERP systems, like SAP
ERP, Xero, or Megaventory, have helped companies to manage operations
with customers and suppliers. Yet these new capabilities are still not fully
exploited. Thirdly, technology companies would keep investing on new
e-commerce software solutions as they are expecting investment return.
Fourthly, e-commerce would help to solve many aspects of issues that
companies may feel difficult to cope with, such as political barriers or

cross-country changes. Finally, e-commerce provides companies a more
efficient and effective way to collaborate with each other within the
supply chain.
l Impact on Employment: e-commerce helps create new job opportunities
due to information related services, software app and digital products. It
also causes job losses. The areas with the greatest predicted job-loss are
retail, postal, and travel agencies. The development of e-commerce will
create jobs that require highly skilled workers to manage large amounts
of information, customer demands, and production processes. In contrast,
people with poor technical skills cannot enjoy the wages welfare. On the
other hand, because e-commerce requires sufficient stocks that could be
delivered to customers in time, the warehouse becomes an important
element. Warehouse needs more staff to manage, supervise and organize,
thus the condition of warehouse environment will be concerned by
employees.
l Impact on Customers: e-commerce brings convenience for customers as
they do not have to leave home and only need to browse website online,
especially for buying the products which are not sold in nearby shops.
It could help customers buy wider range of products and save customers’
time. Consumers also gain power through online shopping. They are able
to research products and compare prices among retailers. Also, online
shopping often provides sales promotion or discounts code, thus it is
more price effective for customers. Moreover, e-commerce provides
products’ detailed information; even the in-store staff cannot offer such
detailed explanation. Customers can also review and track the order
history online.
e-commerce technologies cut transaction costs by allowing both
manufactures and consumers to skip through the intermediaries. This is
achieved through by extending the search area best price deals and by
group purchase. The success of e-commerce in urban and regional levels
depend on how the local firms and consumers have adopted to e-commerce.
Global Trends
In 2010, the United Kingdom had the highest per capita e-commerce spending
in the world. As of 2013, the Czech Republic was the European country
where e-commerce delivers the biggest contribution to the enterprises’ total
revenue. Almost a quarter (24%) of the country’s total turnover is generated
via the online channel.
Among emerging economies, China's e-commerce presence continues to
expand every year. With 668 million Internet users, China's online shopping
sales reached $253 billion in the first half of 2015, accounting for 10% of
total Chinese consumer retail sales in that period. The Chinese retailers have
been able to help consumers feel more comfortable shopping online. e-
commerce transactions between China and other countries increased 32% to
2.3 trillion yuan ($375.8 billion) in 2012 and accounted for 9.6% of
China's total international trade. In 2013, Alibaba had an e-commerce market
share of 80% in China. In 2014, there were 600 million Internet users in
China (twice as many as in the US), making it the world's biggest online
market. China is also the largest e-commerce market in the world by value
of sales, with an estimated US$899 billion in 2016.
Recent research clearly indicates that electronic commerce, commonly
referred to as e-commerce, presently shapes the manner in which people
shop for products. The GCC countries have a rapidly growing market and
characterized by a population that becomes wealthier. As such, retailers
have launched Arabic-language websites as a means to target this population.
Secondly, there are predictions of increased mobile purchases and an
expanding internet audience. The growth and development of the two aspects
make the GCC countries to become larger players in the electronic commerce
market with time progress. Specifically, research shows that e-commerce
market is expected to grow to over $20 billion by the year 2020 among
these GCC countries. The e-commerce market has also gained much popularity
among the western countries, and in particular Europe and the U.S. These
countries have been highly characterized with consumer-packaged-goods
(CPG). However, trends show that there are future signs of a reverse.
Similar to the GCC countries, there has been increased purchase of goods
and services in online channels rather than offline channels. Activist investors
are trying hard to consolidate and slash their overall cost and the governments
in western countries continue to impose more regulation on CPG
manufacturers. In these senses, CPG investors are being forced to adapt e-
commerce as it is effective as a well as a means for them to thrive.
Governmental Regulation
In the United States, certain electronic commerce activities are regulated by
the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). These activities include the use of
commercial e-mails, online advertising and consumer privacy. The CAN-
SPAM Act of 2003 establishes national standards for direct marketing over
e-mail. The Federal Trade Commission Act regulates all forms of advertising,
including online advertising, and states that advertising must be truthful and
non-deceptive. Using its authority under Section 5 of the FTC Act, which
prohibits unfair or deceptive practices, the FTC has brought a number of
cases to enforce the promises in corporate privacy statements, including
promises about the security of consumers’ personal information. As a result,
any corporate privacy policy related to e-commerce activity may be subject
to enforcement by the FTC.
The Ryan Haight Online Pharmacy Consumer Protection Act of 2008,
which came into law in 2008, amends the Controlled Substances Act to
address online pharmacies.
Conflict of laws in cyberspace is a major hurdle for harmonization of
legal framework for e-commerce around the world. In order to give a
uniformity to e-commerce law around the world, many countries adopted
the UNCITRAL Model Law on Electronic Commerce (1996).
Internationally there is the International Consumer Protection and
Enforcement Network (ICPEN), which was formed in 1991 from an informal
network of government customer fair trade organisations. The purpose was
stated as being to find ways of co-operating on tackling consumer problems
connected with cross-border transactions in both goods and services, and to
help ensure exchanges of information among the participants for mutual
benefit and understanding.
There is also Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) was established
in 1989 with the vision of achieving stability, security and prosperity for
the region through free and open trade and investment. APEC has an
Electronic Commerce Steering Group as well as working on common privacy
regulations throughout the APEC region.
In India, the Information Technology Act 2000 governs the basic
applicability of e-commerce.
GOODS AND SERVICES TAX (GST)
T he Goods and Services Tax (GST), the biggest reform in India’s indirect
tax structure since the economy began to be opened up 25 years ago,
became a reality on July 1, 2017. There are 4 tax slabs for goods and
services—5%, 12%, 18% and 28%.
What is GST? How Does it Work?
l GST is one indirect tax for the whole nation, which will make India
one unified common market.
l GST is a single tax on the supply of goods and services, right from
the manufacturer to the consumer.
l Credits of input taxes paid at each stage will be available in the
subsequent stage of value addition, which makes GST essentially a
tax only on value addition at each stage.
l The final consumer will thus bear only the GST charged by the last
dealer in the supply chain, with set-off benefits at all the previous
stages.
Benefit of GST
The benefits of GST can be summarized as under:
For Business and Industry
l Easy Compliance: A robust and comprehensive IT system would
be the foundation of the GST regime in India. Therefore, all tax
payer services such as registrations, returns, payments, etc., would
be available to the taxpayers online, which would make compliance
easy and transparent.
Uniformity of Tax Rates and Structures: GST will ensure that
indirect tax rates and structures are common across the country,
thereby increasing certainty and ease of doing business. In other
words, GST would make doing business in the country tax neutral,
irrespective of the choice of place of doing business.
l Removal of Cascading: A system of seamless tax-credits throughout
the value-chain, and across boundaries of States, would ensure that
there is minimal cascading of taxes. This would reduce hidden costs
of doing business.
l Improved Competitiveness: Reduction in transaction costs of doing
business would eventually lead to an improved competitiveness for
the trade and industry.
l Gain to Manufacturers and Exporters: The subsuming of major
Central and State taxes in GST, complete and comprehensive set-off
of input goods and services and phasing out of Central Sales Tax
(CST) would reduce the cost of locally manufactured goods and
services. This will increase the competitiveness of Indian goods and
services in the international market and give boost to Indian exports.
The uniformity in tax rates and procedures across the country will
also go a long way in reducing the compliance cost.
For Central and State Governments
l Simple and easy to administer: Multiple indirect taxes at the Central
and State levels are being replaced by GST. Backed with a robust
end-to-end IT system, GST would be simpler and easier to administer
than all other indirect taxes of the Centre and State levied so far.
l Better controls on leakage: GST will result in better tax compliance
due to a robust IT infrastructure. Due to the seam-less transfer of
input tax credit from one stage to another in the chain of value
addition, there is an in-built mechanism in the design of GST that
would incentivize tax compliance by traders.
l Higher revenue efficiency: GST is expected to decrease the cost of
collection of tax revenues of the Government, and will therefore,
lead to higher revenue efficiency.
For the Consumer
l Single and transparent tax proportionate to the value of goods and
services: Due to multiple indirect taxes being levied by the Centre
and State, with incomplete or no input tax credits available at
progressive stages of value addition, the cost of most goods and
services in the country today are laden with many hidden taxes. Under
GST, there would be only one tax from the manufacturer to the
consumer, leading to transparency of taxes paid to the final consumer.
l Relief in overall tax burden: Because of efficiency gains and
prevention of leakages, the overall tax burden on most commodities
will come down, which will benefit consumers.
Challenges
l Digital Infrastructure: Availability of bandwidth for digital
connectivity allover India to conduct electronic transfers and payments
properly.
l Data Privacy: 51% of GSTN is privately held. This gives the
control of tax and trade data to a private company and without
adequate data protection measures; it could hurt India's financial
security.
l Issue of Parliamentary and Legislative Autonomy: GST Council
(an executive body) will finalize a vote by a majority of not less
than three-fourths of weighted votes of members present and voting
(Centre to have 33% and States of have 66% weight of the total
votes cast.)
l Federalism: The States are giving up much of their most important
power—'to impose taxes' autonomously. States will no longer be
able to change their tax rates individually. As both Centre and State
are vested with power to make law on GST under Art. 246(A)
unlike existing regime, both Centre and State will have to work
together which may create workspace challenge.
l Urban local bodies will have to deal with a huge fiscal gap once
local body tax, octroi and other entry taxes are scrapped for GST
system.
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY

OF ECONOMIC REFORMS
I ndia’s recent progress toward economic growth stems from reforms

undertaken after the 1991 fiscal crisis, which lifted India from decades
of slow growth under socialist rule and offered an opportunity to improve
living conditions in the immensly, poor country. And the recent growth has
been impressive – among the highest growth rates in the world. A great
portion of the world’s poor live in India, and will depend on its future
growth to overcome poverty. But the recent progress is not enough. Certainly,
great steps have been taken towards reform on trade, industrial policy, and
the financial system; substantial progress has been made in reducing poverty;
and India has a growing and thriving middle class.
However, much remains to be done: the government intrudes where it
need not, in everything from coal mining to discos, and fails to manage the
basic services that it should, like decent roads, a stable power distribution
infrastructure, and quality primary education.
POLITICAL BARRIERS TO REFORM
Populism
India’s enduring populism derives from both powerful interest groups and
the political strength of the lower classes, who vote in greater numbers than
the middle or elite classes. Parties often seek to secure short-term political
gains through populist policies like subsidies and tax breaks. In an appeal
to poor rural voters in 2005, Congress passed a bill that promised 100 days
of work for all agricultural labourers, despite the fact that such political

pandering drains money from other vital public programmes and fails to
stimulate the economy. Anti-incumbency trends and the constant presence
of elections further exacerbate political fragmentation and populist influence.
The Communist Party

Economic reform proposed by today’s ruling coalition is often stifled by
the Communist party, on which Congress relies to maintain control. In a
very real demonstration of the crippling effects of populist policy in India,
the Communists have thwarted many reforms in the run-up to the 2006
spring elections. While the initial reforms of the early 1990s shifted the
paradigm of economic policy towards liberalization in all areas, most of the
early reforms did not invoke political opposition, leaving many politically
difficult reforms ahead. The difficulties also extend far deeper than the
presence of the Communist party, which has proved an easy scapegoat. The
BJP, without the constraint of the Communists, also failed to drive these
politically complicated changes.
Center-State Division of Politics

The center-state division of Indian politics also has important policy
implications. Marshall Bouton, President of the Chicago Council on Foreign
Relations, said that India resembles the European Union more than a unified
nation. Homogenization of politics has not occurred except at elite levels.
The 1971 delinking of state assembly polls from national Parliament polls
has resulted in a nearly constant flow of elections. While most infrastructure,
education and agriculture are managed by state governments, taxing power
and revenue-raising ability generally lie with the central government. This
misalignment creates difficulties in implementing effective reform policies.
Corruption
Corruption abounds among government officials and everyday workers in
India, and impedes economic growth. “It’s possible to have more efficient
forms of corruption,” said Simon Long, South Asian correspondent for The
Economist. “India has an inefficient form of corruption that doesn’t work.”
While China and India have similar levels of corruption, China is able to
accomplish more, because the corruption is less distributed.
Fortunately, attempts to reduce corruption are being implemented at
multiple levels of government. Under the Right to Information Act, for
example, government officials must make information available to the public
or face fines. In the municipality of Delhi, a citizen-government participation

programme called Bhagidari – “partnership” in Hindi – encourages direct
interaction between citizen groups and politicians in order to reduce
corruption. The devolution of power enabled by the 73rd and 74th
Amendments, which allow the center to bypass states and send money
directly to local governments, has potential to be an effective strategy for
reducing corruption by increasing accountability and compliance.
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ECONOMIC REFORM
The 1991 Balance of Payments [BOP] crisis forced India to procure a $1.8
billion IMF loan and acted as a “tipping point” in India’s economic history.
The IMF bailout wounded the pride of a country that had strove above all
for self-sufficiency through its post independence socialist policies. The
bailout announced to Indian policymakers and the world the country’s
policy failures.
The BOP crisis immediately confronted P.V. Narasimha Rao’s Congress
government, which had been swept into power in mid-1991 in the aftermath
of Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. Rao had already appointed a non-political
figure, economist Manmohan Singh, as finance minister in a gesture that
symbolized Rao’s desire to charge forward with economic reform. In response
to the crisis, the government immediately introduced stabilization measures
to reduce the-then deficit. The fiscal tightening and devaluation of the rupee
by approximately 25% adequately reduced the current account deficit. Yet,
the crisis itself did not spur the significant changes India needed. In the
words of Marshall Bouton, a former U.S. diplomat to India and president
of the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, “The reforms of 1991 were
not that big a deal. … There was no regime change.”
FURTHER STABILIZATION REFORMS
The stabilization efforts of 1991 successfully warded off financial collapse
and demonstrated that Rao’s government could be trusted to develop and
implement sound economic policy. It was clear that the status quo was
unsustainable and that India needed to better integrate with the global
economic system. Breaking with tradition, the new Congress government
went beyond traditional short-term stabilization efforts and began addressing
the underlying causes of India’s economic woes.
Led by Singh, the government initiated a reversal of the historic policies
of regulation and government intervention. Rakesh Mohan, who served as
Secretary of the Department of Economic Affairs, believed that the
experience of enacting smaller reforms in the 1980s gave Rao’s team the
confidence to react swiftly with broader reforms like market-determined
exchange rates, liberalization of interest rates, reduction in tariffs, and a
dismantling of the License Raj. Appealing to the Indian aspiration of self-
sufficiency, controversial reforms in areas like taxation, financial services
and public sector management were developed and approved by Indian
committees rather than by external bodies like the World Bank or IMF. The
government also selected these early reforms carefully, fearing that with
India’s constant cycle of elections, any setback at the polls would damage
the reforms’ momentum. Thus, the government attacked glaring problems
but also avoided politically costly changes.
FISCAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS
Initial fiscal reform focused on politically feasible revenue-related issues
like rationalizing the tax structure and increasing compliance. Rao and
Singh had to abandon their initial attempts to curb the deficit through
spending cuts, and by 1996, the annual deficit had climbed back to 1991
levels – 10.5% of GDP. Sensitive to public opinion, reformers could not
break the vicious cycle of overexpenditure and poorly-targeted spending.
The centeral government drove an initiative to move the country towards
a Value-Added Tax system, and by 2005, most state governments had adopted
it. According to Delhi’s Secretary of Finance the SGST contributed 55.7%
of Delhi’s total revenue collection, but many others questioned the extent
of its implementation nationally. States chose their tax levels, and the long
lines of trucks at state borders illustrated the inefficient competition that
resulted.
The distribution of responsibilities between state and central governments
in tax collection and public good provision created perverse incentives, with
states and municipalities poorly utilizing resources and failing to deliver.
Local governments also suffer from even greater fiscal problems. Tax evasion
is rampant, with some business and public leaders estimating that a mere 20%
of taxable revenue is actually collected. The poor performance of the
government only exacerbated the tax-evasion problem. Ultimately, greater
cooperation among the different levels of government is needed to coordinate
decision-making, expenditure-targeting, and tax-collection procedures.
FINANCIAL SECTOR REFORMS
In order to liberalize the financial sector, Rao established committees to
research and make recommendations regarding financial system moderni-
zation, deregulation, and lending improvements. The committee-based
approach reflected Rao’s strategy of building consensus through India-led
and designed plans. Before the 1990’s, regulations limited the ability of
the Indian financial sector to efficiently allocate resources. Regulations
required heavy investment in government debt, while lending was restricted
to specific sectors. Bank nationalization left management of most financial
institutions to political forces.
Efforts to privatize and introduce competition were approached cautiously,
due to the political sensitivity of these reforms and resulted in more limited
change than did deregulation. Changes did not impact the banking workforce
or management structure; banks remained overstaffed and poorly-managed.
Trade unions persisted as a formidable enemy of future reforms aimed at
reducing operating expenses. The large and mobilized workforce, associated
with the Communist parties, had gone on strike in the past, holding the
entire banking system hostage.
INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND INVESTMENT REFORMS
India’s trade policy prior to the 1991-reforms was characterized by high
tariffs and import restrictions. Foreign-manufactured consumer goods were
entirely banned, and capital goods, raw materials, and intermediate goods
for which domestic substitutes existed were importable only through a
bureaucratic licensing process. Illustrative of the severity of the situation,
Infosys executives described how the founders had to visit Delhi nine times
to obtain a licence to import just one personal computer.
Although foreign ownership in some Indian companies was permitted,
investors faced complications that included a subjective licensing process,
high regulation upon approval, and equity-holding caps. In fact, until
recently Indians had only one television programme and had to settle for
locally-produced Thumbs Up instead of Coca-Cola. India has come a long
way towards opening its borders to trade – exports and imports grew at
19% and 30% in 2004 and 2005 respectively – and both Congress and the
BJP were committed to increasing free trade. India has and should continue
to take advantage of the WTO as a cover against domestic backlash to
further tariff reductions. Concessions like temporary subsidies may be
necessary to placate short-term losers in non-competitive industries.
Investment has increased throughout the past decade and a number of
important industries like aviation and construction have raised or eliminated
caps on foreign investment.
Despite the benefits of outside technical expertise, many fear that
increased foreign investment will lead to lost jobs and threaten domestic
businesses, especially businesses like the mom-and-pop shops of the retail
sector. The Communist Party and many labour unions are vocal supporters
of such small-scale industries and fight against liberalizing foreign investment.
Tariffs also remain among the highest of the developing world. This further
confirms that, with a 2017-18 trade deficit of around $78.4 billion, India’s
exports are not yet competitive on global markets.
INDUSTRIAL SECTOR REFORMS
India’s industrial policy was one of the areas most changed by the economic
liberalization of the 1990s. The early reforms crystallized a trend that had
been building since the national government moved towards a pro-business
approach to industrial policy during the 1980s. During the following decade,
India transitioned from a centrally planned and operated economy to a
market-driven economy, reflecting a global trend towards less regulated
economies. Most government-operated industries in India are now privatized,
though some political contention still exists over the removal of reservation
schemes.
INFRASTRUCTURAL REFORMS
A short drive through any Indian city reveals some of the serious deficiencies
of India’s infrastructure: roads full of potholes, relentless traffic, suffocating
pollution. Even the elite Taj Hotel in Delhi is not immune to power outages
(although its backup generators react quickly). According to the 2017-18
Global Competitiveness Report, India ranked 40 out of 137 countries in
terms of the “adequacy of overall infrastructure.” Power failures are the
rule rather than the exception. Additionally, many estimate that more than
half of all electricity is obtained illegally. This leaves little incentive for
users to conserve energy, while the public sector is ill-equipped to improve
the system as needed. India’s Planning Commission estimates that in order
to meet the growing demands of the economy, the country needs to triple
its power generation capabilities over the next two decades. Coal, renewable
energy, nuclear power, and domestically-produced petroleum and natural
gas will not meet India’s energy needs and so the government is looking
for foreign sources of petroleum and natural gas.
Although an efficient infrastructure is in the national interest, state
governments control many infrastructure projects. Large private sector
organizations are taking care of their own infrastructure needs in response
to state governments’ neglect. Infosys, for example, maintains a fleet of
nearly 600 buses to transport its 12,000 employees to work. Our Prime
Minister has declared that India must raise levels of investment in
infrastructure to enable the nation to reach its goal of 8% growth.
Unfortunately, due to India’s large deficit, the nation often skimps on
infrastructure spending. Additionally, improvements in center-state
cooperation are greatly needed.
LABOUR REFORMS
While less than 10% of the 500 million-person labour force is “organized”
or has regular contractual employment, labour regulations have made unions
a powerful force in Indian politics. The tide is beginning to change, however.
There are fewer labour strikes today, labour agreements now generally
include clauses on productivity, and court judgments are no longer reflexively
in favor of labour.
While Rao recognized the need for labour reform, he had hesitated to
implement reforms like laying-off public sector workers or closing down or
privatizing inefficient factories. Additionally, it remaind difficult to fire
workers, and employers were hesitant to hire new ones. A 1947 act mandates
state governments to require manufacturing firms with over 100 workers to
gain governmental approval before firing workers. According to Nandan
Nilekani, the lack of a flexible labour policy is an important impediment
to India’s growth.
AGRICULTURAL REFORMS
Our Prime Minister maintains that India must improve conditions for farmers
and invest more in education and health care to reach its goal of 8%
growth. He aims to modernize agriculture and increase manufacturing by
expanding agribusiness and food processing. Yet any change to the agricultural
sector faces intense political opposition. Despite the fact that it contributes
only 14.6% of India’s GDP, the agricultural sector has always been politically
influential. Interest group politics often hinder government attempts to cut
costs in its agricultural spending. For example, Prime Minister attempted to
decrease government fertilizer subsidies but was stopped by a farmers’
lobbying group from wealthy agricultural states.
Agricultural subsidies for poor farmers have been part of the Indian
landscape since Independence. The support system for farmers included
large fertilizer subsidies, free electrical power, protection for land owners,
and minimum price guarantees for grain production. While these programmes
allowed India to avoid famine in the 1970’s, they have created perverse
incentives and opportunities for corruption. Fertilizer subsidies have
contributed to over-fertilization and contamination of ground water.
Additionally, subsidies often do not reach target populations. In Delhi, for
example, many affluent neighborhoods have been classified as rural areas
and receive free electricity. Finally, subsidized prices have led to the
overgrowth of certain crops. The Indian government makes inefficient
purchases of food staple crops at above-market prices with the intention of
redistributing them to the poor. But such goods rarely reach their intended
destination, due to corruption and inefficiencies.
PRIVATIZATION REFORMS
The Government of India runs coal mines as well as discotheques. Public
enterprises account for nearly half of India’s capital stock and enjoy
commanding market shares in industries like mining, smelting, banking,
and railways. Most, however, exhibit poor productivity of labour and capital.
Many public enterprises were created and kept alive for political reasons.
For example, a fertilizer factory in Haldia, West Bengal, kept thousands of
workers on its payroll for years without ever commencing production.
Overall, the reforms of the early 1990s were no major feat of political
acumen. Congress faced little organized opposition to early change and
could institute many reforms through executive action. Future reforms
that require legislation will entail more complex political maneuvering.
The government will need to counteract the forces of populism and
increased political fragmentation. The party lacks a strong internal pro-
reform caucus, has difficulty building coalitions with some regional and
caste-based parties, and maintains a record of inconsistent economic policy.
Although difficult, change is slowly taking place. Finding the lines of
least resistance for each particular issue will be key for shepherding
reforms through India’s unique democracy.
ECONOMIC REFORMS IN INDIA
I n the center of India’s flag sits a spinning wheel, a symbol used by

Gandhi to protest English textile imports under colonial rule and to
demonstrate the nobility of a society of small-scale agriculture and industry.
For much of its independence, India’s economy was governed by the principle
of the spinning wheel – with disastrous economic and social effects. Just as
the United States, in industrializing, had to overcome the belief in the
nobility of agriculture that shaped its founding fathers, India is still struggling
to move beyond Gandhi-era economics and raise its standard of living.
While the U.S. media has focused on India’s increasing competitiveness
in software development and information technology, software and IT
constitute only a small part of the Indian economy: more than 50% of
India’s output comes from its manufacturing and agricultural sectors, and
49% of its labour force is employed in agriculture. India needs policies to
improve these sectors’ long-term competitiveness in order to sustain and
enhance its current growth rate. The reform process of the last 15 years is
far from complete.
FISCAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS
India’s fiscal policy is a key part of its overall economic history and central
to its growth prospects. It was a major contributor to the 1991 BOP crisis,
and in the future, persistent budget deficits may hinder the country’s economic
growth. The shortfalls of India’s public services and infrastructure are quite
obvious, and a miserable fiscal policy is a major reason for this gross
underinvestment. While inadequate public revenues and low rates of public
savings have contributed to India’s fiscal shortcomings, the heart of the
problem lies in India’s public expenditures and management systems. Major
administrative reform is required.
What’s Been Done and the Way Forward

India’s fiscal reforms focused on generating revenue through rationalizing
the tax structure and increasing compliance. Specifically, the reforms:
Lowered taxes (individual, corporate, excise and custom); Broadened the
tax base; Removed exemptions and concessions to reduce distortions;
Simplified laws and procedures to close loopholes and increase compliance,
including using technology to better track tax payments.
“If India’s government is going to make a difference, it needs to raise
more taxes,” The Economist wrote recently, which, considering the source,
indicates the severity of the problem. To improve its tax system, India
should: Increase taxes on services and implement a tax on e-commerce;
Modernize tax administration through better utilizing technology; Restructure
tax collection and allocation system to increase revenues at local and state
levels; Complete the replacement of complex sales taxes with a more
coordinated, coherent VAT system; Use technology to better enforce property
and agricultural income taxes; Remove distortionary tax exemptions; Reduce
the mean and variance of import tariffs; Repeal the corporate tax.
On the expenditure side, the various levels of government should: Reduce
subsidies (which are generally poorly targeted); Downsize overstaffed public
institutions, particularly at state and local levels; Separate policy and
implementation functions through administrative reforms; Reduce bureaucratic
controls and set performance targets; Institute mechanisms like greater public
transparency to increase accountability.
FINANCIAL SECTOR REFORMS
Because the BOP crisis prompted reforms of the financial system, this
sector has experienced some of the most extensive improvements. India
must continue to deepen its financial sector in order to guarantee adequate
access to capital for its most dynamic industries. This can be achieved
through the involvement of venture capital funds, the expansion of corporate
debt markets, and the modernization of public bank management.

India has implemented reforms that have led to relatively well-functioning
capital markets. These reforms: Liberalized interest rates; Abolished
cumbersome approval requirements for financial transactions; Liberalized
capital markets through the abolition of the Controller of Capital Issues,
which controlled all funding activities of large manufacturing corporations;
Allowed companies to more easily sell stock.
In order to continue supporting the most dynamic sectors of the economy,
India should: Design strategies to increase venture capital; Allow investment
in securities as an alternative to domestic saving in order to reduce reliance
on foreign inflows in capital markets; Allow pension funds to invest in
stocks; Improve and deepen debt markets for larger corporations; Increase
competition from commercial and foreign banks in the financial sector.
INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND INVESTMENT REFORMS
Having moved from barring foreign ownership in a wide swath of industries
to encouraging foreign investment, India has made significant progress in
opening its economy. Yet, while its foreign investment inflows increased
from 0.5% of GDP in 1991 to 7.35% in 2017, these figures are dwarfed
by other emerging Asian markets, particularly China.

Recent trade and investment policy reforms: Eliminated import licenses and
reduced import duties from rates that had been the world’s highest; Reduced
tariffs; Liberalized trade in service and technology industries; Improved
recognition of international intellectual property rights; Allowed 100%
ownership in firms in a large majority of industries (excluding banks,
insurance, telecommunications, and airlines).
To improve its trade and investment environment, India should: Further
reduce import duties and restrictions; Reduce costly procedures for
exporting finished or intermediate goods; Attract foreign investment to
meet demand for infrastructure projects; Reduce foreign investment
barriers within the retail sector; Invest in infrastructure and education,
as a recent survey of global CEOs cited infrastructure and poor skill
level as the two leading deterrents; Pursue free trade agreements in the
spirit of creating a greater global balance and to advance India’s economic
interests.
INDUSTRIAL SECTOR REFORMS
While the chairman of Ittiam, a Bangalore commericial electronics design
firm, attributes the success of the Indian IT industry in part to the absence
of government regulations, government policy continues to limit
manufacturing growth and hinder the ability of business to take advantage
of the country’s pool of cheap labour.

Industrial sector reforms: Opened up the economy broadly to competition;
and Reduced reservations for some small-scale industries. To build on its
success in industrial policy reform, India should: Further reduce reservations
for small businesses; and Formalize special economic zones (SEZs), where
normal investment and trade restrictions do not apply, to help leverage further
reform.
Though small in comparison to China’s vaunted SEZs, such efforts may
hail a more drastic sea change in industrial policy as new ideas for further
reforms become more prevalent in Delhi’s circles of power. Milind Deora,
a young and rising member of India’s parliament, sees such a shift occurring
today, suggesting that “the old guard is leaving.”
INFRASTRUCTURAL REFORMS
Infrastructure remains perhaps the greatest drag on India’s current growth
prospects. Major public work projects, however, present implementation
challenges, particularly due to corruption.
Previous infrastructure reforms: Invested, with limited success, in improving
airports and road networks; Privatized successfully a small number of ports
and roads; Improved the reach of the telecom sector.
India’s growth will be severely jeopardized without substantial improvements
in infrastructure. India needs to: Implement major public works projects,
taking advantage of public-private partnerships where possible; Privatize the
energy sector and base user-charges on economic cost (some states have
already taken lead in this effort); Continue to increase tele-density among its
population, as India remains way behind countries like China and Thailand;
Increase transparency in implementing infrastructure projects; Invest in a
variety of renewable sources like ethanol and wind energy.
LABOUR REFORM
Although India’s restrictive labour laws are not a problem during times of
expansion and do not affect high-skilled workers in the software and R&D
sectors, they discourage further private investments, particularly in the
manufacturing sector.

Labour markets remain one of the most regulated sectors of the Indian
economy as labour reform was not addressed in the early 1990s. A more
flexible labour policy will support business development and enhance India’s
growth. In particular, policies should be designed to: Remove restrictions
on laying-off workers; Moderate benefits obtained by unions; Deregulate
wage practices. Labour reforms should be coupled with the creation of a
stronger social safety net to support affected employees.
SHOULD INDIA REVISIT CAPITAL

ACCOUNT CONVERTIBILITY (CAC)?
T here is much discussion about reinventing Capital Account

Convertibility for India. It will be worthwhile to clear the concept at
the outset. Convertibility is a two-step process. Full convertibility should
imply that anybody could convert rupees into dollars and, in addition, buy
whatever foreign goods, services, financial assets and property he wants with
those dollars without any restriction. If Indians are allowed to buy only
foreign goods and services but restrictions remain on the purchase of assets
abroad, it is only current account convertibility, not full CAC. Remember, so
long as goods can be freely imported by paying import duties and there are
no quantitative restrictions, current account convertibility exists. In this sense,
India achieved virtual current account convertibility from 1992.
The second misconception is that full convertibility requires free float
of the currency. Note that both under the gold standard and the adjustable
peg system (alternatively called the IMF System) major Western currencies
were fully convertible but the exchange rate was kept fixed by government
intervention. That means full convertibility exists so long as people are
allowed to convert the local currency into foreign exchange without
restrictions, at the prevailing exchange rate. What are the major restrictions
currently in force on capital account transactions in India? We have virtual
capital account convertibility for foreigners and NRI s for investing in India
and taking out proceeds relating to FDI, portfolio investment and bank
deposits in India. For Indian residents and corporate, fairly conservative
limits still exist on how much they can invest abroad. Indian companies also
need RBI permission to borrow funds from abroad.
The votaries of convertibility in the 1990s were mainly external forces,
institutions and funds seeking to capitalize on the success stories of developing
economies, to reap higher returns from interest rate arbitrage and money
market operations.
The external sound-bytes and fervent demands for convertibility have
virtually faded. Now the major votaries of convertibility are from within
the country. And the benefits from convertibility could percolate to the
middle-class. But is the economy ready?
Based on the inherent strengths, stability and solvency of the economy,
sane and sober Indian voices, led by the Prime Minister and the Finance
Minister, seem to think so. They seem confident that even after full and free
float of Indian currency, the economy is resilient enough to withstand the
vagaries of international fiscal and monetary turbulence. Other supporters
of full CAC would point to many favourable economic factors for India at
this time. According to them, India’s GDP has been growing at 7-8 per cent
for more than ten consecutive years. The stock market is breaking one
milestone after another due to massive inflow of foreign portfolio funds.
So, it is highly likely that instead of a capital flight, post-CAC there will
be more inflows into India. The forex reserves amount to $144 billion that
covers 13 months of imports.
Benefits of CAC
Irrespective of the timing, the possible benefits and costs of full CAC
includes the following: First, India needs huge resources, especially to
upgrade its infrastructure. Domestic savings alone are not enough. More
(net) foreign funds would come in only if they are sure of free entry and
exit. Second, Indian businesses (especially, the established companies) would
be able to access cheaper foreign funds that would improve their international
cost competitiveness. Third, unhindered access to foreign funds would
facilitate Indian companies taking over firms abroad and developing more
Indian MNCs in the process. Fourth, Indian banks would be able to borrow
foreign funds at lower rates which would, in turn, enable them to lend at
a lesser rate to Indian small and medium enterprises which may not otherwise
be able to borrow directly from the international capital market. Fifth,
cutting delays in foreign exchange trading would reduce transaction costs
and improve efficiency in Indian business. Finally, ordinary Indian investors
would be able to further diversify their asset portfolios by investing abroad,
thereby improving their risk-return profile.
A Cautious Step
Convertibility on Capital Account (CAC) is largely descriptive. Convertibility
on the capital account does not exist if there is a ban either on residents
converting rupees into foreign exchange for investment in real or financial
assets (termed capital as opposed to current account transactions), or on
foreigners converting foreign exchange into rupees for similar purposes. It
needs to be noted that having the right to convert currency for acquisition
of assets or investment abroad does not imply that any and every kind of
investment can actually be undertaken. That depends on the foreign investment
rules relating to the specific sector in the country in which investment is
being contemplated. Many countries with convertible currencies have strong
restrictions on foreigners acquiring real estate for personal use or investing
in the media, for example.
But detractors would highlight some other facts. The Central fiscal
deficit is still around 3.53 per cent of GDP, way above the earlier Tarapore
Committee stipulation of 3.5 per cent. China has maintained an annual
growth rate of 6-8 per cent over more than a decade without going in for
CAC. Capital inflows into India have been primarily of portfolio funds that
are inherently volatile. The more stable and economically more beneficial
FDI flows into India amounted to around $61.96 billion in 2017-18. But
this is only about 10 per cent of what China is receiving. All these imply
that time is not yet ripe for full CAC.
Many economists argue that when in future, capital starts to flow out
and rupee tends to depreciate, even ordinary Indian savers would be tempted
to take their money abroad. Foreign exchange reserves would dwindle,
rupee would fall and investors would gain at the expense of the government
by reconverting their dollars into depreciated rupee.
Why should a country willingly accept this kind of instability to its
economy by allowing full CAC, especially, for Indian residents? Indian
residents do not need full CAC to invest their money in India. If attracting
more foreign capital is the objective, then restrict full CAC to only foreign
investors, at best. The so-called international asset diversification benefit
from full CAC is not relevant for small Indian investors. Only a handful
of rich investors would gain at the cost of subjecting the economy to greater
instability. The problems would be even more if Indian banks are allowed to
borrow unlimited amounts from abroad. The East Asian crisis started that way.
Given this prospect, unless full CAC is going to deliver something that
India currently lacks, there is no need to even consider it. It is argued that
the move to full CAC may increase the confidence of foreign investors and
result in more foreign capital inflow into the country. The point is, India
today is receiving more capital that it can absorb, forcing the RBI to
purchase foreign currency and invest it in liquid foreign assets that offer a
far lower return than what is garnered by the investors who brought that
currency in. But this, CAC votaries argue, is foreign portfolio investment
and not foreign direct investment (FDI), which is what the country needs.
The obvious response to this is that China, which receives the largest share
of aggregate FDI flows to developing countries, is no paragon of openness
on the capital account.
NATIONAL FOOD SECURITY ACT
T he National Food Security Bill has been approved by the President on

September 12, 2013. The landmark Food Act, provides 67 per cent of
the country’s population with the legal right to subsidised foodgrains every

month. The Act provides uniform allocation of 5 kg foodgrain (per person)
at fixed rate of ` 2 (wheat) and ` 1 (coarse grains) per kg to 75 per cent
of the rural population and 50 per cent of the poor in urban India—about
800 million people. Protection to 2.43 crore poorest of poor families under
the Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) entitled to supply of 35 kg foodgrains
per month per family would continue.
National support to pregnant women without limitation is proposed in
the Act. The Act will extend subsidized food to pregnant women and
children under the age of 16. It is positive that it is including those who
really need nutritious food. The Act proposes meal entitlements to specific
groups. These include: pregnant women and lactating mothers, children
between the ages of six months and 14 years, malnourished children, disaster
affected persons, and destitute, homeless and starving persons.
For children in the age group of 6 months to 6 years, the Act guarantees
an age-appropriate meal, free of charge, through the local anganwadis. For
children aged 6-14 years, one free mid-day meal shall be provided every
day (except on school holidays) in all schools run by local bodies, government
and government aided schools, up to class VIII. For children below six
months exclusive breastfeeding shall be promoted.
The eldest woman in the household shall be entitled to secure food from
the PDS for the entire household. This has prevented further wastage of
money to develop the infrastructures.
The Act seeks to provide for food and nutritional security in human life
cycle approach, by ensuring access to adequate quantity of quality food at
affordable prices to people to live a life with dignity and for matters
connected therewith and incidental thereto.
Priority households are entitled to 5 kgs of foodgrains per person per
month, and Antyodaya households to 35 kgs per household per month. The
combined coverage of Priority and Antyodaya households (called “eligible
households”) shall extend up to 75% of the rural population and up to 50%
of the urban population.
The Act does not specify criteria for the identification of households
(Priority or Antyodaya) eligible for PDS entitlements. The Central
Government is to determine the state-wise coverage of the PDS, in terms
of proportion of the rural/urban population. The numbers of eligible persons
will be calculated from Census population figures.
The Act provides for the creation of State Food Commissions. Each
Commission shall consist of a chairperson, five other members and a member-
secretary including at least two women and one member each from Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
The Act provides for a two-tier grievance redressal structure, involving
the District Grievance Redressal Officer (DGRO) and State Food
Commission. State governments must also put in place an internal grievance
redressal mechanism which may include call centres, help lines, designation
of nodal officers, or such other mechanisms as may be prescribed.
The Act states that Central and State governments shall endeavour to
progressively undertake various PDS reforms, including: doorstep delivery
of foodgrains; ICT applications and end-to-end computerisation; leveraging
“Aadhar” (UID) for unique identification of entitled beneficiaries; full
transparency of records; preference to public institutions or bodies in licensing
of fair price shops; management of fair price shops by women or their
collectives; diversification of commodities distributed under the PDS; and
introducing schemes such as cash transfer, food coupons or other schemes
to the targeted beneficiaries in lieu of their foodgrain entitlements as
prescribed by the Central government.
A set of obligations has been fixed for the State Government as well.
The State Governments will be responsible for the implementation and
monitoring of the schemes of various Ministeries and Departments of the
Central Government in accordance with guidelines issued by the Central
Government for each scheme, and their own schemes, for ensuring food
security to the targeted beneficiaries in the States.
The obligations of the local authorities include: (a) they will be responsible
for the proper implementation of this Act in their respective areas; (b) the
State Governments may assign, by notification, additional responsibilities
for implementation of the Targeted Public Distribution System to the local
authority; (c) in implementing different schemes of the Ministries and
Departments of the Central Government and the State Governments, prepared
to implement provisions of this law, the local authority will be responsible
for discharging such duties and responsibilities as may be assigned to them,
by notification, by the respective State Governments.
To ensure transparency and accountability, all Targeted Public
Distribution System-related records will be placed in the public domain and
kept open for inspection to the public. Every local authority, or any other
authority or body; as may be authorised by the State Government, shall
conduct or cause to be conducted, periodic social audits on the functioning
of fair price shops. Targeted Public Distribution System and other welfare
schemes, and cause to publicise its findings and take necessary action, in
such manner as may be prescribed by the concerned State Government. The
Central Government may, if it considers necessary, conduct or cause to be
conducted social audit through independent agencies having experience in
conducting such audits.
It is hard to deny that the law, if implemented in a proper manner, can
bring about myriad qualitative changes to the lives of millions of starving
Indians. The onus is on the authorities to make sure that this programme
too does not end up like the leaky public distribution system did, fattening
the coffers of middlemen which leaving unchanged the lives of the poor.
Such large-scale programme requires the presence of a foolproof system of
checks and balances which will ensure that the benefits of the scheme reach
the intended targets. This is the first and foremost aspect the government
needs to keep in mind while implementing the programme.
MNC’s : SAVIOURS OR SABOTEURS
M ultinational Corporations (MNCs) are those private companies that

work in more than one country. They produce or provide goods or
services of highest quality and according to the latest global norms. They
also employ the best human resource in a country and thus build brand
images that are unique, stable and, above all, saleable.
In India, MNCs had arrived in the mid-sixties of the last century. Colgate,
Palmolive and Coca-Cola were the most trusted names of those times. The
sixties also saw the presence of the drug giants. Glaxo, Nicolas and other
drug majors gradually made deep forays into the Indian markets as the
population demanded more medicines. But our economy remained a mixed
one and our governments always looked at the MNCs with suspicion. During
those times, the concept of MNCs was not born. The Japanese had just
started their marathon run in the field of consumer electronics. They were
disliked by most of the Indian consumers because of nil credibility.
However, Indians could not give full support to Coca-Cola due to political
reasons. The company was sent packing during the seventies; those were the

times when relations between India and the USA were at their lowest ebb.
Glaxo, Biological Evans, Smith Kline, French and Pfizer were other drug
majors, which firmly established themselves in India during the mid-seventies.
And, then came the Japanese—highly efficient, cheap, determined and techno-
savvy. They introduced products of the silicon age, which we fondly know
as semiconductor revolution. Radio, television, wireless, electronics, telex
systems, etc., were in vogue. Music got a new meaning when the Japanese
majors like Sony, Matsushita and Sharp introduced hi-fidelity stereo system.
The revolution had begun!
During the dying years of the seventies, the stage was set in India.
During the last years of eighties, this stage was re-set by Integrated Circuits,
CNC machines, drugs for fighting heart attacks and the like. So, the Indians
had to rely on MNCs, which had become synonymous with technology,
comfortable products and cheap rates. Most of MNCs entered India during
the late eighties or early nineties. The government favoured their entry
because of its changed (and liberal) policies related to economic reforms.
Several MNCs established their offices and factories in urban centres of
India. Some even went to villages and signed deals in collaboration
(partnership) with the Indian firms. Sales soared and FMCGs became the
hot goodies on the television shows and in advertisements. Cable TV networks,
satellite connections and Internet connections did the rest of the job. Western
culture brought the concept of consumerism or “fast eaters”. Naturally, a
nation that had a population of above one billion had to be given these new
products, services and gizmos. And MNCs filled the void that was left by
local manufacturers. It is surprising to note that not a single firm has been
able to compete with Colgate Palmolive in the toothpaste market; it is the
undisputed leader in this segment even today, despite the fact that there are
nearly one dozen competitors.
This credibility did not seek in the minds of the Indian consumer in a
day. It took several years and billions of dollars to make these products and
services instant success. And there were fiascos too. The cases of Enron and
Cogentrix are the two glaring examples, which bluntly tell us that we may
not have any collaboration in the power generation sector. Although, Enron
has displayed several flaws (like high price of power kwh at Dabbol Power
Corporation), yet we cannot deny the fact that we also made a mess of the
issue and moved in an unplanned fashion.
The free market economy of India has made the task of MNCs quite
easier. Many of our readers may contend that we are not “completely free”,
if they keep scandals, scams, corruption and the PSUs in their view. But
this ultimate change is inevitable. If ours is not a fully free economy today,
it shall be one after fifty years. The MNCs realise this fact and so they have
started establishing themselves in India—physically and psychologically.
Several MNCs align their advertisements with local festivals, religions,
beliefs and political sentiments. They have become a part of our culture
quietly and in a stealthy manner. Thus, saviours may be deemed saboteurs
by many a political outfit. We agree that the opponents of these global
economic giants are not totally wrong. They are saviours on many fronts—
medicines, heavy engineering, information technologies, medical diagnostic
equipment, aircraft, chemicals, rubber products and electronic gadgets. New
technologies and devices have put Indians on the path of ultimate progress.
No wonder, we may become a developed nation soon due to inflow of
capital, technologies, consultancy and manpower into this land. Thus, MNCs
have contributed a lot to our economy and will do so in the future too.
MNCs are also being allowed to enter those sections which were hitherto
deemed the exclusive areas reserved for the Indian firm. Ironically, we must
state that the MNCs would do much better in those areas, thus putting out
our own coin under shade. Banking, insurance, car production and
telecommunication services are some of the areas in which they would
outperform Indian firms. Thus, Indian firms would either be required to
meet the challenge or fade into oblivion.
Finally, every MNC comes to India to earn money. In a free market
system, any amount of money can be transferred by an MNC to its parent
country. This would lead to drain on our precious foreign exchange reserves.
We cannot check the flight of this capital. Had our own enterprises been
efficient, productive and innovative, we would not have threats of this kind.
It is a pity that we import shirts, jeans and electronics gadgets, whereas we
can manufacture them at much cheaper rates in India. Our quality control
norms are poor and so, customers get swayed by the quality of products and
services of MNCs. Our own firms (like NIIT, Reliance and RITES) are
multinationals. So, we can easily emulate them.
We can conclude by stating that we need MNCs as we are a part of the
global treading culture. We must allow them to operate in those high-
technology areas in which, we lack the expertise. We should also import
technologies through them but we should manufacture products (or services)
in India. MNCs should not be viewed as saboteurs. But they must not be
allowed to control the destiny of our nation.

MULTINATIONAL COMPANIES AND
GLOBALIZATION OF CONSUMERS IN
INDIA
T he post financial liberation era in India has experienced huge influx of

‘Multinational Companies in India’ and propelled India’s economy to
greater heights.
Although, majority of these companies are of American origin but it did
not take too long for other nations to realize the huge potential that India
Inc offers. ‘Multinational Companies in India’ represent a diversified portfolio
of companies representing different nations. It is well documented that
American companies accounts for around 37% of the turnover of the top
20 firms operating in India. But, the scenario for ‘MNC in India’ has
changed a lot in recent years, since more and more firms from European
Union like Britain, Italy, France, Germany, Netherlands, Finland, Belgium
etc have outsourced their work to India. Finnish mobile handset manufacturing
giant Nokia has the second largest base in India. British Petroleum and
Vodafone represents the British. A host of automobile companies like Fiat,
Ford Motors, Piaggio etc from Italy have opened shop in India with R&D
wing attached. French Heavy Engineering major Alstom and Pharma major
Sanofi Aventis is one of the earliest entrant in the scene and is expanding
very fast. Oil companies, Infrastructure builders from Middle East are also
flocking in India to catch the boom. South Korean electronics giants Samsung
and LG Electronics and small and mid-segment car major Hyundai Motors
are doing excellent business and using India as a hub for global delivery.
Japan is also not far behind with host of electronics and automobiles shops.
Companies like Singtel of Singapore and Malaysian giant Salem Group are
showing huge interest for investment.
In spite of the huge growth India Industries have some bottlenecks, like:
• Irrational policies (tax structure and trade barriers).
• Low invest in infrastructure—physical and information technology.
• Slow reforms (political reforms to improve stability, privatization
and deregulation, labor reforms).
Reports says, performance of 3 out of every 4 ‘Multinational Companies
in India’ has met or exceeded internal targets and expectations. India is
perceived to be at par with China in terms of FDI attractiveness by

‘Multinational Companies in India’. In view of ‘Multinational Companies
India’ community, it ranks higher than China, Malaysia, Thailand, and
Philippines in terms of MNC performance. ‘Multinational Companies
Operating in India’ cite India’s highly educated workforce, management
talent, rule of law, transparency, cultural affinity, and regulatory environment
as more favorable than others. Moreover, they acknowledged, India’s
leadership in IT, business processing, and R&D investments.
‘Multinational Companies in India’ are bullish on:
• India’s market potential.
• Labor competitiveness.
• Macro-economic stability.
• FDI attractiveness.
Globalization of Consumers
Globalisation-wrought lifestyle changes irk many. Huge ad campaigns, the
glitz, the glamour, the hype of celebrity endorsements and above all the
image make activists worry about the effect on young Indian minds.
Thanks to our colonised minds, we have an in-built inferiority complex
which makes us hanker after foreign goods. MNCs take advantage of this
and even the media broadcasts their ideas because they have softened them
with advertising money.
The relationship between the MNC and the Indian consumer is rather
complex. One explanation for this love-hate relationship that consumers
share with MNCs is that they have brought to India the bad along with the
good. The best global practices, for one, is a good thing, but these very best
practices also include the policy of hire-and-fire, pink slips and vrs. Thanks
to transnational companies, the Indian middle class has seen both dollar
salaries as well as unprecedented job insecurities. We hate them but we need
their jobs—that is the dichotomy.
The Indian consumer believes MNCs deliver better quality than Indian
companies, but at the same time she believes that Coke and Pepsi did carry
pesticides. Forty per cent of those surveyed are willing to pay a higher price
for an MNC product, but 46 per cent also believe that MNCs bring outdated
products to countries like India.What these seemingly conflicting responses
appear to indicate is that the Indian consumer has a really low opinion of
local products.
But consumer groups rarely ever bother themselves with quality issues
when it comes to local manufacturers. However, their logic is quite simple.
The local chaatwala is not faceless, nor is the local mithai shop owner.
When consumers have a problem they go directly to these shops and sort
it out. But when it comes to multinational products, where do you pin down
responsibility? The retailer will almost always ask you to get in touch with
the company.
MNCs shortchange third world consumers when it comes to product
quality. There is a difference between a product bought abroad and in India.
A lax enforcement system emboldens them. However, given the price-value
equations in India, MNCs say they can’t afford to charge a premium for
their products, as a result they do scale down their product offering for the
mass market that is India. If globally we sell platinum-plated products, in
India the external environment is such that we will have to scale it down
to gold-plated. But if a manufacturer goes below this, then there is a
problem.
Localisation is another key word. Consumer groups argue that MNCs
localise to such an extent, using cheap Indian labour and hiring local
franchisees, that in the end their product is also of local quality. But big
corporations argue that they bring global practices to India. If they are
using a 10-step method to clean water, say in Europe, they use the same
method here too. However, given the quality of our groundwater, this 10-
step method might not be enough and pesticides can still creep in. While
there is no justification for worms being found in Cadbury chocolates, you
have to understand that you can only get a product which is the creation
of your environment. If there are flies all around, one or two can enter a
Kentucky Fried Chicken kitchen.
Economists and corporate strategists may argue that a democracy like
India is a far better bet for MNCs than the iron-fisted capitalism of China.
But some MNCs operating in India do get this niggling doubt that democracy
is a double-edged weapon. “It gives so much freedom of expression that
anyone can attack us any time,” says an MNC executive. “What we need
is a protective arm. The government should be wary of these NGOs; they
will frighten away FDI.”
India’s love-hate relationship with multi-national corporations (MNCs)
is more complicated than simple fear of big, faceless companies. MNCs
bring jobs (but also “hire-and-fire” policies), consumer choice (that push
traditional foods out of the market), and brand-name products (which is
feared to lead to ‘US-worship’). The recent environmental and health debacles
in MNCs also have some consumer advocates blaming MNCs for not
adhering to the same standards in developing countries as in industrialized
nations. The MNCs, for their part, are eager to avoid public relations
disasters; they are also quick to point out that many of the companies are
run, at least locally, by Indians. Right now there is a battle for public opinion
within the world’s largest democracy, and no clear winner is emerging.
BITCOIN
B itcoin is a peer-to-peer payment system and digital currency introduced

as open source software in 2009. It is acryptocurrency, so-called because
it uses cryptography to control the creation and transfer of money.
Bitcoins are created by a process called mining, in which computer
network participants, i.e. users who provide their computing power, verify
and record payments into a public ledger in exchange for transaction fees
and newly minted bitcoins. Users send and receive bitcoins using wallet
software on a personal computer, mobile device, or a web application.
Bitcoins can be obtained by mining or in exchange for products, services,
or other currencies.
Bitcoin has been a subject of scrutiny amid concerns that it can be used
for illegal activities. In October 2013 the U.S. FBI shut down the Silk Road
online black market and seized 144,000 bitcoins worth US$28.5 million at the
time. The U.S. is considered Bitcoin-friendly compared to other governments,
however. In China new rules restrict bitcoin exchange for local currency.
The European Banking Authority has warned that Bitcoin lacks consumer
protections. Bitcoins can be stolen and chargebacks are impossible.
Commercial use of Bitcoin, illicit or otherwise, is currently small
compared to its use by speculators, which has fueled price volatility. Bitcoin
as a form of payment for products and services has seen growth, however,
and merchants have an incentive to accept the currency because transaction
fees are lower than the 2-3% typically imposed by credit card processors.
Buying and Selling Bitcoins

Bitcoin can be bought and sold for many different currencies from individuals
and from companies. The fastest way to obtain bitcoins is to purchase them
in person or at a Bitcoin ATM for cash. Participants in online exchanges
offer bitcoin buy and sell bids. Companies buy or sell bitcoin in bulk on

exchanges and offer their customers the option via ATM to buy or sell
bitcoin at market price. Bitcoin ATMs allow bitcoins to be purchased for
cash, and some also allow cash withdrawals from Bitcoin wallets stored on
smartphones. Using an online exchange to obtain bitcoins entails some risk,
since according to one study 45% of exchanges have failed and taken client
bitcoins with them.
Since bitcoin transactions are irreversible, sellers of bitcoins must take
extra measures to ensure they have received traditional funds from the buyer.
History
Bitcoin was first mentioned in a 2008 paper published under the name Satoshi
Nakamoto. In early 2009, the first open source client (or wallet software),
called Bitcoin-Qt, was released and the first bitcoins were issued. In 2009, a
feature in the Bitcoin-Qt software was exploited and large numbers of bitcoins
were created. This was due, in large part, because Bitcoin-Qt was the only
software that facilitated bitcoin transactions and mining. This feature was
later removed because specialized mining software turned out to be more
efficient. Since then, the bitcoin open-source software has been maintained
and enhanced by a group of core developers and other contributors.
Bitcoin prices in 2017 were exceptionally volatile, starting at $998 and
rising 1,245% to $13,412.44 on January 1, 2018. On December 17 bitcoin's
price reached an all time high of $19,666 and then fell 70% to $5,920 on
February 6, 2018. China banned trading in bitcoin, with the first steps taken
in September 2017, and a complete ban starting 1 February 2018. Bitcoin
prices then fell from $9,052 to $6,914 on 5 February 2018. The percentage
of bitcoin trading in renminbi fell from over 90% in September 2017 to
less than 1% in June.
Alternative to National Currencies

Bitcoin detractors and supporters have suggested that Bitcoin is gaining
popularity in countries with problem-plagued national currencies because it
can be used to circumvent inflation, capital controls, and international
sanctions. For example, bitcoins are used by some Argentinians as an
alternative to the official currency, stymied by inflation and strict capital
controls. In addition, some Iranians use bitcoins to evade currency sanctions.
A link between higher Bitcoin usage in Spain and the 2012-2013 Cypriot
financial crisis has been suggested. Mistrust in traditional financial institutions
and central banks fostered by the financial crisis of 2007-08 has probably
helped to bolster Bitcoin popularity.
World has more Bitcoins than Currencies
The world now has a larger number of virtual currencies than a total 180
recognised currencies in different parts of the globe, notwithstanding issues
like bankruptcies and growing regulatory unease about bitcoin and its other
digital peers. Within an ear shot of the 200-member mark, a total of 193
virtual currencies are currently being traded across the internet, although
none of them carry an official stamp from the government or banking
regulator from any of the countries. While bitcoin and other such currencies
began coming into existence about four years ago, a frenzied proliferation
in last two months has more than doubled their count. Apart from bitcoins,
ripple, litecoin, auroracoin, peercoin and dogcoin have seen steady pickup
in volume as well market value. The latest additions include tea-coin,
aliencoin, magic internet money and heisenberg.
Speculation and Bubbles

Bitcoins are traded by speculators who want to profit on short to medium
term price changes. A separate organization offers futures contracts against
multiple currencies allowing speculators to short bitcoin. The European
Banking Authority warned in December 2013, that the risks of engaging in
speculation go beyond a potential loss of bitcoin value. Unable to find any
intrinsic value, former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan has called
it a speculative bubble as has economist John Quiggin.
As an Investment
Bitcoin is a new and interesting electronic currency, the value of which is
not backed by any single government or organization. Like other currencies,
it is worth something partly because people are willing to trade it for goods
and services. Its exchange rate fluctuates continuously, and sometimes wildly.
It lacks wide acceptance and is vulnerable to manipulation by parties with
modest funding. Security incidents such as website and account compromise
may trigger major sell-offs. Other fluctuations can build into positive
feedback loops and cause much larger exchange rate fluctuations. Anyone
who puts money into Bitcoin should understand the risk they are taking and
consider it a high-risk currency. Later, as Bitcoin becomes better known
and more widely accepted, it may stabilize, but for the time being it is
unpredictable. Any investment in Bitcoin should be done carefully and with
a clear plan to manage the risk.

PUBLIC DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM
There are three broad possibilities for a bad Public Distribution System
Policy:
(i) Faulty policy for procuring foodgrains from farmers;
(ii) Mistaken and inflexible policy for allocating foodgrains to various
states and subsequent errors in lifting; and
(iii) Mistakes in sales design at the ration shop level.
Extant analysis of the PDS have dealt with the first and the third
reasons. Thus, experts have signalled out the high procurement prices for
rice and wheat— sometimes in excess of the world price for these grains.
In support of the role played by the third reason, experts have singled out
the APL/BPL dichotomy introduced in 1997 that led to the APL consumer
to be priced out of the PDS system. The consequences of the high supply
and low demand has allegedly led to build-up of foodgrain stocks, which
are costly in store, and way above what is wise.
However, inadequate attention has been paid to the stage wherein
foodgrains are allocated to various states. The presence of a farmers’ lobby
accounts for the high procurement prices and the oft expressed necessity of
targeting the poor for food security is cited as reason for initiating the APL/
BPL dichotomy. There can be no rationale, other than bureaucratic inertia,
for the second reason. Mistakes in allocation policy were endemic even
when neither the procurement prices were unduly high nor the APL/BPL
dichotomy was operative. The only acknowledged basis of allocation of
foodgrains amongst different states is termed by the Ministry of Civil
Supplies ‘historical’. The allocation is altered on an “as and when” basis.
It is important to understand, however, whether this ‘historical’ basis of
allocation dovetails with the pattern of foodgrains demand in the states.
Even a basic analysis would differentiate between the NSS categories of
“rural” and “urban” consumers and by the main grain consumed. Thus, a
large allocation of wheat to rural Tamil Nadu is likely to have a limited use
value and since this would come at the cost of lower allocation of wheat
to wheat-consuming states, it might introduce substantial allocative
inefficiencies and inequity. All this would be in addition to the effect that

such misallocation might have on the retail prices of foodgrains in the open
market.
The basic purpose of making available foodgrains at a lower price that
the existing market price, is to provide a real subsidy. The most effective
way of achieving this is to provide foodgrains directly in proportion to
consumption patterns of the people. Using a data set covering the period
July 1989 to December 1992 and, thus, predating the most excesses of the
procurement of price policy and the introduction of APL/BPL dichotomy,
a study has shown that this is precisely what the PDS does not do. PDS does
not provide a meaningful real consumption subsidy because its allocation
policy is fundamentally flawed. The practice so far has been to have a fixed
quota per head, that does not change for years, even decades. This criterion
is coupled with the so-called ‘historical’ basis of allocation for each state.
This combination cannot match the requirements of the people, which
would vary from time to time and region to region, depending upon food
habits.
It is not difficult to see that this inflexible and arbitrary system of
allocation would result in several mismatches. Some of the mismatches are:
the allocation, when translated as proportion of real Per Capita Consumption
(PCC) exceeded the PCC in certain cases. Thus, the allocation of rice in
urban J & K was at 187 per cent of the PCC. But the allocation ratio of
rice in urban Bihar was well below the demand and lifting ratios for rural
Bihar were even worse and stood at 1.8 per cent and 0.8 per cent, respectively.
Thus, rural Bihar got very little from the rationing systems. In urban UP,
the PCC of wheat was twice the national average, but it received only 6 per
cent of its requirements from PDS. In the northeastern states the PCC
demand was only 18 per cent of the national average, but they were allocated
twice their requirement. In rural Punjab, while wheat PCC was 3.5 times
the national average, their allocation as a percentage of their PCC was only
14 per cent. Only half this ratio was lifted. Several such examples of
misallocations can be cited.
In its effect, then, the allocation and the lifting policies of the PDS appear
to be arbitrary and introduce unwarranted real inequity between states and
between regions within the states. But the simple measures of the case of
populous states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were given population weights,
the resulting welfare loss would heavily outweigh the welfare gain to many

small states. Finally, the gap between the allocation and lifting points towards
large scale pilferage and further welfare loss.
Thus, periodic demand analysis needs to be done to ensure that the
pattern of allocation is consistent with the pattern of demand. The subsequent
behaviour of lifting needs to be cast in terms of designing and targeting real
subsidies rather than levy prices and issue prices, which are nominal indicators
with hardly have any relation to welfare.
KPO—KNOWLEDGE PROCESS
OUTSOURCING—THE ENSUING
REVOLUTION
K PO—Knowledge Process Outsourcing can be simply defined as an off-

shoring of knowledge intensive business processes that require specialized
domain-based expertise. After achieving great success in BPO, India is now
looking for a big leap in KPO. Due to abundance supply of intellectual and
creative workforce at very competitive cost in the country, international
companies are heading towards India to set up their business establishments.
In today’s competitive environment, there is a growing trend of
specialization, where companies focus on their core-competency areas and
outsource the rest. Many companies and organizations have realized that by
outsourcing, they will not only minimize the cost but will be in a better
position to consider on the growth of their businesses.
A Brief History
Outsourcing is not new for the country like India. It was started dates back
during 1960s. Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) is the long-term
contracting out of non-core business processes to an outside provider to help
achieve increased shareholder value. BPO saves precious management time
and resources and allows focus while building upon core competencies.
After BPO, India has now set its sights on becoming a global hub for
knowledge process outsourcing (KPO). Knowledge Process Outsourcing
(KPO), a new terminology is evolved for the business related to the patents
and intellectual property.
As India has the second largest English speaking scientific manpower
pool in the world after the U.S. most of the Global competitors are looking
forward to India to outsource their IPR needs related to patent searching,
prior art search, infringement and validity search etc,. In a survey it was
found that Indian graduates cost 50%+ lower than the U.S. and initial setup
cost are half those in U.S. In India, free-market reforms are creating the
world’s largest back office, transforming the country into a major force in
IT, outsourcing, and critical service application delivery.
Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) study saying that KPO would
grow at more than 46 per cent to become $30 billion sector by 2020. The
BPO industry, only 26%. Global KPO pie in 2020 will be around $30
billion of which $21 billion (70%) will be outsourced to India. Thus KPO
is going to be global hub for the country like India. Areas with significant
potential for KPO include pharmaceuticals, biotechnology, and ICT, besides
legal support, intellectual property research and design and development for
automotive and aerospace industries.
KPO involves high-end processes like valuation research, investment
research, patent filing, legal and insurance claims processing, patents and
prior-art search, etc. India with its knowledge base and lower costs will be
leading the pack in the race for KPO businesses.
Regional advantages and domains of expertise

Due to the availability of large numbers of skilled staff working for lower
pay rates than in the developed world, a few countries like India and the
Philippines are front runners in providing these services. This type of work
demands advanced analysis and communication, so specific higher education
and language skills are essential. MBAs, PhDs, engineers, doctors, lawyers,
writers, ghostwriters, designers, web designers and other specialists with
formal credentials tend to be required.
In India as well as the Philippines, KPO is envisaged as having a high
potential not only in the Information Technology (IT) or Information
Technology Enabled Services (ITES) sectors; it could include patent and
copyright related services, other legal research functions, business intelligence
and analytics, clinical research, publishing and supply chain management,
all of which require a large number of small decisions, and the final
products of which tend to be relatively easy to evaluate for accuracy or
effectiveness.
The maturity of the BPO sector in both countries gives it an obvious
lead in KPO, essentially an offshoot of BPO. It is the high-end activity of
the BPO industry and as of 2007 was estimated to provide substantial
growth over the next few years. More complex fields of work that the
Indian KPO industry focuses on include intellectual property or patent
research, content development, R&D in pharmaceuticals and biotechnology,
market research, equity research, data research, database creation, analytical
services, financial modeling, design and development in automotive and
aerospace industries, animation and simulation, medical content and services,
remote education and e-learning, publishing and legal support.
Some practitioners argue that one region likely to suffer extreme job
loss due to KPO is the USA. Princeton economist Alan Blinder estimates
40 million white-collar jobs in the US alone could move offshore in a
decade or two.
Challenges to providers
In addition to the challenges faced by clients, KPO companies themselves
have challenges: High staff turnover, especially where work is not challenging
to the employee’s skills; High cost of training and tendency to lose the most
experienced employees to the clients ; and Ensuring the security and
confidentiality of information, especially when privacy laws vary from
country to country
Market research
Leaders in the market research industry are slowly seeing the benefits
offered by KPO and have begun outsourcing. Comprehensive IT solutions
are offered by vendors who provide solutions covering the entire life cycle
of a market research project. Smaller firms can also benefit from these
solutions as they are cost effective and remain within the budget of smaller
organizations. KPO is claimed to efficiently increase productivity and increase
cost savings in the area of market research. Advocates claim that the trend
is likely to prove increasingly popular in the global market research industry.
The economy of an industry is fueled by its innovation and thus there
is a need to protect your innovations in order to make money from them.
The firm protection of intellectual property requires a planned investment
of both time and money. There are many ways by which you can protect
your invention to avoid others making money from your efforts. When a
company starts of thinking of a new project or going to file a patent for
a newly developed product, it is suggested to conduct a state-of-art search
or prior art search. This service is provided by many KPO firms in India
at reasonable cost and better quality. Thus it is assumed that KPO will be
a global hub among the student in Indian in near future, with more demand
for the people expert in this area.
MGNREGA
T he National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA, also known

as National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, NREGS) is Indian
legislation enacted on August 25, 2005. The NREGA provides a legal
guarantee for one hundred days of employment in every financial year to
adult members of any rural household willing to do public work-related
unskilled manual work at the statutory minimum wage. The Ministry of Rural
Development (MRD), Govt of India is monitoring the entire implementation
of this scheme in association with state governments. This act was introduced
with an aim of improving the purchasing power of the rural people, primarily
semi or un-skilled work to people living below poverty line in rural India. It
attempts to bridge the gap between the rich and poor in the country. Roughly
one-third of the stipulated work force must be women.
The Gram panchayat registers households after making enquiry and
issues a job card. The job card contains the details of adult member enrolled
and his/her photo. The employment will be provided within a radius of 5
km: if it is above 5 km extra wage will be paid. The scheme was introduced
in 200 districts during financial year 2006-07 and 130 districts during the
financial year 2007-08. In April 2008, NREGA expanded to entire rural
area of the country.
Salient Features of the Act

lRight based Framework : For adult members of a rural household
willing to do unskilled manual work.
lTime bound Guarantee : 15 days for provision of employment,
else unemployment allowance.
lGuaranteed Employment : Upto 100 days of guaranteed wage
employment in a financial year per household, depending on the
actual demand.
lLabour Intensive Works : 60:40 wage and material ratio for
permissible works at the Gram Panchayat; no contractors/machinery.
lDecentralized Planning :
o Gram Sabhas to recommend works
o At least 50 per cent of works by Gram Panchayats for execution.
o Principal role of PRIs in planning, monitoring and implementation.

l Work site Facilities : Creche, drinking water, first aid and shade
provided at worksites.
l Women Empowerment : Priority shall be given to women in such
a way that at least one third of the beneficiaries shall be women
who have registered and requested for work under this Act.
l Transparency and Accountability : Proactive disclosure through
Social Audits, Grievance Redressal Mechanism.
l Funding : 90 per cent borne by Central Government and 10 per
cent by State Government.
Implementation
The Gram Panchayat is the single most important implementation
agency for executing works as the Act mandates earmarking a minimum of
50 per cent of the works in terms of costs to be executed by the Gram
Panchyat. This statutory minimum, upto hundred per cent of the work may
be allotted to the gram panchayat (GP) in the annual Shelf of Projects (SoP).
The other Implementing Agencies can be Intermediate and District
Panchayats, line departments of the Government, Public Sector
Undertakings of the Central and State Governments, Cooperative Societies
with a majority shareholding by the Central and State Governments, and
reputed NGOs having a proven track record of performance. Self-Help
Groups may also be considered as possible Implementing Agencies.
Important Instrument to Monitor and Ensure Transparency in
Implementation of the Act
In the last six year of implementation of the Act several amendments
have been made in the schedules of the MGNREGA to facilitate its
implementation. These include amendments to ensure transparency
regarding custody of job cards and details to be contained in them,
disbursement of wages through banks and post offices, maintance of
records, proactive disclosure of information and processes and procedures
to be followed during social audits. As per the amendment in Schedule,
notified on 4th May, 2012, 30 new works have been added to enhance
livelihood opportunities for the workers. Some of the important initiatives are:
Management Information System (MIS) : MGNREGA has one of the
most effective ICT enabled public interface at http://www.nrega.nic.in. It is
fully functional. The architecture of the MIS is constructed on the
requirements of the legal process of the Act. All physical and financial
performance data is available in public domain.

Social Audits : Social Audits enable the rural communities to monitor
and analyze the quality, durability and usefulness of MGNREGA works as
well as mobilize awareness and enforcement on their rights. Social Audit
is an important tool by which the people can improve and devise strategies
to enhance the quality of implementation of MGNERGA. The Ministry has
accorded utmost importance to the organization of Social Audits by the
Gram Panchayats and issued instructions to the State to make necessary
arrangements for the purpose.
District Level Ombudsman : The Ombudsman will be appointed by
the State Government on the recommendation of the selection committee.
Ombudsmen will be well-known persons from civil society who have
experience in the field of public administration, law, academics, social work
or management. Ombudsman will be an agency independent of the central
or state government. The Ombudsman will receive complaints from
MGNREGA workers and others on any matters consider such complaints
and facilitate their disposal in accordance with law.
Transparency in Execution of Works : To maintain transparency and
accountability in the execution of works States have been suggested to
upload three photographs of the work site namely, before start of the work
(work site), during execution of work and completed work.
Proactive Disclosure : States have been suggested to proactively
disclose of information through Citizen Information Boards reading out
muster rolls information regarding attendance, work done and wage paid.
Payment through Bank and Post Offices : Wages are being paid to
the beneficiaries under MGNREGA through post office and savings bank
accounts. As of now, more than 9.9 crore savings bank and post offices
accounts have been opened across the country for distribution of wages
under the scheme.
MAKE IN INDIA CAMPAIGN
P rime Minister Narendra Modi launched the ‘Make in India’ campaign

at a high-profile event on September 25, 2014. Unveiling the campaign
PM Modi said FDI should be understood as ‘First Develop India’ along
with ‘Foreign Direct Investment’ while encouraging investors not to just

look at India as merely a market but also as an opportunity. The Prime
Minister pointed out that it was crucial to increase the purchasing power of
the common man to boost demand and thus spur development.
Key thrust of the programme would be on cutting down in delays in
manufacturing projects clearance, develop adequate infrastructure and make
it easier for companies to do business in India. The 25 key sectors identified
under the programme include automobiles, auto components, bio-technology,
chemicals, defence manufacturing, electronic systems, food processing, leather,
mining, oil & gas, ports, railways, ports and textile.
The national programme aims at time-bound project clearances through
a single online portal which will be further supported by the eight-member
team dedicated to answering investor queries within 48 hours and addressing
key issues including labour laws, skill development and infrastructure.
The objective of the mega programme is to ensure that manufacturing
sector which contributes around 15% of the country’s Gross Domestic
Products is increased to 25% in next few years.
Speaking to more than 500 top global CEOs along with captains of
Indian industry at the event in Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi on September
25th, Prime Minister termed ‘Make in India’ initiative a lion step to usher
in increased manufacturing in the country, which will ultimately generate
more employment opportunities for the poor and give greater purchasing
power in their hands. The mega event was watched live in several cities in
India and abroad through video conferencing.
He urged the domestic as well as global investors not to look at India
merely as a market, but instead see it as an opportunity. “When we talk of
Make in India, we are not just offering a competitive situation and we give
you an opportunity to create a huge market for your product. After all,
handsome buyer is equally important as cost effective manufacturing,” Modi
told a packed audience.
However, for making India an investment hub, the first and foremost
important step would be to create an efficient administrative machinery
which would cut down on delays in project clearances. Economists say that
India has been very stringent when it comes to giving procedural and
regulatory clearances. Besides a time bound clearance from all regulatory
authority would create a conducive environment for business.
Economists have noted that with the globalization becoming a reality,
Indian manufacturers will have to compete with the best and cheapest the
rest of the world has to offer even in the domestic market.
They urged for providing tax concessions to any industry which would
set up manufacturing facility in the country. Besides a critical aspect is the
country’s huge small and medium-sized industries which could play a big
role in making the country take the next big leap in manufacturing.
Stressing that his government has given top priority to skill development,
Prime Minister had said the government is currently doing mapping for
assessing skill manpower demand for specific sectors. He noted that there
has to be synchronization between the objectives of the government, academic
world, industry and job seekers for ensuring that industry specific skills are
imparted.
Besides the skill development, labour law flexibility is a key element for
the success of this campaign for increasing manufacturing in the country.
Economists say that “labour law flexibility does not imply ‘hire and fire’
policy, it’s about providing a sound social safety net to workers.”
Notwithstanding the challenges faced in making India a manufacturing
hub, the country is poised to reap rich dividend for being one of the
youngest nations in the world. According to reports by 2020, India is set
to become the world’s youngest country with 64% of its population in the
working age group. Although a sound beginning has been made for the
Make in India campaign, now the ball is in the government’s court to
ensure its success.
The major objective behind the initiative is to focus on 25 sectors of the
economy for job creation and skill enhancement. Some of these sectors are:
automobiles, chemicals, IT, pharmaceuticals, textiles, ports, aviation, leather,
tourism and hospitality, wellness, railways, auto components, design
manufacturing, renewable energy, mining, biotechnology, and electronics.
The initiative hopes to increase GDP growth and tax revenue. The initiative
also aims at high quality standards and minimising the impact on the
environment. The initiative hopes to attract capital and technological
investment in India. The campaign was designed by the Wieden + Kennedy
(W + K) group which had previously worked on the Incredible India
campaign and a campaign for the Indian Air Force.
Under the initiative, brochures on the 25 sectors and a web portal were
released. Before the initiative was launched, foreign equity caps in various
sectors had been relaxed or removed. The application for licences was made
available online. The validity of licenses was increased to 3 years. Various
other norms and procedures were also relaxed.
In August 2014, the Cabinet of India allowed 49% foreign direct
investment (FDI) in the defence sector and 100% in railways infrastructure.

The defence sector previously allowed 26% FDI and FDI was not allowed
in railways. This was in hope of bringing down the military imports of
India. Earlier, one Indian company would have held the 51% stake, this was
changed so that multiple companies could hold the 51%.
Lava started manufacturing from a Noida plant from April 2015. In
January 2015, the Spice Group said it would start a mobile phone
manufacturing unit in Uttar Pradesh with an investment of ` 500 crore. A
memorandum of understanding was signed between the Spice Group and
the Government of Uttar Pradesh. In January 2015, HyunChil Hong, the
President & CEO of Samsung South West Asia, met with Kalraj Mishra,
Union Minister for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME), to
discuss a joint initiative under which 10 “MSME-Samsung Technical Schools”
will established in India. In February, Samsung said that will manufacture
the Samsung Z1 in its plant in Noida.
In February 2015, Hitachi said it was committed to the initiative. It said
that it would increase its employees in India from 10,000 to 13,000 and it
would try to increase its revenues from India from 100 billion in 2013 to
210 billion. In February 2015, Huawei opened a new research and
development (R&D) campus in Bengaluru. It had invested US$170 million
to establish the research and development center. Also in February, Marine
Products Export Development Authority said that it was interested in
supplying shrimp eggs to shrimp farmers in India under the initiative. In
March 2015, Sony India’s head, Kenichiro Hibi, said at the Mobile World
Congress that they may open a factory in India.
ECONOMIC THEORY OF LAISSEZ-

FAIRE
L aissez-faire is a French phrase literally meaning “let happen”, or “let

do”. From the French diction first used by the 18th century physiocrats
as an injunction against government interference with trade, it became used
as a synonym for strict free market economics during the early and mid-
19th century. It is generally understood to be a doctrine that maintains that
private initiative and production are best allowed to roam free, opposing

economic interventionism and taxation by the state beyond that which is
perceived to be necessary to maintain individual liberty, peace, security, and
property rights.
In the laissez-faire view, the state has no responsibility to engage in
intervention to maintain a desired wealth distribution or to create a welfare
state to protect people from poverty, instead relying on charity and the
market system. Laissez-faire also embodies the notion that a government
should not be in the business of granting privileges. As such, advocates of
laissez-faire support the idea that the government should not create legal
monopolies or use force to damage de facto monopolies. Supporters of
laissez-faire also support the notion of free trade on the grounds that the
state should not use protectionist measures, such as tariffs and subsidies, in
order to curtail trade through national frontiers.
In the free-market economy advocated by economic libertarians,
individuals coordinate their economic decisions through the institutions
of private property, freedom of contract, and the free price system.
Libertarians argue that the free market produces greater prosperity and
personal freedom than other economic systems. In the early stages of
European and US economic theory, laissez-faire economic policy was in
conflict with mercantilism, which had been the dominant system of the
United Kingdom, Spain, France and other European countries, during
their rise to power.
Economic theory
The laissez-faire means that the neoclassical school of economic thought
holds a pure or economically liberal market view: that the free market is
best left to its own devices, and that it will dispense with inefficiencies in
a more deliberate and quick manner than any legislating body could. The
basic idea is that less government interference in private economic decisions
such as pricing, production, consumption, and distribution of goods and
services makes for a better, or more efficient, economy.
The Austrian School of economics and the Chicago School of economics
are important foundations of the economic libertarianism. Economic
libertarians, as well as generalized libertarians, advocate laissez-faire
capitalism, where all the means of production are privately owned, economic
and financial decisions are made entirely privately, goods and services are
exchanged in a free market, and there is little or no positive state intervention
in the economy. As a consequence, now-ubiquitous worldwide money
regulating agencies such as the U.S. Federal Reserve System and other
government owned-and-operated central banking systems are seen as artificial
at best and damaging at worst.
Like most mainstream economists, the Austrian and Chicago schools
support the subjective theory of value, which says that only a buyer and
seller, while using information shared and available in the marketplace, can
determine how valuable goods or services are to them and thereby set a
mutually agreeable price. Libertarians contend that supply and demand, as
ordered by the incidence of independent, subjective valuations in a free
market, are the only sensible means of establishing prices. Moreover, they
believe that only prices rendered in a free market can synthesize and
communicate the preferences and relevant, time-sensitive data to millions of
consumers and producers alike, and that any attempt to objectify these
transactions by a centralized authority will fail. According to them, any
government intervention such as regulation, trade barriers, or taxes, interfere
with this judgment being reflected accurately in the price (though economists
often argue that market failures can interfere with pricing as well). Most
economists agree that accurate pricing is an important part of efficient
markets, and thus important for maximizing economic utility.
Market failures are a tremendous source of controversy amongst
libertarians. This is what usually divides the mainstream ones who advocate
for continued public ownership of policing, military and so forth and
anarcho-capitalists who want full privatization of goods. For many of the
hard line group, the principle of liberty must overcome the goal of wealth.
The public good of police, for instance, could be seen as immoral coercion
no matter how efficient over private security.
Libertarians do not see unequal wealth distribution as a moral problem,
and firmly support the private ownership of land and capital. They oppose
mandatory egalitarian redistribution of wealth because they believe this
would qualify as initiation of force against individuals and their legitimate
property (see Non-aggression principle for more on this idea, and its
criticisms). In addition, libertarians claim that redistribution of wealth takes
capital from the most productive sectors of the economy, and that enforcing
economic egalitarianism reduces the incentive to work. They may further
argue that any temporary equality of outcome gained by redistribution
would quickly collapse without coercion because people have different
levels of motivation and native abilities, and would make different choices
based on their differing values. Those that were more productive or traded
more effectively would quickly gain disproportionate wealth, others would

waste their resources, and some of those would choose to save for retirement
or earn little on their own. Some may choose not to generate wealth,
preferring to spend their time in other areas they find more fulfilling like
non-commercial artistic expression or religious growth — an avenue
libertarians do not oppose. However, they do oppose forced subsidization
of any such venture. Material inequality, they argue, is a necessary outcome
of the freedom to choose one’s own actions without imposing on others. To
the extent that they accept any kind of welfare, libertarians tend to prefer
Milton Friedman’s negative income tax as an alternative (but not a
supplement) to the existing system, arguing that it is simpler and has fewer
of the “perverse incentives” of “government handouts”.
Libertarians tend to believe that minimizing the amount of money citizens
pay to government minimizes the ability of the government to fund bad
programs and prevents citizens from needing government assistance because
they have more of their own money (see “starve the beast”). Because they
oppose taxes, libertarians also oppose most programs funded by taxes. Many
libertarians oppose government run or regulated schools, hospitals, industry,
agriculture, and social welfare programs. Others justify public schools on
grounds of efficiency, fairness, or both, though most would prefer a school
voucher system to the status quo.
Libertarians, especially the Cato Institute have long supported Social
Security privatization as a first step to dismantling Social Security.
Lastly, many libertarians support the gold standard as opposed to paper
currency because they do not trust the government to restrain itself from
over-expanding the money supply which would result in inflation. Inflation
is commonly regarded by libertarians as a surreptitious method of taxation
employed to usurp value from privately held money without levying an
apparent tax and demanding physical transfer of money .
Laissez-faire today
Modern industrialized nations today are not representative of laissez-faire
principles or policies, as they usually involve significant amounts of
government intervention in the economy. This intervention includes minimum
wages, corporate welfare, anti-trust regulation, nationalized industries, and
welfare programs among other forms of government intervention. Subsidy
programs for businesses and agricultural products; government ownership
of some industry (usually in natural resources); regulation of market
competition; economic trade barriers in the form of protective tariffs -
quotas on imports - or internal regulation favoring domestic industry; and
other forms of government favoritism.
According to the 2007 Index of Economic Freedom issued by the
Heritage Foundation, the seven countries with the most free economies are
currently the following: Hong Kong, Singapore, Australia, United States,
New Zealand, United Kingdom and Ireland (all of them former constituents
of the British Empire). Hong Kong is ranked number one for 12 consecutive
years in the Index which attempts to measure “the absence of government
coercion or constraint on the production, distribution, or consumption of
goods and services beyond the extent necessary for citizens to protect and
maintain liberty itself.” Milton Friedman praised the Hong Kong Laissez-
faire approach to the economy and credits that policy for the rapid move
from poverty to prosperity in 50 years. Much of this growth came under
British colonial control prior to the 1997 takeover by Communist China.
However at a press conference on 11 September 2006, Donald Tsang,
the Chief Executive of Hong Kong said that “Positive non-interventionism
was a policy suggested by a previous Financial Secretary many years ago,
but we have never said that we would still use it as our current policy...
We prefer the so-called ‘big market, small government’ policy.” Responses
in Hong Kong were widely divided, some see it as an announcement to
abandon the positive non-interventionism, others see it as a more realistic
response to the government policies in the past few years, such as the
intervention of the stock market to prevent brokering.
TIME TO PRIVATISE BANKS
T he second largest public sector bank of India, the Punjab National Bank
(PNB), on February 14, 2018, intimated the Bombay Stock Exchange
(BSE) that it had detected fraudulent and unauthorised transactions worth
about $1771.69 million or ` 11,400 crores in one of its Mumbai branches.
It further said that these transactions had been done in connivance with
certain account holders in order to benefit them and based on these transactions
other banks appeared to have advanced money to these customers abroad.
Simultaneously, filing complaints with the premium investigating agencies
including Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and Enforcement Directorate
(ED), PNB disclosed names of two of its employees including a Deputy
Manager at the Brady House branch where the said fraud had been perpetrated,
who might have been involved in the fraud. With a gap of 14 days, on
February 27, 2018, PNB again wrote to the BSE intimating that the amount
involved in the fraudulent transactions might go up by ` 1,323 crore to take
total amount of the fraud to ` 12,717 crore. Earlier, on February 22, 2018,
CBI arrested a Kanpur based proprietor of a private company in the alleged
loan default to the tube of ` 3,696 crore taken fraudulently from seven
PSBs. Again, on February 24, 2018, the Oriental Bank of Commerce filed
a complaint against a Delhi firm accusing it of a fraud of ` 380 crore.
This has brought many economists and experts to the unavoidable question
of PSBs’ privatisation. They are suggesting that the time has come when
the government must privatise public sector banks and come out of the
banking business. It was none other than Mr. Arvind Subramanian, the
Chief Economic Advisor (CEA) to the government, who advocated for
more private participation in PSBs. Putting the spotlight once again on the
rot in government banks, the CEA said that it was time to consider majority
private participation in public sector banks as we need to recognise how
much stress there is in the banking system when Bank of Baroda has closed
down its South Africa operations and now PNB is facing problems.
Arguments for Privatisation
The votaries of the privatisation of public sector banks argue that the PSBs’
privatisation is an unfinished task of economic liberalisation of 1991. On
July 19, 1969, when the government headed by the late Indira Gandhi
nationalised 14 banks, it was said that since these banks possess 70 per cent
of public money as their deposits, their control should be exercised by
public sector and not by private entities. Later, with nationalisation of seven
more banks, the number of PSBs today stands at 21 and their deposits still
stand at 70 per cent. In 1991, when Indian economy was opened up for the
greater role of private sector, banking sector was also envisaged to go in
private hands. A report prepared by then Cabinet-Secretary Mr. Naresh
Chandra had, inter alia, recommended that the banking sector must also be
opened up for private sector. Accordingly, in 1991, 74 per cent foreign
direct investment was allowed in banking sector and private banks such as
HDFC, ICICI and Axis banks came up. Now the time has come to complete
that unfinished task by privatising PSBs.
Secondly, as another expert has argued, while it is not true that there
is no corruption in the private sector, the existence of checks and balances,
and vigilant managements, often make it more difficult to pull a fraud off.
No matter, 70 per cent of India’s banking system is still in the public sector,
big enough to accommodate all our crooks. Indian businessmen are smart,
they have been quick to latch on to this. The first door is often through
bank employees themselves, if that is not enough there are powerful
bureaucrats to exert the required pressure, with politicians joining the party
for the really meaty deals. What chance does any honest PSU banker have?
The choice is between accepting a cut or having to look the other way. With
the scale of the problem now out in the open, it is ridiculous to suggest that
this is the handiwork of only a handful of unscrupulous employees, with the
rest being pure as driven snow. That is just being in denial. In the light of
the scam at PNB, the government’s recent bail out package of over ` 2 lakh
crore to PSU banks seems like a cruel joke. How can these banks, crooked
at worst and incompetent at best, be given such vast amounts of public
money without first putting in systems to ensure that it will not be frittered
away like this? The truth is that the Indian banking sector now needs its
1991 momentum.
Thirdly, they say that at the heart of the problem is a broken model of
governance which results in weak accountability. The bureaucratic model
for governing the country is not an appropriate one for governing banks in
a fast-changing environment. The Boards of PSBs are emasculated entities
with little authority. Boards do not appoint the CEO or the Executive
Directors nor do they have the authority to set targets and manage
performance. As a result, PSB boards do not have the single most important
tool to perform their fiduciary duty. Boards themselves largely comprise of
nominees of the government and often lack the experience and expertise to
govern these complex institutions. It is not uncommon for nominee Directors
to think through the prism of who appointed them rather than seeing their
fiduciary duty to the institution. Many positions of the Boards, including
that of whole time Director and even CEO, remain vacant for a significant
period. An archaic system of rotating Executive Directors and CEOs across
banks results in lack of continuity of direction and culture. As a result, it
is a rare Board that is able to drive a strategic transformation agenda; most
lurch from quarter to quarter, crisis to crisis, reconciling multiple directions
and perspectives from everyone including the Finance Ministry, RBI and
Parliamentarians; banks de-facto have two regulators, the RBI and the
government. The Bank Boards Bureau that was intended to address some of
these issues has itself been marginalised.
Arguments against Privatisation
On the other hand, the line of arguments against the privatisation of public
sector banks goes like this: The supporters of privatisation fail to acknowledge
the fact that before nationalisation, private sector banks were not reaching
banking serivces to the agrarian sector and small industries, nor contributing
to a more balanced development of the economy. They also ignore the fact
that the banking sector was rife with mismanagement: in the two decades
before nationalisation, 736 banks either failed or had to be taken over by
other banks.
In June 1969, before nationalisation, there were only 1,833 rural and
3,342 semi-urban offices of the banks. By March 1991, these figures rose
to 35,206 rural offices and 11,344 semi-urban offices. Total offices during
this period increased from 8,262 to 60,220. Such a massive expansion in
bank branches, which to a significant extent reached banking to unbanked
sectors of the economy, would not have taken place under private ownership,
since private investors are concerned with profits over a relatively short
period. It was only the government which could direct the banks to follow
a broader developmental agenda.
It was only because of the nationalisation, the government was able to
direct a share of total credit to priority sectors, productive and employment-
rich sectors, such as agriculture and small units, which had been virtually
excluded by private banks. Nationalisation led to a huge spurt in priority
sector credit to total credit, from 14 per cent to 37.7 per cent in the same
period. Before nationalisation, the share of agricultural credit in total non-
food credit was only 2 per cent in 1967 which rose to 9 per cent in 1970-
71 and peaked to close to 21 per cent in the mid-1980s. It should be
remembered that the vast majority of the population draw their income
from these ‘priority sectors’.
ELEPHANT VS. DRAGON : WHO WILL

SURGE AHEAD?
I n the race between Asia’s two major developing nations, China’s dragon
is, by most indicators, beating India’s elephant, hands down. Its gross
domestic product (GDP) is growing at a rate almost double that of India’s,
and the aisles of Wal-Mart are cluttered with products made in China. But
the United States and the rest of the world had better keep an eye on the
elephant and resist temptation to declare the dragon the victor quite yet,
says a Harvard Business School (HBS) professor.
However, it is remembered that while China has successfully leveraged
its governmental structure to attract the foreign companies fueling its
manufacturing boom, India’s indigenous entrepreneurship is thriving in a
way that cannot be ignored. Despite - or perhaps because of - the fact that
its government lacks the economic savvy of China’s, India has bred
homegrown entrepreneurial ventures that are thriving. So-called “knowledge”
industries like software, pharmaceuticals and biotechnology, advertising,
and even the film industry are giving India an edge over its neighbor.
A Brief Comparison
India is far ahead of China. For bringing home the point, measures like the
Forbes magazine list of medium-sized fast-growing companies, which boasts
far more Indian than Chinese companies, and international banks’ ratings of
many Indian firms as far better managed than other Asian companies,
including several better-known firms from Japan and Korea can be easily
cited. China, on many dimensions, is just the exact opposite of India. While
authoritarian China has aggressively courted foreign investment, democratic
India is “allergic” to it. Here you have two large, populous, ancient civiliza-
tions that formed modern nation states in geographically proximate locations
at roughly the same time, yet have chosen radically different development
paths, and have no interconnection with each other whatsoever. Their historic
hostility has accentuated the independence of their development paths.
The economic differences arise partly out of the different governmental
structures in the two countries. In China, where there is little distinction
between the bureaucracy and the government, rising through the ranks of
the party has been based, since 1978, on how much one contributes to the
local GDP. You have an incentive to promote not just local enterprise but
any enterprise. So you open your arms and lay out the red carpet for
foreign multinationals. India, on the other hand, is the home of “rampant
bureaucratic incompetence.” There, bureaucrats’ incentives are unrelated to
economic outcomes. “You have to work to attract investments, so why
bother?”
Yet while China’s government provides incentives to the state-supported
commerce that has fed its economic success, indigenous enterprise has
flourished in India as the government has turned its back. Increasingly,
these enterprises are gaining ground in the international economy as in the
case of Indian software giants Infosys and Wipro, the pharmaceutical company
Ranbaxy, the biotechnology firm Biocon, and the manufacturing firm Moser
Baer. These companies have thrived despite the failure of the government
to provide appropriate infrastructure. They’re compensating for the failure
of the government. ... And the nice thing that’s happening in India is the
government is finally letting them do it. The government is recognizing the
limits of its competence, which is actually an extraordinary thing.
Whether India overtakes China or not, frankly, it’s immaterial. Much
more important is the fact that the United States and the rest of the world
learn from China, India, and other developing nations like Brazil or Russia.
There’s a lot of competition that’s going to come out of left field. An
Indian entrepreneur, for example, has launched a business growing and
shipping high-end produce to Europe. “You could feed a large part of
Europe from India,” . That means that if you’re a Florida grower exporting
to Europe, you might want to rethink your business model.
Using markedly different strategies and policy reforms, China and India
have sustained high growth rates over a number of years. This has had and
will continue to have profound effects on their social, economic, cultural
and political structures. The rapid growth in China and India has brought
about tremendous opportunities and challenges for other countries as well.
Why India Will March Ahead

The question of whether the dragon or the elephant would dominate the
global market is a question that raises passionate debates between millions
of Chinese and Indians, all filled with pride over their nation’s own
ascendancy. Since it is impossible to make a judgment call based on every
factor, conclusion can be based on two current indicators which will be the
key hallmarks of a potential economic superpower – a strong knowledge
based industry, and the existence of a highly entrepreneurial high tech
environment. On these two counts, India score higher than China.
India is more likely to take over the role of America as the leading
player in the knowledge economy. The current edge obviously goes to
India, where marquee names have sprung up over the last few years. Tata
Consultancy, Infosys, iflex Solutions, Ranbaxy have become powerhouses
in their own fields. Besides having stellar homegrown IT enterprises, the
solid infrastructure and a huge base of college graduates in the key cities
have allowed it to become the first choice for IT outsourcing.
China, on the other hand, lacks the same kind of luster in its IT sector.
This problem goes deep. The lack of IP protection and massive piracy has
served as a lesson to a whole generation of Chinese that producing software
is pointless. After all, if goods can be pirated, and patents bypassed, where
is the incentive for Chinese entrepreneurs to innovate and produce software
and drugs of their own? Also, as shown by a recent MGI research, China
produces massive number of IT graduates, but a large number of them are
technicians, as opposed to highly skilled engineers able to take up managerial
and senior engineering roles. With competition for these capable graduates
becoming fierce, the labor shortage might become a real issue impeding
growth of the IT sector.
Changes in mindset around IP protection, as well as huge investments
in education to meet the higher end needs of industry are needed to ignite
the knowledge industry in China. One thing China has going for it though,
is its strong manufacturing base, which would generate internal demand for
advanced technology to help in automation and supply chain management.
With its better reputation for IP, and established base of IT companies and
colleges, India is definitely looking to be the next key knowledge based
economy.
STANDARDIZATION OF INDIAN
RUPEE
J uly 15, 2010 is a historic day in the economic life of the country. On
this day we have adopted a new symbol of Indian currancy, it is just
after five centuries when emperor Shershah Suri first issued the rupiah. The
new symbol blends the Devnagri “Ra” with roman “R” and signifies India’s
emergence as a growing economic power. It is a moment of national pride
and global recognition. After the Tricolour, it is another significant symbol
of Indian oneness. Hitherto denoted by “Rs” or INR, the Indian currency
has got a new face that “reflects and captures Indian ethos and culture”.
Since the currencies of countries like Pakistan, Nepal, Indonesia, Mauritius
and Sri Lanka are also designated as the rupee or the rupiah, the new
symbol will make India a part of an elite global club. India’s is the fifth
currency to have this distinctive mark after the US dollar, euro, pound and
yen that currently have their own symbols.
The sign of the currency has been designed by the Chennai-born
Dharmalingam Udaya Kumar, who was set to take over as an Assistant
Professor at the IIT, Guwahati. The new rupee sign requires software and
telecom firms to grant it entry in all future computer keyboards and mobile
phones.
Among currencies with distinctive identities, only the pound sterling has
its symbol printed on the notes. Unicode is an international standard that
allows text data to be interchanged globally without conflict. After
incorporation in the global and Indian codes, the symbol would be used by
all individuals and entities within and outside the country.
The process took a span of six months in the country, and within 18 to
24 months globally. It would feature on computer keyboards and softwares
for worldwide use. The symbol, which reflects the Indian ethos and culture,
would help distinguish the currency from the rupee or rupiah of other
countries like Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Indonesia. In addition to this,
state governments would be asked to proactively promote the use of the new
symbol.
All individuals and entities within and outside India would use the
symbol after its incorporation in Unicode Standard, ISO/IEC 10646 and IS
13194. Encoding of the symbol in the Indian Standards would take about
six months while encoding in the Unicode and ISO/IEC 10646 would take
about 18–24 months.
The advent of the new symbol is with a political angle. It is definitely,
on the largest democracy of the world. As compared to other Asian powers,
especially China, India’s strength lies in its democracy. This new symbol
is also considered a step towards internationalization of Indian rupee.
The US dollar, the British pound, the euro and the Japanese yen are
widely traded currencies, while the Indian rupee is only partially convertible.
Moreover, majority of world’s currencies are also floating. Convertible
currencies are defined as currencies that are readily bought, sold and converted
without the permission from a central bank or government entity. The
Indian rupee is only partially convertible as the central bank controls the
international investments flowing in and out of the country.
With a new symbol, the issue of full capital account convertibility
would be revived again. The recent global financial crisis proved the strength
of our economy, and it is not far away when Indian rupee is fully convertible
to other currencies. After that it will become easy to open an account in the
foreign bank in their own teritory. It will promote exchange of currencies
at large amount. Shoping in foreign market and e-commerce became easy.
In domestic market dollar value will decrease and it promotes our trade.
The government decision to have a new symbol for Indian currency is
a symbolic presentation of its new found self confidence in its own ability
to transform the economy–not only domestic but global. India acquired
some positive feedback even during big recession which make the nation’s
confidence high. It is also clear from the global appeal to the Indian prime
minister to cater help in solving global financial crisis during G-20 meet at
London.
FDI IN RETAIL
T he persistent slow down in Indian economy and rising pressure on fiscal

deficit forced Indian government to initiate the strategy of reducing
subsidy burden on the exchequer and introducing a few well-awaited
economic reforms. Besides raising the diesel prices and restricting supply of
subsidised LPG, government allowed FDI in multibrand retailing, civil
aviation and the broadcasting sector.
Government allowed 100% FDI in multi-brand retails but subject to
state government’s permission. Government opened the doors to global
super market chains like Walmart, Carrefour and Tesco, which have been
in waiting for several years but their entry has been capped at 51 per cent
ceiling on the one hand and getting state government’s approval before
opening their business on the other.
On another step in economic reforms, government approved 100%
FDI in country’s airlines. In other words, domestic airline companies, in
screaming need for funds, have been allowed up to 100% FDI from
foreign airlines. Also, broadcasting services such as direct to home (DTH)
can attract up to 100 per cent foreign investment and power exchanges
have been opened up to 49 per cent FDI. Single brand retail policy, too,
has been diluted to make way for the likes of IKEA to set up shop and
invest freely in India.
The government has also approved sale of its minority stakes in four
public sector firms–Hindustan Copper, Oil India, MMTC and Nalco—to
raise up to `15,000 crore.
Government’s decision on FDI and diesel price got appreciation from
the industrial sector. Country’s capital market too showed an upward
bounce showing revived and improved health. As per government’s
declaration, a few more decisions will be announced shortly to speed up
the chain of economic reforms in the country.
We should first analyse the reach and nature of retailing in the country,
before we try to analyse the views regarding the granting of permission
to global retailers to carry out full-fledged business in the country. Retailing
is one of the pillars of the Indian economy, as it accounts for 15% of the
nation’s Gross Domestic Product. From the global market share point of
view, India is considered one of the five largest retail markets in economic
output. Indian retail sector is divided into two sectors—organised and
unorganised. Organised retailing is, however, absent in most rural and
small towns in India. It is referred to as trading activities undertaken by
licensed retailers. Licensed retailers are registered for sales tax, income
tax, etc. These retailers are, in fact, publicity-traded supermarkets, corporate-
backed hypermarkets and retail chains. Organised retailers also include
privately-owned large retail businesses. Unorganised retailing, however,
encompasses all the traditional formats of low-cost retailing i.e. local kirana
shops, owner-manned general stores, betel/beedi/cigarette shops, convenience
stores, handcart and pavement vendors of vegetables, fruits, etc.
If we look closely at the shares of organised and unorganised retailing
in India, we find that most Indian shopping takes place in open markets
or in millions of small, independent grocery and other retail shops.
Generally, the product does not have any price label in these shops,
though some branded products do have a manufacturer-suggested retail
price (MRP) on them. The shopkeeper, as is in practice, fixes arbitrarily
the prices of most of the products to be sold. The result is that two
customers buying the same item at two different stores pay two different
prices on the same day. It is because of the fact that given the margin of
profit, the shopper and the shopkeeper negotiate the price between
themselves. In most of the cases, the customers do not have time to
examine the product label and do not have any choice to make any
informed decision between competitive products. Compared to these open
markets and retail shops, supermarkets and similar organised retail account
for only a few percent India’s retail and logistics industry, both organised
and unorganised, employs about 40 million Indians.
Generally, typical Indian retail shops are very small. More than 14
million outlets operate in India and only 4 percent of them are larger than
500 sq. feet in size. India has about 11 shops/outlets for every 1,000
people. Vast majority of the unorganised retail shops in India do not
employ people from outside their families and lack the resources to procure
or transport products at wholesale scale. Small retailers have, as it has
been experienced for long, limited or no quality control or mechanism to
check the authenticity of products. They also lack training on safe and
hygienic storage, packaging or logistics. The unorganised retail shops
source their products from a chain of middlemen who mark up the product
as it moves from farmer or producer to the consumer. The unorganised
retail shops typically offer no after-sales support or service. In other
words, most transactions at unorganised retail shops are done in cash with
all sales being final.
When we analyse the employment scenario in India, we are at once
acquainted with the novel trend that has gained momentum. An ever-
increasing number of people in India are turning to the services sector for
employment. They are doing so because of the relatively low compensation
offered by the traditional agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The
organised retail market is growing at a very high speed, while traditional
retail sector is growing at a snail’s pace. According to the ICRIER Report
(2007), the retail business in India was estimated to grow at 13 percent
from $322 billion in 2006-2007 to $590 billion in 2011-12. But organized
retail, or large chains, making up less than 10 percent of the market, is
expanding at 20 percent a year. This is driven by the emergence of shopping
centres and malls, and a middle class of close to 300 million people that
is growing at nearly 2 percent a year. The fact, however, is that the retail
sector in India is estimated to have annual sales of $500 billion with nearly
90 per cent of the market still controlled by family-run shops.
As far as opening the retail industry inside India is concerned, debates
and discussions both on the risks and prudence have taken place for years.
Numerous economists have, however, repeatedly recommended to the Indian
Government that legal restrictions on organised retail must be removed. For
example, in an invited address to the Parliament in December 2010, Mr.
Jagdish Bhagwati, Professor of Economics and Law at the Columbia
University, had analysed the relationship between growth and poverty
alleviation and then urged the Parliament to extend economic reforms by
freeing up of the retail sector, further liberalisation of trade in all sectors,
and introduction of labour market reforms. According to Mr. Bhagwati,
such reforms would accelerate growth and make a sustainable difference in
the life of India’s poorest, though many intellectuals are not convinced.
WOMEN IN THE EMERGING ECONOMY:

FROM SILENCE TO VOICE, TAKING
STOCK
I n a new, globalised economy, the need to be concerned about the impact

of globalisation on women is increasingly significant. This is a need that
is felt across the board - rural-urban, agriculture-industry-services, educated-
skilled-unskilled and so on. A number of questions have arisen in recent
times. How have self help groups (SHGs) empowered Indian women? How
has development-induced displacement influenced the lives of women and
children who have been thus displaced? What does the Global Gender-Gap
Report 2016 say about Indian women? Is the bifurcation of women’s lives
into realms of the social and the economic a forced one? Has this been
determined not by the women themselves, but by those who simplify the
problem and deal with its parts rather than understand the whole and its
interlinking complexities?
To address these questions and many more, and to explore the possibilities
of alternative solutions, Christ College and Centre for Social Action,
Bangalore and Drik India, a photographic initiative in Kolkata, jointly
hosted an international conference on 26 and 27 November, 2007. The
conference, titled ‘Women in Emerging Indian Economy - Silence to Voice
- Problems and Possibilities’, was supported by Fredskorpset (FK), a
government body under the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA).
Case studies, empirical research and successful initiatives from the state,
market and civil society were the key tools in the conference deliberations.
Researchers, academicians, policy makers, gender experts, NGOs,
voluntary organisations, media organisations were invited from across the
country to participate and share their experiences in different fields. There
were also inputs from international areas too, such as Sri Lanka Tanzania
and The Philippines.
In her keynote address, activist and journalist Padmashree Patricia Mary
Mukhim of Meghalaya presented a paper on the Global Gender Gap Report
2006, which surveyed 115 world economies. She pointed out that while the
World Economic Fourm placed India way ahead of some advanced nations
like USA, France and Japan so far as political empowerment is concerned,
the participation of women in the economy, their educational attainments
and access to health is way below these advanced countries. India ranks 20th
in political empowerment and 110th in economic empowerment. Indian
women constitute a meagre 11.8 per cent in the Lok Sabha and three per
cent hold ministerial posts. In India, work-force participation of women is
34 per cent in the labour force and 21 per cent in technical and professional
workforce. Comparative figures of women-participation in the work force
in the US show a percentage of 60 and 55 respectively.
The Global Gender Gap Index measures the difference between the
sexes in matters of economic participation and opportunity, educational
attainment, health, survival and political empowerment. Interestingly, the
Gender Gap Report throws light on the lesser-known facts about women’s
economic empowerment such as the duration of paid maternity leave, maternal
mortality rates, and access to skilled health staff for childbirth.
Mukhim’s paper also discussed a study in which the Institute of Social
and Economic Change (ISEC), Bangalore, working with NFHS, drew
samples from 100,000 women in the age-group of 15-50 years across 26
states. The percentage of menopausal women was highest (31.4) in Andhra
Pradesh. The study added that the percentage of menopausal women was
higher in rural than in the urban sector and that the highest incidence was
among women aged between 29 and 34 years as against the natural menopausal
age falling anywhere between 45 and 55 years with an average of 51 years.
Medical findings, according to Mukhim’s paper, show that early marriage
among girls, the trend of malnutrition among girls and women, lack of
family support and the tension of having to eke out a living to supplement
the family income lead to early menopause.
Smita Premchander, Secretary, SAMPARK, a Bangalore-based NGO,
said that according to figures arrived at by the banking sector, India has
around 3 million SHGs (Self-Help Groups) which give loans to around 40
lakh households through extended credit. According to NABARD, the record
for repayment of loans from SHGs to banks is more than 95 per cent. She
added however, that the default rate is very high in case of subsidised loans
that mainly cover BPL (Below Poverty Line) groups but the record for
repayment of unsubsidised loans is almost 99 per cent and women do not
default in repaying loans because they immediately apply for the next loan.
Of the total SHGs, 90 per cent are women-only groups according to
NABARD’s figures. Why are there more women than men in SHGs? On
the basis of her experience with SAMPARK, Premchander pointed out the
reasons. Women are (a) easy to discipline, (b) wait patiently, (c) take small
amounts between Rs.10,000 and Rs.20,000, (d) repay soon and easily, (e)
permit external leadership and control, (f) easy to train as they are flexible, (g)
expectations are low. However, inviting the active participation of women in
SHGs ultimately comes down to using women rather than empowering them.
Rangan Chakravarty, media producer and editorial consultant of Ananda
Bazar Patrika, Kolkata, made his presentation on ‘Women and the Media
through Television’. He pointed out that violence is very much a part of
the entire process of communication in television. The systemic violence by
television is characterised by the marginalisation of the majority. By banishing
the poor from the realm of images the media renders them invisible because
the have-nots, which includes a large percentage of women, are considered
a nuisance, a burden that disrupts the smooth passage to a global, consumerist
world. Invisibility, he underscored, is a major and strong weapon - ‘out of
sight, out of mind’.
Chakravarty insisted on television’s need to: (i) raise a voice against the
woman’s body being made a site for the nation’s morality; (ii) question and
debate on how and why women are increasingly made targets of political
violence and (iii) recognise that women are the worst sufferers of economic
violence. Representation, according to him, need not necessarily mean
empowerment because representation also depends on which women get
represented in the media, how and in what context.
Dr Walter Fernandes, Director, North Eastern Social Research Centre,
Guwahati, pointed out how globalisation will add to the woes of women
who have already been displaced in the past due to political reasons and
ethnic conflict because globalisation has led to large-scale acquisition of
land by the corporate sector in general and the private sector in particular.
He added that large-scale land acquisition for profit-oriented industrialisation
also led to large-scale mechanisation raising unemployment levels persistently.
Forced displacement makes women internalise the dominant ideology as a
coping mechanism.
For example, when outsiders enter a township, they bring along with
them the ideology of consumerism and material affluence. This influences
the male residents of the township who begin to spend a large part of their
income on clothes and entertainment, leaving women with little share to run
the family even when the men’s incomes rise. Forced to seek economic
alternatives to feed the family, many women often get into prostitution. In
most mining towns in Jharkhand for instance, a specific area called Azad
Basti has evolved over time where men who leave their families behind to
work in the mines, visit this place to buy sex. Development-induced
displacement triggered by globalisation, would deprive women of whatever
little autonomy they had.
Gloria Ramaine de Silva of the Center for Family Services (CFS) Sri
Lanka, in her presentation on ‘The Changing Agricultural Sector - A Gendered
Approach’, explained that the participation of women in the agricultural
sector in Sri Lanka has diminished over the past two decades. She added
that in spite of upward social mobility brought about by free education and
health care, the overall status of Sri Lankan women has come down. Gendered
social norms, armed conflict, slow economic growth, accelerated development
programmes, combined with the chronic apathy and lack of political will
among legislators have resulted in blocking the attainment of gender equality
and equity in keeping with international norms.
Ichikaeli Maro, Chairperson, Tanzania Media Women’s Association
(TAMWA) in her paper on ‘Women in the Emerging Economic Sector’
underscored that proponents of gender equality picked four priority areas to
better the condition of women. These are (a) education, (b) legal literacy,
(c) economic empowerment and (d) political participation, which were
adopted immediately after the Beijing Conference in 1995.
The conference explored and assessed the role of women in the changing
economy and the role of the state, market and civil society initiatives under
the present globalised economic environment. It identified some of these
challenges in terms of possible creation of pockets of resistance, unequal growth,
polarisation, coping with new reforms in the constitution and last but not the
least, a critical understanding of who would be the ultimate beneficiaries of
these changes. It went on to study how alternative institutional mechanisms
and innovative practices could strengthen gender relations in developing nations.
The Indian woman keeps fighting many wars on different fronts. The
battle is the battle of life where she also must encounter her share of
oppression and humiliation. While new schemes are devised and new methods
are invented to make life easier for less privileged women, their degree of
empowerment remains a matter of grave concern. This conference drew
attention to this issue with feeling, objectivity and diversity.
TURNING INDIA INTO A CASHLESS

ECONOMY
What is Cashless Economy?

Cashless Economy can be defined as a situation in which the flow of cash
within an economy is non-existent and all transactions must be through
electronic channels such as direct debit, credit cards, debit cards, electronic
clearing, and payment systems such as Immediate Payment Service (IMPS),
National Electronic Funds Transfer (NEFT) and Real Time Gross Settlement
(RTGS) in India.
Post Demonetization, the Centre is making a big push for online and
card-based transactions in the country to achieve its target of becoming a
largely cashless economy.
Types of Cashless Modes and Payments

Mobile Wallet: It is basically a virtual wallet available on your mobile
phone. You can store cash in your mobile to make online or offline
payments.

Various service providers offer these wallets via mobile apps, which is
to be downloaded on the phone. You can transfer the money into these
wallets online using credit/debit card or Net banking. This means that every
time you pay a bill or make a purchase online via the wallet, you won't
have to furnish your card details. You can use these to pay bills and make
online purchases.
Plastic Money: It includes credit, debit and prepaid cards. The latter
can be issued by banks or non-banks and it can be physical or virtual. These
can be bought and recharged online via Net banking and can be used to
make online or point-of-sale (PoS) purchases, even given as gift cards.
Cards are used for three primary purposes - for withdrawing money from
ATMs, making online payments and swiping for purchases or payments at
PoS terminals at merchant outlets like shops, restaurants, fuel pumps etc.
Net Banking: It does not involve any wallet and is simply a method of
online transfer of funds from one bank account to another bank account,
credit card, or a third party. You can do it through a computer or mobile
phone. Log in to your bank account on the internet and transfer money via
national electronic funds transfer (NEFT), real-time gross settlement (RTGS)
or immediate payment service (IMPS), all of which come at a nominal
transaction cost.
The RBI classifies every mode of cashless fund transfer using cards or
mobile phones as 'prepaid payment instrument'. They can be issued as smart
cards, magnetic stripe cards, Net accounts, Net wallets, mobile accounts,
mobile wallets or paper vouchers. They are classified into four types:
1. Open Wallets: These allow you to buy goods and services, withdraw
cash at ATMs or banks and transfer funds. These services can only
be jointly launched in association with a bank. Apart from the usual
merchant payments, it also allows you to send money to any mobile
number linked with a bank account. M-Pesa by Vodafone is an
example.
2. Semi-Open Wallets: You cannot withdraw cash or get it back from
these wallets. In this case, a customer has to spend what he loads.
For example, Airtel Money/Ola Money is a semi-open wallet, which
allows you to transact with merchants having a contract with Airtel/
Ola.
3. Closed Wallets: This is quite popular with e-commerce companies;
wherein a certain amount of money is locked with the merchant in
case of a cancellation or return of the product, or gift cards. Flipkart
and Book My Show wallets are an example.
4. Semi-Closed Wallets: These wallets do not permit cash withdrawals
or redemption, but allow you to buy goods and services from the
listed vendors and perform financial services at the listed locations.
Paytm is an example.
Advantages of a Cashless Economy

l Tackling Black Money: The main advantage of a cashless society
is that a record of all economic transactions through electronic
means makes it almost impossible to sustain black economies or
underground markets that often prove damaging to national
economies.It is also much more risky to conduct criminal transactions.
An economy that is largely cash based facilitates a rampant
underground market which abets criminal activities such as drug
trafficking, human trafficking, terrorism, extortion, etc. Cashless
transactions make it difficult to launder money for such nefarious
activities.
l Circulation of Fake Currency notes can be curbed.
l A cashless economy will help reduce corruption.
l Increase Tax Base: It is difficult to avoid the proper payment of due
taxes in a cashless society, such violations are likely to be greatly
reduced.
l Increased tax base would result in greater revenue for the state and
greater amount available to fund the welfare programmes.
l Digital transactions bring in better transparency, scalability and
accountability.
l Digital transactions are convenient and improves market efficiency
l Transaction costs will come down in the long run
l It would bring down the logistics & cost involved in printing,
managing and moving money around.
l It will eliminate the risks associated with carrying and transporting
huge amounts of cash.
Challenges in Transitioning to a Cashless Society

l Acceptance Infrastructure and Digital Inclusion: Lack of adequate
infrastructure is a major hurdle in setting up a cashless economy.
Inefficient banking systems, poor digital infrastructure, poor internet
connectivity, lack of robust digital payment interface and poor
penetration of PoS terminals are some of the issues that need to be
overcome. Increasing smartphone penetration, boosting internet
connectivity and building a secure, seamless payments infrastructure
is a pre-requisite to transition into a cashless economy.
l Financial Inclusion: For a cashless economy to take off the primary
precondition that should exist is that, there should be universal
financial inclusion. Every individual must have access to banking
facilities and should hold a bank account with debit/credit card and
online banking facilities.
l Digital and Financial Literacy: Ensuring financial and digital
inclusion alone is not sufficient to transition to a cashless economy.
The citizens should also be made aware of the financial and digital
instruments available and how to transact using them.
l Cyber Security: Digital infrastructure is highly vulnerable to cyber-
attacks, cyber frauds, phishing and identity theft. Of late cyber-
attacks have become more sophisticated and organised and pose a
clear threat and present danger. Hence establishing secure and resilient
payment interfaces is a pre-requisite for going cashless. This includes
enhanced defences against attacks, data protection, addressing privacy
concerns, robust surveillance to pre-empt attacks and institutionalised
cyber security architecture.
l Changing Habits and Attitude: Indian economy functions primarily
on cash due to lack of penetration of e-payment modes, digital
illiteracy of e-payment and cashless transaction methods and thirdly
habit of handling cash as a convenience. In this scenario, the ideal
thing to do is to make people adopt e-payments in an incremental
fashion and spread awareness to initiate behavioural change in habits
and attitude.
l Urban - Rural Divide: While urban centres mostly enjoy high
speed internet connectivity, semi urban and rural areas are deprived
of a stable net connection. Therefore, even though India has more
than 200 million smartphones, it is still some time away for rural
India to seamlessly transact through mobile phones. Even with regard
to presence of ATM's, PoS terminals and bank branches there exists
a significant urban-rural divide and bridging this gap is a must to
enable a cashless economy.
Indian Scenario
l Indian economy is primarily to be driven by the use of cash and less
than 5% of all payments happen electronically. This is largely due
to the lack of access to the formal banking system for a large part
of the population and as well as cash being the only means available
for many. Large and small transactions continue to be carried out
via cash. Even those who can use electronic payments, use cash.
l Indians traditionally prefer to spend and save in cash and a vast
majority of the more-than 1.2 billion population doesn't even have
a bank account.
l Indian economy is primarily driven by the informal sector and it
relies heavily on cash based transactions.
l A report by Google India and Boston Consulting Group showed that
in 2015 around 75% of transactions in India were cash-based while
in developed countries like USA, Japan, France, Germany, etc., it
was just around 20-25%.
l RBI estimates for July 2016 show that banks had issued around
697.2 million debit cards and 25.9 million credit cards to customers
after deducting withdrawn or cancelled cards. However, cards on
their own cannot turn the economy into a cashless one. It is important
to note that the number of cards in operation is not equal to the
number of individuals holding those cards. It basically means that
many customers hold multiple accounts and cards.
vvvv

V
E SSAYS ON
S OCIAL I SSUES
Essays on Social Topics F 261

GENERATION Y
F amily cohesion is alive and well in the 21st century. Generation Y is

being raised in the age of the “active parent.” Defined by the views
of child psychology that predominate and the parental education available,
this is the decade of the child.
Unlike Generation X that came before them, these children are not left
to make key decisions on their own; the parents of Generation Y are very
hands-on. Parents are involved in the daily lives and decisions of Gen Y.
Their parents helped them plan their achievements, took part in their activities,
and showed strong beliefs in their child’s worth.
Generation Y makes up many million people world wide with those
born between 1977 and 1994 included, they make up over 40% of today’s
population. The largest generation since the baby-boomers, the Millennials
are defined by their numbers. They will have a huge social and economic
impact.
There are three major characteristics of the Millennial group: First, they
are racially and ethincally diverse, second, they are extremely independent
because of divorce, day care, single parents, latchkey parenting, and the
technological revolution that they are growing up alongside, and third, they
feel empowered.
Growing up in the age of technology has put a computer in the hands
of almost every child. They have understanding and knowledge of technology
and keep up quite well with its advances. Three out of four teenagers are
on-line, and 93% of those ages 15-17 are computer users. The majority of
time spend on the Internet is for entertainment purposes. Emailing, instant
messaging and gaming is done by the majority of children eight and older
who are on-line.
Unlike past generations, the technological advances in the past decade
have put a multitude of choices at the fingertips of Generation Y. The
wealth of information available in seconds from the Internet, hundreds of
television stations to choose from and a different shopping center every ten
miles has given Gen Y members the notion that if they do not get what they
want from one source, they can immediately go to another.
With the majority of the current workface aging, the millennials are
entering the workface at a time a demographic shift. There will be a
shortage of skilled workers as the X generation begin to retire and a flood
of newbies, as Gen Y enters the workforce.
This is a time when kids are working along side those old enough to be
grandparents. This creates a clash of views, and at the same time, a necessary
cooperation between generations. Generation Y workers do not want to be
seen as children. Generation Y’ears think that they can show others a few
things when it comes to work.
Generational relations can be rough. Both sides of the generational
spectrum are dismissive of the other’s abilities. This is where the tension is
created.
Although Generation Y is technologically plugged in, they only appreciate
technology when it is useful to them. Email and the Internet have made
communication very impersonal; this is acceptable most of the time, but not
during the application process.
This generation does not expect, accept or understand the same rules and
regulations as its predecessors. Elements of the workplace important to this
generation include:
o Opportunity for growth
o Challenging daily work
o Flexible schedules for social and personal time
o Income
o Good relationships with boss’s and co-workers
o Opportunity to show off skills receiving recognition of a job well
done
o A casual dress environment
The attitude of this generation is a direct product of their parents. Being
born into the age of “active parenting,” these kids were overindulged,
overprotected and over supervised. Because of this, Gen Y’ers want constant
feedback. Unlike their predecessors, Generation X, there are not latchkey
kids, forced to be independent. These kids know that their parent are behind
them, and rely on them for personal and financial support.
Generation Y will bring new ideas and value into the workplace. They
are highly educated, willing to learn, technologically savvy and motivated.
Understanding and being sensitive to the needs of these workers will be the
key factor in recruiting and retaining them.
OTHER SIDE OF THE SWORD
Children are hitting puberty earlier than ever. Blame the exposure provided
by the media or the changing social trends; but the troubling fact is that

counsellors are seeing an accelerated rise in the number of unsettled parents
taking advice about their girls who have attained puberty earlier or the pre-
teens disturbed by emotional break-ups.
This social and emotional development is fast challenging the accepted
and unacepted notions of parenting. Children are becoming aware of sexuality
before their age. Girls giggle over crush stories and a good amount of time
is spent planning for dates. The nights are spend celebrating sleepovers –
or the long, never ending discussions on boys or imitating the new-age
fashion looks from magazines. And boys have their own favourites. They
want to be updated on the new gadgets or the best hotspots to hand out with
friends to check out girls.
This sort of behaviour is an immoral extremism but the fact of the
matter is that Gen Y too seems to be bewildered and befuddled at times.
Educate them before they learn from a wrong source. Develop that trust so
that they can vent out their hearts. It is not just we who are losing, but they
too–for, in this dearth would be buried their moments of prankishness, the
treasured hunts of ecstasy and the mute songs of innocence.
With the parents confused and wearing a stale look of ‘how to handle
this’ and the schools ill-equipped and ill-versed to peep through the young
minds, this situation seems to stay. And with the advent of sex education,
still struggling to breathe in the political corridors, the revulsion becomes
palpable. Parents and society at large need to understand this and get
equipped to deal with these changing emotional settings.
POPULATION AS A RESOURCE
P roblem of Population Explosion in India has proved to be a big hindrance

in the success of economic planning and economic development. Poverty,
unemployment, low standard of living in India is, to a large extent, the
consequences of population explosion. The vast majority of the Indians are
barely able to read and write. This would appear to most people to be a
major disaster, a population so large that the economy will, sooner or later,

collapse under the weight of these numbers. However, so far it has not. In
fact, the country is actually producing more food than it needs, and is
consequently able to export rice and wheat. That we still have people dying
of starvation in Orissa and Rajasthan is not because there is not enough; it
is a terrible instance of the failure of the administrative system in these
States, where godowns are full and yet the bureaucracy is unable to provide
enough to people to keep them alive.
But the huge population does cause concern to many, as it ought to.
After several years of vacillation, the Central and State governments seem
to have decided to take concrete action to control the growth of the population
while placing an equal emphasis on the care of mothers and their newborn
infants. This involves the development among women, in particular, of
choice, of making them aware of the importance of determining how many
children they want to have.
An interesting and revealing facet of this is what has been reported as
the reason for the relatively low birth rate in Tamil Nadu. Many years ago,
in a decision more populist than anything else, the then Chief Minister,
M.G. Ramachandran, introduced a scheme to provide a mid-day meal to
children in schools. It had nothing to do with population growth, but
became, in fact, a potent factor in the decline of the birth rate.
Apparently, the scheme was seen by mothers in villages and small towns
as a convenient means of feeding their daughters free; like most conventional
mothers in the country, they saw daughters as liabilities and kept whatever
food they had for their sons. The result was that girls went to school, and,
with their free lunch, got enough of an education to make them realise that
they had to limit the size of their families. Additionally, they were able to
find some work - at least, some of them - after they left school and,
becoming breadwinners empowered them sufficiently to determine how
many children they would have.
This may well be apocryphal, but there is a kernel of truth in it - the
birth rate in Tamil Nadu is one of the lowest in the country and many
demographers feel that in a few years it will reach replacement levels as
Kerala already has.
Having said this, however, one needs to go back a little to the country’s
huge population and ask if it is necessarily something that ought to cause
panic and hysteria. In the early 1980s, Julian Symons wrote in his book The
Ultimate Resource that the per capita income was likely to be higher with

a growing population than with a stationary one, both in developed and
undeveloped countries. The argument was that, even though it cost more to
educate more children, eventually there would be a larger number of educated
and productive young people, and even if there are two or three truly
ingenious and creative people among a hundred of them it would be better
if the population was larger than smaller for obvious reasons.
Of course, as Paul Kennedy pointed out in his book Preparing for the
Twenty-first Century, while population growth encourages economic
expansion in some cases, the chief weakness of this argument is not in itself,
but in its context. While a growth rate of 1.7 per cent is seen as acceptable
for this sort of argument, growth rates of 2.43 per cent as in Nigeria, or
2.78 per cent in Syria or 2.53 per cent in Rwanda cannot be. Tragically,
we seem to be seeing an enactment of the Malthusian theory of population
in the last mentioned country - the horrific genocide is now being followed
there by the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) epidemic that
is sweeping through Africa and will, inevitably, bring down the numbers.
Problems and Solutions
Kennedy argues that unlike animals and birds, “human beings destroy forests,
burn fossil fuels, drain wetlands, pollute rivers and oceans, and ransack the
earth for ores, oil and other raw materials”. Given this, current patterns and
levels of consumption cannot sustain “a population explosion”.
There are two things wrong with this. The first is that there is no
population explosion; the increase in growth has already occurred, and even
if India, China and the African countries were to attain replacement levels
by some miracle, the growth of the world’s population would still push the
numbers to extremely high levels, perhaps eight billion, by the middle of
the century. We have to live with and among these billions, and decide how
best we can do so. The other thing, as Kennedy himself mentions, is that
most of the consumption of the world’s natural resources is done by developed
countries, where the population growth is either static or is coming down.
Perhaps he fears that increasing prosperity in the Third World will mean the
adoption of similar lifestyles, which the planet cannot sustain.
This is not very different from the anxiety the nuclear powers have to
prevent other countries from acquiring nuclear capability while doing nothing
to reduce their own nuclear arsenals. But without getting into that argument,
let us look at the increase in India’s population and its implications. The
logic of Symons’ argument would seem to be particularly relevant here,

except that we need to look very closely at our system of education and
ensure that it is just that - a system of education, and not the caricature of
one which it is in most of the country. The key is here.
This is what needs to be understood. If the education given to our young
is even tolerably worthwhile, the results will inevitably augur well for the
country. We need not look with apprehension at the flight of bright young
people to more prosperous countries; there will be a good number in the
country to develop the economy in different ways. That brings us to another
question - the use of natural resources. It is true that the current patterns
of consumption involve a larger use of natural resources, but a good part
of this is really the result of patterns of consumption in earlier decades.
The use of wood is an example. These can be changed, the essential
nature of development can lose the accepted images it has and evolve its
own. Attempts by youngsters to produce fuels from substances other than
hydrocarbons need not cause amusement; one of them may well produce a
viable alternative to conventional fuels, just as synthetic rubber has replaced
natural rubber to a very large extent. Genetically modified foodgrains can,
like cotton, become the norm, and the earth can create and nurture far more
resources than it loses.
One needs to repeat that the key is education. It is time that our rulers
and policy-makers paid more attention to this, and less to running airlines,
hotels and other services. Educate our young and we will have created over
time the most valuable resource a country can have - a population of young,
creative people, aware of what is possible and what is not, what is destructive
and what is sustaining and nurturing. If we invest half as much here as we
are now doing in fields which fetch us nothing, we will have secured the
future of the country.
But the future has no vote. That, of course, is the trouble. Children have
no vote. And it is this that makes one truly apprehensive. Do we have any
statesmen left who will see beyond the votes he needs to stay in power and
steer the country through conventional reactions to what is seen as a problem,
the growing population, and turn it into a resource? One is not for a
moment saying that the efforts to control population growth should stop, far
from it. More determined and imaginative efforts are needed to make
people actually take steps to limit their families. But we must make the best
of what we already have, the huge numbers which will not go away. Instead
of wringing our hands we could take some steps to make living with these
billions a workable proposition and not a disaster.

WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT IN
LAST 50 YEARS
T oday women account for more than fifty per cent and are the main
driver behind the economy. The history of women’s participation in
India’s development thinking and practice, over the last 50 years can be
traced through many strands.
There is, for example, the international space and its special characteristics.
However, development and its promotion in that space came into place only
in the 1960s and more visibly in the 1970’s, especially after the first UN-
announced International Women’s Year 1975, with a UN world conference
on women in Mexico in 1975. Broadly, it is argued in this tracing that there
has been enormous forward movement in incorporating gender into
development thinking and practice. Intellectual as well as institutional
mechanisms are place in to ensure inclusion nationally and internationally.
Further analysis also revealed that it was a combination of revelatory
knowledge, also described as making the location and status of women
visible, and collective lobbying, that brought about whatever little advancement
took place in ushering in gender justice, and accepting women’s ideas.
The argument of this review, however, is that India, and the evolution
of its political economy, and women’s contribution to development design
and practice had its own unique strand, arising out of India’s own unique
history and began much earlier. Further that participation has to be located
in the concept of ‘political economy’, instead of ‘development as it is only
through political negotiations, political restructuring and politically “guided”
institutions, that economies can grow with justice. Development economist
Paul Streeten, in an essay titled ‘The political economy of fighting poverty:
HDR 1997’ says, “The Lack of political commitment, not of financial,
fiscal, economic or technical resources is the real cause of human neglect.”
The history of India’s political economy is perhaps unique in the world.
Pre-colonization, the country had a fairly sophisticated base in manufacture
and trade. The cambridge economic history of India describing the mid-
eighteenth-century Background has this to say: “The possibility of very
considerable growth is, however, suggested strongly by all related sources
of information.”
Further the arrival of Gandhi on India’s political scene from 1914 made
the evolution or development history of the Indian political economy unique.
Gandhi’s touch has also made India’s political economy move zigzag; zig
towards globalisation with all the technological change and the layering of
benefits; zag to the strengthening of livelihoods, the removal of every tear
from every eye. It put India’s path to economic evolution onto a uniqueness
from which India still has not been able to jump off.
His ideas for the regeneration of India, and methods, based on so many
evocative ethical ideas plus the ethical foundations of simplicity, and
nonviolence, his own personal saintliness, attracted women in multitudes.
This participation of women, both at the levels of visible leadership, such
as of Sarojini Naidu and Kamla Devi and the less visible such as Charneli
Devi, the Jain woman went into the fray with an undaunted spirit and
physical determination, she sat in picketing lines, she marched with thousands
of other women, she was jailed. Women who came from reformist families
seeking to challenge their subordinate position had preceded these efforts.
Swarnakumari Devi had started the Sakhi Samaj in Bengal in 1882, Pandita
Ramabai the Arya Mahila Samaj (also in 1882) and the Bharat Sri Mahamandal
(1901); Saraladevi Chaudhurani started the first all-Indian women’s
organisation. These organisations and individual women set the stage for the
role of women in the development history of India much earlier than UN
and other international initiatives.
The issues as well as the currents running through the Indian subcontinent,
as it moved towards defining nationhood and citizenship, pre-1947, were
not only many but highly contentious, with strong players, staking claims
on very divergent and complex perceptions of identity and imagery. There
were a variety of movements against the divisive expressions of caste,
religion and class. [Periyar, (EV Ramaswami Naicker), Jyotibai Phule,
Babasaheb Ambedkar, Mahatma Gandhi, Narayana Guru and so on].
Women’s rights and location in these major sites of dispute and anxiety,
was also tossed about with assorted and often contradictory imagery. However,
women spoke from within these movements - from within the anti Brahmin
movement of Periyar, or the Marxist revolutionary armed struggles, the
INA, the Gandhian organisations, the Indian National Congress, and the
Socialist parties. Looking back, there seems to be a unity amongst these
women in their articulation, challenging the various locations and images
that the men were creating for them. They were able to perceive and
accommodate a multiplicity of identities and roles for themselves, they
flourished in fluid and flexible contexts of social relations—challenging the
mono typing and rigidity that was and is so much a part of male rationality.
It is worth noting that once again it was women who both challenged
the actions taken by the male leadership on the abduction recovery issue,
as well as plunged into refugee relief and rehabilitation work, which in a
sense became the experience that directed their further contributions to
Indian political economy, as we shall see.
For example, as early as 1949, Rameshwari Nehru, honorary advisor to
the government in the Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation, resigned in
protest against a policy that she believed worked against women. In a
memorandum to the Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation, she said, “It is
well known that a very large proportion of the women recovered in India
were unwilling to go to Pakistan... but I regret to say that their protests,
their hunger strikes, their pathetic and heart- rending cries of distress,
widely witnessed by both workers and outsiders, were of no avail, for they
were eventually sent away to Pakistan... we must admit that we have sent
away these unwilling and helpless women to a future they can neither
control nor choose.”
Thus, in pre-Independent India and immediate post-Independence India,
the women’s movement was aware of the frontline, ground level political
issues being debated within the political parties.
In the context or atmosphere described earlier, it is not surprising that
in 1939, a sub-committee on women called Women’s Role in Planned
Economy (WPRE), was set up as part of the structure of the National
Planning Committee (NPC), set up to chart the course of future planning
in India. The sub committee was to “deal with the place of woman in the
planned economy...” ranging from family life, employment, education and
social customs that prevent women’s participation in the economy. The
chairperson of the Committee was Rani Lakshmibai Rajwade, and the
committee included prominent women of that time. Its depth of understanding
as well its recommendations could have been drafted today. It was so
farsighted; covering several areas: civic rights, economic rights, property
rights, education, marriage, family and miscellaneous issues like widowhood,
caste, prostitution etc. But it would not surprise those currently engaged in
designing public policy with the knowledge and views of women that most
of these issues and recommendations by the Committee were not incorporated
into the first five year plan, and women’s role was considered only as a
‘social’ and ‘welfare’ issue for a long time, until the first breakthrough in
1981, with the sixth five year plan. Views on Women can be seen in the
various five year plans as : First Five-Year Plan (1951-1956) set up the
Central Social Welfare Board in 1953 to promote welfare work through
voluntary and charitable organisations. The Second Plan (1956-1961),
supported the development of mahila mandals to work at the grassroots,
Third, Fourth and Interim Plans (1961-74) had provisions for women’s
education, pre-natal and child health services, supplementary feeding for
children, nursing and expectant mothers. Fifth Five-Year Plan (1974-1978)
saw a major shift in the approach towards women, from welfare to
development. Sixth Plan (1980-85) accepted women’s development as a
separate economic agenda. It took a multi-disciplinary approach with a
three-pronged thrust on health, education and employment. Seventh Plan
(1985-1990) had the objective of bringing women into the mainstream of
national development. Eighth Plan (1992-1997) saw a paradigm shift from
development to empowerment and benefits to women in the core sectors of
education, health and employment. Outlay for women rose from Rs 4 crore
in the first plan to Rs 2,000 crore in the eighth. Ninth Plan (1997-2002)
had empowerment of women as its strategic objective. Accepted the concept
of women’s component plan to assure that at least 30% of funds/benefits
from all development sectors flow to women. Tenth Five-Year Plan (2002-
2007) suggests specific strategies, policies and programmes for the
empowerment of women.
Much has been written about the period 1951 to 1975, and the invisibility
of women both as a distinct category of citizens, as well as in leadership,
furthers the welfaristic approach to women in those decades. It is argued
that while there were powerful and progressive women in the national and
state level firmaments, their vision did not identify the situation of women
on the ground and build up a cause. It is argued that the declaration of
international women’s year, by the UN, 1975 and the next decade as the
women’s decade changed this invisibility. A momentum was built up,
unfolding knowledge backed by advocacy, leading to attention to a special
social category called women, and their voices and needs. In India, this
declaration led to the appearance of two defining documents, one by the
CSWI Towards Equality and the other a volume Indian Women, India’s
official entry into the Mexico Conference of 1975. Further, the setting up
of a bureau of women affairs, which now is a Ministry for women and
development.
However, it can also be argued that some of the initiatives and campaign
choices of women in post-independence India, were both modern and courant
and basic such as lobbying for voters’ registration during elections or
emphasising women’s education and consumer vigilance. Many set up
innovative institutions, made up of the buzz word of today, “private public”
partnerships, such as the Central Social Welfare Board, master minded by
Durga Bai Deshmukh and the All India Handicrafts Board, and cooperative
marketing by Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay, amongst many other innovative
development initiatives which determined public policy and influenced
national budgeting.
From the very first plan 1951-56, the goals of development in India
were specifically addressed to removal of poverty, unemployment and
historical inequalities. There was also the Gandhian touch of swadeshi and
swalambi, which was a political ethic to emancipate India from dependence
on the coloniser. Women were some of the main actors in the programmes
of the Khadi and Village Industries or the development of the Handicrafts.
However, the energy and mobilisation generated in the post-1975 era, that
went in to uncover the situation of women, their status, and bring them into
the development design as a special category, led to the inclusion of a
chapter on women’s employment in the 6th- 1976-1981 plan. Employment
was the critical issue and goal and bringing the data on women’s position
in the occupational classification of India’s labour and other such information
was a leap forward.
Simultaneously, an enormous amount of research unfolded women’s
location in the political economy as well as their capabilities in organising
themselves to walk out of poverty and powerlessness. Several reports on
women’s status and location in the political economy appeared both from
Governments including the State Governments as well as from women-led
institutions.
Over the next two decades 1981-2001, and four plans, the issue of
gender has been brought into the five year plans, as a chapter. Vibhuti Patel
points out that the Planning Commission of India has always focused on
women’s issues as per the perceptions of their members on the status of
women in the economy. The chart below captures the trend that indicates
the shift in perception vis-avis women.
But women have not been able to claim their rightful place either in
material well-being, in the political economy design landscape. Bina Agarwal
reviewing the period offers this comment, “Gender inequality did not emerge
just 50 years ago, nor did the attempts to challenge it. But Independence
brought new opportunities for transformation. What have we accomplished?
Too little, whether it is the macro situation of the Nehruvian Model or post-
reform Manmohan economics, there is a steady decline.”
This comment matches the overall view worldwide. There is recognition
that over the past six decades, two trajectories relative to women and
development indicating oppositional trends had emerged. The first trajectory
is the emergence of a strong political presence in the national and international
scene of the women’s movement. There is now a widespread consciousness
of the necessity of engaging in gendered analysis that recognizes both
difference and inequality and its implications for development design. The
other trajectory reveals that the situation on the ground for many women,
especially those living in poverty and in conflict-ridden situations, seems to
have worsened, despite the fact that it has been addressed specifically by
both the State and development thought. Women are the majority of the
poor, of the unemployed, of the physically violated, of the national and
transnational unprotected migrants, of the workers in the least secure and
most underpaid jobs, of those affected by HIV/AIDS, apart from being the
majority of the victims of local and other conflicts. And this is also true of
India’s women, despite the many positive characteristics, such as being such
a critical mass of elected representatives in the Panchayat Raj system.
The question that arises then is, why does this disjunction exist after
decades of what appears to be a vibrant and ostensibly effective partnership
between policy makers and the women’s movement?
One of the inferences that is emerging from the various analytical reviews
is that there is both; a resistance to the accommodation of the knowledge that
women are providing of the situation on the ground, their actual location in
the Indian political economy as the main contributors to its economic sectors,
be it agriculture or export industries, as well as a failure in the women’s
movement to forge a semblance of unity on public issues, which would gain
them a space in the political discourse as, for example, the women of the
immediate post independence era did. The identity issue is rocking the boat
of women’s journey for being accommodated as equally intellectually endowed
citizens, their heterogeneity is a part of their experience, but they have not
transformed it into a philosophical or ethical unity.
There is, thus, a view emerging that a chapter on women and
development, basically feeding programmes to the departments and ministries
that govern this issue, is an inadequate method of inclusion of women, their
knowledge, capability and their condition. Women’s gyana, their knowing
and the body of knowledge they have released, which challenges most facts,
most classificatory systems, including the measuring of the GNP, and the
dichotomies of home and work place etc, have to be forged into alternative

development theories, underpinnings of planning development, designing
the political economy rather than knit the gender thread into an already
designed fabric.
Thus, in designing the intervention of women in the 11th plan, both
approach and further the chapters, there is need to include women’s advisories
at all levels: in the reasoning behind the plans goals, the connections of its
target of rate of growth of 8 per cent for the latter years of the Twelfth
Plan, primarily through export, to the condition of women in agriculture,
in tiny sectors; to address the primary needs such as for water and food and
good health and the consequences to that of policies like privatisation, as
well as the knitting-in of women’s particular experience of development
design and implementation to the sectoral chapters, be it science and
technology or defence or the development sectors.
An example of this shifting by the collective voice of women from mere
demands to budging macropolicies is provided in an exercise undertaken at
a consultation with women thinkers on the budget. In the memorandum,
they submitted to the Union Finance Minister, they picked a single point on
which the diverse demands of women could be converged, water. The
memorandum went on to demand that, “In every habitation in the country
provide access to sustainable supply of water”. Access to safe water is of
special significance for women - it has implications for her health, work,
education, well-being etc. For this to happen, the policy - at the macro and
micro level—in terms of industrialization, privatization, planning, resource
ownership etc have to be re-examined.
It is this kind of shifting of the terms of the discourse between women
and development policy which will shift women out of the ghetto or the
basket of the women chapter to transforming the overall policy, and give
visibility to their collective voice which is the need of the day.
TV VERSUS CINEMA
A s a mode of entertainment, TV has outclassed cinema in India. How

did the idiot box get the better of tinsel world? Let us find out.

In September 1965, TV had started its marathon run in India. During
those days, cinema was the chief mode of entertainment. Colour cinema had
not arrived in India. During the late sixties, the idiot box remained idiot;
its presence in a few major cities did not affect the entertainment scenario.
Then came the seventies. Indian society started looking at all the inputs
from the broad viewpoint. The influences of the West helped our youth and
children think about new modes of entertainment. TV started exploiting the
viewers by giving them some kind of content; it was not obscene content
during the seventies. However, TV could still not create a flutter in the
entertainment markets during the seventies. That was because its content
was weak whereas the content provided by cinema was ‘strong’. The masses
still consumed cinema content.
The eighties changed the fate of the idiot box. The Asian Games were
organised in Delhi in November 1982. TV stations were set up in all hooks
and corners of the country. International satellites were pressed into service
to cover the Asiad. TV also acquired hues: it became colour TV and that
probably made all the difference. HPTs and LPTs were set up by the
government all over the country. Some TV stations were linked through
microwave links as well. Thus, the basic infrastructure of TV was created
during the early eighties. That era is also called the Asiad Phase by mass
communication experts.
Cinema was not far behind. After the success of Sholay in 1972, many
other movies attracted the viewers to cinema halls. Video libraries were
opened across the country by the end of the seventies. Amitabh Bachchan,
Jeetendra, Dharmendra, Hema Malini, Raj Kapoor, Raj Kumar, Mithun
Chakraborty, Parveen Babi, Shashi Kapoor and other actors dominated the
tinsel world. Our countrymen are idol worshippers. They cannot afford to
miss a single action flick of Amitabh. So, Bollywood’s movies continued
to enthrall the audiences. The box office continued to click. Hence, cinema
gave jitters to TV during the late seventies and early eighties.
TV’s fortunes changed during the mid-eighties. Hum Log was the first
family-based serial that made Indian viewers get glued to the idiot box. Then,
serials like Ramayana, Mahabharata, Khandaan, Krishna, etc., made audiences
hysterical. TV became the chief mode of entertainment because people were
no longer fond of lost-and-found or love triangle movies of Bollywood. They
have watched enough of such flicks on the silver screen. They wanted to
know more about their religion, culture, country or, probably, about the entire
world. TV gave them a conduit through which they could imbibe the content
of their choice by sitting at home. When we go to watch a movie, we cannot
change its content. But when we watch a TV serial, we can always change
the channel to watch another TV serial (because the content of the first serial
may not be liked by us). This advantage of “content choice” is a great USP
of TV. In the case of cinema, this advantage is missing.
TV succeeded in the Indian markets because of many reasons. Some of
them are as follows:
(A) Cable TV revolution allowed viewers to get CATV connections at
low costs.
(B) People can choose what content they would like to watch. That is
because there are 120 channels being beamed across India in various
languages.
(C) Ad world suddenly became more innovative, creative and trendy.
The ads created by many ad agencies proved to be greatest money
spinners in the history of advertising (in India). Many people watch
TV only because they are keen to watch ads, nothing else.
(D) TV content acquired western hues immediately after the expansion
of TV networks during the eighties. I Love Lucy was the popular
TV show that was borrowed from the TV studios of America.
During the eighties and nineties, several western content makers sold
their content to Indian TV channels. The Indians loved this content as it was
different from the traditional Saas-Bahu type content. As such, a new
market niche was created by the western content (in India). This niche is
probably the most powerful market segment of Indian viewers. It includes
educated elite and sensitive viewers (who may or may not be rich). Western
content is happily imbibed by this niche with the eagerness of a child. TV
channels like HBO, Star Movies, Zee English, Hallmark, Zee MGM, Cartoon
Network, FTV, Disney Channel, CNN, CNBC and Fox kids are spreading
western content in India. They are also making our viewers more liberal,
sexually outbound and materialistic to the core. Sadly, the ill effects of this
content cannot be removed. Even the illiterate viewers of villages are also
consuming the western content. Their values are also changing. Hence, no
market niche is immune to the western content of TV channels. TV is a
theatre of the home. It is normally viewed when family members are also
watching. Hence, as per Indian customs, pornographic content is not viewed
while sitting along with family members. Western style of living allows
such kind of viewing. Thus, there is a clash of values of the east and west.
Cinema was able to attract people according to the content class it offered.
TV cannot do so. Every kind of channel is available on TV. Hence, some
TV channels can be very much embarassing for families. Cinema has an
edge over TV in this context.
FIRST GENERATION—CONSERVING
GOVERNMENT’S MOST VALUABLE
RESOURCE
A s public-sector workers retire, they take important knowledge and

skills with them, a situation bound to affect every corporation and
private citizen. Savvy governments around the world are responding with
innovative ways to recruit and train the next generation of civil servants.
As the post-World War II generation nears retirement worldwide, meeting
their public welfare and social security obligations may be the least of the
challenges confronting governments in the United States, Europe and Asia.
Evidence is mounting that the real challenge for the public sector will be
the loss of critical knowledge and skills as a result of the retirement of its
own employees, a situation bound to affect every corporate and private
citizen it serves.
When government workers retire, important, sometimes critical,
information and expertise can leave with them—knowledge civilians often
take for granted. For instance, according to a manager at the US National
Aeronautics and Space Administration, sometime in the 1990s, NASA lost
the knowledge it had developed to send astronauts to the moon. Extend this
type of knowledge loss to other public-sector services and agencies, from
civil aviation to regulatory bodies to defense, and a bleak picture emerges.
Government is not alone in facing this challenge, of course. In the
private sector, the retirement of skilled workers has contributed to chemical
plant explosions and airline maintenance problems, to cite just two examples,
and companies across a number of industries have moved aggressively to
capture and retain knowledge.
But governments face unique challenges that cannot be overcome simply
through the application of private-sector solutions. For example, the civil
service workforce is, on average, older than the private-sector workforce
(which means that governments will, by default, be on the leading edge
of solving the problem). In addition, some civil service employers also
have an image problem that can hamper recruiting. Long and complex
hiring processes, noncompetitive salaries, uncertain government budgets
and bureaucracy all put government agencies at a disadvantage when it
comes to competing for talent. As a result, even when governments institute

programs to help pass knowledge from older to younger workers, there
may not be enough younger workers to inherit it.
Reactions and Responses

Governments in several countries have acknowledged these problems and
are taking steps to address them. For example, to attract new talent, South
Korea has opened up 20 percent of its top civil service posts to applicants
from the private sector. Meanwhile, a number of European governments
have introduced a variety of inducements to make public-sector employment
more attractive, including more flexible civil service career paths,
performance-based pay and hiring of executives on contracts. And many US
states now conduct exit interviews with retiring public employees to understand
why they are leaving and to determine what governments need to do to
better attract and retain workers.
To preserve valuable knowledge, ministers and administrators in Canada
have identified succession planning as a pressing issue, and in response have
established a mentoring program. At the Kennedy Space Center in Florida,
where nearly 60 percent of employees are approaching retirement age,
NASA and the state have jointly funded a Web-based educational program
to capture and retain knowledge.
What is limiting the effectiveness of such initiatives, however, is that
they have been uncoordinated responses to one or another specific consequence
of workforce aging. Because workforce aging tends to be pervasive across
departments and ministries, governments should instead approach the problem
holistically, which involves three steps.
Diagnose the Problem

Each government agency must first determine the magnitude of its exposure
to the threat of an impending worker shortage by answering the following
questions: What percentage of employees is eligible for retirement in the
next two to five years, and what skills will they take with them when they
go?; Do current training and development programs ensure that critical
skills will remain in the organization?; Does the organization have systems
in place that capture the knowledge of workers eligible for retirement?;
Are current recruitment practices effective enough to compete with other
agencies and the private sector for scarce talent?; Are reward, recognition
and compensation programs competitive with the private sector?; Does the
agency provide flexible work options, such as flextime, job sharing,
telecommuting and part-time work, to meet the needs of a wider population
of current and potential employees? ; Does the workplace environment
“show” employees that they are valued and respected, so older workers
want to stay and younger candidates want to join?
A diagnostic tool can then be used to pinpoint the specific nature of an
agency’s overall exposure to the problem of aging. One such tool is the
Accenture Human Capital Development Framework. It measures the
effectiveness of human capital processes and capabilities such as reward
systems and career development and leadership, and enables organizations
to logically infer potential linkages to public-sector metrics such as tax
revenue, taxpayer burden and taxpayer responsiveness.
By providing benchmarks along a number of dimensions against which
they can measure themselves, the framework assists organizations in
discovering their weaknesses and where they are at risk. For instance, it
shows best-in-class human capital processes for areas such as reward systems
and career development; best-in-class capabilities, such as leadership and
talent management; best-in-class organizational performance drivers, such
as productivity; and best-in-class business results or organizational outputs,
such as return on invested capital and future value.
The framework has already been used in the private sector to address the
aging workforce issue. For example, a North American financial services
company used it to determine that although its payroll and benefits
administration were excellent, it needed to improve career development,
lead-ership and succession planning. But governments also are starting to
use the framework to identify similar weaknesses, recognizing the equivalent
benefits of the tool in the public sector.
Develop a Human Capital Management Strategy

With the diagnosis in hand, an agency will have a clear picture of its human
capital strengths and weaknesses, and can develop a holistic strategy tailored
to its particular needs. A human capital management strategy should embrace
both present and future workforce requirements.
First, the organization should identify the skills and competencies most
at risk as workers retire. It will then need to figure out how to retain,
capture and transfer the associated knowledge.
The organization should consider changes in retirement policies to retain
critical skills, perhaps implementing phased retirement and alumni programs.
In the United States, for example, more than 30 states now rehire, at least
on a part-time basis, retired employees with valuable skills and knowledge.
California and Ohio have offered a pension incentive to retain older teachers.
And at the national level, partly to reduce the benefits of leaving the
workforce, the US government eliminated rules that penalized Social Security
recipients for gainful employment after age 65.
Second, the strategy must address the critical skills needed for the future
and how the organization will attract, recruit, hire, train and develop the
right people. Finally, to make it possible to do more with less, the human
capital management strategy should consider other ways of delivering services,
such as a shared services model.
Implement a Broad-based Solution

The third step is to enact comprehensive solutions, based on realistic, cost-
effective and actionable steps linked to the strategy. For example, the US
Department of the Treasury recently implemented a far-reaching solution
that addressed the threat aging poses to its Senior Executive Service, its top
tier of employees. The solution has two parts. The first uses a succession
planning toolkit to identify future leadership requirements, assess the depth
of the talent pool, and determine necessary training and development. The
second part involves benchmarking other senior executive development
programs and identifying best practices to plan mentoring and training for
high-potential employees.
In 2003, the Queensland government in Australia opted to address these
challenges with a shared services program, which established stand-alone
units to perform routine administrative tasks and transactions for several
agencies. For example, instead of each agency maintaining its own staff to
perform finance, purchasing and human resources, several agencies can
share the services of one central unit.
This approach reduces the duplication of efforts and allows agencies to
redirect their scarce budgetary resources into more productive applications.
Estimates are that the Queensland shared services initiative will trim as
much as US $80 million from routine operating costs and make it possible
to invest the money in areas of critical need, such as health, education and
justice.
The US Transportation Security Administration took a slightly different
approach when post-9/11 Congressional mandates required it to quickly
recruit, evaluate, hire, train and deploy additional personnel. Instead of
attempting to build an in-house human resources department capable of
meeting the daunting challenge, the TSA became the first federal government
agency to deliver core human resources functions, such as hiring, induction,
personnel and benefits administration, through a shared services structure.
In the first six weeks of service, the agency’s partner began providing
human resources services for the TSA’s approximately 55,000 employees,
hiring up to 1,200 new employees per month. It also established a call
center that today handles as many as 750 human resources questions a day
for TSA employees.
Demographic trends leave no doubt that fewer workers are in line to
replace retirees. Even as workers have been aging, birth rates have been
declining. The worldwide fertility rate has fallen by nearly half in the past
30 years and is below replacement levels in many parts of the developed
world. By 2050, for the first time in history, the old will outnumber the
young.
Meanwhile, budgetary pressures are forcing cuts at many agencies. It
would be a mistake, therefore, for agencies to think they do not have to
worry about the wave of retirees and instead see it as a convenient way to
reduce headcount. They need to establish the right knowledge retention
programs to avoid losing critical skills and expertise when these workers
retire.
Recruiting and training the new generation will be a challenge. Studies
in the United States and Europe show that young job seekers are far from
eager to work in government. To their credit, governments have begun to
recognize the problem, but so far the efforts to address it have been piecemeal.
A comprehensive approach is necessary. If an organization’s human resources
are its most important asset, then dealing with the impending loss of those
resources must be the organization’s highest priority.
PRIVATIZATION OF EDUCATION:
THE WORLD-WIDE VIEW
W ithin the Asian and Pacific region, as in other parts of the world,
shifts in the ownership, management and control of education
institutions may be observed. In some cases this involves an increased role
for governments; but in other cases it involves a reduced role. The latter
is more common than the former. This is partly because the balance has
shifted so markedly toward public ownership, management, and control
during the last few decades, and the pendulum has begun to swing back.
The few places where the government is playing an increased role
include settings where the private sector has been dominant and is considered
to need regulation and/or support. Macau, China is one such place, though
it is idiosyncratic in its long legacy of government neglect and laissez faire
attitudes toward the private sector (Adamson and Li 1999). Neighboring
Hong Kong, China had a much more prominent role for the Government
throughout the 20th century, but has also witnessed increased government
support for and regulation of the private sector through its direct subsidy
scheme for secondary schools and through subsidies and training for private
kindergartens.
More common, however, have been shifts toward privatization of
education. An official ADB document has stated that “Support for the
private sector in DMCs is an important part of ADB’s operational policy in
achieving its strategic objectives”. This general philosophy may be appropriate
in the economic sphere. In education, however, the role of the private sector
is controversial.
Privatization in Education: What Is It?

The term “privatization” typically refers to shifting the delivery of services
performed by public employees to private businesses. This usually occurs
in the form of contracting out (also called “outsourcing”), whereby public
organizations enter into contracts with private companies for the delivery of
services.
Unfortunately, some school districts have been contracting out various
education support services for decades. Many of the tasks they perform are
often erroneously viewed as “peripheral” services that are detached from the
rest of the system of education and thus easily separated from “core”
educational functions. There has been no shortage of private companies
actively seeking to perform education support functions, particularly in
transportation, maintenance, custodial, and food services. In colleges and
universities, the practice of contracting out is even more widespread. Despite
all this effort, privatization is still the exception rather than the rule, and
that is increasing slowly, if at all.Public education has seen a growth in
private sector involvement on several other fronts. One is the emergence of
an “education industry” composed of private companies that take over
administrative and teaching functions for entire schools or even school
districts.
Another is the steady growth of corporate commercial activities within
public schools, including sales, advertising, and market research activities.

The third is the voucher movement, which threatens to drain resources from
public schools to subsidize private schools.
These forces, combined with support services contracting, amount to an
attempted private sector takeover of the entire system of public education.
If these forces were allowed to continue unabated, one could imagine a
system of public education where nearly all administrative, teaching, support,
and even cultural functions would be controlled by private companies,
reducing the role of elected school boards to glorified contract administrators.
Clearly, this prospect gives new and deeper meaning to the term “privatization.”
Models for Privatization

Privatization, by definition, is a process - an “-ization” - rather than a state;
and, as indicated above, the countries of the Asian and Pacific region
display a wide range of starting points. The term may also encompass a
wide array of models. In some systems, privatization has arisen as a result
of deliberate policy; but in others, it is the result of unplanned changed.
Four major models may be identified as follows:
Transfer of ownership of public schools. Deliberate transfer of ownership
(and, by implication, control) of existing public schools to private hands is
perhaps the most striking form of privatization. Such a move is especially
radical when it involves a shift from not-for-profit to commercial operation,
though this type of change is rare.
Shifting sectoral balance without redesignating existing institutions. This
form of privatization occurs through a more evolutionary shift in the balance
of types of institution. Thus, the number and size of government schools
might be held constant, but the number and size of parallel private schools
might be permitted or encouraged to increase. Alternatively, the government
sector might expand, but the private sector might expand more. Or the
government sector might contract, but the private sector might not contract
so much, might remain constant, or might expand.
Increased government funding and support for private schools.
Governments may strengthen the private sector by giving financial and
other support to private schools. Some governments are experimenting with
systems of vouchers, in which families can choose to send children to
private schools but meet some or all the costs from a financial allocation
earmarked by the government.
Increased private financing and/or control of government schools. In
this form of privatization, schools remain nominally under government
ownership but the proportion of finance and/or control by nongovernment
sources is increased. Governments in some countries have experienced a
severe fiscal crisis, and parents and communities have had to increase
financial contributions to their schools in order to bridge gaps. In other
countries, governments’ financial health has remained strong but for
ideological and other reasons the authorities have required school principals
to be more responsive to the market place. These are forms of privatization
within the government system. In some countries, the majority of private
schools are elite alternatives to public schools. However, in other settings
the majority of private schools may be “second-chance” institutions for
individuals who have failed to gain places in public schools. Such private
schools are commonly more expensive for the students and their parents,
but this is not always the case.
Effects of Privatization
Privatization of course has many effects - economic, social, and political as
well as educational. The full range of effects cannot be addressed here,
though they are examined in other parts of the literature. From an economic
perspective, a question of major interest is whether privatization is able to
increase the efficiency of education systems. Most of the evidence on this
matter appears positive, but more research is needed before statements can
be completely firm.
Research on this topic has been conducted by Jimenez and colleagues on
Colombia, Dominican Republic, Philippines, Tanzania and Thailand (Jimenez
et al. 1991; Lockheed and Jimenez 1994). The researchers took care to
control for the home background of students and for other effects, though
the studies excluded household and other noninstitutional inputs, such as
supplementary books, additional tutoring, and endowments. These inputs
may be particularly high for private schools, and could therefore be important
to the comparison.
Nevertheless, on the data that were available, the studies suggested that
private schools generally achieved better results at lower costs, and as such
were more cost effective than public schools.
However, one study in India seemed to contradict these findings. It
focused on primary school mathematics and reading in Tamil Nadu, and
indicated that fully private schools were the least cost effective.
Governmentaided schools were the most cost effective, and fully government
schools were intermediate. In contrast, another Indian study on both primary
and secondary schools in Uttar Pradesh, produced findings more in line

with those of Jimenez and colleagues. The magnitude of findings diverged
considerably for junior and senior secondary schools; but in both types of
institution private unaided schools were shown to be considerably more cost
effective than aided and government schools.
To explain the differences in effectiveness, most authors highlight the
importance of management practices. Lockheed and Jimenez (1994, 15)
showed that head teachers in private schools generally have more control
over school-level decisions that can affect student achievement. This includes
selection of teachers, adaptation of the curriculum, improvement of
instructional practice, and choice of textbooks. To identify cost factors,
Lockheed and Jimenez conducted a small follow-up survey to their main
research, in which they paired elite and nonelite private and public schools
in each of the countries. This survey did not show dramatic differences in
the resources and physical facilities in the pairs of schools, but the private
schools appeared to use these inputs more cost effectively.
Several studies have also observed that private schools are less
constrained by the conditions of service and accompanying salaries that
are mandatory in the public service. In India, for example, many private
schools hire teachers with lower qualifications who are less costly but not
necessarily less effective than their counterparts in the public schools.
Cost-saving patterns are also evident in Japan, where many private schools
employ (i) teachers who have retired from the public sector, (ii) women
who have been unable to secure career-track positions in large companies
or the civil service, and (iii) part-time staff. However, while the research
seems on balance to show that private schools are more cost effective than
public ones, most researchers still underline the need for caution. Riddell,
following careful review of the work not only by Jimenez and colleagues
but also by other researchers, stressed that “there is no overwhelming
conclusion regarding the [cost effectiveness] advantages of private schools
over public schools, notwithstanding statements to the contrary.”
Moreover, as noted by Lockheed and Jimenez, the fact that particular
samples of private schools might appear more efficient than comparable
samples of public schools is not necessarily in itself a strong argument for
privatization. First, full-scale privatization would by definition remove some
of the advantages which the private schools currently exploit: for example,
there would not be enough retired teachers and people seeking part- time
jobs for every school to gain efficiencies to the extent that were previously
demonstrated when only a few institutions were seeking such personnel.
Second, some management practices can be improved within the public
sector: head teachers can be given greater freedom to manage resources and
adapt curricula, without their schools necessarily being privatized.
It is also important to address the argument that the existence of private
schools helps to improve the efficiency of public institutions. Presenting
this argument in one country, a World Bank report has stated that: A mixed
system of government and private schools will not only reduce the financial
burden on public resources, thereby freeing up the education budget to
address teacher salary shortfalls, maintenance needs, and other operational
improvements, but it will also improve the productivity and quality of
public education, as government schools compete with private schools.
Such an outcome is far from generalizable or certain. Much depends on
whether private and public schools really do compete, and on the ways in
which managers of public schools respond to such competition. In most
settings, private and public schools serve different markets. Elite private
schools do not compete even with ordinary public schools, because most
people cannot afford the fees ; alternative-curriculum private schools do not
compete with mainstream-curriculum public schools, because most people
do not want the alternative curriculum; and second-chance private schools
do not compete with the public sector, because the students in those private
schools would rather be in public ones.
The operation and impact of voucher schemes are also related to this
discussion. Many models for voucher schemes have been proposed, and the
reform in Chile, where families have been given the opportunity to use
public resources to pay for places in private schools, is among the best-
known examples of the practice. The Chilean reform increased choice and
permitted reduction of unit costs in the education system. However,
information on the characteristics of different schools did not flow easily
to parents, and urban families had greater choice than rural ones. Key
factors in the Chilean reform were a setting which did not permit political
opposition, and a capacity at both central and municipal levels to make
accurate counts of students and to impose effective penalties for inaccurate
reporting. West points out that cross-national experience with voucher
schemes remains limited and that it is too early to reach firm general
conclusions on their advantages and disadvantages. Nevertheless, policymakers
in Asia as much as in other parts of the world may certainly find various
models of voucher schemes worth consideration.

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ACT—WOMEN
SAFEGUARD ENSURED
D omestic Violence (sometimes referred to as domestic abuse or spousal

abuse) occurs when a family member, partner or ex-partner attempts
to physically or psychologically dominate another. Domestic violence often
refers to violence between spouses,or spousal abuse but can also include
cohabitants and non-married intimate partners. Domestic violence occurs in
all cultures; people of all races, ethnicities, religions, sexes and classes can
be perpetrators of domestic violence. Domestic violence is perpetrated by
both men and women, occurring in both same-sex and opposite-sex
relationships.
The Domestic Violence Bill which had been pending before the Lok
Sabha for many years has finally been passed. There have been a number
of changes made to it and serious lacunae that existed at the time the NDA
government drafted it have been suitably amended. Bill No. 116 of 2005
has now officially become The Protection of Women From Domestic Violence
Act, 2005. While the UPA government had shown its total lack of political
will and had been as impotent as the NDA in passing the 33% women’s
reservation bill they have been able to push through this - maybe as the
lesser evil!
Its main features are that the term ‘domestic violence’ has been made
wide enough to encompass every possibility as it covers all forms of physical,
sexual, verbal, emotional and economic abuse that can harm, cause injury
to, endanger the health, safety, life, limb or well-being, either mental or
physical of the aggrieved person. This is a genuinely wide definition and
covers every eventuality; The definition of an ‘aggrieved’ person’ is equally
wide and covers not just the wife but a woman who is the sexual partner
of the male irrespective of whether she is his legal wife or not. The
daughter, mother, sister, child (male or female), widowed relative, in fact,
any woman residing in the household who is related in some way to the
respondent, is also covered by the Act. The respondent under the definition
given in the Act is “any male, adult person who is, or has been, in a
domestic relationship with the aggrieved person” but so that his mother,
sister and other relatives do not go scot free, the case can also be filed
against relatives of the husband or male partner.

It appears from the Act that the information regarding an act or acts of
domestic violence does not necessarily have to be lodged by the aggrieved
party but by “any person who has reason to believe that” such an act has
been or is being committed. Which means that neighbours, social workers,
relatives etc. can all take initiative on behalf of the victim.
On Cautious Step
Misuse of the act, like all such acts in India , cannot be ruled out. In fact,
with a system as corrupt as ours, money, clout and muscle power will
always call the shots. And as long as the woman stays a puppet or pawn in
the hands of her male relatives, she will always be manipulated and used.
However, with this Act, there is at last legal recognition of the scale of
domestic violence that actually exists. This Act should also put an end to
many of the misuses of the Anti Dowry Act. But when one sees the dismal
record of implementation of Acts related to giving relief to the oppressed,
one cannot but be sceptical. For instance, the Rape Act brings only 5% of
all rapes committed to court and of those only 5% get convictions!
The main beneficiaries of the Act will, of course, be women of the
propertied upper classes. But there is no doubt that with this Act a whole
Pandora’s Box of litigation will be thrown open and all the degradation,
brutality and cruelty to women that has been carefully swept under the
carpet for centuries in our ‘old, rich heritage and civilisation’ is all going
to be exposed - and about time! For those feminist groups that see the
family or the male as the main cause for women’s oppression, this Act will
open up all sorts of possibilities in their struggles.
But for the revolutionary left organisations that see the present system
as the cause for women’s oppression, these Acts are no solution to the basic
problems that women face and are, at best, mere stop-gap measures. The
underlying reasons for the violence against women which are her enslavement
under the present system; the double-standards and hypocrisy of monogamy;
the fact that she has been effectively ‘privatised’ for centuries, removed
from public production, public decision-making and interaction; has no
economic independence, is relegated to domestic drudgery and is virtually
the personal property of her husband/in-laws is not remotely understood or
tackled. It is like giving a prisoner certain rights to resist torture and abuse
but doing nothing for releasing him from his shackles!
The capitalist system whereby women, especially poor working women
are doubly enslaved, cannot offer any long-term solution for the emancipation
of women or their freedom from violence. It is only socialism that can truly
emancipate women by not only making her equal under law and giving her
every legal protection but, far more important, reversing the injustices of
the past thousands of years by socialising the means of production, bringing
the woman back into social production and decision-making, freeing her of
her domestic enslavement by the state taking responsibility through crèches,
community kitchens, old-peoples’ homes etc. It is only a new socialist
system that will free both the man and the woman, make them truly equal
partners - economically, socially and politically - so that they can enter into
a genuine partnership and thus evolve the new type of family where neither
will be victim nor villain.
But its limitations must be kept in mind. Within the existing unjust and
unequal bourgeois system here is an act of legislature that gives oppressed
women some respite, but a very temporary one as it will not end the
hypocrisy of bourgeois monogamy. Hopefully, the contradictions will be so
heightened that society will have to go in for more long-lasting solutions.
However, this Act does ensure that women are not totally at the receiving
end but have some weapon to fight back with. As Marx so concisely put
it: “You cannot give equal laws to unequal people”
A NEED TO CHECK ON REALITY

SHOWS
R eality TV to its viewers provide great entertainment. Un-restrained

emotion, misplaced aggression and baseless judgement with abuses
beeped for the benefit of only five-year olds (anyone older can read lips just
fine). Two reality TV shows that are highly successful are The Real World
and The Bad Girl’s Club. Indian version of many of these successful live
shows are becoming popular in India. Big Boss is inspired by Big Brother,
a popular British show. Rakhi Ka Swayambar was not a reality show but
a highly imagined drama inspiring emotions. Anyone in their teens to 20s
is targeted to relate to these drama-filled shows.
MTV is the highest-rated network among viewers aged 12 to 24. The
premise of The Real World is to put seven to eight “housemates” in a house

together per season. They are aged 18 to 25. The Housmates are chosen
from different walks of life, religions, ethnic backgrounds, interests, and
sexual lifestyles. While the show could focus on sending a positive message
to the millions of people who watch it, they do a good job in doing just
the opposite. The focus of the show is on the sexual relationships and the
partying that mostly all of the houseates take part in.
Reality TV is like a circus of human emotions. An ordinary Indian’s
meteoric rise to fame only to be destroyed by an unkind judge and brought
back to life like a phoenix by the tabloids. It dances to the votes of the
viewer, who in return is only too happy to finally watch the entertainment
regular TV was too embarrassed to provide.
These days there is a growing trend towards reality TV shows that are
based on external shallow values. With the appeal of junk food, it has a
powerful hypnotic effect even on the strongest minds. But while reality TV
may seem like a harmless form of entertainment, the damage (which is done
so subtly) is very powerful and therefore it deserves a closer look. So the
question is—Do we really need another reality TV show or perhaps it’s time
for a reality check?
The popularity of reality TV shouldn’t come as a surprise considering
the fact that we live in a culture that worships vanity, rather than virtue,
and lives by the mantra of “He with the most toys lives”, rathar than “He
with the most joys lives.” It’s been said that circumstances don’t make a
man, they only reveal him. Likewise, reality TV is merely a reflection of
what our society has become—a materialistically driven society where the
love of power and money overcomes the power of love. It’s a reflection of
a society that is not only devoid of a solid wholesome value system, but is
also separated from spiritual roots. It’s also a culture that thrives on living
on the edge, characterized by thrill-seeking and addictions (including the
addiction to stimulation).
So here is the true reality behind reality TV. Reality TV, which is in
the business of making us feel good rather than be good, actually contributes
to the growing problems in our society by celebrating human weakness
rather than human excellence. Reality TV doesn’t empower us, but rather
overpowers us by taking our innate power and inner knowing and spirituality
away from us, leaving us feeling insecure, inadequate, less fulfilled, isolated
and confused by virtue of the promotion of anti-social behaviour, excessive
self-indulgence, self-entitlement, greed, compromised integrity, obsession
with winning at all costs, and erosion in morality.

From enviornmental pollution to spiritual pollution, we can no longer
ignore our failing systems and institutions. From an Enron economy with
ballooning budget deficits (which is really a reflection of a deficit in
integrity) and a vanishing social security system (which creates social
insecurity) to politicians doing what’s politically correct instead of what’s
in the best interest of the community, to a failing education system as
reflected in poor test scores which lag behind those of other nations, to the
break-down of the family system (where kids find themselves home alone
growing up with their peers, gangs or TV without nurturing parents to
instill in them solid wholesome values system), we are planning to fail by
default.
Our spiritual bankruptcy is evident practically in every facet of our
lives, resulting in social ills from perversion, to the phenomenon of people
going from being heroes to zero. We can no longer ignore the senseless
violence in our schools and crime on our streets, increased teen suicide
(often due to hopelessness, low self-esteem, lack of direction and a solid,
wholesome value system) and substance abuse. Western countries are more
stressed out today than ever before despite the fact that we have the highest
standard of living in the entire world. The true reality is that America is
going, slowly but surely, from being a nation of producers and innovators
to a nation of insatiable consumers (even the holidays are too commercialized
to enjoy) while drowning in debt just to support a lifestyle we can’t even
afford. All of these problems can be traced to the pursuit of materialism,
which is a by-product of the American Dream.
A channel’s programming reflects a society’s weakness. There was a
time when our weakness was Bollywood and cricket, today it is reality TV.
Only those channels that really understand the repressed desires of the
viewer make good with TRPs. Only they rope in the brands. Only they
make the money.
We are all affected by media and we can’t escape it. Advertising nowadays
has turned into something that it never was before. A lot of violence and
sexuality has been thrown into our society and is accepted. This sort of
acceptance drives producers to think of such TV shows as The Real World—
successful, yes; healthy, probably not.
In a world of free market and a democracy, it’s only fair that people get
to watch what they want. In a world where new networks are business
houses first, channels running reality shows are only doing their job. In the
business of entertainment, anything is a fair as long as the TRPs are high.
While the Indian middle class espouses middle-class morality in its

hatred for all that is inappropriate, they keep a voyeuristic eye on Rakhi as
the renders relationships unreapairable.
As brand marketers we struggle to find a way to reach out to the
maximum number of people. We choose channels and programmes where
we think the middle class Indian is likely to hand around. We agonise over
the loss of a Kyunki Saas.. because no other show seems to hold women
anymore. News channels in a bid to get a brand’s attention are turning
themselves into reality shows too with programmes on anything but news.
Reality TV today makes a lot of unpleasant things acceptable. Abusive
language is the least of the grimacing middle-class concern. It’s the disrespect
for a fellow human being, the emphasis on success at any cost and judgement
based on little or no evidence. It is this that a society perhaps should guard
against. The debate around reality TV isn’t about freedom or the right to
expression. It’s a debate about the society we want to build.
So now for that reality check. The reality is that the prevailing mentality
in our society today is more is better acquiring external riches as opposed
to internal riches and that you can get something for nothing. There is a
sense of entitlement and an expectation of wanting the good life without
having to work hard for it. This is reinforced, glorified and perpetuated by
the media with shows like ‘The Lifestyle of The Rich and Famous.’ When
all you see is glamour, but not the hard work and sacrifice that goes into
achieving success, it only inspires more envy and the desire for a ‘get rich
quick’ scheme leading to the erosion of morality and integrity.
No court judgement can curb this. Our schadenfreude is our weakness.
It’s also only our cross to bear. It’s easy to blame the channels and the
advertisers that support them, but their world revolves around you, the
viewer. You’re at the centre of it all. It’s free market. Stop watching and
it’ll stop selling.
HUMAN RIGHTS IN INDIA
T he situation of human rights in India is a complex one, as a result of

the country’s large size and tremendous diversity, its status as a developing
country and a sovereign, secular, democratic republic, and its history as a
former colonial territory. The Constitution of India provides for Fundamental
rights, which include freedom of religion. Clauses also provide for Freedom
of Speech, as well as separation of executive and judiciary and freedom of
movement within the country and abroad.
It is often held, particularly by Indian human rights groups and activists,
that members of the Dalit or Untouchable caste have suffered and continue
to suffer substantial discrimination. Although human rights problems do
exist in India, the country is generally not regarded as a human rights
concern, unlike other countries in South Asia. India also has an influential,
independent and vibrant media which has played a crucial role in upholding
human rights in India. Based on these considerations, the report Freedom
in the World 2006 by Freedom House gave India a political rights rating
of 2, and a civil liberties rating of 3, earning it the designation of free.
India has a strong and vibrant media which does not allow any atrocity
to go totally unnoticed. The Indian media has, if not helped the cause of
propagating human rights, at least created channels to let human rights
violations come to the notice of the public consciousness.
Custodial death
The Constitution of India states that the police are subordinated to the
government of the states in which they operate . But despite state prohibitions
against torture and custodial misconduct by the police, torture is widespread
in police custody, which is a major reason behind deaths in custody. According
to Asian Legal Resource Centre, the police often torture innocent people
until a ‘confession’ is obtained to save influential and wealthy offenders.
However, recent advancements in technology, as well as the increasing
adoption of modern law-enforcement methods from western examples seeks
to improve this situation.
G.P. Joshi, the programme coordinator of the Indian branch of the
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi comments that the
main issue at hand concerning police violence is a lack of accountability of
the police, a feature characteristic of many developing nations. However, he
also notes that India in this regard has a strong press with sufficient freedom
which is able to criticize police brutalities effectively, as has happened
numerous times in recent years.
In 2007, the Supreme Court of India delivered an historic judgment in
the Prakash Singh vs. Union of India case (for further details on this case,
see Indian Police Service#1996-2006 Reforms ordered by the Supreme
Court). The judiciary ordered central and state governments with seven
directives to begin the process of police reform. The main objectives of this
set of directives was twofold, providing tenure to and streamlining the
appointment/transfer processes of policemen, and increasing the accountability
of the police, which was severely lacking in the past.The central government
has formally committed to the initiative.Also, Several states in India have
taken the initiative, drafting new pieces of legislation to reflect the judgment
of the national Supreme Court.The judgment is the first tangible step towards
police reform in a long time but also only an initial step.
Press Freedom
According to the World Press Freedom Index 2018, India ranks 138th
worldwide in press freedom index. The Indian Constitution, while not
mentioning the word “press”, provides for “the right to freedom of speech
and expression” (Article 19(1) a). However this right is subject to restrictions
under subclause (2), whereby this freedom can be restricted for reasons of
“sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations
with foreign States, public order, preserving decency, preserving morality,
in relation to contempt of court, defamation, or incitement to an offence”.
Laws such as the Official Secrets Act and Prevention of Terrorism Act
(PoTA) have been used to limit press freedom. Under PoTA, person could
be detained for up to six months for being in contact with a terrorist or
terrorist group. PoTA was repealed in 2006, but the Official Secrets Act
1923 continues.
For the first half-century of independence, media control by the state
was the major constraint on press freedom. Indira Gandhi famously stated
in 1975 that All India Radio is “a Government organ, it is going to remain
a Government organ...” With the liberalization starting in the 1990s,
private control of media has burgeoned, leading to increasing independence
and greater scrutiny of government. Organizations like Tehelka and NDTV
have been particularly influential, e.g. in bringing about the resignation
of powerful Haryana minister Venod Sharma. In addition, laws like Prasar
Bharati act passed in recent years contribute significantly to reducing the
control of the press by the government.
LGBT Rights
Traditionally, Indian culture was relatively tolerant of homosexual activity.
However, Victorian Era laws passed by the British in British India cultivated
negative views towards alternative sexual lifestyles.
Homosexuality is criminalised in India by interpretations of the ambiguous
Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). The punishment ranges from
ten years to lifelong imprisonment.While formal indictments or convictions
of homosexuals are virtually unheard of, the law has been used to harass
HIV/AIDS prevention efforts, as well as sex workers, men who have sex
with men, and other groups at risk of the disease. Scott Long, director of
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Rights Program at Human Rights
Watch sent a letter to the then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
regarding the arrests of 4 men in 2006 in Lucknow and another 4 in 2001.
The People’s Union for Civil Liberties has published two reports of the
rights violations faced by sexual minorities and, in particular, transexuals in
India.
In recent years, both due to increasingly liberal attitudes and the need to
control the spread of HIV/AIDS, several non-government organisations,
National Aids Control Organization, the union ministry of women and child
development, the Law Commission of India and the planning commission of
India have all demanded legalisation or at least de-criminalisation of
homosexuality and acceptance, tolerance and equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgendered people. Political parties, including members of right-wing
ones, are slowly warming to the idea of LGBT rights. Criticism of the anti-
LGBT law(s) comes primarily from the educated urban middle-class.
Human Trafficking
Human trafficking is a $8 million illegal business in India. Around 10,000
Nepali women are brought to India annually for commercial sexual
exploitation. Nepali girls below 10 years are forced into prostitution. Each
year 20,000-25,000 women and children are trafficked from Bangladesh.
However, the United States observes that India is not among the worst
human-trafficking nations in the world, a conclusion that has sparked
controversy among activists. Mark Lagon, ambassador at large for the State
Department’s Trafficking in Persons office, explains the US’s official position
as one where many different variables played into the decision. He said: “I
would be perpetuating a fraud to say that we don’t look at multiple factors
in our relationship with countries any time we take a step on a particular
issue like human trafficking,”
Recent improvements in Indo-US relations has led the United States to
offer cooperation in combating this problem. Former U.S. Assistant Attorney-
General, Alexander Acosta, said that India faced a handicap in the fight
against such crimes due to the lack of an adequate federal law enforcement
agency.The National Human Rights Commission of India has establishing
anti-trafficking centres for better coordination in this venture.
The then India’s Minister for Overseas Indian Affairs , Vayalar Ravi,
declared on September, 2007 that the Indian government is gravely concerned
about growing human trafficking by criminal elements and that “India will
impose ‘severe and exemplary’ penalties on those indulging in human trafficking
and launch a nationwide awareness campaign on the risks of illegal migration”.
Ravi pointed out that his ministry’s effort ‘has been to transform international
migration into an efficient, transparent, orderly and humane process and at
the same time to actively discourage and prevent illegal migration’.
Religious Violence
Communal conflicts between religious groups (mostly between Hindus and
Muslims) have been prevalent India since around the time of it’s independence
from British Rule. Among the oldest incidences of communal violence in
India was the Moplah rebellion, when Militant Islamists massacred Hindus
in Kerala. Communal riots took place during the partition of India between
Hindus/Sikhs and Muslims where large numbers of people were killed in
large-scale violence.
The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots was a four-day period during which Sikhs
were massacred by members of the secular-centrist Congress Party of India;
some estimates state that more than 4,000 were killed. Other incidents
include the 1992 Bombay Riots and the 2002 Gujarat violence —in the
latter, more than 2,000 Muslims were killed following a militant Islamist
attack on a train full of Hindu pilgrims in the Godhra Train Burning, where
58 Hindus were killed. Lesser incidents plague many towns and villages;
representative was the killing of five people in Mau, Uttar Pradesh during
Hindu-Muslim rioting, which was triggered by the proposed celebration of
a Hindu festival. Other such communal incidents include the 2002 Marad
massacre, carried out by the militant Islamist group National Development
Front, as well as communal riots in Tamil Nadu executed by the Islamist
Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazagham against Hindus.
Human Rights Watch and India

Human Rights Watch has recently published several reports attacking the
Human rights situation in India. Allegations have been made of anti-India
and anti-Hindu bias on the part of this and other organizations.
Allegations of Bias Against India

Yatindra Bhatnagar, chief editor of “International Opinion”, has criticized
Human Rights Watch representatives and those of related organizations of
having an anti-India bias with regards to their reports of communal riots in
India between Hindus and Muslims, particularly in reference to the 2002
Gujarat violence. He writes that, instead of trying to heal the wounds of
such incidents, organizations like Human Rights Watch focus
disproportionately on blaming Hindus exclusively for the incident and trying
to deflect attention from the violence perpetrated by Islamists in the Godhra
Train Burning that precipitated the riots. In particular, he criticizes Human
Rights Watch representative Smita Narula and her colleagues for providing
a “blatantly one-sided” account of events and dismissing his concerns to that
effect.
In addition, the reports on the Gujarat riots compiled by Human Rights
Watch have been criticized by Arvin Bahl, a guest contributor to the South
Asia Analysis Group, as “one-sided” and “biased”. He claims that the reports
generally “are based on half-truths, distortions and sometimes outright
falsehoods”. He points out that Human Rights Watch’s claims about the
Bharatiya Janata Party advocating a Hindu Nation as its core ideology are
false. He further says that his analysis of the reports accuse the Gujarat
government for planning the riots but do not provide any evidence to back
those assertions. He also criticizes Human Rights Watch’s labeling of the
attacks on Hindus by Muslims during the riots as “retaliatory”. In his
analysis he states that while he does not deny that Hindu extremists were
responsible for the riots, he “objectively analyze[s] the complexity of communal
conflict in India and avoid[s] the generalizations associated with Human
Rights Watch reports.”
CHILD LABOUR : PROTECTING

CHILDREN AND TEENAGERS’ RIGHTS
IS EVERYONE’S JOB
“Modern states regard education as a legal duty,” and, “compulsory primary
education is the policy instrument by which the state effectively removed
children from the work force.” –Myron Weiner
In India, child labour persists on a significant scale. Child labour is
neither illegal nor is schooling compulsory. Attitudes to child labour among

policy makers in India belie the modern progressive view of childhood
being a period of learning through school, and not a period of employment.
Child labour usually refers to children up to the age of 14, following the
ILO Convention. The International Labour Office (ILO) resolution on age
of employment, Concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment
(Convention No. 138), recommends that no person below 15 years be
considered suitable for employment (on the grounds that a child should
compulsorily complete a certain number of years of school). The United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), however, refers to
children as persons below the age of 18.
If we consider the age group 5-14, there were 12.6 million child workers
in the country. We have more child workers than the entire population of
Belgium. More than 50 per cent of child workers (6.7 million children) are
concentrated in the five States of Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan,
Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh.
Child labours are exploited, exposed to hazardous work conditions and
paid a pittance for their long hours of work. Forced to forego education,
shouldering responsibilities far beyond their years, becoming worldly-wise when
their peers have yet to leave the cocoons of parental protection, these children
never know what childhood is. The Indian Constitution enshrines that:
• No child below the age of 14 years shall be employed to work in
any factory or in any hazardous employment (Article 24);
• Childhood and youth are to be protected against exploitation and
against moral and material abandonment (Article 39(f));
• The state shall endeavour to provide within a period of 10 years
from the commencement of the Constitution free and compulsory
education for all children until they complete the age of 14 years
(Article 45).
Hazardous Work & Legislation

The current legislation in India does not ban all forms of child labour. The
Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986, is concerned only
with “the engagement of children in certain employment” and accordingly
lists specific occupations (Part A) and processes (Part B) in which the
employment of children is banned or is to be regulated. The occupations
specified in the Act include work in the railways, ports, and the sale of
fireworks, and the processes specified include bidi making, carpet weaving,
and the manufacture of soaps, matches, and cement.
On August 1, 2006, the Ministry of Labour added the following
occupations to the list of hazardous occupations: domestic servants, workers
in dhabas, restaurants, hotels, motels, teashops, resorts, spas or other
recreational centres. The notification has become effective on October 10,
2006. This is a welcome step but far from adequate.
Implicit in the above legislation is the view that certain types of
employment are hazardous and only child labour in those employments is
to be prohibited or regulated. The ILO Convention (No. 182) on the Worst
Forms of Child Labour, 1999, also attempts to make a distinction between
hazardous and non-hazardous employment. The convention seeks the
immediate elimination of certain types of child labour including slavery
(sale of children, debt bondage etc.), prostitution, drug trafficking, and
other hazardous activity (or “work which is likely to harm the health, safety
or morals of children”).
There is no doubt that bonded labour and other extremely exploitative
forms of child labour should be ended at once, and require priority attention.
Nevertheless, there are problems with defining hazardous activity; ultimately,
all forms of labour are hazardous to the well being of children.
Children work long hours (12-14 hours a day in the lock making industry
of Aligarh) for low wages (a child’s wage was one-tenth an adult wage in
gem polishing in Jaipur) in dangerous work environments (close to hot
furnaces in the glass factories of Firozabad). Literacy among child workers
is very low, they suffer ailments at an early age, and their life expectancy
is unlikely to be high. There is also a gender division of labour with girls
engaged in specific jobs, generally at lower wages than boys.
There are obviously many gaps in the existing legislation as it excludes
several dangerous processes. It is prohibited for a child to work in a sawmill
but not in a carpenter’s workshop. Working with agricultural machinery is
prohibited but field labour using a sickle is permitted. More important, all
working children are exposed to a variety of hazards, only some of which
are intrinsic to the work process. As shown by Neera Burra, hazards arise
from the work environment, the exploitative conditions of work, and the
intrinsic vulnerability of children.
The decision of the Government to ban child labour in teashops and
hotels is based on the recommendations of a technical advisory committee
headed by the Director General of the Indian Council of Medical Research.
This committee based its recommendations on the argument that children in
the above listed occupations are subjected to physical violence, psychological
traumas, and at times even sexual abuse. They also argued that working
long hours affected their “health and psyche,” and made them “easy prey
to sex and drug abuse as they came in contact with all kinds of people.”
This incisive argument is, of course, applicable to children working in
many other activities and industries. Is a child worker engaged in stitching
buttons on to shirts in a tiny garment enterprise not subject to long hours
of work and abuse by the employer? The line between hazardous and non-
hazardous child labour is a thin one.
Causes of Child Labour

In a country like India where 21.9 per cent of the population is living in
conditions of extreme poverty, child labour is a complex issue. Children
work out of necessity and without their earnings (however meager they may
be); the standard of living of their families would decline further. A large
number of them do not even have families or cannot count on them for
support. In these circumstances, the alternative to work may be idleness,
destitution, or worse, crime.
Employers give certain justifications for employing children to suppress
their guilt feelings. They say that the work keeps children away from
starvation. They are prevented from committing crimes, which they would
have indulged in if they had no jobs. The bureaucrats hold that the total
eradication of child labour is not feasible because the government cannot
provide substantial alternative employment to them. The social scientists say
that the main cause of child labour is poverty. The children either supplement
their parents’ income or are the only wage earners in the family. It is said
that 21.9 per cent of the total population of India or about 26 crore 93 lakh
people live below the poverty line. Of these, 21 crore are living in rural
areas and 5.28 crore in urban areas. The highest number of persons living
below the poverty line is found in Uttar Pradesh (8.09 crore), followed by
Bihar (4.38 crore), Madhya Pradesh (3.27 crore) and Maharashtra (2.28
crore). These persons are forced to sent their children to work in factories,
etc. Another reason is that child labour is deliberately created by vested
interests to get cheap labour. The third reason forwarded for the existence
of child labour is that it benefits industries. For example, the carpet industry
of Uttar Pradesh which employs 75,000 children earns about ` 150 crore
a year in foreign exchange.
Government Measures and National Policy of Amelioration

The government believes that it is easy to completely wipe out child labour.
It, therefore, has only tried to improve their working conditions —reduce
working hours, ensure minimum wages and provide facilities for health and
education. It could be said that the national policy has three main
ingredients—legal action focusing on general welfare, development
programmes for the child workers and their families, and a projects-based
action plan. Initially ten projects were proposed to cover the areas where
child labour is prevalent. They included the glass industry in Ferozabad,
carpet weaving in Mirzapur, diamond-cutting industry in Surat and Jaipur,
brassware industry in Moradabad, match works in Sivakasi, and so forth.
Of these, only two or three have been taken up so far. It was also
contemplated in the policy to utilize the ongoing projects for the child
workers and their families in order to cover their education, health, job
prospects and a study of the socio-economic conditions, which compelled
these children to work at such an early age.
The Union government set up a National Authority on October 2, 1993
to eliminate child labour in hazardous industries by the turn of the century.
Rs. 850 crore were provided in this plan for benefiting two million children
(out of a total of 17 million child labour in the country), i.e., about 15 per
cent of the total child labour. The plan aims at rehabilitating the child
workers, giving them education in 15,000 schools in different parts of the
country, and providing compensation to families whose wards are withdrawn
from hazardous jobs. But is this plan merely a vote-catching action to fulfill
an independence promise to rehabilitate child workers at the rate of two
million a year, or the government is really serious to eliminate this problem.
The seriousness appears to be doubtful.
What Needs To Be Done

Undoubtedly, poverty is the seed-bed for child labour. It is the children of
the poor, and the socially and economically deprived sections of the
population, who work. However, the persistence of child labour depends
critically on the demand for it. This demand for child labour, as shown by
C.P. Chandrasekhar, is either from employers who want to make larger
profits by employing cheap workers or from small employers or household
enterprises who use child labour to survive in low productivity activities.
It is commonly argued that child labour cannot be stopped (and may be
even harmful to end) till such time as poverty is reduced, and, therefore,
the main policy thrust should be towards the eradication of poverty. The
grounds for this argument are usually two: one, a concern for the poor
household that depends on the earnings of the child worker, and, secondly,
the inability to enforce a ban on child labour in a situation of poverty.
Historical experience (of the now advanced countries) as well as the
comparative development experience (of newly industrialised countries) clearly
demonstrates that the achievement of universal school education and the
abolition of child labour was not dependent on the level of per capita
income or the level of industrialisation or the socio-economic status of
families. Even in India, the experience of Kerala shows that near universal
schooling and a very low incidence of child labour can be achieved at a
relatively low level of per capita income. Thus, rather than income growth
preceding a reduction in child labour, the chronology was, in fact, that the
spread of mass education and accompanying reduction in child labour
preceded economic growth (and can be viewed as a precondition for economic
development). The abolition of child labour does not have to wait for the
ending of poverty.
It is time to end all forms of child labour, and to recognize that all
children have a right to education and leisure and other means to develop
their physical and mental capabilities during childhood. Putting an end to
child labour must be a priority of the international community. In order to
reach this goal, it is necessary to implement national policies that guarantee
the elimination of poverty and young people’s access to education, health
care and other services. Protecting children and teenagers’ rights is everyone’s
job.
PAGE THREE SYNDROME
O ur valued readers might argue that page three syndrome is not a

syndrome but an honour bestowed on the celebrity due to his or her
special abilities. But this explanation of Page Three Syndrome is not correct.
In fact, we have added the word ‘Syndrome’ to the phrase “Page Three”
at RPH. It is a disease, not a thrill. It is a bane for society, not virtue.
A Page Three personality is one that appears in the photographs and
news coverage on the third page of a popular newspaper that is normally
reserved to cover the celebrities. Hence, a Page Three person should be the
happiest one on the earth, given that he is being photographed, interviewed

and pampered. In reality, he is being used as an object to show-case the
anomalities of modern society that are presented under the veneer of show-
biz. Women are shown half-naked whereas men are shown drinking and
dancing. The Page Three persons of today are projected as connoisseurs or
artists but most of them crave publicity. Nowadays, publicity can be done
only at a price and these people pay a heavy price to get themselves exposed
by the media.
A movie made on Page Three personalities brought out the wickedness
of the system that Page Three columns of print media perpetuate. A newspaper
needs advertisements to chug along. These advertisements are clubbed with
raunchy news and indecent comments about people. Readers read these
comments and news. Then, they read advertisements on other pages of the
newspapers and buy the products and/or services advertised therein. Hence,
Page Three columns are the gateways for earning more advertising revenues.
The newspaper’s circulation increases; so do its advertising schemes. Poor
celebrities become scapegoats in this process.
Exposure to the media to an extent is welcome. But when limits are
crossed, the Page Three news becomes a mockery. The celebrity thinks that
he or she would get more exposure and later, more contracts because he or
she is being exposed. This hypothesis is not entirely wrong. But the dignity
of the celebrity is at stake. Not many celebrities of the contemporary times
would understand this fact.
Page Three features are a part of the endorsingly media too. TV
programmes expose TV stars, cinema stars, political leaders, thinkers, writers
and social workers in a dramatic manner. These programmes are almost
always coupled with advertisements. People watch such programmes and
gather the information about various products and services that are advertised
in such programmes. Later, they buy these products and services. Hence,
Page Three personalities of the audio-visual media are also being used to
add fuel to the fire.
In order to became a Page Three personality, a female model can go to
any limit. The casting couch syndrome of the cinematic world is equally
alive in this arena as well. Male models, actors and individuals are also
prepared to lose their dignity to get media mileage. This decay in character
can be ascribed to the rising aspirations of people. Everyone wants to earn
the maximum amount of money, enjoy luxuries of life and get the status
of a star. Page Three columns of newspapers and raunchy programmes on

TV help people satisfy their unfulfilled desires. Hence, there is no dearth
of people trying to get exposed in any part of the world. India has only
recently boarded the Page Three bandwagon. Moral values take a beating.
Liquor and drugs flow freely during the parties. Further, dance programmes
continue beyond the early morning hours.
The media paparazzi cover these happenings and feed lascivious content
to the masses. The system of a free market-based society earns its fortunes
and fame only through these mechanisms.
This trend has just started in India. Hence, bringing it to a halt is
nothing but wishful thinking. What we suggest is that our valued readers
should concentrate on their career-building exercises and not on such activities
as would make them repent later. There is no short-cut to success. There
is no alternative to hard work. There is only one virtue—character. If it is
lost once, it cannot be retrieved. Concentrate on your goals, plan to achieve
them and slog to achieve them through the right methods..
DRINKING HABITS AMONG YOUTHS
T he three “Ws”—“wealth, wine and women” have always been considered

the root cause of human fall, for centuries for excess of any of these
things leads to physical or psychological or moral decline. Adam was
thrown out of Paradise falling prey to Eve’s temptations. Wealth brings
even ordinary humans on cloud nine and his imaginations get free flight as
it revolutionizes human physical entity and the suppressed desires and wishes
to throw away the barriers of social, ethical and moral hurdles.
Drinking means alcoholic liquids which, in excess may cause
sensuary imbalance among the people. Any drink apart from water
which has alcohol as the leading ingredient may derail the mental thinking
power which ultimately results in physical aberration like wine, whiskey
and scotch.
India has a long association with drink as ‘Madira’ had been widely
prevalent during ancient times. However wine as a regular drink has been
widely prevalent in western societies for in European countries weather
plays an important role. In metros bigger percentage are addicted to drinks
where parties and celebrations would be unthinkable if alcohol is not properly
served. Hence, the habit grows more out of fashion and etiquette than the
physical requirements, and once it becomes a habit a lot of money is wasted
in drinking.
Young men are more tempted to social trends and if professionals
with tons of official pressure take refuge under the spell of a glass of scotch
or whisky, the broad impact is perceptable. As metropolis are coming up
with more and more bars, casinos and pubs where wealth, women and wine
associate in an orgy of merry making the social barriers becomes a non-
entity. Not only drinking becomes a personal habit but it is a human right
as well. The government also supports drinking by lifting restrictions on
alcoholic consumption in recent years as more and more ‘wine shops’ or
‘beer shops’ are being opened on the highway. Prices are slashed whereby
long queues in front of these shops are constant scences coupled with
unprecedented sales. For the aged and creative human, drink can be supportive,
but to youths it infects more harm than benefits. Formative years are full
of passion and sentiments and alcohol acts as fuel to the fire. If the habits
get generated in unemployed youth, it takes the form of addiction and will
always result in alarming consequences for if taken to soothe the restlessness
born out of failure in love or examinations, it can lead to disastrous ends.
A strong urge of drink and no money in the pocket will certainly lead the
restless youth to follow the illegal path and anti-social norms. Wine is the
mother of all crimes and wealth is the benevolent father of wine who
exhausts itself out in order to please his daughter and women is the beloved
of wine.
Youths must shun this habit as it not only hampers the studies and
professional career but it also takes its toll on the physical, psychological
and moral body. Hence, over-socialisation, partying and celebrations should
be curtailed as peer pressure compel an individual to swim in alcohol
irrespective of his/her health. But yes, at the same time there is no harm
in enjoying on odd drink amid in moderate quantity when one feels like.
Only it must not be made a regular habiit.

INDIAN SOCIETY NEEDS REFORMS
I ndia is proud to be cradle of the oldest civilisation in the world. It has

many firsts to its credit: the Vedas were written here; the Puranas were
compiled here; the epics were written in this land. India indeed, had a
glorious past. Its social cutsoms, moral values and knowledge levels were
respected around the world and India was regarded as the moral and spiritual
leader of the mankind during ancient and medieval period.
The concept of joint family system was promoted by Hindu sages. Strict
marriage rituals, commitment to the ideals of the family, pride in one’s
work and profession, love for the nation, commitment towards one super-
soul and finally, the willingness to acquire more knowledge about this
universe were some of the positive aspects of our ancient culture. During
those times, people never locked their homes as there were no thieves.
There were only scholars, agricultural workers, courtiers, Kshatriyas and
landlords. The country was divided into several kingdoms. The cultural
influences and social beliefs were the same throughout India.
But this golden era came to an end. Huns, Pathans, Afghans, Dutch,
British and French invaded India and looted her wealth for over 1,000
years. They also brought new cultural beliefs, procedures and a commitment
towards materialism. Therefore, the synergistic effect of this combination
(of Indian culture with the invading cultures) led to the development of a
new Indian society. New religions, social ideologies and political concepts
changed our national and social fabrics. Today, we are essentially a Vedic-
Western cultural nation and no longer Indians in the strict sense of the
word. There were influences of Islam, Christianity and Hinduism on our
society and these have led to the creation of a new religious canvass across
the nation; the Indian Muslim, the Indian Hindu and the Indian Christian—
are the three vital components of this new religious hue.
Indian society needs a serious scrutiny. The chief limitation of modern
Indian society is that it has been trying to retain those obsolete values with
us which are beneficial only for a smaller section of the society and are not
wiling to eliminate the evils of the society as they are still serving the base
objectives. The examples of Sati, dowry, early childhood marriage etc could
be cited in this regard.

Further, Indian people are aping the West in a shameless manner but
have never accepted the norms of the West in terms of efficiency, productivity
and hard work in social and business lives. In sum, this generation is more
comfortable with the club culture, satellite TV and pornography but would
not like to work for sixteen hours a day, as is being or done in the West.
Why should India adopt these double standards?
The next vital issue is that of social awareness. Our illiteracy levels are
very high. An illiterate mother cannot offer future to her children. The
vicious cycle of poverty continues to engulf the rural masses as education
has not been able to reach out to the mass levels.
The resistance to change is another vital area in Indian context. Indian
mind wants to adopt new technologies and modern social beliefs at a very
slow pace but are more than willing to get a cable TV connection so that
we could entertain ourselves through indecent entertainment software. Indians
do not want to adopt new computer software techniques, production
methodologies and living styles as we not want to get out of our Indian
shell. But we are always trying to get imported whiskies, electronic gadgets
and items of luxury, which would not improve our psyche. This leads to
reduction in actual production, efficiency and satisfaction at the economic,
societal and industrial levels. We must remember that the society, the industry
and the nation are living organisms and each one of these supports the
existence and growth of one another.
Therefore, the following social reforms should be adopted:
l The evil practices of dowry, Sati and female foeticide must be
stopped. They must be strictly punishable by law and the culprits
must not be allowed to escape the law. The laws are there but their
implementation is slow.
l The government must spend more funds on female education and
education of female adults in the rural areas.
l Woman is the essential building block of our society. Therefore,
she should be allowed to take decision-making positions in local
Panchayats, PSUs, state governments and the Parliament. There
should be reservation of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and
state assemblies to the tune of 33 per cent.
l Middle class families have always guided Indian society for a change.
So, these families must form clubs, social service organisations and
NGOs for bringing for-reaching changes in Indian society. The
lower-middle income groups are struggling for survival. The rich
groups have no time for development. And the neo-rich are busy
making more money. The responsibility squarely lies on the middle
income society, which has acquired moderate levels of prosperity
and also, has the thinking ability for solving the complex social
issues.
l Social reforms could be accomplished only through strict laws, a
powerful judiciary and timely disposition of the pending cases in
the courts. The process of delivering justice to the masses is very
slow. This is an important area, which deserves attention in the
context of delivering social justice to the downtrodden.
l We are of the view that the reservations in educational institutions
and the PSUs should be done on the basis of economic necessity
of the candidates. Reservations based on castes must be cone away
with.
Even in the new millennium Indian society is not ready to accept the
challenges of this era. Nonetheless social reforms would help us in economic
growth and overall national progress. The responsibility of these reforms is
of the masses; we have to change our psyche in order to become a modern
society. The State, the judiciary and the institutions would also have to play
key roles in this herculean task. This process would be painfully slow and
agonising.
ECONOMIC RIGHTS AS HUMAN

RIGHTS
M ost of us have sometime or the other, hailed a cycle-rickshaw and

very few of us, if any, have ever bothered to stop and think of a
rickshaw as anything more than just another mode of transport. Indeed, in
our daily lives, we regularly use human labour to ease our tasks – be it the
porter at the railway station or the maid-servant in our home. In an economic
sense, these occupations are perfectly legitimate – an example of market
forces at work. Apologists argue that this is inevitable in a poor country like
India with not enough jobs to go around; some even insist that this is an
indication of a thriving market economy – one that absorbs millions of
people who would otherwise be unemployed.
However, these professions raise a more fundamental, even disturbing
question – is it morally acceptable for a society to allow professions that
are clearly inhuman, possibly even cruel? Given the economic conditions in
third world countries, questions of economic morality may seem irrelevant.
There is obviously an abundant supply of labour, especially for very low-
paying occupations that demand little or no skills – from rickshaw-pulling
to servants at home - forming the bulwark of the third world economies.
Free-market advocates insist that this is a natural phenomenon in labour
markets with low skill levels and that the alternative to this would be
millions of jobless, ‘unproductive’ people.
The economic rationale, however, must be squared with social objectives,
and here lies the dilemma. Should there be a concept of ‘individual economic
rights’ which would protect human beings from having to take up ‘inhuman’
occupations? And who is best placed to determine and enforce ‘morally
acceptable economic activities’?
For over half a century, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
ratified by the United Nations, has provided the foundation for civil and
political rights. Several organizations around the world, Human Rights
Watch and Amnesty International to name a couple, have grown around the
principles enshrined in these rights. On ‘economic rights’, however, there
has been no such consensus. There has been an ‘International Covenant on
Economic, Cultural and Social Rights’ which has been around since the
1960s. Not surprisingly, much of the developed world is yet to ratify this
and very few governments pay any heed, if at all, to this covenant.
One reason has been that this goes against the very foundation of
capitalism. Capitalism advocates that the marketplace is the best enforcer as
well as the judge of economic rights. In this view, it seems sacrilegious to
even speak of ‘economic rights’. Conventional wisdom dictates that it is
perfectly acceptable to speak of the ‘right to vote’ (a civil right) but the
‘right to work’ or say, the ‘right to eat’ (economic rights) sound ‘socialist’,
and therefore, not as acceptable.
Prof. Amartya Sen has argued that democratic rights (like the right to
vote) give people the power over their governments – power which does not
allow the government to allow man-made catastrophes like famines to occur.
It might be true that democratic rights prevent such extreme conditions, but
the question is – can they guarantee economic rights? More importantly, can
they guarantee freedom from exploitation? Economic exploitation is prevalent,
if not rampant, even in democratically governed societies, often with the open

approval of the voters. For instance, the West Bengal government has tried,
on several occasions, to ban the human-rickshaws in Calcutta, but has had to
retract due to pressure from the rickshaw-pullers. Likewise, many third-world
governments, from Honduras to Bangladesh, have preferred to turn a blind-
eye towards the sweat-shop employers, mainly because they are a major
source of employment and precious foreign exchange.
Obviously, democratic governance is not enough to guarantee proper
working conditions. It is clear that neither market capitalism nor political
democracy provides the right answers – in fact, capitalism appear to encourage
such exploitative behavior, driven by the exigencies of the marketplace.
What then, might be a solution? If societies around the world have by
and large, come to agree on social rights, it should be possible to determine
related economic rights. As a starting point, it is imperative for nations to
define the ‘economic rights’ for individuals. Economic rights would not
only include a ‘right to work’ or a ‘right to eat’ (which would translate to
the government providing some kind of economic support for people who
cannot find any form of employment) but would also include a ‘right
against exploitation’. Under this, it should be possible to identify employment
opportunities which are exploitative and over a period, outlaw them, on the
lines of the abolition of slavery.
Such regulations are easier in the formal sector, than in the unorganized
areas of the economy. The rickshaw-pullers, maid-servants, construction
workers, etc. are subject to exploitation outside the mainstream economic
and legal systems. Within regulated environments, it might be feasible to
impose some kind of an ‘exploitation tax’, creating disincentives for those
who employ (and exploit) such forms of labour. At the same time, bringing
them into the formal sector would enable the government to provide a
safety-net for the people who are liable to be affected most by such measures.
Likewise, they could be encouraged to set-up co-operatives or unions (as
porters in some of the larger railway stations have managed to do). These
could then give them collective bargaining rights (e.g. in case of cycle-
rickshaws, standardize rates by using ‘meters’, like taxis and auto-rickshaws)
as also help build awareness among them regarding their ‘economic rights’.
It has proven futile to impose a ban on economic activities involving
inhuman labour in cities and towns around the country. The objective
should be to make the users of these services pay the ‘economic cost’ of the
labour, which should include long-term costs (e.g. the health impact of
intensely physical jobs like rickshaw-pulling). The focus should be on

drawing people into the domain of the formal sector and then ‘to arm’ them
with economic rights that expand their choices.
This is a daunting task; especially when an overwhelming percentage of
the work force is outside the formal sector. The role of watchdog agencies
can be especially useful in focusing the attention of citizens on these issues.
Just as it took a long and arduous journey to embody the concept of civil
rights in social policy, it will probably take a long time and many ideological
battles to incorporate economic rights as an integral part of public policy.
A determined beginning, however, must be made.
WATER AND SANITATION: TAKING

STOCK OF WATSAN
A lthough the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)

have raised their share of scepticism, they are significant for a few
reasons. Firstly, they set countries a target date - 2015 by which to accomplish
certain goals. And second, there is nothing that countries dislike more than
to be compared with a neighbour in roughly the same per capita income
bracket - Pakistan being a classic example - and to find that it is faring
better on some counts. Another helpful contribution of the MDGs is that the
targets and measurements enable donors to fund those countries at the
bottom of the scale to catch up with the rest.
Although India now believes that it is an aid-giving country, rather than
a recipient - despite being home to the largest number of poor and
undernourished people in the world - its progress on one focus of the
MDGs, water and sanitation, is painfully slow. The UN’s target was to
halve those in the world without access to clean water (1.2 billion) and
sanitation (2.4 billion) by 2015. And India’s progress towards this standard
is both slow and sketchy. Particularly regards water, the country’s official
figures are misleading, because a village is termed ‘covered’ by this
programme if a single hand pump has been installed in village, never mind
that even this is dry most of the time. What the programme is providing
is not water, but the infrastructure for it!

Similarly, there is a huge gap between the number of family toilets built
and those which continue to function, due to the shortage of water and other
factors. Experts in this sector regale each other with stories of how toilets
built in poor areas throughout the world have been put to alternative uses,
often as the best-built, only tiled structure in village homes. In many Indian
villages, they have been used to tether cattle. A report brought out by
WaterAid India, a Delhi-heaquartered British-affiliated NGO concluded that
‘sanitation for all’ still has a long way to go.
The reasons, according to WaterAid, are that despite huge outlays, there
were institutional challenges. These included “addressing leakages in official
spending, monitoring of progress and creating linkages between different
agencies”. Typically, sanitation schemes have relied on heavy subsidies - a
supply-driven approach. This has been criticised, most strongly by the
World Bank’s Water and Sanitation Programme, because it does not take
into account people’s real needs. The Bank, which emphasised its alternative
strategy at a South Asian sanitation conference in Islamabad, sees the problem
in terms of making people demand sanitation - for convenience, dignity,
privacy, hygiene and a host of related factors.
The central government too has veered round to this approach and
introduced the Total Sanitation Campaign (TSC) in 1999. Under it, initiatives
are demand-driven and community-led. The coverage has as a consequence
spread rapidly, and is now in all but a dozen districts in the country.
Panchayati raj institutions play a pivotal role in the programme and the
costs of subsidies are now shared between the centre and state governments
and beneficiaries. There is also an even more effective Swajaldhara
programme for water and sanitation which, as its name suggests, relies on
self-help, especially involving women.
Even so, among poor countries in Asia, India figures only marginally
better than Cambodia at the very bottom of the pile in that less than a fifth
of its rural population has access to sanitation, while 40 per cent of rural
Bangladeshis and 45 per cent of Pakistanis do. A UNICEF study in 2004
confirmed that there is a huge gap between toilet construction and use
among the rural poor in the country. A UN Millennium Development Goal
report pointed out that there is “very low coverage” in South Asia. Out of
29 Indian states, only seven had launched Swajaldhara and only one had
completed a project - Tamilnadu. Funds do not appear to be the problem:
more the lack of will. Under TSC, each district was entitled to ` 20 crores.
A third was disbursed when the project report was properly submitted. Not
a single state had qualified for the remaining two-thirds yet.
Recently, Indian NGOs involved in the innovative WASH international
campaign - Water, Sanitation and Hygiene for All - met in Delhi to take
stock of the movement to deliver water and sanitation (abbreviated to
‘watsan’). Attendees at the Delhi meet shared their experiences, which were
for the most part negative. Pravah, an initiative in Gujarat comprising
activists and academics working on watsan, cited how the Swajaldhara
programme specified that one-third of those who delivered watsan should
be women, but such participation remained only on paper. Women had no
real voice in the shape and direction of schemes. Indeed, there was hardly
any participation of women in gram sabha deliberations.
Pravah had pioneered the concept of mobilising communities to identify
and take up water harvesting in villages to recharge drinking water sources.
As things are, people still rely on overhead tanks rather than community
sources like wells and tanks because of the unreliability of the water sources.
Pravah, which is inspired by its associate, Utthan, has detailed a water
policy vision for the entire parched state, which seeks to reduce the dependence
on groundwater (many environmentalists criticise Gujarat for ‘mining’ water
for industrial use). Gujarat has still to finalise its water policy and draw out
a plan to protect its water sources; instead it is relying too heavily on
Narmada water which can only reach certain districts. Pravah believes that
panchayats should be empowered to protect local water sources.
Under TSC, reports Pravah, there is correctly emphasis on individual
latrines, rather than the earlier unsuccessful attempts to provide community
toilets, which were shoddily maintained. However, only families below the
poverty line are given subsidies for construction, which left out other
families. After all, there is no direct correlation between income levels and
the use of toilets in rural areas. Experts often cite how well-to-do agrarian
families in Haryana proudly drive in their Marutis to perform their morning
ablutions in a remote corner of a village!
Several NGOs observed that there are far too many official departments
dealing with water (and by corollary, sanitation), which only complicates
the problem. Under the 73rd Amendment to the Constitution in 1992, gram
panchayats have been assigned a pivotal role, but there is still lack of clarity

regarding this. Pravah recommends the formation of ‘pani samitis’ in villages
to handle watsan holistically and believes that at least half the members
ought to be women, who bear a double burden when it comes to sanitation
and hygiene. Ideally, the NGO would like a convergence of water, sanitation
and watershed programmes, since they are so closely linked.
Joe Madiath, from Gram Vikas in Orissa, castigated the official approach
to rural sanitation as “wherever any official agency digs three holes and puts
rings around them”. Swajaldhara was the Cinderella of the programme
because, with people’s self-help, the role of public health engineers, who
have ruled the roost in these schemes, is limited. These engineers, by their
training and mind-set, are unaccustomed to working with people. In the
nation as a whole, they have been more involved in the Accelerated Rural
Water Supply Programme. He revealed how the 10 per cent contribution
from beneficiaries of this scheme was extracted from contractors who, in
turn, inflated their construction costs “by adding metres to their borewell
drilling”.
In Orissa, a state-level committee to supervise TSC and Swajaldhara,
consisting of the Chief Secretary and two NGOs, had hardly met. He
questioned the measly Rs.1200 subsidy for a toilet for Below Poverty Line
(BPL) families, thereby restricting the total cost to under Rs.2000, which
was “a reward for shoddiness”. As he put it, “low-cost need not be more
economical” if it meant poor usage. Instead, Gram Vikas provided well-
built toilets and included a bathing facility. “Bathing is as important as
sanitation for women,” he observed, “because it ensures privacy.” Gram
Vikas, which has just won a $1 million international development award,
has helped 35,000 families construct toilets in 325 villages, 45 of these
before Swajaldhara was launched.
Madiath has long been critical of the ‘mental attitude’ of politicians,
donor agencies and people in power towards delivering second, third and
fourth rate watsan to poor villagers. He has repeatedly questioned whether
such people would ever use the toilets which they advocate so uncritically
for the poor. Moreover, he wondered why rural people were always supposed
to pay for the services, whereas urban dwellers were subsidised. In Bangalore,
consumers pay only 12 per cent of what water costs to be delivered to
households, while in Delhi it is just 5 per cent.
Importantly, Madiath advocated doing away with the BPL and APL
distinction when it came to subsiding toilets. Typically, sanitation is not

given the prominence it deserves because it is relatively easier for men to
relieve themselves in rural and urban areas alike. If anyone who is supposed
to be better off in villages still doesn’t possess a toilet, her family surely
deserves support, no matter the family’s economic status.
The changes cannot be piecemeal and fragmented. They need to be
integral part of a holistic vision. One difficulty in this regard is the multiplicity
to perspectives on water that need to be taken into account. The right
perspective should be focussing on the fundamental or human rights of
water, traditional rights of access of communities (tribal or other) to rivers,
lakes, forests, and other sources of sustenance and livelihoods and so on.
EPILEPSY: DEFOGGING THE DEMON
B esides being all high achievers, what do Vincent van Gogh, Julius
Caesar, Dostoyevsky, Vladimir Lenin, Joan of Arc, Socrates, Alexander
the Great, Alfred Nobel, Napoleon and Lord Byron have in common? Well,
they all had epilepsy – a disorder they have in common with 50 million
people in the world, some 35 million of whom have no access to appropriate
treatment. This is either because services are non-existent or because epilepsy
is not viewed as a medical problem or a treatable brain disorder. In a
country like India, the social stigma attached to the disorder makes it more
challenging than the physical disability caused by it – yet there is no
national level policy commitment towards fighting epilepsy.
According to World Health Organisation (WHO), “Epilepsy is also one
of the oldest conditions known to mankind. It is characterized by a tendency
to recurrent seizures and is defined by two or more unprovoked
seizures...Seizures may vary from the briefest lapses of attention or muscle
jerks to severe and prolonged convulsions. They may also vary in frequency,
from less than one a year to several per day”.
As WHO defines it, an ‘epileptic seizure’ is the result of transient
dysfunction of part or all of the brain due to excessive discharge of a hyper-
excitable population of neurons, causing sudden and transitory phenomena
of motor, sensory, automatic or psychic nature.
Studies suggest the prevalence (proportion of a population with that
disorder at a given point in time) of epilepsy to be roughly 1% in developing
countries. By this estimate, in India alone there are roughly 10 million
people suffering from epilepsy at any given point of time – just about the
populations of Switzerland and Lithuania put together. By contrast, the
prevalence of epilepsy in western nations is roughly 0.5%. One of the main
reasons for the higher incidence of epilepsy in developing countries is the
higher risk of experiencing a condition which can lead to permanent brain
damage. These conditions include neurocysticercosis, meningitis, malaria,
pre and peri-natal complications, malnutrition and brain injuries.
According to Dr. Satish Jain, former Professor of Neurology at All India
Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi, “for many patients, the
causes of epilepsy cannot, as yet, be identified. In such cases, the theory
most commonly accepted is that their epilepsy is the result of an imbalance
of certain chemicals in the brain – especially chemical messengers
known as neurotransmitters – causing them to have a low convulsive
threshold.”
Unfortunately, all over the world, the social consequences of epilepsy
are often more difficult to overcome than the seizures themselves – more
so in developing countries. In some rural areas of India, for instance,
attempts are made to exorcise evil spirits from people with epilepsy by
tying them to trees, beating them, cutting a portion of hair from their head,
squeezing lemon and other juices onto their head and starving them.
However, fear, misconceptions and stigma are associated with this disorder
not just in developing countries. In the United Kingdom, a law forbidding
people with epilepsy to marry was repealed only in 1970. In the USA,
many individual States prohibited people with epilepsy from marrying. The
last State to repeal this law did so in 1980.
Basic concepts surrounding epilepsy in ancient Indian medicine were
refined and developed during the Vedic period of 4500-1500 BC. In the
Ayurvedic literature of Charaka Samhita (which has been dated to 400 BC
and is the oldest existing description of the complete Ayurvedic medical
system), epilepsy is described as “apasmara” which means ‘loss of
consciousness’.
Another ancient and detailed account of epilepsy is on a Babylonian
tablet in the British Museum in London. This is a chapter from a Babylonian
textbook of medicine comprising 40 tablets dating as far back as 2000 BC.

The tablet accurately records many of the different seizure types which are
recognized today. In contrast to the Ayurvedic medicine of Charaka Samhita,
however, it emphasizes the supernatural nature of epilepsy, with each seizure
type associated with the name of a spirit or god - usually evil. Treatment
was, therefore, largely a spiritual matter.
According to WHO, the perception that epilepsy was a brain disorder
did not begin to take root until the 18th and 19th century. The intervening
2,000 years were dominated by more supernatural views. In Europe, for
example, St Valentine has been the patron saint of people with epilepsy
since medieval times. Sites where St Valentine was thought to have lived or
visited became pilgrimage destinations to get cured. These sites included
Rome and Terni (where St Valentine was Bishop) in Italy, Ruffach in France
(where a hospital for epilepsy was later built), Poppel in Belgium, and
Passau in Germany.
The World Bank report “Investing in Health” (1993) states that in 1990
epilepsy accounted for nearly 1% of the world’s disease burden. This is
partly attributable to the fact that epilepsy commonly affects young people
in the most productive years of their lives, often leading to avoidable
unemployment.
Misunderstandings about epilepsy and economic barriers play an important
role in keeping treatment out of reach of millions of people in developing
countries. For example, culturally oriented health-seeking strategies often
lead the majority of people with epilepsy in developing countries to turn to
traditional healers and quacks for treatment.
A glaring example was the Neeraj Clinic case at Rishikesh that promised
complete cure of epilepsy. “Doctor” R.K. Gupta, the owner of Neeraj Clinic
was arrested in 2004. He had been duping lakhs of epilepsy patients by
using a high narcotic and psychotropic content in his ultra-expensive,
‘miraculous cure’. Gupta claimed to get the ‘siddha’ medicine from the
Himalayas in the wee hours of the morning but was reportedly using
allopathic pills bought from local companies.
Police seized a very large stock of illicit drugs from his clinic and
booked him under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS)
Act and violation of the Licence Act, apart from Section 420, IPC. For the
last many years Gupta had managed to place front-page ads in national
newspapers but is finally facing criminal prosecution.

This sounds ironic when one considers that the WHO estimated in 1990
that the average cost of the anti-epileptic drug Phenobarbitone could be as
low as US$ 5 per person per annum (Rs 210 at current exchange rates).
This drug is on the WHO list of essential drugs and could alone be used
to control seizures in a substantial proportion of those with epilepsy.
Points Concerning Epilepsy

The WHO also reminds us of the most crucial points concerning epilepsy:
• Epilepsy is one of the most common neurological disorders and has
no age, racial, social, sexual or geographical boundaries.
• Up to 5% of people in the world may have at least one seizure in
their lives.
• At any one point in time, 50 million people have epilepsy, especially
in childhood, adolescence and old age.
• Epilepsy can have profound social, physical and psychological
consequences.
• In up to 70% of people, epilepsy responds to treatment, but in
developing countries, three-fourths of people with epilepsy may not
receive the treatment they need.
In 1997 the International League Against Epilepsy (ILAE) and the
International Bureau for Epilepsy (IBE) joined forces with the World Health
Organization to establish the Global Campaign Against Epilepsy to “bring
epilepsy ‘Out of the Shadows’”. The campaign aimed at improving the
diagnosis, treatment, prevention and social acceptability of the disorder
world-wide, says their group’s 2000 annual report.
However, national policy commitment towards better management of
epilepsy is still lacking in India. According to Dr. Satish Jain, “just like the
Polio Eradication Programme, a nation-wide Epilepsy Control Prorgamme
should be initiated.” The most crucial aspect of epilepsy is the social stigma
– which is worse than the stigma attached to many other disorders.
Dr. Jain maintains that school teachers often do not know how to deal
with children with epilepsy; employers are skeptical and of course marriage
in our society becomes a great challenge. There is sheer lack of awareness
which makes the disorder so much more cumbersome than it is. Moreover,
polio for instance affects only once in a lifetime causing permanent disability.
Epilepsy may also stay with someone forever but seizures can occur anywhere
anytime – which only underlines the need to develop a national level policy
commitment to address patients’ vulnerability.

Indeed, epilepsy is a sad instance of how society often makes disorders
much more painful than does pathology. Both the disorder and the outlook
towards patients need to be addressed with equal urgency. Epilepsy treatment
needs to be encouraged and made more widely available. Schools, employers,
families and society at large need to be sensitized perhaps more about what
epilepsy is not but is often made out to be.
vvvv

VI
E SSAYS ON
S CIENCE I SSUES
Essays on Science Issues F 321

NIPAH VIRUS INFECTION
N ipah virus (NiV) is a zoonotic virus (it is transmitted from animals to

humans) and can also be transmitted through contaminated food or
directly between people. In infected people, it causes a range of illnesses
from asymptomatic (subclinical) infection to acute respiratory illness and
fatal encephalitis. The virus can also cause severe disease in animals such
as pigs, resulting in significant economic losses for farmers.
Although Nipah virus has caused only a few known outbreaks in Asia,
it infects a wide range of animals and causes severe disease and death in
people, making it a public health concern.
Past Outbreaks
Nipah virus was first recognized in 1999 during an outbreak among pig
farmers in, Malaysia. No new outbreaks have been reported in Malaysia
since 1999. It was also recognized in Bangladesh in 2001, and nearly annual
outbreaks have occurred in that country since. The disease has also been
identified periodically in eastern India. Other regions may be at risk for
infection, as evidence of the virus has been found in the known natural
reservoir (Pteropus bat species) and several other bat species in a number
of countries, including Cambodia, Ghana, Indonesia, Madagascar, the
Philippines, and Thailand.
Transmission
During the first recognized outbreak in Malaysia, which also affected
Singapore, most human infections resulted from direct contact with sick
pigs or their contaminated tissues. Transmission is thought to have occurred
via unprotected exposure to secretions from the pigs, or unprotected contact
with the tissue of a sick animal. In subsequent outbreaks in Bangladesh and
India, consumption of fruits or fruit products (such as raw date palm juice)
contaminated with urine or saliva from infected fruit bats was the most
likely source of infection.
There are currently no studies on viral persistence in bodily fluids or
the environment including fruits. Human-to-human transmission of Nipah
virus has also been reported among family and care givers of infected
patients.
During the later outbreaks in Bangladesh and India, Nipah virus spread
directly from human-to-human through close contact with people's secretions
and excretions. In Siliguri, India in 2001, transmission of the virus was also
reported within a health-care setting, where 75% of cases occurred among
hospital staff or visitors. From 2001 to 2008, around half of reported cases
in Bangladesh were due to human-to-human transmission through providing
care to infected patients.
Signs and Symptoms

Human infections range from asymptomatic infection to acute respiratory
infection (mild, severe), and fatal encephalitis. Infected people initially
develop symptoms including fever, headaches, myalgia (muscle pain),
vomiting and sore throat. This can be followed by dizziness, drowsiness,
altered consciousness, and neurological signs that indicate acute encephalitis.
Some people can also experience atypical pneumonia and severe respiratory
problems, including acute respiratory distress. Encephalitis and seizures
occur in severe cases, progressing to coma within 24 to 48 hours.
The incubation period (interval from infection to the onset of symptoms)
is believed to range from 4 to 14 days. However, an incubation period as
long as 45 days has been reported. Most people who survive acute encephalitis
make a full recovery, but long-term neurologic conditions have been reported
in survivors. Approximately 20% of patients are left with residual
neurological consequences such as seizure disorder and personality changes.
A small number of people who recover subsequently relapse or develop
delayed onset encephalitis.
The case fatality rate is estimated at 40% to 75%. This rate can vary
by outbreak depending on local capabilities for epidemiological surveillance
and clinical management.
Diagnosis
Initial signs and symptoms of Nipah virus infection are non-specific, and the
diagnosis is often not suspected at the time of presentation. This can hinder
accurate diagnosis and creates challenges in outbreak detection, effective and
timely infection control measures, and outbreak response activities.
In addition, the quality, quantity, type, timing of clinical sample
collection and the time needed to transfer samples to the laboratory can
affect the accuracy of laboratory results. Nipah virus infection can be
diagnosed with clinical history during the acute and convalescent phase of
the disease. The main tests used are real time polymerase chain reaction
(RT-PCR) from bodily fluids and antibody detection via enzyme-linked
immunosorbent assay (ELISA). Other tests used include polymerase chain
reaction (PCR) assay, and virus isolation by cell culture.
Treatment
There are currently no drugs or vaccines specific for Nipah virus infection
although WHO has identified Nipah as a priority disease for the WHO
Research and Development Blueprint. Intensive supportive care is
recommended to treat severe respiratory and neurologic complications.
Prevention
Currently, there are no vaccines available against Nipah virus. Based on the
experience gained during the outbreak of Nipah involving pig farms in
1999, routine and thorough cleaning and disinfection of pig farms with
appropriate detergents may be effective in preventing infection.
If an outbreak is suspected, the animal premises should be quarantined
immediately. Culling of infected animals - with close supervision of burial
or incineration of carcasses - may be necessary to reduce the risk of
transmission to people. Restricting or banning the movement of animals
from infected farms to other areas can reduce the spread of the disease.
As Nipah virus outbreaks have involved pigs and/or fruit bats, establishing
an animal health/wildlife surveillance system, using a One Health approach,
to detect Nipah cases is essential in providing early warning for veterinary
and human public health authorities.
Reducing the Risk of Infection in People

In the absence of a vaccine, the only way to reduce or prevent infection in
people is by raising awareness of the risk factors and educating people about
the measures they can take to reduce exposure to the Nipah virus.
Public health educational messages should focus on:
l Reducing the Risk of Bat-to-Human Transmission: Efforts to
prevent transmission should first focus on decreasing bat access to
date palm sap and other fresh food products. Keeping bats away
from sap collection sites with protective coverings (such as bamboo
sap skirts) may be helpful. Freshly collected date palm juice should

be boiled, and fruits should be thoroughly washed and peeled before
consumption. Fruits with sign of bat bites should be discarded.
l Reducing the Risk of Animal-to-Human Transmission: Gloves
and other protective clothing should be worn while handling sick
animals or their tissues, and during slaughtering and culling
procedures. As much as possible, people should avoid being in
contact with infected pigs. In endemic areas, when establishing new
pig farms, considerations should be given to presence of fruit bats
in the area and in general, pig feed and pig shed should be protected
against bats when feasible.
l Reducing the Risk of Human-to-Human Transmission: Close
unprotected physical contact with Nipah virus-infected people should
be avoided. Regular hand washing should be carried out after caring
for or visiting sick people.
WHO Response
WHO is supporting affected and at risk countries with technical guidance
on how to manage outbreaks of Nipah virus and on how to prevent their
occurrence. The risk of international transmission via fruits or fruit products
(such as raw date palm juice) contaminated with urine or saliva from
infected fruit bats can be prevented by washing them thoroughly and peeling
them before consumption. Fruit with signs of bat bites should be discarded.
MANGALYAAN : THE MARS ORBITER

MISSION
I ndia made history on September 24, 2014 when its ` 450 crore Mars
Orbiter Mission (MOM) or Mangalyaan was successfully placed in the
Red Planet’s (Mars’) orbit on the very first attempt. The tryst with the Red
Planet came 10 months after the ISRO launched its first orbiter to Mars on
November 5, 2013. But the final critical moment was on September 24,
when the main Liquid Apogee Motor and the eight small thrusters ignited
simultaneously and enabled the manoeuvre. All the engines fired flawlessly
for 24 minutes and reduced the spacecraft’s velocity by 1.09 km per
second; this contained the spacecraft in an orbit around Mars. PM Narendra
Modi was present at the command centre of Indian Space Research
Organisation (ISRO) in Bengaluru to witness the space history in the
making by India. With this grand success, India joined the US, European
Space Agency and the former Soviet Union in the elite club of Martian
explorers. Later, the colour camera on board the spacecraft beamed back
about 10 pictures of ‘good quality’ of the Red Planet’s surface which
show some craters.
The mission is a “technology demonstrator” project to develop the
technologies for design, planning, management, and operations of an
interplanetary mission. It carries five instruments that will help advance
knowledge about Mars to achieve its secondary, scientific, objective.
The Mars Orbiter Mission probe lifted-off from the First Launch Pad
at Satish Dhawan Space Centre (Sriharikota Range SHAR), Andhra
Pradesh, using a Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) rocket C25 on 5
November 2013. The launch window was approximately 20 days long and
started on 28 October 2013. The MOM probe spent about a month in
geocentric, low-Earth orbit, where it made a series of seven altitude-
raising orbital manoeuvres before trans-Mars injection on 30 November
2013. After a 298-day transit to Mars, it was successfully inserted into
Mars orbit on 24 September 2014.
It is India’s first interplanetary mission and ISRO has become the fourth
space agency to reach Mars, after the Soviet space program, NASA, and the
European Space Agency. It is also the first nation to reach Mars orbit on
its first attempt, and the first Asian nation to do so.
The spacecraft is currently being monitored from the Spacecraft Control
Centre at ISRO Telemetry, Tracking and Command Network (ISTRAC) in
Bangalore with support from Indian Deep Space Network (IDSN) antennae
at Byalalu.
Objectives
The primary objective of the Mars Orbiter Mission is to showcase India’s
rocket launch systems, spacecraft-building and operations capabilities.
Specifically, the primary objective is to develop the technologies required
for design, planning, management and operations of an interplanetary mission,
comprising the following major tasks:

• design and realisation of a Mars orbiter with a capability to perform
Earth-bound maneuvres, cruise phase of 300 days, Mars orbit insertion/
capture, and on-orbit phase around Mars;
• deep-space communication, navigation, mission planning and
management;
• incorporate autonomous features to handle contingency situations.
The secondary objective is to explore Mars’ surface features, morphology,
mineralogy and Martian atmosphere using indigenous scientific instruments.
History
The MOM mission concept began with a feasibility study in 2010, after
the launch of lunar satellite Chandrayaan-1 in 2008. The government of
India approved the project on 3 August 2012, after the Indian Space Research
Organisation completed 125 crore (US$20 million) of required studies for
the orbiter. The total project cost may be up to 454 crore(US$74 million).
The satellite costs ` 153 crore (US$25 million) and the rest of the budget
has been attributed to ground stations and relay upgrades that will be used
for other ISRO projects.
The space agency had planned the launch on 28 October 2013 but was
postponed to 5 November 2013 following the delay in ISRO’s spacecraft
tracking ships to take up pre-determined positions due to poor weather in
the Pacific Ocean.
Of all the planets in the solar system, Mars has sparked the greatest
human interest. The conditions in Mars are believed to be hospitable since
the planet is similar to Earth in many ways. For ages, humans have been
speculating about life on Mars. However, the question that is to be still
answered is whether Mars has a biosphere or ever had an environment in
which life could have evolved and sustained.
NANO TECHNOLOGY
W hereas the 20th Century was the era of macro-science, characterized

by gigantic Boeings, roaring shuttles, draculian Dams, monstrous

refineries and Power plants, the 21st century is dominated by nano-science,
featured by microscopic weapons, molecular surgical devices, ultra-thin
packaging, minute light emitting diodes and molecular switches and circuits.
As science processed in last few decades, the importance of the emerging
area of nanotechnology is becoming quite apparent to the Indian scientific
community too. Nanotechnology is the design, characterization, production
and application of structures, devices and systems by controlling shape and
size at the nanoscale. Eight to ten atoms span one nanometer. The human
hair is approximately 10,000 to 80,000 nm thick. Nanoscience is the world
of atoms, molecules, quantum and macromolecular. The vastness in ratio of
surface to volume opens news possibilities in surface-science. Important
aspect of the nanoscale is that the smaller it gets, the larger its relative
surface area becomes. Its electronic structure dramatically too. Both effects
lead greatly improved catalytic activity but can lead to aggressive chemical
reactivity.
With the help of nanotechnology, one of the materials with distinct
properties can be fabric. Nanoparticles take advantage of their increased
surface area to ratio. Their optical properties, e.g. fluo become a function
of the particle diameter. When brought into a bulk material, nanoparticles
can strongly influence the mechanical properties, such as the stiffness or
elasticity. For example, traditional polymers can be reinforced by nanoparticles
resulting in novel materials, e.g., as lightweight replacements for metals. In
the coming days, one can clearly visualize the huge applications of nano-
science in different fields.
The biological and medical research scientists have exploited the unique
properties of nanomaterials for various applications, e.g., contrast agents for
cell imaging and therapeutics for treating cancer. Functionalities can be
added to nano materials by interfacing them with biological molecules or
structures. Thus, for the integration of nanomaterials with biology has led
to the development of diagnostic devices, contrast agents, analytical tools,
therapy, and drug delivery vehicles.
Diagnostics: Nanotechnology-on-a-chip is one dimension of lab-on-a-
chip technology. Biological tests measuring the presence or activity of
selected substances become quicker, more sensitive and more flexible when
certain nanoscale particles are put to work as tags or labels. Magnetic
nanoparticles bound to a suitable antibody, are used to label specific
molecules, structures or microorganisms. For example, gold nanoparticles
tagged with short segments of DNA can be used for detection of genetic
sequence in a sample. Multicolour optical coding for biological assays has
been achieved by embedding different sized quantum dots into polymeric
microbeads.
The overall drug consumption and side-effects can be lowered significantly
by depositing the active agent in the morbid region only and in no higher
dose than needed. This highly selective approach reduces costs and human
suffering. They could hold small drug molecules transporting them to the
desired location. Some potentially important applications include cancer
treatment with iron nanoparticles or gold shells.
Nanotechnology can help to reproduce or to repair damaged tissue. This
so- called “tissue engineering” makes use of artificially stimulated cell
proliferation by using suitable nanomaterial based scaffolds and growth
factors. Tissue engineering might replace today’s conventional treatments,
e.g., transplantation of organs or artificial implants.
Chemical catalysis and filtration techniques are two prominent examples
where nanotechnology already plays a role. The synthesis provides novel
materials with tailored features and chemical properties with tailored features
and, e.g., nano particles with a distinct chemical surrounding or specific
optical properties.
Chemical catalysis benefits especially from nano particles due to the
extremely large surface to volume ratio. The application potential of
nanoparticles in catalysis ranges from fuel cell to catalytic converts and
photocatalytic devices. Catalysis is also important for the production of
chemicals.
A strong influence of nano chemistry on waste water treatment, air
purification and energy storage deivces is to be expected. Mechanical or
chemical methods can be used for effective filtration techniques. Nanoporous
membranes are suitable for a mechanical filtration with extremely small
pores smaller than 10 nm. Nonofiltration is mainly used for the removal of
ions or the separation of different fluids. On a larger scale, the membrane
filtration technique is named ultrafiltration which works down to between
10 and 100 nm.
The most advanced nanotechnology projects related to energy are storage
conversion, manufacturing improvements by reducing materials and process
rates, energy saving e.g. by better thermal insulation, and enhanced renewable
energy sources. Today’s best solar cells have layers gether to aboard light
at different energies but they still only manage to use 30 per cent of the
sun’s energy. Commercially available solar cells have much lower efficiencies.
Nanotechnology can help increase the efficiency of light conversion by
specifically designed nanostructures. The degree of efficiency of combustion

engines is not higher than 15-20 % at the moment. Nanotechnology can
improve combustion by designing specific catalysts with maximized surface
area.
An example for an environmentally friendly form of energy is the use
of fuel cells powered by hydrogen, which is ideally produced by renewable
energies. The most prominent nanostructured material in fuel cells is the
catalyst consisting of carbon supported noble metal particles with diameters
of 1-5 nm. Suitable materials for hydrogen storage contain a large number
of small nanoscale nanosized pores. Many nanostructured materials like
nanotubes, Zeolites or alanates are under investigation. Nanotechnology can
contribute to the further reduction of combustion pollutants by nanopours
filters which can clean the uxhaust mechanically, by catalytic converters
based on nanoscale noble metal particles or by catalytic coatings on cylinder
walls and catalytic nanoparticles as additive for fuels.
Urgent high technology production processes are based on traditional
top down strategies, where nanotechnology has already been introduced
silently. The critical length scale of integrated circuits is already at the
nanoscale regarding the gate length of transistors in CPUs or DRAM
devices.
Novel Semiconductor Devices: An example of such novel devices is
based on spintronics. The dependence of the resistance of a material on an
external field is called magnetoristance. This effect can be significantly
amplified for nanosized objects, for example when two ferromagnetic layers
are separated by a nonmagnetic layer which is several nonometers thick.
The GMR effect has led to a strong increase in the data storage density of
hard disks and made the gigabyte range possible. The so called tunneling
magnetoresistance is very similar to GMR and based on the spin dependent
tunneling of electrons through adjacent ferromagnetic layers. Both the GMR
and the TMR effect can be used to create a non-volatile main memory for
computers, such as the so-called magnetic random access memory or MRAM.
In the modern communication technology, traditional analog electrical
devices are increasing replaced by optical or optoelectronic devices due to
their enormous bandwidth and capacity respectively. Two promising examples
are photonic crystals and quantum dots.
These are nanoscaled objects which can be used, among many other
things, for the construction of lasers. The advantage of a quantum dot laser
over the traditional semiconductor laser is that their emitted wavelength
depends on the diameter of the dot. Quantum dot lasers are cheaper and
offer a higher beam quality than conventional laser diodes.

Nanotechnology is already impacting the field of consumer goods,
providing products with novel functions ranging from easy to clean to
scratch resistant. Already in use are different nanoparticle improved products.
Food: Nanotechnology can be applied in the production, processing,
safety and packaging of food. A nanocomposite coating process could improve
food packaging by placing anti-microbial agents directly on the surface of
the coated film. Nanocomposites could increase or decrease gas permeability
products. They can also improve the mechanical and heat resistance properties
and lower the oxygen transmission rate.
The first sunglasses using protective and antireflective ultrathin polymer
coatings are on the market. For optics, nanotechnology also offers scratch
resistant coatings based on nanocomposites.
The use of nanofibres makes clothes water and stain repellent or wrinkle
free. Textiles with a nanotechnological finish can be washed less frequently
and at lower temperatures. Nanotechnology has been used to integrate tiny
carbon particles membrane and grarantee full surface protection from
electrostatic charges for the wearer.
The traditional chemical UV protection approach suffers from its poor
long term stability. A sunscreen based on mineral nanoparticles such as
titanium dioxide offer several advantages. Timanium dioxide nanoparticles
have a comparable UV protection property as the bulk material, but lose the
cosmetically undesirable whitening as the particle size is decreased.
WI-FI : A NEW TOOL OF INTERNET

TECHNOLOGY
W iFi stands for Wireless Fidelity. It is a new technology that helps the
mobile Internet users take the advantage of Wireless Technology in
a building, office or home. The user can connect his laptop PC to the Net
through this technology. He has to insert a special card in his PC. This card
can receive signals from a transmission tower that is installed in the building
in which, he arrives. This building could be an office, airport, residential
complex, shopping mall etc. The transmission tower would send Internet
signals to the PC through this special card. The user can connect his PC to
the Net and exchange E-mail, V-mail, and data. He can also surf through
various web sites of the Net. Finally, he can also download data from such
web sites. Hence, WiFi is a wireless connection that makes a PC Internet-
enabled. It is different from Blue Tooth, which is another wireless technology.
WiFi has arrived in the West with full force. It has also arrived in India,
through only a few installations of its devices cannot be deemed the harbinger
of its arrival in the entire country. The airport terminal of Bangalore has
WiFi facility. The primary advantage of WiFi is that Internet users can keep
themselves in touch with the information superhighway of the world. As on
date, it is a costly technique. However, its prices would fall soon, aver IT
connoisseurs.
The user has to procure the special WiFi card to gain access to the Net
(when he is mobile). Frequent travellers would find it very useful. The
Indians going abroad would also be benefited by it. However, it may
remain out of the reach of students and ordinary Net surfers at least for the
time being. In a large building, several Net users can access the Net through
a single transmission tower.
Hence, this need for complex circuits and long wires would be eliminated,
if we adopt WiFi in our present computer networks. Net cafes and large
buildings, where Net surfing is a routine task, can have WiFi with immediate
effect. There are many disadvantages of this new technology. Firstly, its
tools and gadgets are costly. It may not become popular among the youth
due to the high price tag attached to it. Secondly, the owner of the building
also has to spend a lot on the WiFi infrastructure. If the number of Internet
users in his building is not very large, the owner of the building may find
this installation exercise to be wastage of time. Thirdly, unauthorised users
can enter into any WiFi-enabled building and access the Net. In such cases,
the real owner of the WiFi apparatus would lose revenues. Fourthly, the
user of WiFi services must carry an Internet-enabled PC along with him at
all times to avail this service. He can use the Net by spending time in any
Net cafe. However, if he wants to be on his own, he needs a PC, preferably
a laptop. Carrying a laptop could prove to be a nuisance for those travellers
who prefer to travel light.
Every time a new technology arrives at the global scenario, it is viewed
with awe. Later, it is accepted. What is more, its new uses are also discovered
by intelligent users around the world. In the case of WiFi, we expect similar
developments to take place.
Nowadays, laptops are quite costly viz-a-viz their desktop cousins. Hence,
our youth may not be able to buy laptops. A natural corrorally of this fact
is that they would not be able to use WiFi. With the passage of time, the
cost of the gadgets of WiFi is likely to come down. Hence, laptops as well
as WiFi would be affordable. WiFi can be used in desktop systems as well.
Hence, persons working in a large building can use a single Internet
connection to use the information superhighway. Thus, ideal use of WiFi
in desktops is not a distant reality in India.
In sum, people should welcome this new technology, which has yet to
make deep inroads into the industries, Net cafes and business houses of our
country. Its future is bright because it is a wireless technology. We would
apprise our valued readers about its technicalities in the subsequent issues
of this volume.
GSLV-MK-III
T he Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle Mark III is a launch vehicle

developed by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). ISRO
successfully launched the Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle-Mark
III on 5 June 2017 from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre, Andhra Pradesh.
It is intended to launch satellites into geostationary orbit and as a launcher
for an Indian crew vehicle. The GSLV-III features an Indian cryogenic
third stage and a higher payload capacity than the current GSLV. Unlike
GSLV Mr-1 and GSLV Mk-2, it is able to carry heavy satellites to LEO
and GTO. Its diameter is also greater than other GSLVs.
Vehicle Description
India’s new rocket, which the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO)
refers to by the names GSLV Mk.III and LVM3, is a completely new
vehicle marking the third generation for India’s orbital launch systems. The
two-stage rocket is designed to place around 10 tons of payload into low
earth orbit or four tonnes to a geosynchronous transfer orbit.
Weighing 630 tons, the GSLV Mk III is a new-generation launch vehicle.
It is 43 metres (142 ft) long. The cryogenic upper stage C 25 will be
powered by the CE-20 engine burning liquid oxygen and liquid hydrogen,
producing 186 kilonewtons (19.0 tf) of thrust.
The C 25 will be 4 metres (13 ft) in diameter and 13.5 metres (44 ft)
long, containing 27 tons of propellant. The LVM-3 or GSLV Mk.III is a
completely new development, a two stage rocket with twin solid boosters
augmenting an all-liquid core vehicle. The first stage, or L110, is powered
by two Vikas engines, derived from France’s Viking series used on Ariane
rockets between 1979 and 2004. Each of the two boosters will burn 207
tons of solid propellant – a mixture of ammonium perchlorate, aluminium
and hydroxyl-terminated polybutadiene (HTPB).
The rocket’s second stage, which was not tested on Thursday’s mission,
is designated the C25. It was powered by a CE20 engine burning liquid
hydrogen and liquid oxygen; however for the maiden flight the second stage
was inert, loaded with liquid nitrogen to simulate propellant. The name of
the new rocket remains unclear, with ISRO continuing to refer to the rocket
as both LVM3 and GSLV Mk.III.
Payload—Crew Module Atmospheric Reentry Experiment
(CARE)
CARE was mounted upside-down inside the payload fairing of the GSLV
Mk III. CARE was made of aluminium alloy and had a lift-off mass of
3,735 kg. Its diameter was 3100 mm and height was 2678 mm. The module
had an ablative thermal protection.
The side panels were covered with Medium Density Ablative (MDA)
tiles and the forward heat shield was made of carbon phenolic tiles. It was
powered by batteries and was equipped with six liquid-propellant 100 N
thrusters. By launching upside-down, ISRO’s aim was to simplify the CARE
mission and increase the chances of success; eliminating the risk of having
to modify the capsule’s heat shield to interface with the rocket and removing
the need for the spacecraft to maneuvre to reentry attitude following launch.
The GSLV Mk.III is not expected to fly again until 2016 or early 2017,
when the rocket will make its first orbital flight – designated D1 – with the
GSAT-19E spacecraft.
Significance of GSLV Mark-III
The GSLV Mark-III is more sensitive than the Polar Satellite Launch
Vehicle (PSLV) and the current GSLV to disturbances that might occur as
it accelerates through the dense atmosphere. The ability of the rocket’s
control systems to effectively handle such perturbations without violating
the vehicle’s structural capabilities has been tested during the experimental
flight. According to ISRO, the first developmental flight of the GSLV
Mark-III, with a functional cryogenic engine and stage, could take place in
two years’ time.
CYBERWORLD : ITS CHARMS AND
CHALLENGES
T he term ‘cyberworld’ refers to digital technologies and equipment,

including Internet and other electronic technologies, used to provide
Information (I), Communication (C) and Entertainment (E) to the masses
at low costs and high speeds. The new era has been rightly termed the ICE
Age. Cyberworld is almost synonymous with ICE; the former is a user of
the technology of ICE Age. When we refer to the term ‘technology,’ we
mean “digital technology.”
The concepts like Virtual Reality (VR) and broadband (digital)
communication are a part of the basic Jargon of Cyberworld. The Information
(I) components of this world includes Internet, digital TV transmissions,
digital video, computer processing, multitasking and multimedia. The
Entertainment (E) component of this world includes digital video and cinema,
multimedia, Video on Demand, movies and games on the Net and other
entertainment technologies. The Communication (C) component of this
world includes VOIP, digital (and cellular) communications, E-mail,
V-mail etc. Further, VR, E-commerce and Net operations are the offshoots
of this new technology that has engulfed the business world in the new era.
Every new technology has its own charm and lure; so does cyberworld.
It offers many fascinating features to its users. One can talk to any person
around the world over cellular phone, VOIP or through other digital
technologies and gadgets. One can also send and receive E-mail and V-mail
in a matter of seconds. Thus, communication is faster and highly accurate.
One can go through a virtual departmental store to buy things online. One
can place orders through one’s personal E-cash account. Alternatively, one
can pay through one's credit card. One can also set up one’s business
through a website on the information superhighway (Internet). One need
not be an expert to do so because cyberworld offers user-friendly packages
to develop thrilling websites in a jiffy. Business transactions can be of six
types on the Net. They are:
(a) Customer-to-Administration (C-A);
(b) Administration-to-Customer (A-C);
(c) Business-to-Business (B-B);
(d) Business-to-Customer (B-C);
(e) Customer-to-Business (C-B); and
(f) Customer-to-Customer (C-C).
Any one or a suitable combination of these transactions can be chosen.
Hence, the individual, administration or business can use such transactions
to set up, expand and monitor his or its business.
Besides faster communication and paper-free transactions, cyber world
offers thrill and excitement of music, breath taking multimedia images and
vital sets of information that could be used for business development and
entertainment. The Net has become the chief growth engine of the West.
Slowly but surely, it is also making deep inroads into the economies of the
developing world. Distances have been cut down to facilitate communication
and global trade. Marshall McLuhan had stated that the world would become
a global village. His prophecy has proved to be true in the new era. This
was made possible only because of the technologies and gadgets of
cyberworld. Under the new digital order, satellites and high-speed fibre-
optic cables are used to send and receive digital data. The processing power
of an ordinary PC has increased by 100 times. Today, a Pentium-powered
PC with a processing speed of 3.0 GHz can be purchased for as low as Rs.
35,000. Pentium V would hit the global markets soon. Universal data
transfer ports (USBs) can help us connect any compatible data storage
device to such PCs that are being used by ordinary people. In industry,
supercomputers and mainframe computers have increased the computing
powers of industry experts, programmers, engineering staff and managers.
Hence, decisions are accurate and timely so that the business operations of
the enterprise could be tuned with the dynamic markets of today.
Digital data, voice and video images can be processed, transmitted,
printed and altered in small time frames. Hence, old data can be modified
within a few hours to create new data. This has enhanced the computing
power of technical staff. This has also enhanced the decision-making abilities
of managerial staff. An ordinary PC user, a businessman and even a teenager
can use digital technologies to their advantage. Scientists and researchers
depend upon cyberworld to crunch scientific data and collect more (fresh)
data through digital processes. This revolution had started during the fag
end of the eighties of the last century. In 2005-06, it is heading towards its
peak. In the near future, it would affect all those who have not been
affected by it yet. Hence, when digital technologies would surround the
globe in the real sense of the world, the masses of all the nations would start
reaping rich benefits from the same. This would increase their incomes and
upgrade their living standards. The quality of home life as well as the

quality of work life would improve. People would become more productive
and efficient, given that cyberworld would motivate and rather force them
to become so.
The challenges of cyberworld cannot be ignored either. Internet surfers
find it difficult to protect themselves from various kinds of health hazards.
Long hours of working on the Net can lead to eye-strain and backache.
Internet Addiction Disorder (IAD) is a new disease that is taking its toll.
Young surfers sit in the Net Cafes for several hours at a stretch. They
become monotonous, irascible and procedure-bound. They lose the creative
spirit. Further, pornographic movies and images are spoiling the youth and
children alike. The efforts of the cyber police and the law have proved to
be futile in this context because digital videos and Net parlours are available
in abundance and round the clock. Children do not study, thanks to Cable
TV and digital video. They spend more time in watching lewd software
than on books. Even E-books have also not been spared by this malady.
Pornographic material is available on E-books as well.
Nearly 80 per cent of information on the information superhighway is
redundant. If information is stale, it is of no use to the user. Further,
computer programming is a difficult skill. Elementary programmes can be
made with ease but higher-level codes can be developed only by experts.
Software for CNC machines, cellular telecommunication and industrial
processes can be developed only by seasoned software professionals. This
trend has laid more emphasis on code development and less emphasis on
hardcore engineering and scientific processes. The software specialist has
become more important than the technocrat or manager who is supposed to
use the software developed by that specialist. Thus, cyber world has forced
us to reduce our attention to vital industrial and scientific processes. Rather,
it has laid more emphasis on information processing and transmission. Any
industry would succeed only if it produces tangible outputs at low costs.
Information technology produces only information, not products that ought
to be produced on machines. An overemphasis on information processing
has forced many productive people to shift to the world of IT. Due to this
migration, there are millions of people in the IT world, most of whom
either unemployed or under employed. The industries of various kinds are
also suffering because there are not enough people to produce tangible
outputs. The IT bubble had burst during the mid-nineties. Since then, the
IT world is struggling to recover, although it has recovered to some extent
in the new century.

GENETICALLY MODIFIED ORGANISM
T he GMOs are produced through the use of genetic engineering technology

in which a gene belonging to one organism and often coding for a particular
protein performing a specific function is introduced into another organism which
does not have that gene and; therefore, does not produce that protein. It is also
ensured that the new gene is expressed and leads to production in the recipient
organism of the protein which it was otherwise unable to make.
Thus, a bacterium or a yeast which cannot normally produce human
insulin can be made to do so by introducing the gene for human insulin into
the bacterium or the yeast in an environment in which the gene can function
and make the bacterium or the yeast produce human insulin.
Genetic modification involves the insertion or deletion of genes. When
genes are inserted, they usually come from a different species, which is a
form of horizontal gene transfer. In nature this can occur when exogenous
DNA penetrates the cell membrane for any reason.
GMOs are used in biological and medical research, production of
pharmaceutical drugs, experimental medicine and agriculture. The term
“genetically modified organism” does not always imply, but can include,
targeted insertions of genes from one species into another. For example, a
gene from a jellyfish, encoding a fluorescent protein called GFP, can be
physically linked and thus co-expressed with mammalian genes to identify the
location of the protein encoded by the GFP-tagged gene in the mammalian
cell. Such methods are useful tools for biologists in many areas of research,
including those who study the mechanisms of human and other disease or
fundamental biological process in eukaryotic or prokaryotic cells.
To date the broadest and most controversial application of GMO technology
is patent-protected food crops which are resistant to commercial herbicides or
are able to produce pesticidal proteins from within the plant, or stacked trait
seeds, which do both. The largest share of the GMO crops planted globally
are owned by the US firm Monsanto.
Transgenic animals are also becoming useful commercially. On February
6, 2009 the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved the first human
biological drug produced from such an animal, a goat. The drug, ATryn, is
an anticoagulant which reduces the probability of blood clots during surgery
of childbirth. It is extracted from the goat’s milk.
Transgenic animals are used as experimental models to perform phenotypic
and for testing in biomedical research. Other applications include the production
of human hormones such as insulin.
Genetically modified mammals are an important category of genetically
modified organisms. Transgenic mice are often used to study cellular and
tissue-specific responses to disease.
Bacteria were the first organisms to be modified in the laboratory, due to
their simple genetics. These organisms are now used for several purposes and
are particularly important in producing large amounts of pure human proteins
for use in medicine.
Genetically modified bacteria are used to produce the protein insulin to
treat diabetes. Similar bacteria have been used to produce clotting factors to
treat haemophilia, and human growth hormone to treat various forms of dwarfism.
Transgenic fruit flies (Drosophila melanogaster) are model organisms
used to study the effect of genetic changes on development. Fruit flies are
often preferred over other animals due to their short life cycle, low maintenance
requirements, and relatively simple genome compared to many vertebrates.
In 1999, scientists at the University of Guelph in Ontario, Canada created
the genetically engineered Enviropig. The Enviropig excretes from 30 to
70.7% less phosphorus in manure depending upon the age and diet. In
February 2010, Environment Canada determined that Enviropigs are in
compliance with the Canadian Environmental Protection Act and can be
produced outside of the research context in controlled facilities where they are
segregated from other animals.
Genetically modified fish have promoters driving an over-production of
“all fish” growth hormone. This resulted in dramatic growth enhancement in
several species, including salmonids, carps and tilapias.
Gene therapy, uses genetically modified viruses to deliver genes that can
cure disease into human cells. Although gene therapy is still relatively new,
it has had some successes. It has been used to treat genetic disorders such as
severe combined immunodeficiency and treatments are being developed for
a range of other currently incurable diseases, such as cystic fibrosis, sickle cell
anemia, and muscular dystrophy. Current gene therapy technology only targets
the non-reproductive cells meaning that any changes introduced by the treatment
can not be transmitted to the next generation. Gene therapy targeting the
reproductive cells—so-called “Germ line Gene Therapy”—is very controversial
and is unlikely to be developed in the near future.

The co-existence of GM plants with conventional and organic crops has
raised significant concern in many European countries. Since there is separate
legislation for GM crops and a high demand from consumers for the freedom
of choice between GM and non-GM foods, measures are required to separate
foods and feed produced from GMO plants from conventional and organic
foods. European research programmes such as Co-Extra, Transcontainer, and
SIGMEA are investigating appropriate tools and rules. At the field level,
biological containment methods include isolation distances and pollen barriers.
INDIA NEEDS A COMPREHENSIVE POLICY

The Government of India needs to formulate a comprehensive policy on the
production, use and release of genetically modified organisms (GMOs).
Keeping what has been said above in view, the Government of India should
l encourage the use of GMOs in appropriately controlled conditions to
produce useful products such as drugs and vaccines that would be free
of the GMOs, in factories or laboratories from where the GMO cannot
escape into the environment.
l encourage research work in both private and public sector leading to
the development of various kinds of GMOs that may be of potential
benefit to society, provided it is ensured that the GMO cannot escape
into the environment.
l It must ensure that no GMO is released in the environment unless the
following criteria a satisfied: an appropriate socio-economic survey
has been done and it has been found that there is a problem that can
be addressed by genetic engineering; no alternative technology such as
integrated pest management, use of biopesticides or organic agriculture
would give the same or similar result as the use of GM technology
would; the GMO has successfully gone through a stringent safety
assessment protocol which has been approved by responsible scientists
around the world and which would include proteomics, transcriptomics,
and metabolonomics analyses.
The government should realise the right of people to know what they are
eating or using. Therefore, any material containing more than 0.01 per cent
of a GM product (this limit being based on the limit of sensitivity of tests
available today for detecting the presence of GMOs) would have to carry a
label to the effect.

Similarly, food products such as vegetable oils derived from GM crops
would also be required to be appropriately labelled.
The government should recognise that some 49 per cent of Indians derive
their total sustenance from agriculture or related activities and that some 68
per cent of India lives in its villages; food security, agriculture security,
farmers security and security of rural sector are, therefore, synonymous; and
to ensure the above security, it is an imperative that seed business is entirely
in the hands of India alone.
NET NEUTRALITY
N et neutrality (also network neutrality or net equality) is the principle

that Internet service providers and governments should treat all data on
the Internet the same, not discriminating or charging differentially by user,
content, site, platform, application, type of attached equipment, or mode of
communication. The term was coined by Columbia University media law
professor Tim Wu in 2003, as an extension of the longstanding concept of
a common carrier.
The idea of an open Internet is the idea that the full resources of the
Internet and means to operate on it are easily accessible to all individuals
and companies. This often includes ideas such as net neutrality, open standards,
transparency, lack of Internet censorship, and low barriers to entry. The
concept of the open Internet is sometimes expressed as an expectation of
decentralized technological power, and is seen by some as closely related to
open-source software.
As of 2015, India had no laws governing net neutrality and there have been
violations of net neutrality principles by some service providers. While the
Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) guidelines for the Unified
Access Service license promote net neutrality, they do not enforce it. The
Information Technology Act, 2000 does not prohibit companies from
throttling their service in accordance with their business interests. In India,
telecom operators and ISPs offering VoIP services have to pay a part of
their revenues to the government.
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) on November 28,
2017 came out in strong support of Net neutrality in a series of
recommendations following a long process of consultations. The content
mentioned includes all content, applications, services and any other data,
including its end-point information, that can be accessed or transmitted over
the Internet. Warning against any “discriminatory treatment” including
blocking, degrading, slowing down or granting preferential speeds to any
content, TRAI stated, “The scope of the proposed principles on non-
discriminatory treatment apply specifically to ‘Internet Access Services’,
which are generally available to the public.” The recommendations are
based on the pre-consultation paper issued in May 2016 and a detailed
consultation paper in January 2017. In a clear message to service providers,
one of the recommendations reads, “The service providers should be restricted
from entering into any arrangement, agreement or contract, by whatever
name called, with any person, natural or legal, that has the effect of
discriminatory treatment based on content, sender or receiver, protocols or
user equipment.”
On 8th Feb 2016, Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI)
banned differential pricing of data services. As per TRAI the regulator had
multiple responses soliciting different opinions with respect to its consultation
paper. Considering all the responses, the regulator decided to have an ex
ante regulation instead of a case by case tariff investigation regime. According
to the TRAI, this decision was reached in order to give the industry
participants the much needed certainty and in view of the high costs of
regulation in terms of time and resources that will be required for
investigating each case of tariff discrimination. Ruling prohibits any service
provider from offering or charging discriminatory tariffs for data services
on the basis of content and also prohibits any agreement or contract which
might have effect of discriminatory tariffs for data services or may assist
the service provider in any manner to evade the regulation. It also specifies
financial disincentives for contravention of regulation. However, the ruling
does not prescribe a blanket ban on differential pricing and provides an
exception in case of public emergency or for providing emergency services.
Discriminatory tariffs are allowed in the case of an emergency. Lastly,
according to TRAI this ruling shouldn't be considered the end of the net
neutrality debate. The regulator has promised to keep a close view on the
developments in the market and may undertake a review after two years or
at an earlier date, as it may deem fit.
NUCLEAR ROULETTE: ‘CONVENTIO-
NAL’ THINKING ON NUCLEAR WEAPONS
IS A RECIPE FOR MUTUAL SUICIDE
T he existence of nuclear weapons has, so far, resulted in restraint in the

use of force on the part of the nations that possess them. This may well
have prevented a war at some time during the past four decades. Notwithstanding
this, recent history cannot be our guide in planning for the future.
An international group of military, scientific and political figures who
met in Toronto a few years ago gave the reason: “Our overall conclusion”,
they said, is “... that, while the avoidance of nuclear war up to the present
time was a testimonial to good management, it was a still greater testimonial
to good luck”. If it is true that we have been engaged in a game of nuclear
roulette, then we carry a heavy burden of guilt. If, having come to this
realization, we persist in the same policies, we lay ourselves open to the
charge of criminal folly.
All too often we have been closing our eyes to the fact that we have
entered a new age, as different—probably more different—from the preceding
one than the Iron Age was from the Stone Age. In the 1950s it was
acknowledged that the delivery of a hundred nuclear weapons against any
nation would cause such suffering and such a rending of the social fabric
as to constitute an intolerable tragedy—the death of a civilization.
There followed from this the truism of our times, namely that the only
sane and moral purpose for nuclear weapons was to ensure that they should
not be used: that is, their purpose is for deterrence. The numbers of
deliverable weapons should, therefore, be held to a few hundred. This was
the prevailing view at the first of the Pugwash International Conferences on
Science and World Affairs.
The subsequent policies of the nuclear powers spoke louder than our
words at that time, and differently. The numbers of nuclear weapons were
permitted to escalate into the tens of thousands. Nations chose, it would
seem, to treat nuclear weapons conventionally, as instruments of war.
Essence and Concerns

The essence of sanity is to recognize the world for what it is. Our policies
in regard to nuclear weapons have repeatedly failed to pass that test.

The first concerns what is referred to rather loosely as the defence of
Europe. It should be evident, following military exercises repeated over
decades, that Europe is defended by what the American futurologist Herman
Kahn once termed (in another context) a Doomsday Machine.
Even after the extremely welcome measures of disarmament now coming
to fruition, the war-time task of a commander in a European conflict will
be to ready thousands of nuclear weapons for use without inadvertently
using them, and also without giving the impression that they may be about
to be used, since that would invite nuclear pre-emption by the opposing
side. This task would have to be carried out in a conventional war in which
beleaguered subordinates were crying out for reinforcements, and in which
nuclear weapons sites were being disabled or overrun.
The task of holding nuclear forces in check under such conditions gives
every evidence of being impossible. The task of saving Europe from
destruction once nuclear war has been engaged is almost certainly impossible.
Add these two propositions together and it is apparent that we have opted
to defend ourselves and Europe by holding a gun to our heads. This is a
consequence of treating nuclear weapons conventionally.
A second, similar folly underlies the competition in intercontinental
ballistic missiles. These awesome and awful devices are commonly thought
of as being the embodiment of deterrence, since they are so evidently too
terrible to use. Conventional thinking in regard to these “weapons” is
nonetheless evident in the compulsion to match opposing systems with
missiles of comparable range, yield and numbers.
Such thinking is still more evident in the competition for accuracy and
multiplicity of warheads seen in current debates over procurement. These
weapons are sought after for their ability to destroy the missile silos on the
opposing side. The opponent naturally and correctly supposes that the intention
would be to destroy the silo before rather than after the missile that it
housed was launched. Far from deterring the enemy from using his missiles,
this threat provides him with a strong incentive to use his missiles while he
still can.
The logic that leads to the development and deployment of such weapons,
on both sides, involves a commitment to the conventional aim of warfare,
namely, to emerge victorious. The aim is sufficiently at variance with
reality that it has been thought advisable to recast it into the less readily
identified need to “prevail.”
The aspect of deterrence that is most to be feared is the temptation to
extend it beyond the restricted aim of deterring war, to that of deterring an

opponent from actions one deplores. This constitutes “compellance”, not
deterrence. It is, in the oft-quoted phrase of the Prussian theorist of warfare
Karl von Clausewitz, “Diplomacy pursued by other means”. Deterrence is
something different. Neither Clausewitz nor anyone else has suggested that
mutual suicide serves the purposes of diplomacy; it merely obviates the need.
Finally, in this gallery of horrors, each a product of conventional thinking
in a transformed world, we include the recourse to magic as a means of
repealing the nuclear age. The mirrors in the current Strategic Defence
Initiative scenario will be lofted into space within a minute of the warning
being received that the opposing side is launching a missile attack. The
function of the mirrors will be to direct laser beams at the enemy weapons
as they rise from their silos thousands of kilometres away.
Why have the majority of the U.S. scientific community, possessed of
relevant expertise, expressed scepticism as to the technical feasibility of the
Strategic Defence Initiative? The two most prominent reasons are as follows.
First, in order to provide convincing protection against nuclear weapons,
given their enormous destructive powers, one needs a highly effective defence.
This is absurdly difficult to achieve. Secondly, it should be evident that the
same technologies -- kinetic energy weapons, lasers, X-rays, particle beams,
and so forth -- that lure us in the direction of developing sophisticated
defences, will be even more effective in the simpler task of undermining
those defences. Experts in the experimental sciences will confirm that it is
easier to mess up a highly sophisticated experiment than it is to make it
work.
In what sense do antimissile defences represent an outgrowth of
conventional thinking? By rendering intercontinental missiles “obsolete”,
they seek to turn the clock back to an era now firmly lodged in pre-history;
a time when we could settle our differences by a vast blood-letting, secure
in the knowledge that as a society or species we would stop short of
bleeding to death.
That can never be true again, since we know now how to shatter
civilizations, and the knowledge will forever be with us. It is understandable
therefore that, as the French sociologist Raymond Aron put it, the world is
increasingly one of “virile weapons and impotent men”. To vary the
metaphor, there is no winning move in the international chess game as
presently constituted. We must have the courage to change the rules.
There is nothing new in that statement. World leaders frequently make
it. Their problem is to act upon it. That requires not only that they believe
it, but, no less important, that they believe that others believe it. That is

why actions such as the making of the 1972 AntiBallistic Missile (ABM)
Treaty, that stand outside the previous pattern of history, are of such critical
importance. In 1972, with the signing of the ABM Treaty, sworn enemies
solemnly renounced their defences. Not only did they admit that in the
nuclear age the emperor had no clothes, they legislated for this nakedness
and made it the object of round-the-clock inspection.
The agreement on medium- and short-range nuclear missiles in Europe
is of almost comparable importance, since it presents the world with the
spectacle of two great powers with substantial unresolved differences
destroying a part of their weaponry on the grounds that they are safer
without it. This is a lesson that will not be lost upon the world. It is the
right lesson, though an incomplete one. At the outset of these remarks I
spoke of the overwhelming danger that nuclear weapons would be used if
a nuclear power felt that its vital interests or continued existence were
threatened.
Even if one makes the implausible assumption that disarmament might
proceed to the point at which nuclear weapons cease to have military
significance, that overall picture does not change. The route to escalation,
in our world of abundant fissile material, will remain wide open. A hint that
one side might “go nuclear” would result in a race to be the first to do so.
Copernicus waited until he was close to death before declaring his belief
that the Earth is not, after all, at the centre of the planetary system. He
delayed out of fear. Not fear of the wrath of the Church, but of the more
terrible prospect of being laughed at by his colleagues. A similar fear
prevents many from saying what is evident today, namely that the political
constellation no longer orbits around the hallowed conception of nationhood.
Nations came into being when those who were linked geographically
banded together for protection, spiritual sustenance and mutual comfort.
Today a nation can only offer to protect its citizens by means that invite
a barbaric level of violence, likely to destroy them physically or morally.
We cannot base international order on such lethal behavior. Means short of
war must be found to resolve national differences. Before too long this must
be done within an organizational framework, one that makes visible the
need, facilitates the process, and institutionalizes precedents for compromise.
The attempt to make international behaviour subject to agreed guidelines
will depend ultimately on the demonstrated willingness of nations to accept
the rule of law at home. A nation that claims absolute power within its
borders cannot be trusted to relinquish it abroad. Similarly a nation that is
careless of the plight of those threatened by starvation, or unconcerned
about the rape of the environment, is unlikely to carry conviction in its
renunciation of mass destruction as an instrument of policy.
If the agenda before us is so daunting, it is easy to despair. The risks
in attempting to achieve a new international order are indeed formidable,
being exceeded only by the risks in not doing so. Rather than lamenting
human folly, we should count ourselves fortunate that the force of reason
is compelling us along the path towards a more civilized world.
THE LABYRINTH OF KNOWLEDGE
I n one construction of the scientific process, hypotheses are formulated

from observations, or from theory, and laboratory or observational
experiments are designed to test the hypotheses. After the conclusion of
each experiment, a decision is made as to whether the hypothesis is supported
or rejected. The data collected to test the first hypothesis can then be used
to generate new hypotheses which, in turn, generate more answers, but also
more questions. The more we know, the more we know about what we
don’t know. If perfect knowledge means that we know everything possible
about a subject, then the scientific process, does not achieve that goal.
When a problem is solved it raises another problem, the solution of
which in turn creates new problems. The story of Daedalus, a hero of
Ancient Greek mythology, is an interesting metaphor for this process.
Daedalus was an architect, a sculptor, an engineer, an artisan and a
problem solver. But each time he solved a problem, other problems were
generated. While serving at the court of King Minos of Crete, he solved the
problem of Queen Pasiphae’s love for a great white bull. He designed and
built a model, a life-size hollow cow. When the Queen was placed inside,
she became impregnated. However, this solution to her problem raised
another one, namely, the issue of this union, the dreaded man-monster, the
Minotaur.
Daedalus solved this problem by designing and constructing the Labyrinth,
a maze in which the Minotaur was secured. This in turn created another
problem: Athenian youths and maidens had to be offered to the Minotaur

each year, which caused Daedalus much grief since he himself was an
Athenian. To resolve this situation he helped Theseus and Ariadne (daughter
of the King and Queen and therefore half sister to the monster) to kill the
Minotaur and escape from the great maze. But this led to Daedalus’
imprisonment in the Labyrinth along with his son Icarus. The solution to
this problem -- the escape of Daedalus and Icarus, using wings that Daedalus
had designed and made of feathers and wax -- led to the death of Icarus.
Daedalus, however, flew on to other adventures and to the solution and
creation of new problems.
Thus the product of scientific creativity and problem solving often seems
to be a new problem, even though the overall result may be satisfactory. It is
valuable to keep this possibility in mind as we use science to solve new social
problems arising from advances in technology, such as improvements in health
care.
The World Health Organization had set itself the goal of achieving
“Health for all by the year 2000”. Measures to achieve this would include
those taken by governments and civic organizations, and those which are the
responsibility of the individual. The former are particularly important in
developing countries. Primary among them are ensuring the purity of food
and water, appropriate management of the disposal of human wastes, control
of disease carrying insects, and mass vaccination programmes. In the
developed countries, because of the generally high standard of living, good
housing and sophisticated infrastructure, many of these problems have been
solved. If these achievements can be extended to countries where life
expectancy is shorter, dramatic improvements can be predicted.
Participation of Individual
Both in the developed and the developing countries, the individual’s
participation in the process of health care is essential. Changes in everyday
behaviour are essential requirements for a healthy community. Cigarette
smoking, excessive use of alcohol, diets which lead to obesity and a high-
level of cholesterol, and lack of regular exercise, are responsible for a major
part of the disease load. Accidents, often caused by automobile drivers
under the influence of alcohol, and violent behaviour, homicide and suicide,
are major contributors to premature death. Obviously, society plays a large
part in helping to alter behaviour along lines acceptable to it, but ultimately
it is the individual who must give up destructive habits.

There is evidence that society responds to useful information produced
by research and can bring about changes in people’s lifestyle. In the United
States, and to a lesser extent in other countries, the number of smokers has
decreased dramatically in the past decade, and this is reflected, in part, in
the plateauing and decrease in the curve of lung cancer incidence in males.
During the past few years there has been a dramatic decrease in cardiovascular
disease in many population groups in the USA and elsewhere. These results
are partly due to improvements in medical and hospital care, but they can
be largely attributed to healthier diets and the popularity of vigorous physical
activity—approaching near mania in some communities.
Another dramatic behaviour change, almost certainly due to the application
of data derived from research, has occurred in one of the high-risk groups
for the current tragic epidemic of AIDS. In one of the areas where AIDS
is most prevalent, the virus which causes the disease has now infected about
60 per cent of the population, and many of these individuals will die. But
among those who are uninfected, the incidence of new infection has decreased
to about 1 per cent per year. This also appears to be a consequence of
changes in behaviour which decrease the probability of infection.
It is encouraging to note that society often responds in an intelligent and
reasonable manner when provided with the necessary information in an
acceptable form. As more is learned, largely through research, it is likely
that there will be an even greater improvement in public health, and people
can enjoy a longer period of disease-free life.
DIGITAL DIVIDE
T he term digital divide refers to the gap between those people with
effective access to digital and information technology, and those without
access to it. It includes the imbalances in physical access to technology, as
well as the imbalances in resources and skills needed to effectively participate
as a digital citizen. In other words, it’s the unequal access by some members
of the society to information and communications technology, and the
unequal acquisition of related skills. Groups often discussed in the context
of a digital divide include socioeconomic (rich/poor), racial (white/minority),
or geographical (urban/rural). The term global digital divide refers to
differences in technology access between countries.
Origins of the Term

The term initially referred to gaps in ownership of computers between
groups. The term came into regular usage in the mid-1990s. Former President
of the United States Bill Clinton and his Vice President Al Gore used the
term in a 1996 speech in Knoxville, though the term had appeared in
several news articles and political speeches as early as 1995. Larry Irving,
a former United States head of the National Telecommunications
Infrastructure Administration (NTIA) at the Department of Commerce,
Assistant Secretary of Commerce and technology adviser to the Clinton
Administration, noted that a series of NTIA surveys (1995), (1998), (1999),
and (2000) were “catalysts for the popularity, ubiquity, and redefinition” of
the term, and he used the term in a series of later reports. Since the start
of the George W. Bush Administration, the NTIA reports (2002)(2004)
have tended to focus less on gaps and divides and more on the steady
growth of broadband access, especially amongst groups formerly believed
to be on the wrong side of the digital divide.
Current Usage
As with many general concepts, there aren’t various definitions of the term
“digital divide”. The term has always sought to capture a more complex and
dynamic phenomenon. It initially referred to the ownership of a computer,
but later referred to access to the Internet, and more recently it has centered
on broadband network access. The term can mean not only unequal access
to computer hardware, but also inequalities between groups of people in the
ability to use information technology fully.
Due to the range of criteria which can be used to assess the imbalance,
and the lack of detailed data on some aspects of technology usage, the exact
nature of the digital divide is both contextual and debatable. Criteria often
used to distinguish between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ of the digital
divide tend to focus on access to hardware, access to the internet, and details
relating to both categories. Some scholars fear that these discussions might
be discouraging the creation of Internet content that addresses the needs of
minority groups that make up the “have nots,” as they are portrayed to be
technophobic charity cases that lack the desire to adopt new technologies on
their own.
The discussion on digital divide often are tied with other concepts.
Lisa Servon argued in 2002 that the digital divide “is a symptom of a
larger and more complex problem—the problem of persistent poverty and
inequality”.As described by Mehra (2004), the four major components
that contribute to digital divide are “socioeconomic status, with income,
educational level, and race among other factors associated with technological
attainment.”
Recognition of digital divide as an immense problem has led scholars,
policy makers, and the public to understand the “potential of the internet
to improve everyday life for those on the margins of society and to achieve
greater social equity and empowerment”.
Digital Divide and Education

One area of significant focus was school computer access; in the 1990s, rich
schools were much more likely to provide their students with regular
computer access. In the late 1990s, rich schools were much more likely to
have internet access. In the context of schools, which have consistently been
involved in the discussion of the divide, current formulations of the divide
focus more on how (and whether) computers are used by students, and less
on whether there are computers or internet connections.
The E-rate program (officially the Schools and Libraries Program of the
Universal Service Fund), authorized in 1996 and implemented in 1997,
directly addressed the technology gap between rich and poor schools by
allocating money from telecommunications taxes to poor schools without
technology resources. Though the program faced criticism and controversy
in its methods of disbursement, it did provide over 100,000 schools with
additional computing resources, and internet connectivity.
Recently, discussions of a digital divide in school access have broadened
to include technology related skills and training in addition to basic access
to computers and internet access.
Technology offers a unique opportunity to extend learning support beyond
the classroom, something that has been difficult to do until now. “The
variety of functions that the internet can serve for the individual user makes
it “unprecedentedly malleable” to the user’s current needs and purposes.”
Global Digital Divide

Another key dimension of the digital divide is the global digital divide,
reflecting existing economic divisions in the world. This global digital
divide widens the gap in economic divisions around the world. Countries
with a wide availability of internet access can advance the economics of that
country on a local and global scale. In today’s society, jobs and education
are directly related to the internet. In countries where the internet and other
technologies are not accessible, education is suffering, and uneducated people
cannot compete in the global economy. This leads to poor countries suffering
greater economic downfall and richer countries advancing their education
and economy. However, when dealing with the global aspect of digital
divide there are several factors that lead to digital divide. For example,
country of residence, ethnicity, gender, age, educational attainment, and
income levels are all factors of the global aspects of digital divide. In
addition, a survey shows that in 15 Western European countries females,
manual workers, elderly, and the less educated have less internet access than
males, professional, the young, and the well educated”. The digital divide
is a term used to refer to the gap between people who have access to the
internet and those that do not. It can also refer to the skills people have –
the divide between peoples who are at ease using technology to access and
analyse information and those who are not.
Digital Divide, E-democracy and E-governance

The theoretical concepts of e-democracy are still in early development,
but many scholars agree that blogs (web logs), wikis and mailing lists may
have significant effects in broadening the way democracy operates. There
is, as yet, no consensus among scholars about the possible outcomes of this
revolution; it has so far shown promise in improving electoral administration
and reducing fraud and disenfranchisement; particularly positive has been
the reception of e-government services related to online delivery of government
services, with portals (such as United States USA.gov) used as intermediaries
between the government and the citizen, replacing the need for people to
queue in traditional offices.
One of the main problems associated with the digital divide as applied
to a liberal democracy is the capacity to participate in the new public space,
the cyberspace - as in the extreme case, exclusively computer-based
democratic participation (deliberation forums, online voting, etc) could
mean that no access meant no vote. Therefore, there is a risk that some
social groups - those without adequate access to or knowledge of IT - will
be under-represented (or others over-represented) in the policy formation
processes and this would be incompatible with the equality principles of
democracy.

Overcoming the Digital Divide
Proponents of the open content, free software, and open access social
movements believe that these movements help equalize access to digital
tools and information.
Projects like One Laptop per Child and 50x15 offer a partial solution
to the global digital divide; these projects tend to rely heavily upon open
standards and free open source software. The OLPC XO-1 is an inexpensive
laptop computer intended to be distributed to children in developing countries
around the world, to provide them with access to knowledge. Programmer
and free software advocate Richard Stallman has highlighted the importance
of free software among groups concerned with the digital divide such as the
World Summit on the Information Society.
In his book Digital Nation, Anthony G. Wilhelm calls on politicians to
develop a national ICT agenda.
Yet another solution is to try to better understand the lifestyle of a
minority or marginalized community. In doing this researchers can figure
out “what is meaningful to them [minorities and marginalized users] and
how they use (or do not use) different forms of the internet for meeting
their objectives”. Furthermore, “a need for a re-examination of questions
based on traditional ways of looking at people, their social dynamics, and
their interactions with technology”. Additionally, “One strategy is to transfer
goal-setting, decision making, and choice-determining processes into the
hands of the disadvantaged users in order that they ‘fit’ internet into their
daily lives in ways that they themselves consider to be meaningful.”
International cooperation between governments have begun, aiming at
dealing with the global digital divide. For example, in an attempt to bridge
this digital divide, an agreement between the United States Agency for
International Development (USAID) and the Egyptian government emerged.
The USAID funded state-of-the-art equipment for Egyptian education, but,
unfortunately, their lack of knowledge in using such equipment caused such
equipment to go unused for over a year, losing a third of its economic value
- nonetheless its a sign of progress that such attempts at bridging the digital
divide are being made Additional participants in such endeavors include the
United Nations Global Alliance for ICT and Development and the Digital
alliance Foundation.
The United Nations is aiming to raise awareness of the divide by way
of the World Information Society Day which takes place yearly on May 17.

Criticism
The existence of a digital divide is not universally recognized. Compaine
(2001) argues it is a perceived gap. Technology gaps are relatively transient;
hence the digital divide should soon disappear in any case. The knowledge
of computers will become less important as they get smarter and easier to
use. In the future people will not need high-tech skills to access the Internet
and participate in e-commerce or e-democracy. Thus Compaine argues that
a digital divide “is not the issue to expend substantial amounts or funds nor
political capital.”
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
T he modern definition of artificial intelligence (or AI) is “the study and

design of intelligent agents” where an intelligent agent is a system that
perceives its environment and takes actions which maximizes its chances of
success. John McCarthy, who coined the term in 1956, defines it as “the
science and engineering of making intelligent machines.” Other names for
the field have been proposed, such as computational intelligence, synthetic
intelligence or computational rationality.
The term artificial intelligence is also used to describe a property of
machines or programs: the intelligence that the system demonstrates. Among
the traits that researchers hope machines will exhibit are reasoning, knowledge,
planning, learning,communication, perception and the ability to move and
manipulate objects. General intelligence (or “strong AI”) has not yet been
achieved and is a long-term goal of AI research.
AI research uses tools and insights from many fields, including computer
science, psychology, philosophy, neuroscience, cognitive science, linguistics,
Ontology (computer science), operations research, economics, control theory,
probability, optimization and logic. AI research also overlaps with tasks
such as robotics, control systems, scheduling, data mining, logistics, speech
recognition, facial recognition and many others.

Problems of AI
While there is no universally accepted definition of intelligence, AI
researchers have studied several traits that are considered essential.
Deduction, Reasoning and Problem Solving

Early AI researchers developed algorithms that imitated the process of
conscious, step-by-step reasoning that human beings use when they solve
puzzles, play board games, or make logical deductions. By the late 80s and
90s, AI research had also developed highly successful methods for dealing
with uncertain or incomplete information, employing concepts from
probability and economics.
For difficult problems, most of these algorithms can require enormous
computational resources — most experience a “combinatorial explosion”:
the amount of memory or computer time required becomes astronomical
when the problem goes beyond a certain size. The search for more efficient
problem solving algorithms is a high priority for AI research.
It is not clear, however, that conscious human reasoning is any more
efficient when faced with a difficult abstract problem. Cognitive scientists
have demonstrated that human beings solve most of their problems using
unconscious reasoning, rather than the conscious, step-by-step deduction
that early AI research was able to model. Embodied cognitive science
argues that unconscious sensorimotor skills are essential to our problem
solving abilities. It is hoped that sub-symbolic methods, like computational
intelligence and situated AI, will be able to model these instinctive skills.
The problem of unconscious problem solving, which forms part of our
commonsense reasoning, is largely unsolved.
Knowledge Representation
Knowledge representation and knowledge engineering are central to AI
research. Many of the problems machines are expected to solve will require
extensive knowledge about the world. Among the things that AI needs to
represent are: objects, properties, categories and relations between objects;
situations, events, states and time; causes and effects; knowledge about
knowledge (what we know about what other people know); and many other,
less well researched domains. A complete representation of “what exists” is
an ontology (borrowing a word from traditional philosophy). Ontological
engineering is the science of finding a general representation that can handle
all of human knowledge.
Among the most difficult problems in knowledge representation are:
Default reasoning and the qualification problem: Many of the things
people know take the form of “working assumptions.” For example, if a
bird comes up in conversation, people typically picture an animal that is fist
sized, sings, and flies. None of these things are true about birds in general.
John McCarthy identified this problem in 1969 as the qualification problem:
for any commonsense rule that AI researchers care to represent, there tend
to be a huge number of exceptions. Almost nothing is simply true or false
in the way that abstract logic requires. AI research has explored a number
of solutions to this problem.
Unconscious knowledge: Much of what people know isn’t represented as
“facts” or “statements” that they could actually say out loud. They take the
form of intuitions or tendencies and are represented in the brain unconsciously
and sub-symbolically. This unconscious knowledge informs, supports and
provides a context for our conscious knowledge. As with the related problem
of unconscious reasoning, it is hoped that situated AI or computational
intelligence will provide ways to represent this kind of knowledge.
The breadth of common sense knowledge: The number of atomic facts
that the average person knows is astronomical. Research projects that attempt
to build a complete knowledge base of commonsense knowledge, such as
Cyc, require enormous amounts of tedious step-by-step ontological
engineering — they must be built, by hand, one complicated concept at a
time.
Planning
Intelligent agents must be able set goals and achieve them. They need a way
to visualize the future: they must have a representation of the state of the
world and be able to make predictions about how their actions will change
it. There are several types of planning problems:
Classical planning problems assume that the agent is the only thing
acting on the world, and that the agent can be certain what the consequences
of it’s actions may be. Partial order planning problems take into account the
fact that sometimes it’s not important which sub-goal the agent achieves
first.
If the environment is changing, or if the agent can’t be sure of the
results of its actions, it must periodically check if the world matches its
predictions (conditional planning and execution monitoring) and it must
change its plan as this becomes necessary (replanning and continuous
planning).

Some planning problems take into account the utility or “usefulness” of
a given outcome. These problems can be analyzed using tools drawn from
economics, such as decision theory or decision analysis and information
value theory.
Multi-agent planning problems try to determine the best plan for a
community of agents, using cooperation and competition to achieve a given
goal. These problems are related to emerging fields like evolutionary
algorithms and swarm intelligence.
Learning
Important machine learning problems are:
Unsupervised learning: Find a model that matches a stream of input
“experiences”, and be able to predict what new “experiences” to expect.
Supervised learning: Such as classification (be able to determine what
category something belongs in, after seeing a number of examples of things
from each category), or regression (given a set of numerical input/output
examples, discover a continuous function that would generate the outputs
from the inputs).
Reinforcement learning: The agent is rewarded for good responses and
punished for bad ones. (These can be analyzed in terms decision theory,
using concepts like utility).
Natural Language Processing

Natural language processing gives machines the ability to be read and
understand the languages human beings speak. The problem of natural
language processing involves such subproblems as: syntax and parsing;
semantics and disambiguation; and discourse understanding. Many researchers
hope that a sufficiently powerful natural language processing system would
be able to acquire knowledge on its own, by reading the existing text
available over the internet.
Some straightforward applications of natural language processing include
information retrieval (or text mining) and machine translation.
Perception
Machine perception is the ability to use input from sensors (such as
cameras, microphones, sonar and others more exotic) to deduce aspects of
the world. Computer vision is the ability to analyze visual input. A few
selected subproblems are speech recognition, facial recognition and object
recognition.
Motion and Manipulation
The field of robotics is closely related to AI. Intelligence is required for
robots to be able to handle such tasks as: Navigate, referred to as robotic
mapping including the sub-problems of localization (knowing where you
are), mapping (learning what is around you) and path planning (figuring
out how to get there); manipulate objects (usually described in terms of
configuration space).
Social Intelligence
Emotion and social skills play two roles for an intelligent agent: It must be
able to predict the actions of others, by understanding their motives and
emotional states. (This involves elements of game theory, decision theory,
as well as the ability to model human emotions and the perceptual skills to
detect emotions).
For good human-computer interaction, an intelligent machine also needs
to display emotions — at the very least it must appear polite and sensitive
to the humans it interacts with. At best, it should appear to have normal
emotions itself.
General Intelligence
Most researchers hope that their work will eventually be incorporated into
a machine with general intelligence (known as strong AI), combining all the
skills above and exceeding human abilities at most or all of them. A few
believe that anthropomorphic features like artificial consciousness or an
artificial brain may be required for such a project.
Many of the problems above are considered AI-complete: to solve one
problem, you must solve them all. For example, even a straightforward,
specific task like machine translation requires that the machine follow the
author’s argument (reason), know what it’s talking about (knowledge), and
faithfully reproduce the author’s intention (social intelligence). Machine
translation, therefore, is believed to be AI-complete: it may require strong
AI to be done as well as humans can do it.
General Limitations
There are three general limitations in AI, commonly stated as stupidity,
ignorance, and laziness. Most real-world problems have one or more of
these factors:
Stupidity: One does not always know how to compute a perfect solution.
E.g. there is no known method to directly factor the multiple of two
primes. The solution to stupidity is generally to use an alternative method
to approach the answer, or one that results in an answer that is “good
enough”. E.g. for prime factorization, there are various heuristics to determine
whether a large number is prime.
Ignorance: One does not always have the necessary information to
compute a perfect solution. E.g. in the game Stratego, the opponent’s pieces
are of known position, but start as of unknown identity. In Texas hold ‘em
poker, the order of the deck and thus the other players’ cards as well as the
flop cards are unknown. The solution to ignorance is generally the strategic
discovery of new information or acceptance of unknowns - e.g. in Stratego
one can bait or attack pieces to uncover their identity, or guess that the
opponent’s flag is in a well-protected location rather than in an easily reachable
one. In poker, one can try to determine the other players’ cards by their
reactions during bidding, as well as knowing the simple probability of various
flop cards and going with whatever is most likely to succeed overall.
Laziness: One does not always have the time to compute a perfect
solution. E.g. in chess, though the state is entirely known, as well as the
rules of the game and the value of its outcomes, there is not enough
computing power available to exhaustively go through all possible games.
Checkers, however, has been solved relatively recently by exactly this method.
The solution to laziness is generally a utility heuristic - e.g. in chess, one
can take a guess at how likely a certain move is to result in a win or a loss
even without having fully computed its outcomes, based on generalized
ideas such as defensive positions, numeric piece values, etc.
Evaluating Artificial Intelligence

How can one determine if an agent is intelligent? In 1950, Alan Turing
proposed a general procedure to test the intelligence of an agent now known
as the Turing test. This procedure allows almost all the major problems of
artificial intelligence to be tested. However, it is a very difficult challenge
and at present all agents fail.
Artificial intelligence can also be evaluated on specific problems such as
small problems in chemistry, hand-writing recognition and game-playing.
Such tests have been termed subject matter expert Turing tests. Smaller
problems provide more achievable goals and there are an ever-increasing
number of positive results.
For example, performance at checkers is optimal, performance at chess
is super-human and nearing strong super-human. and performance at many
everyday tasks performed by humans is sub-human.
Applications of Artificial Intelligence
Banks use artificial intelligence systems to organize operations, invest in
stocks, and manage properties. In August 2001, robots beat humans in a
simulated financial trading competition. A medical clinic can use artificial
intelligence systems to organize bed schedules, make a staff rotation, and
provide medical information. Many practical applications are dependent on
artificial neural networks, networks that pattern their organization in mimicry
of a brain’s neurons, which have been found to excel in pattern recognition.
Financial institutions have long used such systems to detect charges or
claims outside of the norm, flagging these for human investigation. Neural
networks are also being widely deployed in homeland security, speech and
text recognition, medical diagnosis (such as in Concept Processing technology
in EMR software), data mining, and e-mail spam filtering.
Robots have become common in many industries. They are often given
jobs that are considered dangerous to humans. Robots have proven effective
in jobs that are very repetitive which may lead to mistakes or accidents due
to a lapse in concentration and other jobs which humans may find degrading.
General Motors uses around 16,000 robots for tasks such as painting, welding,
and assembly. Japan is the leader in using and producing robots in the
world.
The 1990s saw some of the first attempts to mass-produce domestically
aimed types of basic Artificial Intelligence for education, or leisure. This
prospered greatly with the Digital Revolution, and helped introduce people,
especially children, to a life of dealing with various types of AI, specifically
in the form of Tamagotchis and Giga Pets, the Internet (example: basic search
engine interfaces are one simple form), and the first widely released robot,
Furby. A mere year later an improved type of domestic robot was released
in the form of Aibo, a robotic dog with intelligent features and autonomy.
SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND HUMAN

WELFARE
“O urs is a century dominated by science and technology”. None of us

could disagree with this statement. Nevertheless we should also
agree that the achievements of science should not be denigrated by an

overemphasis on new problems which these achievements may, in some
cases, have introduced. Unfortunately, the problems that persist are those
resulting from the unwise use of the gifts of science and technology by
governments and those in positions of authority and power.
Apart from the threat of war, the risks to our collective health and
wellbeing have fallen strikingly during the twentieth century. The First
World War claimed almost 9 million lives and the Second World War more
than 50 million. The fact that there has been no war between the major
powers since 1945 may well be attributed to the existence of nuclear weapons.
We continue to be reminded about the 110,000 who died in the Second
World War as a result of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings, but we do
not hear about the comparable number who died in the attack on Okinawa,
or the 80,000 who died and the million who were made homeless in one
night by the fire-bombing of Tokyo, or the comparable losses during the
destruction of Dresden.
In spite of the heavy radiation doses suffered by the survivors of the
Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings, it is not generally realized that the
increase in cancer mortality up to 1982 was less than 7 per cent of the
cancer mortality expected had there been no irradiation. High technology
was not required to build the gas chambers that destroyed millions of Jews.
However scientific insights and technology did make possible the rapid
development of radar which helped the United Kingdom to survive the
Battle of Britain and was a crucial factor in the allied victory in the Second
World War.
Role of Science and Technology in Daily Life

What of the role played by science and technology in our daily lives? At
the beginning of this century life expectancy in the developed Western
communities was about forty-five years; today our lifespan exceeds the
biblical prescription of three score years and ten. We are constantly being
frightened by the so-called cancer epidemic, supposedly due to environmental
pollution. What are the facts? Statistics from the United States, which are
probably similar to those from Western Europe, show that of the 440,000
persons who died of cancer in 1983, 380,000 or almost 90 per cent were
about fifty-five years of age. At the turn of the century, when most people
did not live until the age of fifty-five, cancer was obviously less common.
If we examine the age-adjusted cancer death rates since 1930 in the United
States, we find that the incidence of cancer of the stomach has fallen more
than fivefold, cancer of the liver threefold, and cancer of the uterus fourfold.
Unfortunately there is a cancer epidemic -- but the cause is smoking. The
incidence of lung cancer in both men and women has risen more than
tenfold in the United States over the past fifty years and now accounts for
almost one-third of all cancer deaths.
That environmental factors, presumably related to diet, are important in
cancer is indicated by the fact that although deaths due to stomach cancer
have fallen strikingly in the United States, a similar fall has not occured in
Japan. On the other hand, breast cancer is four times less common in Japan
than in the United States. However, the cancer death rates among second-
generation Japanese immigrants to the United States approach those of the
population among which they live, showing a striking decrease in stomach
cancer and equally striking increases in breast and colon cancer. According
to a study on the causes of cancer and estimated avoidable risks in the
United States, about one-third of cancers are due to tobacco, more than one-
third to diet, less than 10 per cent to reproductive and sexual behaviour, and
only 2 per cent to pollution and less than 1 per cent each to food additives
and industrial products. In view of these figures, the idea of a cancer
epidemic attributable to the changes in our environment as a consequence
of science and technology is a myth.
Let us consider the fear of “toxigenic bacteria”. Although it is possible
to alter bacteria by genetic engineering, is there reason to believe that these
altered bacteria would be more toxic than the multiplicity of bacteria that
Nature has provided -- particularly in view of the ability of bacteria to
mutate continuously so as to produce new antibiotic-resistant strains? Recently
our greatest concern has not been bacterial disease but rather those diseases
caused by infection with retroviruses.
The world is now confronted with a major health problem, Acquired
Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS), that affects people in the most productive
portion of their lives and increasingly is being transmitted to children by
infected mothers. In the present state of knowledge, medicine can offer
neither a vaccine nor a curative therapy. There are no really firm estimates
of the total number of people already infected with the virus, nor of the
fraction of those infected who will go on to develop the lethal disease itself.
The problem associated with AIDS appear to differ in Western countries
and in Africa. In the Western nations AIDS is transmitted primarily by
homosexuals and drug addicts, and an educational campaign appears to be
slowing the rate of transmission among the homosexual population. However,
in Africa, where it is now estimated that 5 million people may be infected,
the spread of AIDS is associated with heterosexual practices and infection
through commonly used syringes for blood transfusions. We have already
begun to appreciate the social and economic costs of this terrible disease
whose rapid spread has been a consequence of major changes in lifestyle.
This complex new disease is not a by-product of science and technology.
Let us hope that science will find a way to prevent the spread of this
modern plague.
Concern about the possibility of nuclear accidents has had a major
impact on decisions to open new nuclear power plants in the United States.
It is of particular interest that in our host country, France, nuclear power
accounts for 71.6 per cent of electricity generated. Equivalent figures are
49.9 per cent for Belgium, 39.6 per cent for Sweden, 11.6 per cent for the
Federal Republic of Germany, 3.6 per cent for Japan and only 20 per cent
for the United States.
Over the past forty years a sixfold increase in the Gross National Product
of the United States has been associated with a sixfold increase in electricity
consumption. The use of nuclear power in place of oil for the generation
of electricity has resulted in the reduction of oil consumption by utilities to
one-third of the 1973 level, in spite of a 30 per cent increase in demand
for electricity. There is general agreement that until the next century the
increased demand for electricity must be satisfied by coal or nuclear power.
There was widespread public concern about the accident in 1979 at the
Three Mile Island nuclear plant in Pennsylvania, although it resulted in no
morbidity or mortality. Fear of radiation was further accelerated as a
consequence of the Chernobyl reactor accident in April 1986, in which
there were thirty-one immediate deaths.
To put this number in perspective let us not forget the 4,000 who died
in London in December 1952 as a result of dense air pollution associated
with the burning of fossil fuels, or the 350 dead, 500 injured and thousands
made homelessly by a Mexico City gas-storage tank explosion in 1984. The
use of coal for electricity production results in an average of 300 accident-
related deaths each year in the United States, as well as the associated
problems of acid rain and the “greenhouse effect”, i.e. the gradual warming
of the Earth due to the burning of fossil fuels. What are the likely delayed
radiation effects attributable to Chernobyl? One hundred thousand people
were evacuated and had cumulative radiation exposures of about 5 rem—
comparable to the difference in background radiation associated with living
in Switzerland for fifty years rather than in Paris, London or Rome.
The most highly exposed group included about 25,000 people living
between 3 and 15 kilometers from the reactor, who received an average
dose of about 50 rem. These doses were comparable to the acute doses
received at Hiroshima and Nagasaki but they were delivered at much lower
dose rates.
Studies of radiation leukemogenesis in these 25,000 people during the
next decade should provide answers concerning dose-rate effects in man. It
has long been known from animal studies that X-ray and gammaray radiation
is far less carcinogenic when delivered at a lower dose rate.
In spite of the concerns of the general public, the scientific community
uniformly agrees that for the foreseeable future the nuclear fuel cycle
remains the safest way to generate the electricity required to maintain our
standard of living. Science and technology have been harnessed to improve
the well-being of people in the developing as well as in the developed
countries. Unfortunately there remain political and social problems which
are not amenable to the laws and rationality to science.
QUANTUM INFORMATION SCIENCE

(QIS), CURIOSITY AND COMMUNITY
Q uantum Information Science (QIS) is an emerging field with the potential

to cause revolutionary advances in fields of science and engineering
involving computation, communication, precision measurement, and
fundamental quantum science. The roots of this field go back about twenty
years, when pioneers such as Charles Bennett, Paul Benioff, Richard Feynman,
and others began thinking about the implications of combining quantum
mechanics with the classical Turing computing machine.
The field of QIS began an explosive growth in the early to mid 1990’s
as a consequence of several simultaneous stimuli: Peter Shor demonstrated
that a quantum computer could factor very large numbers super-efficiently.
The semiconductor industry realized that the improvement of computers
according to Moore’s law would all too soon reach the quantum limit,
requiring radical changes in technology. Developments in the physical sciences
produced trapped atomic ions, advanced optical cavities, quantum dots, and
many other advances that made it possible to contemplate the construction
of workable quantum logic devices. Furthermore, the need for secure

communications drove the investigations of quantum communication schemes
that would be tamper proof.
Aims and Prospects

Quantum information science (QIS) is a new field of science and technology,
combining and drawing on the disciplines of physical science, mathematics,
computer science, and engineering. Its aim is to understand how certain
fundamental laws of physics discovered earlier in this century can be harnessed
to dramatically improve the acquisition, transmission, and processing of
information. The exciting scientific opportunities offered by QIS are attracting
the interest of a growing community of scientists and technologists, and are
promoting unprecedented interactions across traditional disciplinary
boundaries. Advances in QIS will become increasingly critical to our national
competitiveness in information technology during the coming century.
The information technology revolution of the past several decades has
been driven by steady advances in the miniaturization of electronic circuitry
on silicon chips, allowing performance to double roughly every 18 months
(“Moore’s law”). But in fewer than 20 years, this shrinkage will reach
atomic dimensions, necessitating a new paradigm if progress is to continue
at anything like the rate we have become used to. Accordingly, considerable
thought and long-range planning are already being devoted to the challenges
of designing and fabricating devices at the atomic scale and getting them
to work reliably, a field broadly known as nanotechnology.
However, it has long been known that atoms and other tiny objects obey
laws of quantum physics that in many respects defy common sense. For
example, observing an atom disturbs its motion, while not observing it
causes it to spread out and behave as if it were in several different places
at the same time. Until about five years ago, such quantum effects have
mostly been seen as a nuisance, causing small devices to be less reliable and
more error-prone than their larger cousins.
What is new, and what makes QIS a single coherent field despite spanning
several traditional disciplines, is the realization that quantum effects are not
just a nuisance, but in fact can be exploited to perform important and
otherwise impossible information-processing tasks. Already quantum effects
have been used to create unbreakable codes, and a quantum computer, if
one can be built in the future, could easily perform some computations that
would take longer than the age of the universe on today’s supercomputers.
The way in which quantum effects speed up computation is not a simple
quantitative improvement, like solving a hard problem more quickly by

using a faster processor or many processors working in parallel. Rather it
is a qualitative improvement, like the improvement one gets from calculating
with decimal instead of Roman numerals. For the first time, the physical
form of information has a qualitative rather than merely a quantitative
bearing on how efficiently the information can be processed, and the things
that can be done with it.
For this reason, even aside from its technological implications, QIS is
an intellectually exciting field, with far-reaching implications for the basic
mathematical and physical sciences, both theoretical and experimental. It is
already providing a wholly new language for describing how Nature works,
and new ways of thinking about a wide variety of scientific and technical
questions. As with any revolutionary scientific insight, the long-term
implications cannot be clearly anticipated, but we are confident that they
will be profound. We also expect that the emergence of QIS will have an
extensive eventual impact on how science is taught at the college and
secondary level, and will bring a deeper understanding of quantum physics
to a broad segment of the lay public.
While the potential economic impact of QIS is enormous, so are the
problems that must be overcome before new quantum technologies can
come to fruition. These problems are broad and deep, encompassing theory,
experiment, and engineering. It is important to build the foundations of QIS
that will provide the tools to solve these problems and enable progress
toward more specific technical goals.
The development of QIS faces special problems because of its long time
horizon and its intrinsically interdisciplinary nature. Researchers in the field
work at the margins of the traditional disciplines, and therefore sometimes
find it difficult to attain funding or to advance their careers. The very best
students are attracted by the excitement generated by QIS, but are uncertain
how to pursue that interest within a conventional academic department.
Most worrisome, the excellent young scientists who receive advanced degrees
doing QIS research are often forced to leave the field because of a lack of
stable funding to support their work, despite the manifest relevance of QIS
to the long-term economic health of the nation.
CURIOSITY AND COMMUNITY
The development of conventional information technology has been neatly
separated into physical scientists investigating underlying devices, and
computer scientists working on architectures and applications. This division
in both academia and industry has resulted in many of the most compelling

questions about the meaning and manipulation of information being left
neglected at the interface between hardware and software.
In contrast, one of the most striking features of the emerging science
of quantum information is its transcendence of the division between abstract
bits and physical quanta. To contribute in an arena where information
content and physical embodiment are so intimately integrated, the early
investigators needed mastery of many aspects of physics, computer science,
engineering, and mathematics. An example that illustrates the symbiosis
of computer science and physics is the successful adaptation of classical
error correction ideas to quantum systems, an advance critical to the long-
term viability of the field.
QIS has stimulated strong cross links between computation science and
mathematical physics, and among areas such as AMO physics (e.g., NMR,
cavity-QED, ion traps), condensed matter physics (e.g., electron/nuclear
spins in semiconductors, single-electron transistors, coupled super-conducting
systems), and engineering (e.g., nanotechnology, feedback, scalability,
quantum-limited metrology). Direct evidence of these vibrant interfaces can
be seen from the makeup of attendees at conferences and workshops on
QIS.
Quantum information science is a field whose initial and future successes
are clearly tied to its interdisciplinary nature. And, as is often the case in
a scientific revolution, many researchers in QIS find themselves at the
margins of their home disciplines, with their activities stretching the
conventional limits of physics, computer science, mathematics, or electrical
engineering. Indeed, a remarkable new generation of young researchers is
growing up in an intellectual environment in which the traditional distinctions
of discipline make less and less sense.
These developing cross links between diverse communities can be expected
to directly benefit not only QIS, but science and technology more broadly,
by catalyzing connections between various subfields of mathematics, physics,
and engineering that might otherwise go unexplored. A principal benefit to
industry is the cadre of young scientists and engineers who are being trained
in new ways to help confront the challenges that lie beyond the end of
VLSI scaling. For example, experimental investigations of possible physical
implementations have nearly always been carried out in small laboratories,
enabling students to be involved in all aspects of the research, from nano-
fabrication to control theory to quantum algorithms.
Many of the best upcoming students are attracted to the study of quantum
information because of its intellectual and technological impact. For them,
QIS is not a specialized application to be encountered late in their education,
but an organizing principle that drives an enormous appetite for learning
about quantum systems and about the tools relevant for manipulating them.
This ground swell among young people manifests itself in enormously over-
subscribed new courses taught across disciplinary boundaries. Courses in
QIS can be aimed at the early undergraduate level, enabling an education
in physics and other technical fields to reach a broader and more enthusiastic
audience.
The continuing investigation of the intimate connections between
information and physical systems may also enhance the role of science in
society. Numerous magazines and newspaper articles have already been
published in response to the lay-person’s fascination with computers and
quantum physics. As quantum mechanics and information science continue
to meld, this broad interest in QIS will help to bring science to a growing
portion of the populace.
vvvv

VII
ESSAYS ON
GEOGRAPHICAL ISSUES
Essays on Geographical Issues F 371

PARIS CLIMATE SUMMIT–COP 21
T he 21st Conference of Parties (COP 21) under the United Nations

Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) successfully
concluded in Paris after intense negotiations by the Parties followed by the
adoption of the Paris Agreement on post-2020 actions on climate change.
This universal agreement will succeed the Kyoto Protocol. Unlike the Kyoto
Protocol, it provides a framework for all countries to take action against climate
change. Placing emphasis on concepts like climate justice and sustainable
lifestyles, the Paris Agreement for the first time brings together all nations for
a common cause under the UNFCCC. One of the main focus of the agreement
is to hold the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2ºC
above pre-industrial level and on driving efforts to limit it even further to
1.5ºC. The Paris Agreement comprises of 29 articles and is supported by 139
decisions of the COP. It covers all the crucial areas identified as essential for
a comprehensive and balanced agreement, including mitigation, adaptation,
loss and damage, finance, technology development and transfer, capacity
building and transparency of action and support.
Salient Features of the Paris Agreement

l The Paris Agreement acknowledges the development imperatives of
developing countries by recognizing their right to development and
their efforts to harmonize it with the environment, while protecting
the interests of the most vulnerable.
l The Agreement seeks to enhance the ‘implementation of the
Convention’ while reflecting the principles of equity and CBDR-RC,
in the light of different national circumstances.
l Countries are required to communicate to the UNFCCC climate action
plans known as nationally determined contributions (NDCs) every
five years. Each Party’s successive NDC will represent a progression
beyond the Party’s then current NDC thereby steadily increasing global
effort and ambition in the long term.

l The Agreement is not mitigation-centric and includes other important
elements such as adaptation, loss and damage, finance, technology
development and transfer, capacity building and transparency of action
and support.
l Climate action will also be taken forward in the period before 2020.
Developed countries are urged to scale up their level of financial support
with a complete road map towards achieving the goal of jointly
providing US$ 100 billion by 2020. At the same time, a new collective
quantified goal based on US$ 100 billion floor will be set before
2025.
l The Agreement mandates that developed countries provide financial
resources to developing countries. Other Parties may also contribute,
but on a purely voluntary basis.
l Developed countries are urged to take the lead in mobilization of
climate finance, while noting the significant role of public funds in
the mobilization of finance which should represent a progression beyond
their previous effort.
l The Agreement includes a robust transparency framework for both
action and support.
l Starting in 2023, a global stocktake covering all elements will take
place every five years to assess the collective progress towards achieving
the purpose of the Paris Agreement and its long term goals.
l The Paris Agreement establishes a compliance mechanism, overseen
by a committee of experts that operates in a non-punitive way, and is
facilitative in nature.
A marked departure from the past is the Agreement’s bottom-up approach,
allowing each nation to submit its own national plan for reducing greenhouse
gas emissions, rather than trying to repeat a top-down approach advocated by
the Kyoto Protocol, giving each country an emission reduction target.
Key Provisions of the Paris Agreement

CBDR-RC : The principle of CBDR-RC has been maintained across all the
important pillars of the agreement (mitigation, adaptation, finance, technology
development and transfer, capacity building and transparency of action and
support). This was one of the contentious issues between developed and
developing countries during the negotiations, with developed countries arguing
that the world has changed since 1990 and fast-growing economies like India
and China should also take deeper emission cuts despite the fact that they have
historically contributed less to the global emission of greenhouse gases.
NDCs : The Paris Agreement invites Parties to submit their first nationally
determined contributions prior to the submission of their instruments of
ratification, accession, or approval of the Agreement. However, this requirement
stands satisfied if a Party has already communicated its INDC prior to joining
the Agreement. The Parties whose intended nationally determined contributions
have a time frame up to 2025-2030 are required to communicate or update
these contributions by 2020 and to do so every five years thereafter. Each
Party’s successive nationally determined contribution will represent a
progression beyond the Party’s then current nationally determined contribution.
It also recognizes the need to support developing country Parties for the
effective implementation of the agreement. NDCs may also include quantifiable
information, time frames for implementation, scope and coverage, planning
processes, assumptions and methodological approaches, including those for
estimating and accounting for anthropogenic greenhouse gases.
Mitigation : To achieve the long-term temperature goal of holding
temperature increase to below 2ºC, in the context of sustainable development
and efforts to eradicate poverty, Parties in the Agreement aim to reach global
peaking of greenhouse gas emissions as soon as possible. The Paris Agreement
operationalizes differentiation between developed and developing countries
mitigation actions through three main elements, namely, (a) by acknowledging
that peaking of emission in developing countries will take longer; (b) by
calling upon developed countries to take the lead in mitigation actions; and (c)
by calling upon support to be provided to developing countries for
implementation of climate change actions, recognizing that enhanced support
will allow for higher ambition in their action.
Adaptation : Given the trends in global warming, even if the temperature
rise is restricted to below 2ºC, adaptation support would be required for
developing countries like India. The agreement establishes the global goal on
adaptation – of enhancing adaptive capacity, strengthening resilience and
reducing vulnerability to climate change – with a view to contributing to
sustainable development and ensuring an adequate adaptation response in the
context of the 2ºC goal. Countries are required to update periodically their
adaptation communication, but are given flexibility on the timing and method
of communication.

Finance : The agreement sets a binding obligation on developed countries
to provide financial resources to developing countries for both mitigation and
adaptation while encouraging other countries to provide support on a voluntary
basis. It reaffirms that developed countries will take the lead in mobilizing
climate finance from a wide variety of sources, instruments and channels,
noting the significant role of public funds. The decision also sets a new
collective quantified goal from a floor of US$ 100 billion per year prior to
2025, taking into account the needs and priorities of developing countries.
The agreement marks a step forward in terms of providing transparent
and consistent information on support provided and mobilized by developed
countries to developing countries. Though the modalities and procedure for
reporting such information would be decided at a later stage, this could help
in avoiding double counting in terms of mobilized finance.
Technology Development and Transfer : The Paris Agreement contains
strengthened provision on technology development and transfer with a new
technology framework being established.
In addition, there is now a link established between the Technology
Mechanism and the Financial Mechanism to allow for collaborative approaches
in Research and Development (R&D), and for facilitating access to
technologies. This reflects the concern of developing countries to ensure
provision of financial resources to facilitate access to technologies.
The emphasis on R&D and innovation in the Paris Agreement is a critical
step in furthering the implementation of the provisions of the Convention.
Similarly, the technology framework providing guidance to the Technology
Mechanism (which comprises of the Technology Executive Committee and
the Climate Technology Centre and Network) in promoting and facilitating
enhanced action on technology development and transfer is a step forward.
Global Stocktake : The agreement also establishes a framework for global
stocktake to assess the collective action towards achieving the long-term goals
mentioned in the Agreement. This stocktake would be an assessment of the
aggregate level of ambition communicated through the NDCs in relation to
the level needed, while considering mitigation, adaptation and the means of
implementation and support, and in the light of equity. The first stocktake is
slated for 2023.
The Paris Agreement also clearly states in its decision that it is under the
aegis of the UNFCCC and will come into force only when at least 55 Parties
to the Convention, accounting for at least an estimated 55 percent of total
global greenhouse gas emissions, have deposited their instruments of
ratification, acceptance, approval or accession. A new Ad Hoc Working Group
on the Paris Agreement (APA) has also been set up to work on issues requiring
further rules or guidance, including preparing for entry into force of the
Agreement and the first session of the Conference of Parties serving as the
Meeting of Parties to the Agreement.
Going forward, there is a clear direction and positives for clean energy
sectors, energy efficiency and green finance. Focus on renewable energy sectors
like solar and wind energy can send strong market signals for technology
development, particularly clean technology. However, there could be pressure
on emerging economies to announce a peaking year of their emission in the
future. The new transparency framework calling for regular reporting is an
added obligation.
AGRICULTURAL BIOTECHNOLOGY :
APPLICATIONS AND EFFECTS
B iotechnology refers to any technique that uses living organisms, or

parts of these organisms. Such techniques are used to make or modify
products for a practical purpose. Modern medicine, agriculture, and industry
make use of biotechnology on a large scale. Traditional biotechnologies
such as the use of yeast to make bread or wine have been applied for
thousands of years. Since the late 19th century, knowledge of the principles
of heredity gave farmers new tools for breeding crops and animals. They
selected individual organisms with beneficial characteristics and developed
hybrid crops.
New methods have been developed since the discovery of the DNA
structure in 1954. For instance, micro-organisms can be used to produce
antibiotics, and the hereditary material in plants can be changed to make
them resistant to pests or diseases.

Application of Biotechnology To Agriculture
Genes are the pieces of DNA code which regulate all biological processes
in living organisms. The entire set of genetic information of an organism
is present in every cell and is called the genome. The genetic material is
structured in a similar way in different species, which makes it easier to
identify potentially useful genes. Certain species of crops, livestock, and
disease-causing organisms have been studied as model species because they
help us understand related organisms. Certain fragments of DNA that can
be easily identified are used to ‘flag’ the position of a particular gene. They
can be used to select individual plants or animals carrying beneficial genes
and characteristics. Important traits such as fruit yield, wood quality, disease
resistance, milk and meat production, or body fat can be traced this way.
Plants can be obtained from small plant samples grown in test tubes.
This is a more sophisticated form of the conventional planting of cuttings
from existing plants. Another laboratory technique, in vitro selection, involves
growing plant cells under adverse conditions to select resistant cells before
growing the full plant. In conventional breeding half of an individual’s
genes come from each parent, whereas in genetic engineering one or several
specially selected genes are added to the genetic material. Moreover,
conventional plant breeding can only combine closely related plants.
Genetic engineering permits the transfer of genes between organisms
that are not normally able to cross breed. For example a gene from a
bacterium can be inserted into a plant cell to provide resistance to insects.
Such a transfer produces organisms referred to as genetically modified
(GM) or transgenic.
Effects on Health and the Environment

In conventional plant breeding, little attention has been paid to the possible
impacts of new plant varieties on food safety or the environment. Nonetheless,
this kind of breeding has sometimes caused negative effects on human
health. For instance, a cultivated crop variety created by conventional cross
breeding can contain excessive levels of naturally occurring toxins.
The introduction of genetically modified plants has raised some concerns
that gene transfer could occur in the field between cultivated and wild
plants and such concerns also apply to conventional crops. Such transfers
have occasionally been reported but are generally not considered a problem.
How Safe Are genetically modified plant foods to eat?
Foodstuffs made of genetically modified crops that are currently available
(mainly maize, soybean, and oilseed rape) have been judged safe to eat, and
the methods used to test them have been deemed appropriate. These
conclusions represent the consensus of the scientific evidence surveyed by
the International Council for Science (ICSU) and are consistent with the
views of the World Health Organization (WHO).
However, the lack of evidence of negative effects does not mean that
new genetically modified foods are without risk. The possibility of long-
term effects from genetically modified plants cannot be excluded and must
be examined on a case-by-case basis. New techniques are being developed
to address concerns, such as the possibility of the unintended transfer of
antibiotic-resistance genes.
Genetic engineering of plants could also offer some direct and indirect
health benefits to consumers, for instance by improving nutritional quality
or reducing pesticide use.
Scientists recommend that food safety assessment should take place on
a case-by-case basis before genetically modified food is brought to the
market. In such assessments, foodstuffs derived from genetically modified
plants are compared to their conventional counterparts, which are generally
considered safe due to their long history of use. This comparison considers
to what extent different foodstuffs can cause harmful effects or allergies and
how much nutrients they contain.
Consumers may wish to select foods on the basis of how they are
produced, because of religious, environmental, or health concerns. However,
merely indicating whether a product is genetically modified or not, without
providing any additional information, says nothing about its content nor
about possible risks or benefits. International guidelines are being developed
for labelling genetically modified foods.
Effects of genetically modified crops on environment

Agriculture of any type has an impact on the environment. Genetic
engineering may accelerate the damaging effects of agriculture, have the
same impact as conventional agriculture, or contribute to more sustainable
practices.
Growing genetically modified or conventional plants in the field has
raised concern for the potential transfer of genes from cultivated species to
their wild relatives. However, many food plants are not native to the areas
in which they are grown. Locally, they may have no wild relatives to which
genes could flow.
Moreover, if gene flow occurs, it is unlikely that the hybrid plants
would thrive in the wild, because they would have characteristics that are
advantageous in agricultural environments only. In the future, genetically
modified plants may be equipped with mechanisms designed to prevent
gene flow to other plants.
A controversy has arisen about whether certain genetically modified
plants (which are insect resistant because they carry the Bt gene) could harm
not only insect pests but also other species such as the monarch butterfly.
In the field, no significant adverse effects on non-target species have so far
been observed. Nonetheless, continued monitoring for such effects is needed.
Genetically modified crops may have indirect environmental effects as
a result of changing agricultural or environmental practices. However, it
remains controversial whether the net effect of these changes will be positive
or negative for the environment. For example, the use of genetically modified
insect-resistant Bt crops is reducing the volume and frequency of insecticide
use on maize, cotton and soybean. Yet the extensive use of herbicide and
insect resistant crops could result in the emergence of resistant weeds and
insects.
The broad consensus is that the environmental effects of genetically modified
plants should be evaluated using science-based assessment procedures,
considering each crop individually in comparison to its conventional
counterparts.
Conclusion
On the one hand, agricultural biotechnology may be viewed as a complement
to conventional agriculture. It is a scientific tool that can aid plant breeding
programs and the conservation of genetic resources, as well as improve the
diagnosis and treatment of plant and animal diseases. On the other hand, it
may be viewed as a dramatic departure from conventional agriculture, since
it enables the transfer of genetic material between organisms that would not
normally crossbreed.
In fact, agricultural biotechnology is both at the same time, since it
cannot stand on its own. To achieve useful results it needs both classical
plant breeding methods as well as the information derived from genomics.
Agricultural biotechnology has international implications and may become
increasingly important for developing countries.1 However, it arose in
developed countries, which continue to dominate this technology. Thus
research tends to focus on crops with relevance to developed countries
rather than to developing countries, which usually do not have the research
funding and breeding programs that are necessary for GM technology.

“Science cannot declare any technology completely risk free. Genetically
engineered crops can reduce some environmental risks associated with
conventional agriculture, but will also introduce new challenges that must be
addressed. Society will have to decide when and where genetic engineering is
safe enough.”
SIGNIFICANCE OF BIODIVERSITY
“The fundamental property of ecological systems is a certain mixture,

or diversity of living things....”
Biodiversity, or the variety of living things that exist, is fundamental to the
existence of life on Earth, and the importance of it cannot be underestimated.
In the past few centuries, humans have had an especially negative affect on
biodiversity, although, in general, are becoming more aware of its role.
However, due to the damage we have caused, and the value that biodiversity
has to us as humans, protection of the natural environment is necessary.
Biodiversity is an extremely important part of life on Earth. It is not
only the variety of living organisms on our planet, but also the interdependence
of all these living things, including humans. It thus creates and maintains
ecological systems; the most recognizable of which are Earth’s biomes,
which can be divided into the broad categories of Forests, Tundra, Aquatic,
Grasslands, and Deserts. Life is, in fact, one of the major features that
distinguishes biomes from one another. “Biomes are defined as ‘the world’s
major communities, classified according to the predominant vegetation and
characterized by adaptations of organisms to that particular environment’
(Campbell).” Without vegetation or organisms, these landscapes would be
virtually indistinguishable from one another. Clearly life plays a major role
in the function of ecosystems, and the variety, or diversity, of this life has
played a major role in the evolution of the world.
In evolutionary theory, it has become clear that the greater the diversity
that exists within a family or genus, the more likely it is to survive
environmental change. Thus, evolution depends on biodiversity. However,
humans have been the main cause of recent rapid “evolutionary” change.
Ecosystems are being destroyed, animals and plants becoming extinct, and
biodiversity is being lost due to increased human activity. Although
environments would be shifting and evolving regardless of human influence,
it is necessary to understand that humans are causing the rate of change to
become particularly dangerous. Environmental conditions are changing so
quickly that individual species as well as entire ecosystems are struggling,
and often failing, to adapt. For these reasons, it is very important that we
protect biodiversity and the natural environment.
Impact on Ecosystems
Currently, there are many manners in which ecosystems and species are
being negatively affected. The first is land use, which is most responsible
for the contemporary decrease in biodiversity. About one quarter of the
Earth’s surface is covered by farm land, a problem that is often overlooked.
The most fertile soil is usually found in the best climates, which also
usually happens to be where the largest amount of biodiversity is. The
best example of this is in the tropics, where both tropical rainforests and
cloud forests are being cut down and turned into “patchwork” farms.
Furthermore, intensive agriculture is a growing concern. Fertilizers and
pesticides used to treat crops harm land and drive animals away. Eventually,
a given plot of farmland will contain too many chemicals to continue
farming on, and the farmer will have to move to a new one, creating a
vicious cycle of destruction of natural land.
Another threat to biodiversity is the loss and extinction of species. This
topic is better known and publicized than the farmland issue, and many
organizations are working towards the preservation of wild animals. However,
it is important to understand that we need to pay as much, if not more,
attention to reductions in species as extinction’s. We often wait until a
species is highly endangered before helping, at which point it is often too
late. Endangerment occurs both directly by humans, such as fishing and
hunting to excess, and indirectly, such as reducing habitats to the point
where animals can no longer live. The dramatic disappearance of many
species is often referred to as gene erosion, which is now happening very
quickly. It must also be noted that introducing alien species in new habitats
can greatly affect the natural environment. Many ecosystems have little
immunity to new species, especially when the “intruder” has different traits
than the original species. For example, the introduction of the house cat can
be dangerous to an otherwise safe bird and small mammal population.
While many developed countries are now regulating pollution and
toxification, the degrees to which this is done vary, and it is still a major
concern. Many pollutants travel incredibly quickly and cover a broad area.
Long-term pollution is a great concern as well, even at low levels, because
it can affect entire ecosystems through the chain of life. Furthermore,
pollutants in soil and ground water cannot travel quickly, and thus do not
filter out well. Reproductive anomalies in animals, especially frogs, are
being attributed to pollution and toxification, and some scientists fear that
these could eventually affect humans.
Climate change is a growing concern as well, though it is somewhat
debatable as to whether or not humans caused it. Natural changes in weather
have had perhaps the greatest affect on biodiversity and ecological systems.
The threat of humans shifting the climate is therefore extremely threatening
to the natural environment. “Were the average temperature to rise by several
degrees Celsius, that warming would probably be followed by potentially
large reorganizations of some ecological communities.”
One last issue concerning the affects that humans have on biodiversity
is that of overpopulation. Recent advances in science and medicine have
allowed for much greater life span and a very small infant mortality rate.
We are increasing in population more rapidly than ever before. The growing
population causes displacement of natural environments, not only because
we need more living space, but also because the demand for agriculture and
industry becomes higher as a result.
It is painfully clear that in many ways humans have had a significantly
negative affect on biodiversity and Earth’s natural environment as a whole.
It is essential to realize that as rational beings, humans have the ability to
not only understand the problems we have created and what needs to be
done to amend them, but also the capability of accomplishing these tasks.
There are two basic venues of thought as to why we should protect
biodiversity and our natural environment, one being intrinsic reasoning, and
the other being anthropocentric.
Many believe that there are intrinsic reasons to protect biodiversity,
separate from all human needs and desires. These arguments are based on
the idea that humans are part of nature, not separate from it. Evolution, for
example, is what allowed us to come into being originally, and humans are
now destroying the same biodiversity that allowed evolution to happen. A

similar, but slightly different principle behind the intrinsic theory, is that
people did not create nature, and therefore should not have the right to
destroy it. Every species has a right to not be eliminated by humans.
Furthermore, because humans destroy natural habitats consciously, we should
be responsible for fixing any unnecessary damage that we have done.
A somewhat contradictory view is the anthropocentric theory. This is
based on the idea that biodiversity has value for us as humans. The first,
most direct example of this lies in goods obtained from nature. The most
important, and often overlooked, is food. It is natural and necessary for us
to consume a variety of living things, from vegetables to animals, in order
to remain healthy. Cloth is another such example; we need the diversity of
life in order to make clothes for ourselves, whether they be cotton, as many
are now, or animal skin, as used in the past. Other goods include
pharmaceuticals and medicines that are derived from naturally existing
sources. These have proven to be incredibly valuable to us, and millions of
plants have never been chemically tested, which leaves many open
opportunities for discovery of new organic remedies.
The natural environment provides other services which benefit the
economy as well. For instance, biodiversity helps keep water clean and
naturally manages waterflow and watershed. Trees and plants keep air clean
through the constant transfer of carbon dioxide and oxygen, and overall
biodiversity helps regulate climate. It is estimated that it would cost over
three trillion dollars to replace these natural services with man-made ones.
The recreational and aesthetic benefits of nature are also considered
anthropocentric. A growing number of people are participating in activities
such as hiking, camping, and birding. In addition, ecotourism is becoming
increasingly popular, which has not only raised awareness about biodiversity,
but helps the natural environment economically as well.
Biodiversity is clearly a fundamental component of life on Earth. It
creates complex ecosystems that could never be reproduced by humans. The
value of that biodiversity, both intrinsically and to humans, is immeasurable,
and thus must be protected. In the end, we both want and need biodiversity.
Although we continue to harm the natural environment, often without realizing
the impact that we have, an increasing number of people are becoming
aware of the need to protect biodiversity. Hopefully humans will continue
to pursue the issue so we can eventually live entirely with nature, not harm
the very system that allows us to exist.
ORGANIC FARMING
O rganic agriculture is the fastest growing sector in agriculture with an

annual increase of about 20 per cent in sales of organic products in the
last decade. The area under it in India is on the continuous rise and India
has achieved the first position in the world organic cotton production.
Organic agriculture in India has been a tradition rather than a new
concept. Even today, the farmers in several parts of India are doing organic
agriculture but without any knowledge of the term organic.
The resurgence of organic agriculture is backed by increased health
consciousness and concern for environment. The increased awareness of
consumers about pesticide contamination of food products and environmental
concerns like high nitrate content of undeground waters due to excessive use
of nitrogenous fertilisers have resulted in a joint movement by the health
conscious and environmental groups in favour of organic agriculture.
Organic Farming is a form of agriculture that relies on crop rotation,
green mannure, compost, biological pest control, and mechanical cultivation
to maintain soil productivity and control pests, excluding or strictly limiting
the use of synthetic fertilisers and synthetic pesticides, plant growth regulators,
livestock feed additives, and genetically modified organisms.
Since the 1990s, the market for organic products has been growing at
a rapid pace. This demand has driven an increase in organically managed
farmland. Approximately 50.9 million hectares, worldwide were being farmed
organically, representing approximately 2 per cent of the total world farmland
as of 2014-15.
Advantages of Organic Farming
Following are the advantages of organic farming:
(a) The nutritional value of food is largely a function of its vitamin
and mineral content. In this regard, organically grown food is
dramatically superior in mineral content to that grown by modern
conventional methods.
(b) A healthy plant grown organically in property balanced soil resists
most diseases and insect pests.

(c) Weeds are nature’s band-aids, placed by the wisdom of creation to
heal and restore damaged soils. When farmers husband the life of
the soil, as they do in organic agriculture, the improved conditions
dissuade many weeds and favour their crops. The crops, being
healthier, are also better able to compete with those weeds that are
present.
(d) Organically grown plants are more drought tolerant. Since chemical
fertiliser is soluble, plants are forced to imbibe it every time they
are thirsty for water.
(e) Effective watershed management techniques practised on organic
farms have been shown to reduce water use and raise the water
table, all without poisoning the soil with chemical residues.
The limitations in adoption of organic agriculture include the competitive
uses of farmyard manure like cowdung cakes as fuel, limited adoption of
green manure due to its extra cost on its raising and nonavailability of water
during crop growth, inconsistent performance of biofertilisers is a rule than
an exception, nonavailiability of quality bio-pesticides for pest and disease
management, costly and complex certification procedure and lack of market
infrastructure for organic produce with a price premium.
If organic farming were to be practised exclusively, some of the land
being used for agriculture can actually be set aside for other uses, without
any material impact on food supply.
Organic farming requires greater interaction between a farmer and his
crop for observation, timely intervention and weed control for instance. It
is inherently more labour intensive than chemical/mechanical agriculture so
that, naturally a single farmer can produce more crop using industrial
methods than he or she could by solely organic methods.
It requires considerably more skill to farm organically. However, because
professional farming of any sort naturally imparts a close and observant
relationship to living things, the best organic farmers are converted
agrichemical farmers.
Food production and distribution today are heavily subsidised, as is well
known. Organic food, since it does not receive any of these subsidies, in
comparison, comes across as being expensive. Such produce can be cost-
competitive if it receives the same subsidies given to non-organically growth
foods, and is perhaps likely to be cheaper in view of its inherently superior
yield.

BIG DAMS—TEMPLES OR BURIAL
GROUNDS?
D ams, like dentists’ drills and taxes, just a necessary evil that we must
grudgingly accept for our greater good? Don’t we need to store water
to keep us and our crops alive through dry seasons and dry years? Don’t
we need to block floods? Don’t we need hydroelectricity?
We do need to store water. In large parts of the world rain falls only
during one or two wet seasons, and within those seasons almost all the rain
might fall in just one or two storms. And global warming is going to make
rainfall even less dependable. But the best form of water storage is in the
ground, not in huge surface reservoirs created by damming rivers. Storage
in the form of groundwater does not flood homes or habitats, and does not
evaporate as does water in reservoirs.
Groundwater is the primary source of drinking water for roughly a third
of the world’s people and the great majority of rural dwellers. Land irrigated
with groundwater tends to be far more productive than that watered from
huge dam-and-canal irrigation projects. The difference is mainly because a
farmer can control when they use water from their own well - with big dam
irrigation schemes the quantity and timing of water supplied is at the mercy
of an often inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy.
A growing movement, especially in India, but also in many other parts
of the world, is now seeking to revive and update the age-old practice of
augmenting the natural recharge of groundwater by trapping rainfall behind
small embankments and dams long enough for it to soak through into the
ground.
Storage reservoirs are vital to the exploitation of water resources for
sustained development of the country. Beginning from Krishnarajsagar in
Karnataka and Mettur in Tamil Nadu, a large number of storage reservoirs
have been built in India which have contributed substantially to irrigation
and power sectors besides affording protection from floods to millions of
people. Storage reservoirs are also necessary for providing water supplies
to large cities and towns and to high water consuming industries.
In general, large storage reservoirs are constructed under major/medium
irrigation and multi purpose schemes and small storage are constructed
through surface water minor irrigation schemes. Large dams provide assured
supplies for irrigation, municipal and industrial requirements. If the dams
are designed to have a carry over capacity, they also cater for the needs of
crops in the following year if the rainfall becomes erratic. Large irrigation
systems with a network of canals under large dams are more amenable to
the introduction of a rotational supply of water and better management
policies, enhancing the irrigation efficiency. Large dams can generate
substantial firm power because small storage cannot effectively regulate the
erratic nature of river flows for sustained Dower development. Besides the
cost per KW of installed capacity is much higher in the case of small dams.
Large dams can also be designed for specific releases for maintaining the
quality of the river water. The scope for developing recreation centers is also
greater in large reservoirs. To replace a single large dam, a large number of
small dams would need to be constructed either in upper or lower reaches of
a watershed. Such a large number of alternative sites are rarely available in
practice necessitating curtailment in the envisaged development
Large storage dams are required even to meet the drinking and industrial
water needs. For example Kishau, Renuka and Lakhwarvyassi dam in Jamuna
basin and Tehri Dam are absolutely necessary to meet the drinking water
needs of Delhi, Rajasthan, U.P. and Haryana. Similarly construction of the
Pairi High Dam in Mahanadi basin is inevitable to meet the municipal and
industrial water requirements of the Chhattisgarh. Thus the future needs of
the country in water resources sector cannot be achieved without taking up
the construction of large storage reservoirs.
Another benefit of water harvesting is that by slowing run-off from
storms it reduces flood peaks downstream. Particularly in the US and Europe
there has been a sea-change in attitudes towards floods in recent years. The
old and failed approach of attempting to ‘control’ floods through building
dams and embankments has now given way to a realization that it is much
more effective to ‘manage’ floods. Flood management means recognizing that
floods are going to happen but trying to minimize the damage they cause.
This can be done through better watershed management (including rainwater
harvesting, halting deforestation and restoring wetlands) and urban planning,
and early-warning systems to get people out of harm’s way.
THE OTHER SIDE OF PICTURE
Where once they were looked upon as “modern temples of India”, big dams
now stand accused of causing only destruction. Even the man, who termed
them so was soon reluctant on it.
In 1958 itself, Jawarhalal Nehru deplored a “dangerous outlook
developing in India”, which he termed the “disease of giganticism”. The
“idea of doing big undertakings or doing big tasks for the sake of showing
that we can do big things,” remarked Nehru, “is not a good outlook at all”.
For it was “the small irrigation projects, the small industries and the small
plants for electric power which will change the face of the country, far
more than a dozen big projects in half a dozen places”.
This was the same Nehru who was an enthusiast for large projects, who
once celebrated big dams as the “temples” of modern India. It was the
evidence of the suffering accumulated over a decade of commissioning and
building big dams. Too many people had made too large a sacrifice for
what was, in the end, not too great a benefit. Besides, these massive schemes
were already generating huge amounts of corruption. As a democrat, Nehru
was attentive to the rights of the lowly and vulnerable. As a scientist, he
was open to changing his mind in the face of new evidence. Thus it was
that, in the evening of his life, this once-great proponent of large dams
started contemplating more democratic and more scientific alternatives.
Shifting the focus on to the issue, it can be said that big dams are plain bad.
They flood people out of their homes and off their lands; wipe out endangered
habitats and species; spread water-borne diseases; deprive flood plains of the
water and sediments of life-giving floods (while increasing the damage floods
cause to people); ruin beautiful landscapes and submerge places of great cultural
or spiritual importance. And that’s just a partial charge sheet.
Big dams even cause earthquakes (because of the weight of water in
reservoirs), release greenhouse gases (because of the rotting of flooded
vegetation), destroy marine fisheries (because they disrupt river-borne flows
of freshwater and nutrients into oceans) and lead to coastal erosion (because
the sediments that eventually fill reservoirs would previously have flowed
out through estuaries and then been washed back by waves to protect the
shoreline). Occasionally, they collapse and drown people.
CONTRACT FARMING: AN OPPORTU-

NITY OR THREAT?
W ell-managed contract farming is an effective way to coordinate and

promote production and marketing in agriculture. Nevertheless, it is
essentially an agreement between unequal parties: companies, government
bodies or individual entrepreneurs on the one hand and economically weaker
farmers on the other. It is, however, an approach that can contribute to both
increased income for farmers and higher profitability for sponsors. When
efficiently organized and managed, contract farming reduces risk and
uncertainty for both parties as compared to buying and selling crops on the
open market.
Critics of contract farming tend to emphasize the inequality of the
relationship and the stronger position of sponsors with respect to that of
growers. Contract farming is viewed as essentially benefiting sponsors by
enabling them to obtain cheap labour and to transfer risks to growers.
However, this view contrasts with the increasing attention that contract
farming is receiving in many countries, as evidence indicates that it represents
a way of reducing uncertainty for both parties. Furthermore, it will inevitably
prove difficult to maintain a relationship where benefits are unfairly
distributed between sponsors and growers.
Contract farming has significant benefits for the farmers, which includes
among others; Inputs and production services are often supplied by the
sponsor which is usually done on credit through advances from the sponsor.
Contract farming often introduces new technology and also enables farmers
to learn new skills. Farmers’ price risk is often reduced as many contracts
specify prices in advance. Contract farming can open up new markets which
would otherwise be unavailable to small farmers. Further, there are numerous
advantages for sponsors, which include among other; Contract farming with
small farmers is more politically acceptable than, for example, production
on estates; Working with small farmers overcomes land constraints; Production
is more reliable than open-market purchases and the sponsoring company
faces less risk by not being responsible for production; More consistent
quality can be obtained than if purchases were made on the open market.
Thus it is an opportunity, which has to be grasped by both the hands.
It is an indisputable fact that around 49 percent of the Indian population
depends on the agriculture. Anything, which improves the condition of
such, a large number has to be whole-heartedly welcomed and seen as an
opportunity. The prime advantage of a contractual agreement for farmers is
that the sponsor will normally undertake to purchase all produce grown,
within specified quality and quantity parameters. Contracts can also provide
farmers with access to a wide range of managerial, technical and extension
services that otherwise may be unobtainable. Farmers can use the contract
agreement as collateral to arrange credit with a commercial bank in order
to fund inputs. Thus, the main potential advantages for farmers are: provision
of inputs and production services; access to credit; introduction of appropriate
technology; skill transfer; guaranteed and fixed pricing structures; and access
to reliable markets.
CONCERNS TO BE ADDRESSED
The advantages, disadvantages and problems arising from contract farming
varies according to the physical, social and market environments. More
specifically, the distribution of risks will depend on such factors as the
nature of the markets for both the raw material and the processed product,
the availability of alternative earning opportunities for farmers, and the
extent to which relevant technical information is provided to the contracted
farmers. These factors are likely to change over time, as will the distribution
of risks.
The problems faced by farmers among others include: Particularly when
growing new crops, farmers face the risks of both market failure and
production problems; Inefficient management or marketing problems can
mean that quotas are manipulated so that not all contracted production is
purchased; Sponsoring companies may be unreliable or exploit a monopoly
position; The staff of sponsoring organizations may be corrupt, particularly
in the allocation of quotas; Farmers may become indebted because of
production problems and excessive advances. Apart from farmers, sponsors
too faces problems on various fronts, viz; Contracted farmers may face land
constraints due to a lack of security of tenure, thus jeopardizing sustainable
long-term operations; Social and cultural constraints may affect farmers’
ability to produce to managers’ specifications; Poor management and lack
of consultation with farmers may lead to farmer discontent; Farmers may
sell outside the contract (extra-contractual marketing) thereby reducing
processing factory throughput; Farmers may divert inputs supplied on credit
to other purposes thereby reducing yields. Thus contract farming should not
be supported in any condition.
One of the major attractions of contract farming for farmers is the
availability of credit provided either directly by the company or through a
third party. However, farmers can face considerable indebtedness if they are
confronted with production problems, if the company provides poor technical
advice, if there are significant changes in market conditions, or if the
company fails to honour the contract. This is of particular concern with
long-term investments, either for tree crops or for on-farm processing
facilities. If advances are uncontrolled, the indebtedness of farmers can
increase to uneconomic levels.
In one venture “compassionate” advances for school fees, weddings and
even alimony resulted in many farmers receiving no payments at the end
of the season. Dropout rates for farmers in that particular project were high,
as they thought contract farming did not pay.
DECLINING PROTECTION FOR THE

PLANET
T he atmosphere of the earth has many typical features. One of such

features is the Ozone layer. This layer comprises a special type of gas,
called Ozone gas. Ozone is formed by the combination of three atoms of
oxygen. The resultant molecule, known as O3 in the parlance of the chemical
sciences, is a powerful disinfectant. This gas is responsible for warding off
harmful radiation emanating from the sun. In particular, the ultraviolet
radiation is trapped by the ozone layer that surrounds the earth. If this
radiation reaches the earth-scientists now know that it is reaching some parts
of the earth—it can create various types of skin disorders and skin cancer.
It is also harmful to the ecology and living organisms of the earth. Ozone
is the only gas that can check the penetration of ultraviolet radiation and
other harmful particles that can wreak havoc on our planet.
The scientists are worried about the depletion of the Ozone layer in our
atmosphere. It acts like a blanket for the earth, as already explained. Let
us now study how the ozone layer is depleting. The chemicals, called
Chloro Fluoro Carbons (CFCs) are being generated by the factories and
equipment dotted around the globe. The CFCs contain chlorine and bromine,
two vital elements of our earth. When a refrigerator or air compressor is
filled with a coolant gas, it starts cooling the area it is supposed to chill.
This coolant essentially comprises CFCs in some form or the other. A
problem arises when the gas (coolant) leaks from the refrigerator or air
conditioner or any other machine which has used it. The CFC is released
into the air and it reacts with the ozone gas when it goes up in the
atmosphere. This gas reacts with the ozone gas and through a complex
chemical reaction, it breaks up the ozone gas. Now, the molecules of ozone
get converted into other chemicals (gases). The air’s other constituents
replace the void created due to this reaction. These other constituents cannot
stop harmful rediation and ionic winds from entering into our atmosphere.
Hence, the problem starts; and it continues because of the regular depletion
of the ozone layer.

When the blanket of ozone over a particular geographic region is reduced
in terms of thickness or eliminated altogether, the lack of ozone in that part
of the atmosphere is called Ozone Hole. Currently, there is a hole over the
South Pole and Antarctica. Its area is 27 million square km.
The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) stated that the hole
would become much bigger very soon. The WMO is the agency of the
UNO. It closely monitors the growth and shrinking of the ozone hole over
Antarctica. Geir Braathen, an expert of the WMO, warned that the depletion
of ozone is going on. He went on to state that the recovery process can be
initiated but it would require that the countries of the world take steps to
reduce CFC consumption en masse.
The US scientists had reported that the ozone layer had stopped shrinking.
They stated that it would take decades to recover and come back to its
original thickness.
The hole above the Antarctica and South Pole was expected to become
larger—from 27 million square km to 28 million square km—to warrant
the attention of the industrial nations of the world. Note that even industrial
conglomerates can also release CFCs into the atmosphere. They could be
using (and releasing) CFCs in some form or the other. Further, some
pressurised cannisters also contain some chemicals which are essentially
based on CFCs. In sum, CFCs are being used the world over. A part of these
gases is being released into the atmosphere. Hence, industries, ordinary
consumers and countries are jointly responsible for effecting this lathal
decay in our atmospheric regime. In 2000 and 2003, the size of the ozone
hole (over Antarctica) had become almost same as the one we have now
(i.e., nearly 27 million square km). Currently, the ozone hole has passed
over Ushaia, in southern Argentina, according to the WMO. Hence, the
ultraviolet radiation levels have soared in that region. The WMO has also
noted that such radiations are responsible for causing cataract, a deadly
disease of the eye, besides skin cancer.
The irony is that man knows about the problem but is not keen to search
for a cure for it. Time has not run out; the hole can be repaired if we stop
using the CFCs. Our valued readers must have read in the media that
modern-day refrigerators and air conditioners are being filled with such
gases as are sans CFCs. This is a good step, as far as the protection of the
existing ozone layer is concerned. However, some industries employ cleaning
systems that use CFCs. Hence, these industries must be either warned to
change their processes or shut down. This is not happening (around the
world) and this is the crux of the problem.
The CFCs would have to be put to rest for ever if we want the blue-
green planet to survive. The ultraviolet radiation is as deadly as the nuclear

radiation. Once it reaches the surface of the earth, it leaves a trail of
destruction. The only difference between it and the nuclear radiation is that
the former is a silent killer. There are no bombs, explosions or temperature
changes on the surface of the earth (due to the ultraviolet radiation). The
aftereffects may be felt after months or years; that depends upon the thickness
of the depleted layer of ozone.
September 16, 2005 was celebrated as the International Day for the
Preservation of the Ozone Layer. The Vienna Convention, which was signed
in 1985, had banned the use of the CFCs. The Montreal Protocol (1987),
which is the appendage of the Viena convention, had also endorsed the
stand taken (in the Vienna convention). The ozone layer is stable now; it
means there is no further depletion as on date, Mr. Geir Braathen has stated.
However, the ozone hole already hovering over the Antarctic is a big reason
to worry about. It means that the use of harmful CFCs has not stopped
altogether in the world. Probably, some developing countries are using
these harmful gases. That is becasue they are unable to buy CFC–free
material and technologies from the developed nations to come out of the
CFC Age. They would have to conform to the decisions of the Vienna
Convention, lest the blue-green planet should suffer.
Ironically, the top industrial nations, which monitor the ozone hole and
its demonic effects on our earth, are squarely responsible for its creation.
China, Japan, the USA, Britain, India, Brazil, Australia, Indonesia and
other industrially advanced or developing countries use CFCs to the hilt.
Not all of them are CFC-free. True, they have taken steps to reduce the
emission of CFCs into the atmosphere. But a lot needs to be done to
completely arrest the expansion of the ozone hole. Currently, due to the
stability of this hole, the governments of some nations might have become
complacent. But the process of CFC emissions has to be brought to a
complete standstill. This is not being done. Further, China and the USA
have emerged as the two key countries that have contributed to industrial
pollution. India is not far behind. The lakes of Europe and Canada are also
the victims of global warming. The Antarctic iceshelf is melting and
consequently, receding. According to the latest reports, the ozone hole has
become big enough to affect the Antarctic iceshelf and the entire southern
polar area (the frozen part). This is a dangerous trend and ought to be
reversed at the earliest possible date.
The UN has organised many summits and conferences to check the
decay caused due to global warming. The conferences and across-the-table
discussions seem to be meaningless in the context of the reduction of CFCs
and greenhouse gases. That is because the nations of the world promise to
cut down CFC gas emissions but set up more industries that would increase
the rates of such emissions.
The West has acquired technologies to cut emission rates of harmful
gases into the atmosphere. However, the nations of the West demand high
prices of the technology and equipment that they plan to sell to the poor
nations. The poor nations want to buy these technologies and equipment at
cheap rates. They also want aid, in terms of Dollars, from the industrial
nations of the West. The west wants to sell its products and technologies.
It is not keen to cut down emission levels, or to help the needy (poor)
nations cut down emission levels. Hence, this tussle between the North and
the South has resulted into a stalemate. In the meantime, pollution levels
are rising. The ozone hole is getting bigger because of this very reason.
Voluntary adoption of such (reduction) measures is one solution. But no
nation would adopt new equipment and technologies—to cut CFC and other
emissions—unless it is forced to do so by a grand regulatory authority. The
UNO can be one such authority. Hence, the concerned organs of the UNO
must be made more powerful and effective in the context of pollutant
emissions. Further, the technology for the conversion of coal into eco
friendly fuel has been developed. It may become imperative for all nations
of the world to convert coal into liquid fuel. Already, petroleum and diesel
as well as other fuels are generating lots of pollutants. The planet must also
be made greener. The green vegetation acts as a carbon sink and absorbs
carbon dioxide gas. Hence, global warming is reduced.
The world has realised the importance and probably, the lethal effects
of the reduction of the ozone layer. It is high time the nations of the world
joined hands to check its growth. Only concerted efforts—and not half-
hearted negotiations in the conferences and seminars—would reduce global
warming and lethal effects thereof.
ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
T he term EIA, when expanded, becomes Environmental Impact

Assessment. It is a planning tool or a device that helps a firm, NGO or
government analyse what would be the impact of an activity on the micro and
macro environments of a location. According to a reputed environmentalist, the
EIA is a process which attempts to identify, predict and assess the likely
consequences of proposed development activities. When an industrial, commercial
tourist or residential activity is started at a site, the environment of that site is
affected. Hence, planners decide in advance what the impact would be on the
proposed site. The environment must not degrade due to the proposed activity,
whatever may be its nature or magnanimity. It is an effort to protect the
environment from the ill effects of commercialisation of the planet.
The purpose of the EIA process is to :
(1) support the goals of environmental protection and sustainable
development ;
(2) integrate environmental protection and economic decisions at the
earliest stages of planning ;
(3) predict environmental, social, economic and cultural consequences
of a proposed activity ; and
(4) provide for the involvement of the public and government agencies
during the reviews of such activities.
Depending upon the nature, scope and importance of the project, the
assessment may include ecological, cultural, economic, aesthetic health and
safety, social and other impacts in relation to the decisions on the sustainable
management of natural and physical resources.
Today, the emphasis is on “sustainable development.” Hence, if a site is
developed, it must continue to develop in economic, social and environmental
terms. Note that sustainable development is feasible only if we protect the
basic natural resources of a site. The natural resources of a place are the most
important ingredients for building a site (for whatever reason). Money and
technology are used to maintain these ingredients.
The requirement of a State to conduct EIA programmes in respect of key
activities (which can affect the environment of a site) has been reflected in
Principle 17 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development.
If we start the procedures of EIA, it does not mean that the socio-economic
progress mechanisms of the site in question would take a beating. Rather, such
processes would be natural, closer to human, fauna and flora and in tune with
the cultural demands of the locals of that site. Hence, the EIA procedures are
designed to develop the site, not destroy its basic natural habitat plant life,
local people’s cultural values, animal life and air quality.
Different guidelines on the EIA are as follows :
(1) An EIA coordinator is selected.
(2) Those activities of the project are identified that can affect the
environment of the site.
(3) Baseline study is undertaken; it helps the EIA researchers collect data
on conditions and status of the project.
(4) Impact evaluation is done in quantitative terms; subjective analysis is
avoided. Assessment involves combining environmental losses and
gains with economic costs and benefits to create a complete account
of each project alternative. Cost benefit analysis is also done.
(5) Documentation is completed. Major data and results obtained after
processing the data are highlighted in the report.
(6) A working document is prepared from the main document. It has a
list of present alternatives.
(7) The decision maker (usually a civic authority) takes the decision. He
accepts one alternative.
(8) The present alternative is implemented. It is the best alternative the
site can have.
(9) The project is executed.
(10) The legal authority or court asks the designated EIA agency to actually
find out what is the real value of the impact on the environment. This
can be done after the project has started functioning. Examples: the
tourist spot can be started for two years or a factory can be made
operational for two years. Thisdata is real (obtained from the site). It
is compared with the original EIA data (of the complete document
prepared earlier). This is called Environment Audit.
(11) Deviations are noted.
(12) The owners of the project are told by the EIA team to rectify the
installations and machines at the site to make it conform to the regulations
and norms of the appropriate environmental control authority.
The aforementioned process is repeated for every new site. Then the EIA
team can also visit the site—once its fully operational, i.e., after 5–7 years—
to do the EIA analysis. Thus, the process of monitoring the environment—
both in social and economic terms—continues.
SOIL EROSION AND CONSERVATION
S oil erosion is the wearing away of the top soil cover by natural agencies
such as water and wind and also as a result of human and animal
interference. Deforestation, overgrazing and shifting cultivation are responsible
for soil erosion in large areas.
The chhos of Punjab and Haryana and the ravines of Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh have resulted soil erosion to a certain extent
due to reckless cutting of forests in these areas. Erosion due to over-
grazing by sheep and goats is very common over the hilly areas of
Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and the low rainfall areas of Maharashtra,
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Soil erosion is also common in Jammu
and Himachal Pradesh. Shifting cultivation is responsible for soil erosion
in many tropical forest areas in the country such as Assam, Meghalaya,
Tripura, Nagaland, Mizoram, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and parts of
Madhya Pradesh. It is estimated that over 80,000 hectares of cultivated
land of India have already been lost.
SOIL CONSERVATION
Soil conservation includes all such measures which help in protecting the
soil from erosion. Contour terracing and bunding, construction of bounds
across gullies, levelling of uneven land and raising grass and other vegetation
on land are the some measures which are usually taken by farmers to protect
soil from erosion. Such methods are quite effective in areas where the
erosion is not serious as in the semi-arid tracts of the peninsula and part of
Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Punjab. Extensive
reclamation schemes are under implementation in these states. In the tropical
forest areas shifting cultivation is a serious problem. It is necessary to
educate the adivasis, who practise it, in better farming techniques.
Soil conservation can be done by the following methods :
1. Contour Farming : If ploughing is done at right angles to the hill
slope, following the natural contour of the hill, the ridges and furrows
break the flow of the water down the hill. This prevents excessive soil loss,
as gullies are less likely to develop and also reduce run-off water so that
plants receive more water. Row crops and small grains are often planted in
contour pattern so that the plants can absorb much of the rain, and erosion
is minimized.
2. Strip Cropping : Crops may be cultivated in alternate strips, parallel
to one another. Some strips may be allowed to lie fallow while other are
sown with different kinds of crops e.g. grains, legumes, small tree crops.
3. Terracing : Slopes may be cut into a series of terraces with sufficient
level ground on each terrace for cultivation, and an outer wall at the edge
to retain the soil and to slow down the flow of rain-water down the slope.

Terracing is done for wet paddy cultivation, as the excess water and silt can
be retained at each terrace to form flooded paddy-fields.
4. Mulching : It prevents the soil from blowing off and being washed
away, reduce evaporation, increase infiltration to keep down weeds, improve
soil structure and increase crop yields.
5. Mixed Cropping : The cropping is done with an objective of better
and cntinuous cover of the land. It is a good protection against the beating
action of the rain and against soil erosion. The line sowing of mixed crop
gives rise to practice of intercropping.
GLOBAL WARMING : PRICING

CARBON CORRECTLY
U nder the Kyoto Protocol, it is possible for developed countries to

simply buy off the cost of their pollution from less developed economies
that do not put out their permitted quota of harmful substances into the atmosphere.
This mechanism is fraught with both moral and practical difficulties.
On 8 December 2012, Almost 200 nations extended a weakened United
Nations plan for combating global warming until 2020 with a reserved set
of measures that would do nothing to halt rising world greenhouse gas
emissions.
The world in Doha Climate Talk agreed to the second phase of the
Kyoto Protocol, starting 2013 by agreeing to a roadmap for binding world
to a new global legal compact on climate change by 2015 that would
become operational by 2020.
Environment ministers of different countries extended until 2020 the
Kyoto Protocol, which obliges about 35 industrialised nations to cut their
greenhouse gas emissions until the end of 2012. That keeps the pact alive
as the sole legally binding climate plan.
However, in an unparalleled incident, two of the most powerful countries
- the US and Russia decided to discard parts of the deal gaveled through
using diplomatic guile by host Qatar.
The US took on 192 countries to reject the principle of equity and the
application of the principles of the UN climate convention to the post-2020
global deal.

The Ministry of Environment and Forests here knows only too well that
the Kyoto Protocol is both a challenge as well as an opportunity. It is at
present concentrating on the opportunity, because India does not have to
reduce its emissions for another five years, and MoEF wants to take advantage
of the transfer mechanisms that exist till then. Under the Protocol’s Clean
Development Mechanism (CDM), it is possible for industrial countries or
companies based there to absorb their emissions by paying developing
countries to introduce clean technologies that absorb the equivalent amount
of carbon.
There are moral objections to this arrangement, by which polluters do
not pay the true ecological and economic cost of degrading the environment
but are given a cheap way out by buying offsets in poor countries. Typically,
a power utility in Europe or North America can pay a developing country
to launch an afforestation project which will sequester a certain amount of
carbon and thereby let it off the hook. It would be more equitable for a
company to pay a carbon tax - the Worldwatch Institute in Washington
years ago proposed $50 per tonne of carbon. This tax would incidentally
raise sufficient revenue to take care of virtually all the development
programmes that countries need to pull them out of poverty. It would also
force emerging countries like China, India and Brazil to get their act
together and reduce their emissions, also after a grace period.
India has been harping on one theme: that it is accepting “common but
differentiated responsibility” for climate change, which is right. But this should
not blind the country to the urgent need to cut down on the profligate use of
fossil fuels. It is estimated that between one fifth and one quarter of power is
lost in transmission and distribution, which is equivalent to the capacity of a
few sizeable power stations. India is also wrongly concentrating on road transport
for goods, which is wasteful and polluting. Rail is a far better option, especially
for a country with one of the biggest networks in the world.
As it happens, the International Institute for Environment & Development
(IIED) in London, which was the brainchild of the late economist, Barbara
Ward, one of the leading lights of the sustainable development movement,
published studies last year which have questioned the benefits of CDM to
developing countries. As many as 50 of the least developed countries have
not even heard of carbon credits. Only those with capacity to propose and
implement projects, like the three big countries already referred to, can take
advantage of these schemes.

Typically, the mechanism has operated for industrial or technological
solutions. There are two main avenues - one is to generate energy from
landfills and the other is to reduce the emissions of the greenhouse gas,
hydrochlorofluorocarbon (HFC). Urban garbage dumping sites do contain
methane which in theory could be burnt to produce power. However, the
experience in India with such waste-to-energy projects has been abysmal
because garbage in cities here contains far less packaging material than in
the West. It is mainly kitchen waste, which is wet and does not burn easily.
According to the Carbon Finance Unit of the World Bank, nearly 60 per
cent of carbon offsets was in HFC projects and the average volume was 1.9
million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent. Smaller projects would be far
more beneficial because of their greater employment potential, but their
transaction costs are much higher and are therefore avoided as a rule. The
Bank’s annual survey shows that there are very few projects anywhere in
the world which tackle less than 50,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent.
There are problems in the very operation of CDM. For one thing, rather
like outsourcing, there is always the danger that another developing country
with less rigorous environmental standards may undercut the price that one
offers for carbon credits. The other, as the Centre for Science and
Environment has been pointing out for years - it published Green Politics
in 1999 - is that when India and other developing countries come under the
Kyoto Protocol after 2012, the costs of offsetting our carbon emissions will
be much higher than they are now. Who will bear these costs? And this has
a direct bearing on living standards. No wonder that President Bush once
justified his refusal to sign the Protocol by asserting that American lifestyles
could not be compromised.
The UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which just put out
its fourth assessment report, cites a maximum possible increase of 3 degrees
Centigrade by the end of the century. With this rise in temperatures, the
implicit cost of reducing a tonne of carbon dioxide equivalent will be in the
$20-$80 range. This gives us an idea of the costs of living within the
capacity of the earth to contain emissions in future. By selling our rights
at present and earning some dollars and euros in the process, we are in fact
postponing paying this bill and bartering the future of our children and our
children’s children.
The IIED believes that there are better opportunities with the voluntary
market for carbon offsets, which exist outside the Kyoto Protocol. The

motives of these sellers and buyers are different. Compliance is not the
main consideration on the part of buyers; rather, it is desire to do something
to combat global warming to assuage guilt or to improve their image. The
lowest price may not be the major factor and there is a much bigger range
of projects, which characteristically cannot compete in the CDM market.
The market is admittedly much smaller than CDM: it consisted of just
six million tonnes of carbon offsets in 2005, as against 346 tonnes in CDM
that year. And there are only 63 retailers worldwide, mainly in the US and
Europe. However, the IIED estimates that in the next few years, the voluntary
carbon market will account for 500 million tonnes annually.
At the same time, the standards in the voluntary market are far from
uniform. Reductions of carbon dioxide equivalent involve complicated
calculations of future emissions that will be offset by undertaking the
project at hand. Such procedures have not been established rigorously. The
CDM Gold Standard and the Emissions Trading Association have tried to
introduce a set of regulations which would govern the voluntary market.
However, if more exacting standards are imposed, this would exclude smaller
projects in less developed countries.
The IIED and New Economics Foundation are launching a new type of
offset programme called Mitigation-Adaptation or Mit-Ad, which seeks to
offer both emission reduction (mitigation) or adaptation measures (actions).
For example, afforestation in a coastal area would serve both to mitigate the
impact of climate change by absorbing carbon dioxide and serve to help
adapt to ocean level rise, an outcome of global warming. These ‘double-
whammies’ may actually command a premium, but will have to carefully
calibrated to serve the voluntary carbon market.
RESOURCE MANAGEMENT IN INDIA
I n any country, there can be three types of situations in the context of the
resources. These are as follows:—
(A) Some resources are scarce.
(B) Some resources are in abundance.
(C) Some resources are just sufficient to meet the demands of the
masses of the country.
(D) Some resources are renewable.
When resources are scarce and cannot be created in house, these have
to be imported by a country. When resources are in abundance, there is no
need to import them. The country uses the resources at her command
without the fear of losing them for ever. When resources are sufficient to
meet the demands of the masses, the leaders of the country make policies
to utilise them through austerity measures. Finally, some resources are the
gifts of mother nature. They are available at some places and totally absent
at some others. They are renewable and can be used by the mankind on a
perpetual basis.
In the Indian context, the four types of resources are as follows:—
(A) Scarce resources are the ones that have to be obtained from the
earth. These include petroleum products, electric power, some
minerals, wood, etc. These resources are in short supply and the
country cannot be run without them. We are importing nearly 75
per cent of oil from abroad. Our forest cover is only 21.34 per cent
of our land area; it should have been 33 per cent. Some metals like
copper, aluminium, gold and silver are also not available in
abundance. That is why, our people have a hankering for gold and
ornaments thereof, although the Indians possess the largest quantity
of gold in the world (on an individual ownership basis). Scarce
resources have to be imported, although a fraction of such resources
is produced in India as well. Oil bill has been rising steeply for the
past three years. In October, 2013, the price of crude oil had
touched US $ 115 per barrel in the global markets. Oil prices being
high, the government had to hike the prices of petrol, diesel and
LPG (in India). These scarce commodities have to be used with
care, lest we should face a serious energy crisis within a decade
from now. We also lack good machines, raw material for road
construction, high-quality steel, tool steel and electronic gadgets of
high accuracy. We are importing many machines and finished
products but we must produce them in India. We should import raw
materials and process them here to create finished products out of
them. Finally, we must use scarce natural resources with care and
try to save them for the posterity.

(B) In India, there is abundance of many resources. Examples of such
resources are—milk, mica, leather hides, jute, raw cotton, wheat,
paddy, fruits, vegetables, meat, food grains, coke, coal, pure ghee,
gypsum, computer software, man power (labour as well as managers)
etc. We have to put these abundant resources to the best possible
use and in the shortest possible time frame. When an abundant
resource is not used for a long time, it loses its value and use in
the industry, or trade. For example, several lakh labourers and
managers are unemployed in our country. Their talent is being
wasted. Some of them would go abroad; they could have contributed
to our economy by working in India but that would not happen.
Abundant resources can be exported to a large extent. Meat, leather
hides, iron ore, mica, fruits, vegetables etc are being exported. The
government has liberalised its export policy. We are following the
global trade norms being delineated by the WTO in this context.
These resources must also be managed in such a manner that they
continue to be in abundance even twenty, or fifty years from now.
For example, poultry products are in abundance in India nowadays.
Our poultry farm owners and veterinary doctors should make efforts
to ensure that our poultry farms continue to produce meat and eggs
even twenty or fifty years after the present times. Thus, scientific
techniques would have to be used to ensure better (poultry) farm
management.
(C) Some resources are barely sufficient to meet the demands of the
people of a country. In India, we have some such resources. Examples
include edible oil, soil, mountain system, bird sanctuaries, wild life
parks, rivers and canals of northern India, raw material of various
types, etc. These resources ought to be managed with care because
they would also fall under the gamut of scarce resource in the
period of one hundred years. Soil conservation can be done by
growing more trees. So, the forest cover, which is a scarce resource,
would also increase. Hence, ecologists would be able to kill two
birds with one stone. Further, there are sufficient lakes in India but
they are to be cleaned and desilted at the earliest. The lakes of
Kashmir are being desilted at present; the news was telecast in this
context on a popular TV news channel. India has been facing
droughts or the patterns of uneven rainfall because we have not
maintained ecological balances among flora, fauna and human
habitats. We must define policies to maintain such balances. Decisions
would have to be taken at the highest level to do this.
(D) Renewable resources are in abundant supply. In India, sunshine is
available for ten months in a year. Water bodies of northern India
are supplied water by the Himalayan rivers. Wind power is also
available. Nuclear power is also available, although we have not
used it to feed a large number of our homes and factories. These
abundant resources must be tapped because conventional hydrocarbon
reserves would be depleted after nearly 250 years from now. Coal
is an abundant natural resource but it is not renewable; so is the
case with LPG and LNG. We must use solar cells, tidal power
plants, Ocean Thermal Energy Conversion (OTEC) plants, biomass
fuels, wind turbines and hydroelectric stations to generate cheap
power for all. For this purpose, we must delineate a long-term
strategy at the top level to tap these resources. Currently, we are
generating nearly 30,292 GWe of electric power using nuclear fuels.
On the other hand, the nations of the West are generating ten times
more the amount of nuclear power being generated in India. Barring
a few lacunae, nuclear energy is cheap. Nuclear fuel is available in
India; it can also be imported from Russia. Renewable resources,
except nuclear fuels, can be used for ever. Hence, they should be
the focus of attention of our technocrats, government and
bureaucracy. It is sad to note that we are way behind the West in
the context of tapping such resources. We have discussed the concept
and typology of resources at the macro level. It is important to
manage resources at the micro level as well. Every individual should
use LPG, LNG, kerosine, coal, coke, wood, petrol or diesel only
if it is imperative for him to do so. If these hydrocarbon fuels are
used with care, we would be able to extend their lives. Further,
families and individuals should not waste electric energy. Factories
should also use electric energy with prudence. Currently, we are
burning the candle at both of its ends, as far as using electric energy
is concerned. Judicious use of electric energy is advised. We are
producing enough of electric power but nearly 30-40 per cent of it
is being wasted due to the processes of transmission, distribution
and theft. Rich people use electric power to run their luxury
equipment (white goods). The poor people of our country struggle
to get electric power even to switch on their ceiling fans. Due to
this unbalanced consumption of electric power, there is always an
acute power shortage during summers. Theft of electric power has
aggravated the situation. The government is privatising power
distribution firms, fondly called dist coms. This is a good step, we
believe. Hence, power would be utilised only according to the
needs of the consumer and a family that can afford to pay more for
electric power would use it for a longer period.
Water is a scarce resource in India, especially in southern India. Hence,
farmers and people at large suffer alike due to its non-availability. We
would suggest that the Cauvery water dispute be settled between Tamil
Nadu and Karnataka so that the farmers of both these States could get water
when they need it the most. Similarly, the Sutlej Yamuna Link Canal
should also be completed and its water should be used judiciously by three
states—Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan.
In sum, scarce resources have to be used with care and abundant resources
have to be conserved for use in the future. Finally, technologies and equipment
must be developed to tap renewable energy resources on a long-term basis.
These resources would help us survive in the next century.
vvvv

VIII
ESSAYS ON
MOTIVATIONAL ISSUES
Essays on Motivational Issues F 407

NEGATIVE THOUGHTS—THE
UNWELCOME HOME GUESTS
I magine enjoying a peaceful day at home, when suddenly the door flies
open and in comes a crowd of unruly people. They are loud, obnoxious,
and condescending. They push past you as if you weren’t there, heading to
the kitchen for something to eat, piling onto your sofa in front of your
television, barging upstairs to take a nap in your bed. You are so
overwhelmed that you don’t know how to react. They seem overbearing
and headstrong, and even though you may want to tell them to leave, you
feel powerless to do so.
As the days wear on, they keep inviting more and more of their friends
to stay also, until your home is cramped and uncomfortable. They are with
you in the shower, in your bed, while you eat your meals, in your car as
you drive to work. You feel that your life has been taken over by these
barbarians, and you wonder when you lost control of your life and your
home.
Who are these creeps, you ask? They are negative thoughts. And they
will take over your life if you don’t take control of them. We often don’t
realize how overrun with negative thoughts we are until we become extremely
uncomfortable, just like the example above. Negative thoughts can be
sneaky, slipping in undetected, yet having a powerful impact on our moods
and emotions. Over time, they will begin to take over our thoughts altogether.
Think about these scenarios, and see if you recognize yourself in any of
them:
• our spouse is 30 minutes late coming home from work, and suddenly
the telephone rings. Do you immediately imagine the worst? Does
your heart start racing at the thought of an accident?
• You apply for a great job and feel excited by the possibilities. A
few days go by, and you don’t receive a phone call requesting an
interview. Do you begin worrying about errors you might have
made on the application, or whether your skills are up to par? Do
you assume that you won’t get the job, and resign yourself to a
low-paying, unfulfilling career for the rest of your life?
• You’re driving in fast-moving traffic, and you see a large truck
approaching from the opposite direction. Do you automatically
begin feeling anxious that the truck could veer over to your lane
and crush your compact car - even though the driver of the truck
has given you no indication that this is a possibility?
These examples demonstrate how easily our thoughts can move into a
negative place. It’s actually quite common, so don’t despair if you identify
with these situations. There IS something you can do about it. It’s important
to point out that these examples reflect situations that are completely out of
our control. Even if they did happen, there isn’t much we could do about
it. We’d simply have to deal with it, just as we do with all of life’s
challenges. Obsessing over the horrible things that could happen to us only
makes us feel powerless and frightened.
What if we choose to turn our thoughts around and focus on happy
things instead? We can, you know! That doesn’t mean negative thoughts
will never pop into our heads, of course. They probably will. But we
don’t have to allow them to stay. Just like our unruly houseguests described
above, we need to be firm and unyielding about the types of thoughts we
want to welcome in. So, what can we do when frightening images pop into
our heads? In my opinion, the best course of action would be to kick them
right out again. Don’t entertain them. Simply turn the thought around to
something positive (or at least neutral) instead.
Rather than assuming your spouse is late because of an accident, assume
he or she is late because of heavy traffic, a last minute request from the
boss, or a quick stop at the supermarket. Rather than assuming you didn’t
get the job, assume that it will take time for the hiring manager to get
through all the applications. Acknowledge that even if you didn’t get this
particular job, there are plenty more great jobs out there if you take time
to look for them. And yes, rather than assuming you’ll be killed by a large
truck, assume you WON’T be.
Turning these thoughts around will take time and consistent effort,
especially if you are used to letting them take over your mind. Remember
that unwelcome houseguests don’t usually respond to subtlety. You may
need to display immense determination and kick some major butt before
they will leave. But if you keep at it, they will eventually grow weary of
the hostile atmosphere and leave you in peace.
Overcoming Negative Thinking

Would you consider yourself to be an optimist or a pessimist? Are you
always on edge, waiting for the next disaster to strike? Or do you look to
the future with anticipation and joy? One of my biggest lessons in life has
been understanding that “like attracts like.” I used to believe that I would
be happy if I could only meet the right man, find the right job, lose enough
weight, etc. But it didn’t work out that way. I did indeed do some of those
things, but I still wasn’t happy. I had to learn to become happy first, and
then everything else in my life began to transform to more closely match
my attitude.
The majority of us tend to let our experiences influence our thoughts,
rather than the other way around. One negative experience can ruin our
mood for the day, which will cause us to act and think in ways that attract even
more negativity, which puts us in an even worse mood, and on it goes! It
creates a chain reaction of negativity that affects us, and everyone around us.
Obsessive fear and worry are also facets of a negative attitude. A certain
amount of these emotions are normal, of course. Worrying about our
performance in a job interview, or feeling fearful in a dangerous situation
are to be expected and can actually do us good by keeping us sharp mentally.
But how many of us take these to the extreme? Worrying excessively about
things that are out of our control can do more harm than good.
I come from a long line of worriers, and I married into a family that
has just as many. It’s like a genetic tendency or something. I always tease
my husband that his family’s legacy is, “Be careful!” It is uttered at least
once or twice every time we get together with them, usually as a farewell.
Instead of “goodbye”, they say, “be careful!” Just once I’m tempted to
reply, “No, actually I’m thinking of trying recklessness for awhile, see how
that goes.” Somehow I don’t think they’d get the joke.
There is a difference of course, between worry and common sense. I’m
not saying we should throw caution to the wind and ignore safety. By all
means, we should do what we can to minimize the potential for disaster.
But constantly focusing on the bad things that could happen to us - and even
expecting them to happen - can only keep us stuck in negative thought
patterns. Does that mean if we think only positive thoughts, only good
things will happen to us? No, unfortunately, I don’t think that’s true either.
I think there are certain experiences we need to go through in life for the
purpose of strengthening us and helping us grow. Even though they’re not
fun at the time, they serve our highest good in the long run. Those situations
aside, we do have control over much more of our lives than we realize. We
need to remember that our thoughts have tremendous power! What if we
decided to use that power in a conscious, focused way? What would we be
capable of creating?
One of my favorite quotations is an Indian Proverb: “If you want to
know what your thoughts were like yesterday, look at your body today. If
you want to see what your body will be like tomorrow, look at your
thoughts today.” How powerful is that? And of course the concept can be
carried further than just the state of our bodies, to include the state of our
lives too. Look around you. What have your thoughts created? Can you see
a connection between your attitude in the past, and your circumstances
today?
You can still change it. It’s never too late for an attitude shift. It will
take practice and patience, of course. Remember that many of us have been
thinking negatively for years, and old habits die hard. But if you set your
mind to it, and keep focusing on the positive, positive circumstances will
begin to bloom in your life. Make a conscious decision to expect the best
at all times. Even if you don’t end up with “the best”, you might still end
up with something really good.
AFFIRMATIONS AND LIFE
A ffirmations can be a powerful tool in your personal development

program, but only if they are used correctly. If you’re like most people,
you’ve been taught one part of the equation: reciting the words. Consistently
changing your thoughts and words from negative to positive is a great first
step because it helps you build a solid foundation for long-term growth.
However, this approach alone may not bring about the change you desire.
No matter how specific and focused your affirmations are, reciting them
dispassionately will be about as effective as reading a breakfast cereal box
each morning. You are engaging your mind, not your emotions. If you
want to add power to your affirmations in a big way, you need to include
one simple ingredient: EMOTION.
Emotion is the fuel that propels your intentions into being. As you
recite empowering words and infuse them with strong emotion, you are in
effect stepping into a new “reality” where your desire is a fact. This alters
the vibrations you’re emitting to the universe, and the universe responds by
sending you experiences that match your vibrational signal.
However, any old emotion won’t work. Many self-help gurus will tell
you to get excited and enthusiastic when you recite affirmations, and that
technique does have its merits. But it’s infinitely more powerful to choose
the right emotion for what you’re trying to attract, and place it squarely on
the correct part of your affirmation. Let’s use an example to demonstrate
the process. If you want to attract more money into your life, one effective
affirmation would be: “I always have more than enough money for everything
I need.”
Which emotions would add power to this affirmation? Excitement?
Enthusiasm? Happiness? Yes, those are good, but think for a moment how
you would feel if such a statement were true. If you were able to wave a
magic wand over your life and manifest a ton of money that eradicated any
and all financial worries forever, how would you feel? Happy and excited,
certainly. But once the intial excitement wore off, what would your mind-
set be like?
Do you see the direction your thoughts need to take to make this a
powerful affirmation? You need to focus on the having, not the needing.
If your affirmations are more like “begging sessions” where you are
beseeching the universe to help you, you are only attracting more situations
in which you need to beg for assistance! You have to shift your mind-set
so you are in effect stepping into a new reality, a reality in which you
already have what you desire, a reality where financial worries (or other
troublesome issues) don’t exist for you. As you keep reinforcing this truth
in your mind, you can’t help but attract the corresponding reality!
So, if you previously gave up on affirmations because they don’t seem
to work for you, give this technique a try. It can be a tricky feat at the
beginning because you have to learn to turn your attention away from what
you perceive to be your current reality and focus more on the reality you
want to attract. But with consistent practice you should find yourself easily
able to transition from where you are, to where you want to be.
PASSION AS A CREATIVE FORCE
How passionate is your life? Do you feel passionate about your work, your
relationships, or your hobbies? Or has your life become an exercise in
boredom and obligation? We usually envision a steamy romance when we
think of passion, but passion can be present in any type of situation. Passion
is that great feeling of excitement, joy, and intensity you get when you truly
love what you’re doing. Whether you just started an exciting new job, or
met someone special, or discovered a fun new hobby, you feel alive and
happy and fully engaged with life.

However, you may not have considered the biggest benefit of passion,
and that is its potential as a creative force. We already know that our
thoughts can influence our experiences, but emotion (passion especially!)
has the potential to take this concept to a new level. Why is that?
Everything we do is infused with our energy, and the type of energy we
put out is usually reflected back to us in some form. If we go through our
days feeling bored or uninspired or stressed, guess what type of energy
we’re putting into our work, our relationships, and any activity we perform?
And guess what type of energy will be reflected back to us? If we don’t
feel passionate about something, we won’t give it the same level of effort
and attention, and our results will be less than stellar.
On the other hand, doing something with passion and joy brings forth
powerful energy that literally gives life to anything we do. Whether we’re
working at our jobs, interacting with friends and loved ones, or creating a
work of art, passion makes those things come alive. Is it possible to create
passion where none existed before? Can we take control of this creative
force and use it to make our lives better? Yes! Like so many other things
in life, it just requires a shift in thinking.
Following are laid the ways to create more passion in your life:
Make time: Most of us are so busy rushing around that we don’t have
time to feel passionate about anything. Generating a little passion doesn’t
take a lot of time, but we do need to be willing to slow down our pace and
make room for it.
Be present: Even if we slow our pace, we still might be distracted and
scattered so we miss out on opportunities to feel passionate about something.
If we’re constantly thinking about the future, or the past, we can’t focus
fully on the present, and we miss it. Take time to be in the present moment.
Several times throughout the day, pause and awaken your senses.
Tiny details: Being present in the moment is a great start, but we can
intensify our experience by paying attention to the smaller details. Rather
than simply walking through a park and enjoying a sunny day, pause to
admire the way the sunlight plays on the flowers, listen to the sound of
children laughing, and engage more deeply with the moment.
Be interested: Most of us go through our daily routine on autopilot, and
we don’t make an effort to feel interested in what we’re doing. Rather than
mindlessly driving to work, make it an enjoyable experience. Put on some
good music and sing along. Listen to a book on tape. Repeat empowering

affirmations to lift your mood. During your daily routine, pay more attention
to the things you do, and find a way to make them interesting. Ironically,
if you take a greater interest in everything around you, everything will seem
much more interesting.
Get interested: Equally important as expressing an interest in your
usual activities is developing an interest in new activities. Take some classes,
join a club, take up a new hobby. Seek out things you’ve always wanted
to do but never found the time. Get your juices flowing!
Finally, remember that like anything else, feeling passionate is a choice.
We simply need to make a decision to feel more passionate about our
activities, and seek out activities that make us feel passionate. Before long,
our lives will have become a beautiful, passionate work of art.
SEEING CHALLENGES AS
OPPORTUNITIES
F rom time to time, each of us will find ourselves in a rut of boredom

and disinterest. We seem to lose our zest for life and feel tired, irritable
and unmotivated. We want to hide under the covers rather than face the
day. Perhaps you’re feeling overwhelmed by work, or sad about the pain
and suffering in the world, or just bored with the routine of your daily life.
You are not alone. We all go through periods like this at some point. The
good news is that we can do something about it. Following are laid some
tips to help break out of the rut and feel excited about life again.
Prolonged stress can wear us down and zap any enthusiasm we once had.
Before doing anything else, take a few minutes to breathe and just BE.
Empty your mind of all stress and worry. This takes practice, but don’t give
up! As thoughts come into your mind, gently push them back out and
continue to keep your mind empty and calm. Take slow, deep breaths and
let all of your muscles relax. Sit quietly and recharge your batteries. Try
to do this daily, or even twice daily (morning and night). We need quiet
time as much as we need anything else in life. Give yourself the gift of
inner peace.

Read something motivational, inspirational or uplifting. Look at some
beautiful nature photos, or read something humorous. Consciously move
your thoughts to a more positive place. Focusing on nothing but work and
our daily tasks in life can leave us feeling pretty uninspired. It’s easy to turn
it around if we want to. We just have to seek out things that will lift our
spirits and our moods. Make it a point to laugh, be happy, joyful and
lighthearted each day. Don’t wait for inspiration to come knocking on your
door, go out and find it, or create it. Conjure up some funny or touching
memories. Write them in a journal so you can go back and read them when
you’re feeling down.
Think about the things you have planned for the day, and rekindle the
enthusiasm you once felt for them. When we first begin a new project, or
start a new job, we are excited about the possibilities and eager to get
moving! Over time, we can lose that enthusiasm for a variety of reasons.
Travel back in time for a moment, and think about what got you so excited
at the beginning. What made your heart beat a little faster? Recapture that
feeling and hang onto it! Even if your tasks aren’t anything to be really
excited about, at least think of some positive benefits to doing them. For
example, list the ways they will benefit your children, your spouse, yourself,
your job or your home. Identify the payoff, and focus on that. Even
mundane tasks have some benefits. Sometimes it’s just a matter of switching
our mindset to see the positive side.
Sometimes the hardest part is actually getting started. A project seems
so monstrous that we cringe at the thought of all that time and energy we’ll
have to expend. Instead of overwhelming yourself, start small. Set a timer
for 15 minutes and just start working on it. Allow yourself to stop after 15
minutes if you really want to. But most often, once we actually start
working on something, we won’t want to stop. Don’t focus on the big
picture, look at the smaller details and take them on one at a time. Any
large task seems manageable once we break it down into smaller steps.
Sometimes our feelings of fatigue are caused by physical deficiencies,
not mental. Be sure you are getting enough rest, eating food that nourishes
your body, drinking enough water, getting enough exercise, etc. Especially
when we’re very busy, we tend to grab the quickest, easiest meals, which
aren’t always the best choice for our bodies. Eating a lot of highly processed
foods and sugar is like putting watered-down gasoline into our cars. In
order for our cars to run smoothly, we need to maintain them properly, and
so it is with our bodies also. Remember, the body is the vehicle for the
mind and soul!
Finally, remember to reward yourself from time to time, and be gentle
with yourself! There will always be things that “need” to be done. But some
of us take on way more than we can handle, and our lives turn into a pit
of drudgery because of it. Try to eliminate the things that truly don’t bring
you joy, or at least minimize the time you spend on them. Do what you can,
and let the rest go. Or ask for help. Don’t feel you have to do everything
yourself.
Remember that motivation, just like happiness, is something we CHOOSE.
We may need to give ourselves a little push at the beginning, but once we
get into the right mindset, it’s simple to stay there if we choose to. Now
I hope you must be ready to take on the challenges as your opportunities.
Seeing Challenges as Opportunities

Are you a person who loves challenges, or hates them? I must admit I’ve
spent most of my life as a person who hates them. I always thought of
challenges as frustrating, maddening obstacles keeping me from where I
want to be. I even used to take them personally, feeling like the universe
must hate me and like to see me struggle.
As I grow older and (hopefully) wiser - I find my competitive nature
rising up to meet these challenges, and I’m learning to see them differently.
Most of us know that great rewards require great sacrifice and effort. You
know the old saying that nothing worthwhile comes easy? In a sense that’s
true. If everything we wanted was handed to us, we probably wouldn’t have
a lot of appreciation for it. On the other hand, when we work hard for
something and then see it manifest before our eyes, we get such a powerful
sense of pride and accomplishment. We can point to it and say, “I did that.
It was tough, but I did it anyway.”
Challenges are truly opportunities. Opportunities to grow and learn, to
strengthen ourselves, to test ourselves and our faith. They reveal how badly
we want to create the dreams in our hearts, and how hard we’re willing to
work for them. This is such a blessing. It may not seem that way at first,
but with a tiny shift in attitude, we can see that we have been handed an
incredible opportunity.

The next time life hands you a challenge, stop and consider for a
moment what it means. Is the universe saying “no”, or “I want you to try
harder?” Don’t look at challenges as an end, look at them as a door leading
to your heart’s desires. That door might be locked, but you have the key.
Maybe you forgot where you put the key, or you forgot that you even had
it to begin with. It might take some effort and patience to find it again - or
you might even have to create a new one, but believe that you will, even if
you’re not sure how yet.
I’m learning that it’s not important to have all the answers right now.
When challenges rise up before us, we may not know how to get around
them, or through them. It might seem hopeless at first. Challenges can seem
so overwhelming when we don’t have a solution. However, life itself is
very much like this too. Sometimes life is akin to bumping around in a dark
room, trying to find the light switch. It is possible to get through the room
without finding the light switch immediately, we just need to step slowly
and carefully. Moment to moment, we find our way.
Rather than giving up when obstacles appear in your path, look at them
as welcome challenges. The biggest challenge is choosing your own attitude.
Will you get flustered and angry, or will you get excited and determined?
Will you lay down and cry, or will you roll up your sleeves and get to
work? Some of us take on a victim mentality when obstacles arise, and I
can see why this happens. It does feel like the universe is picking on us,
doesn’t it? I think we’ve all been there!
Why not change your mindset and think of obstacles as a personal
challenge? Rather than feeling like the universe is picking on you, challenge
yourself to figure out a solution. Say to yourself, “Okay, such and such has
happened, now what am I going to do about it”? Put your problem-solving
skills to work. Once we begin to change our attitude about obstacles and
challenges, they can actually become fun. Our competitive human nature
rises up and gets ready to win, no matter what. We develop a steely
determination to not be beaten.
In fact, I like to pretend there is a great critic in the sky who laughs
mockingly at me and says, “You can’t do that.” I simply grin wickedly, roll
up my sleeves and say, “Watch me!”

THINGS ARE GOOD BCOZ I SAID SO
T he subject of positive self talk regarding our goals and dreams reminds
me of the childhood story, The Velveteen Rabbit. The boy loves the toy
so much that a magic fairy comes and turns the toy bunny into a real rabbit.
She tells the bunny it has been loved so much that it has earned the right
to be real.
Wouldn’t it be great if all we had to do was to love our dreams and
fantasies until a magic fairy came, and poof, our dreams were real? How
many of us would forget to love our dreams enough? Would they be lost
under the bed like some long ago childhood toy? What if it really was that
simple?
Years ago, I was a single mom with two small children. Both were still
in diapers. We were on welfare and getting help with housing assistance.
I had $335 each month to support a family of three. There was no husband,
no boyfriend, no child support and no reason to believe any of those things
were ever coming near me. My friends were all happily married and most
did not even have children yet. I was struggling to come up with money
to buy diapers and they were buying boats and campers and going on long
vacations. I was very frightened and alone. I had no family around to help
me out of my situation and my childhood friends were all too busy with
their new lives to be of much help to me. They all had careers and their
families and new in-laws to hang out with. They loved me, but often forgot
to even check on my kids and me.
I spent a lot of time alone while my babies were sleeping or playing
together. I realized how sad my children’s lives would be. They were being
raised by a sad lonely depressed welfare mom. I could not do that to them.
I could not afford to get counseling, so I went to the library to research
“happiness.” I began to read everything I could get my hands on. I did not
want my kids to grow up secluded, scared, and depressed like me. My
research lead me to books on religion, romance, parenting, spirituality,
everything.
After a few months, I realized I was reading the same message over and
over again. It did not matter what topic I was reading, it always came down
to attitude. What I believe is what I will see. What I see is what I live. That
is when I wrote my life’s mantra: Things are good, because I say they are.
I wrote it on a half sized sheet of my nicest pink paper with my
favorite purple pen and taped it to my bathroom mirror. I saw it many
times each day. Every time I brushed my teeth it was there. “Things are
good, because I say they are.” Every time I washed my hands, “Things
are good, because I say they are.” Every time I put on makeup or brushed
my hair, “Things are good, because I say they are.” It began to work it’s
magic on me.
I decided to fake it and act like I was happy. I made a rule . . . from
then on, I would only tell people the good things in my life. I would no
longer tell them how many bill collectors called that day or that my three
year old was probably never going to be potty trained. I was not in denial.
I simply wanted to practice this positive attitude stuff I had read so much
about. Would it really change my life? I doubted it, but I was going to at
least give it an honest try.
Whenever someone asked me “How are things going?” I would remember
my little statement and tell them, “Things are good!” I would make myself
find positive stories about my life to tell them. I owe my children a great
debt of gratitude for providing me with something to smile at every day of
their lives. Never has a day gone by since they were born have they not at
the very minimum made me smile if not fully laugh out loud.
The only positive things I had to tell were funny stories about my two
kids. People may have gotten tired of always hearing about my babies, but
that was all I had for examples. “Things are good! My son is finally potty
trained!” “Things are good! My daughter did the funniest little dance the
other day! It went something like this . . . ” They all thought I was this
good little mom who was obsessed with her kids. The truth is, I had nothing
positive to say about myself.
I cannot tell you when the exact moment was, but about a year later,
I realized that I was not faking it anymore. Things really were good. I had
proven the theory “fake it until it’s real.” I had gone back to work and was
learning a new career. My kids were in a wonderful safe environment while
I was at work. They loved their daycare center. My career was worth
talking about. I joined a local gym and started working out every day. My
kids loved the playroom there and were thrilled with going straight from
daycare to the playroom at the gym. They hadn’t suffered because I had
taken care of my own happiness.
We had a lot less time together during the week, but everyone was very
happy. Our weekends became our time for adventures. I started dating
again. I had fixed my credit to the point that I was able to buy a new car
without a cosigner. When people asked me, “How’s it going?” I actually had
something besides my kids to talk about. Things WERE good, because I
SAID they were. That magic fairy must have made it real when I wasn’t
looking.
LIVING LIFE TODAY FOR TOMORROW
C hange comes unnoticeable people are never ready or prepared for

change. Change causes resistance and conflicts, but they are healthy.
There will be a time in our lives when we will be forced to deal with
change, disappointment, decision-making and failure. Change is good
therefore should not be scrutinize negatively, but taken as opportunities to
evaluate ways of greater success. We are faced with these opportunities, but
we perceived them as obstacles, roadblocks, detours and showstoppers, the
reality is, these are road map to success. It is advantageous to learn and
overcoming them instead of finding every excused to justify these things
happen. Just like a child having a tantrum in spite of these setbacks, people
who quit never win as long as we keep on striving to face the challenges
and never faint, we will overcome these set backs and get back on track on
the life adventure. Preparing today for tomorrow (bargain shopping online)
Nothing just happen

Life is full of adventure, it is like roller coaster, one cannot predict the next
moment, but to make us prepared for the worse. If we can understand that
nothing just happens, we will notice things that happen in our life are signs and
indications of our future. In order to understand these indications we need to

access and examine the cause and the root. We fight better when we know our
enemy’s strategy. Knowing the root and the cause can help us correct and
overcome our obstacles, roadblocks showstoppers and avoid facing them again.
ipod workouts
Adjustment
Things happen as indication to make an adjustment in life. Just like looking
into a mirror. Image/Mirrors do not tell lies this is an indications that we
write our own life. As we look back or evaluate the pages we have written,
we can proofread the pages and determine if our failure or success was
based on an inappropriate course. If we can be honest to ourselves, the
reason why we look into the mirror is to make corrections as well as
proofreading the pages we have written for correction. The best present we
can give ourselves is to change our method of operation or direction if we
are not in agreement with the result from a genuine evaluation without
allowing emotional interference.
Write Your Journal and Compare Yourself to other Successful

People
Share your experience, when you have it all, tell it all and record your
journals so that it can be a blessing to others to emulate, say it once and
you will maximize the effect your experiences can have on the people that
read your journal. These can be stepping stone for those needing a new
experience or start over in their lives, especially for those willing to take
on a new challenge or direction. Seek to identify and adopt the best practices
of the people who are successful in life, adapting, emulating, modeling their
behaviors or way, of strategies, and tactics, as your guided roadmap to
success. Education is an opportunity to improve methods and reveal
breakthroughs that can help epitomize success.
Consistent
Consistence is the key to success once you have located yourself or find
your niche you hang on to it and constantly repeat them over and over. A
good recipe to this is challenging you by setting an achievable goal. Write
down your vision goals, starting from the easy ones first. Things that you
normally do, this will motivate, encourage you to see by looking at progress
as you daily evaluate your goals. Because it is difficult to achieve personal
goals or desires without writing them down, psychologically, the brain of
people think serious when you take the time to write your short and long
term vision and goals down and review them daily. Always remember you
are not alone, you are not the first person, someone have been where you
are trying to get, therefore consult an expert to gain knowledge, put you
on track and guide you in the areas that you might have overlooked. Seek
professionals who can help you identify and improve the areas that most
directly impact your success.
Life never end

Congratulation means the end of one’s achievement and the beginning of
another. Once you think you have mastered one thing, here comes another
opportunity. Life has improved amongst the terrorist threats, natural disasters
and subsequent roller coaster of the economy. Some have bought second or
even third homes, while others have elected for the collection quality, on
top of the line automobiles. Others still have traveled the world, experiencing
realism at a level the vast majority will never know. Why luxury today is
known well in certain circles and is in fact bountiful with immoderations.
The question begging to be asked is, “What now?” How much pain can one
take? How far can one go before throwing the towel? Do you really want
to go to the next level? When it is all said and done and you cannot find
satisfaction with all the material things at your disposal what step can one
take?
Focus and Think bigger

There are times we missed our opportunity because we think too small.
Because we think small, the opportunity also comes in a small size. It’s ok
to think small but concentrate on the key areas and still thrive in the midst
of change, disappointment, or failure. Evaluate the areas of your life that
have the greatest impact on your success and direct your focus there.
Thinking big will put you in contact with different types of people that may
agree with the way of thinking through synergy. Keeping in mind your
thinking is a direct reflection of your mind. Thinking on a larger scale can
also create a different level of interest in your life.

BUTTERFLIES, POSITIVE
ATTITUDE & WE
W hen nothing seems to help, I go and look at a stonecutter hammering

away at his rock perhaps a hundred times without as much as a crack
showing in it. Yet at the hundred and first blow it will split in two, and I
know it was not that blow that did it - but all that had gone before.
—Jacob Rus
How Butterflies Can Change your Life

Butterflies are among God’s most beautiful and amazing creatures on earth.
They metamorphose from eggs to larvae to pupae to the beautiful multi-
colored creatures that we see fluttering about our flowers, gardens, and
elsewhere. And they aren’t just flluttering around for nothing. They serve
a very useful purpose in nature. They pollinate flowers and thereby we are
blessed with even more beautiful colorful things to look at and to cheer us
up and enrich our lives.
Your thoughts are much like butterflies. They too flutter about in your
conscious mind. They also are able to change from one stage to another and
eventually grow into beautiful or not so beautiful creations that flutter about
in our lives and affect us in more ways than we can dare to imagine. They
start out as simple little tiny creations and transform into larger more significant
processes that eventually become part of our reality in life. This can be
positive and also negative for us. It can be good and also it can be not so
good in our lives.
They can pollinate our lives and enrich us with beautiful things, like
love, and happiness, peace of mind, and even material possessions, wealth,
property, etc. They can also poison our lives and fill us with emptiness,
loneliness, poverty, unfulfilled dreams, loss of faith and hope, depression,
anger, hate, and sundry other things that are usually not so good for our
lives. Think about this very seriously now. Everything you are and have
achieved or gotten up to this point is mostly a direct result of the thoughts
that you have nurtured throughout your life. All the things you have achieved
and all that you have failed to achieve is a result of your thinking up to this
point. What you have thought about the most is what you essentially has made
you what you are today.
Your dreams, your hopes, your goals, everything you have thought
about most of the time is what you have received as a result of those
processes. Did you aim high, or did you aim too low? Do you have
everything that you have desired, or are there many things lacking in your
life? What makes some people rich and wealthy or full of success, and
others seem to fail and achieve little of what it is they have always desired
and hoped for? Is it luck, or genetic, or some sort of secret they don’t know
that others do? Yes, it is a secret, in a sense. It is one of the strangest secrets
on earth. And yet it is everywhere for anyone who chooses to find it. Quite
simply it boils down to one simple fact. What you think about most of the
time is what you become. Everything you have ever achieved or acquired,
and everything you have ever failed to do or get, is a direct result of what
you have constantly programmed your mind to do up to this point in time.
Believing is what made it happen. Anytime you believed in yourself
enough to reach a goal, you reached it because believing is what made it
happen. Your thoughts are what started the wheels turning, and your belief
is what kept you trying and trying until you achieved your goal. If you
wanted it bad enough you usually got it, because you didn’t give up until
you did. Thoughts are the first step of creation. Thoughts that are focused
on goals turn into actions. And actions eventually bring about results. When
they don’t, it is often because you lost faith and gave up too soon. We’ve
all done this at one time or another. Yes. And we’ve all wanted something
so badly that we kept on trying and trying until we got it.
Now why can’t we do the same process with everything? Why can’t we
achieve all our dreams and goals as surely as those that we have? Because
we haven’t been applying the same process of thinking in all instances, as
we did in the case of our success. We only had faith in some things, and
totally gave up on others, too soon, because perhaps they seemed too
difficult, or perhaps we just didn’t believe strongly enough in ever achieving
what we wanted or that we could. Your thoughts are like butterflies, fluttering
about in different directions. The big difference is that each butterfly has
a goal and purpose. And often your thoughts are just not focused on a goal
and achieving a good purpose in your life. What you need to do is learn
how to guide them to serve a useful purpose for you. Goals. Learn how to
cherish the good thoughts and discard, cancel out bad thoughts. Focus on
those thoughts that help you to be all that you want to be and to acquire

all those things your heart has always desired, be they material or otherwise.
It’s not that difficult. It may seem so at first, but what doesn’t? After a
while it becomes automatic; like a good habit.
Think it, believe it, and do it. Pull those old dreams back off the shelf
and go to work on fulfilling them. Right now. You can if you think you
can. It’s been done millions of times before by millions of people. And
the people with the most success are the ones that have mastered the
butterflies. You can too through the way of Optimistic approach, a positive
attitude.
THERE IS NO LIMIT TO WHAT YOU

CAN DO
H ave you ever thought about what you could do, if you really decided
to? I’m not merely talking about what your skills, education and talents
are capable of. I’m talking about what is really possible for you. There is a
very real possibility that you can do virtually anything. Not alone, not with
out new information, but certainly within your ultimate grasp.
Now many people would say to me, “Be realistic. Some things are just
not possible.” To them I say, a realist is simply a pessimist who doesn’t
want to admit it . I’ve never heard a “realist” take an optimistic posture on
any topic. They always say, “Let’s be realistic.” and then go on to explain
why your idea can’t be done. Imagine a realist saying, “ Realistically, we
don’t yet know what the possibilities are. This could be easier than we
think!” Better, eh? One thing I have learned over the years is that luck
really does come to those who commit to a goal. Scientists and philosophers
call it “synchronicity.” It is when things come together in an unexplainable
way to help you reach your destination. Sometimes you just happen to meet
someone who has the answer you need or shares your interests. At other
times it is written off as “timing” or blind luck.
I don’t see it that way. I believe that there are some universal principles
at work which most people miss. There have been references to this
phenomenon in philosophical and religious literature throughout history.

Without waxing poetic, here is what goes on. When any person makes a
decision to bring about a certain outcome, the entire universe starts the
process of making it happen. As long as the person persists in the belief that
they are creating the desired result, the process continues. When doubt,
hatred, or fear dominate the person, the process stops and other forces direct
the world’s energies in other positive directions. This is why there is “power”
in positive thinking.
Sometimes we express a strong desire and the result occurs immediately.
We call this a miracle. At other times we strive long and hard without visible
progress. The operative word there is “visible”. There are too many elements
in the world for us to be conscious of how they all interact. But the moment
we decide to do what it takes to create a result, the universe bends toward
us to assist. This continues unless we do something to stop the process.
That is why I say there is nothing you can’t do. There are things that
might not be worth doing but almost anything can be done somehow. To
do such things requires a certain state of mind. It requires optimism,
determination, clarity, love for all mankind and humility. Optimism is the
only productive way to think. Not pollyanna blind faith in spite of the facts,
just the continuing belief that there is a way and that you will ultimately
find it. Determination is to do what is necessary even if it is not convenient,
if you are not in the mood, if it takes more than you expected, and if it
is not fair, meaning that you have to contribute more than others.
Clarity of focus is essential in order to activate things in your favor. So
goal setting in writing is essential to get things going. The clearer your
focus, the more compelling your influence becomes. When you believe
unflinchingly in your cause, others will be drawn to you. Love of all
humanity means respect for the dignity of and sensitivity to the needs of
others. Contrary to Gordon Gekko’s line in the movie Wall Street, greed
does not work, because it separates you from others. Only love and respect
will connect you to all who might ultimately help.
And finally, humility. The biblical way of expressing this thought is,
“Not my will, but Thine, be done.” If we realize how little we know, we
will be a lot more humble. Emerson said, “Desire is possibility seeking
expression.” If you truly want something, the possibility of it surely exists.
That does not mean that it is a good idea for you. It just means that it could
happen. But if you are dedicated to achieving something deeply and sincerely,
then it is incumbent upon you to pursue it.

Where the problems arise is when we decide that we already know what
it will take to do the job. Far too many variables exist for us to really
“know” what it takes in any instance. So we must move forward based on
what we know, while listening to the messages the world is sending us. We
sometimes find that an even better outcome is available to us through a
simple change in direction. At other times we simply need to learn the
lesson life has to teach us at a given point and then move on in a new
direction. We never know how valuable that life lesson will be later on as
we pursue a greater goal.
So I encourage you to be realistic, there is no limit to what you can do
by yourself and by influencing other peoples. Now the Questions arises as
Why do people say ‘yes’? How can we get them to comply with our
requests?
vvvv

IX
ESSAYS ON FAMOUS
PERSONALITIES
Essays on Famous Personalities F 429

NARENDRA MODI
N arendra Damodardas Modi, born 17 September 1950 is the 15th and

current Prime Minister of India, in office since 26 May 2014. Modi,
a leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), was the Chief Minister of
Gujarat from 2001 to 2014 and is the Member of Parliament (MP) from
Varanasi. He led the BJP in the 2014 general election, which gave the party
a majority in the Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Indian parliament)—
a first for any party since 1984.
Inspired by his various travel experiences, Narendra joined the RSS. His
first job at the organisation was to mop the floor at the RSS headquarters
in Ahmedabad. He then met Laxmanrao Inamdar, who soon became his
greatest inspiration. Modi was enamoured by his oratory skills.
Modi was married young but the marriage remained unconsummated.
He kept the wedding a secret as he imbibed the spirit of selflessness, social
responsibility, dedication and nationalism. In 1972, Modi became a pracharak,
dedicating his entire life to the organisation and service. He worked hard,
waking at 5 a.m. and accomplishing difficult tasks late into the night. In
1973, he also got the opportunity to meet senior Jan Sangh members.
On the national front, in 1971, Indira Gandhi swept to power. However,
the euphoria soon died away and dreams fizzled out owing to the rampant
corruption. Amid all the discontent, Indira Gandhi in 1975 promulgated the
Emergency. Democracy was under attack, freedom of the press was muzzled.
Senior opposition leaders such as L K Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee
were arrested. Modi was at the core of the anti-Emergency movement. He
became the general secretary of the Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Samiti and his
primary role was to coordinate between activists in the state. It is said that
to avoid arrest and the government’s ire, Modi began disguising himself—
dressed as a Sikh one day, an elderly man another day.
After Emergency, the Indira Gandhi government was routed in the polls
and the new Janata Party government ascended to power. At the same time,
Modi was promoted to sambhaag pracharak, the equivalent of a regional
organiser, and soon, he began travelling far and wide, spreading the RSS
word.

Even as he embraced politics, Modi graduated in political science from
Delhi University and went on to do his Masters from Gujarat University.
Modi won the admiration of seniors for his hard work and efficiency. In
1987-88, he was deputed to the BJP’s Gujarat unit as organizing secretary,
marking his formal launch in mainstream politics.
Recognised as a master strategist, Modi was trusted with the municipal
elections in Ahmedabad. Taking on the challenge head-on, Modi began
touring the entire state, campaigning and spreading the BJP’s word and
worked tirelessly to ensure a victory. His result bore fruit when the party
won the elections. With the assembly elections approaching in 1990, Modi
was once again entrusted to repeat his previous performance. The BJP came
a close second to the Janata Dal and after that the BJP emerged as a
formidable force in the state.
It was in the late 1990s when Modi started to emerge as a key player
when he became the general secretary of the party in Delhi. It was then that
he was handed over the responsibility of carrying out national yatras. He
was tasked with ensuring that L K Advani’s Somnath to Ayodhya yatra
went off without any hitch. The task was not easy, but Modi carried it off
to perfection.
Then in 1992, Modi helped Murli Manohar Joshi carry out the Ekta Yatra.
The yatra was held in the backdrop of the volatile atmosphere in Kashmir
after terrorists refused to allow the hoisting of the Tricolour in Srinagar.
Before the yatra commenced, Modi inspected all the locations himself.
In 2001, Modi received his huge break as chief minister of Gujarat when
Keshubhai Patel was forced to step down in the fallout from the January
Bhuj earthquake that killed around 2,000 people. Trusted with rehabilitation
efforts, Modi began the task in earnest and led the efforts to rebuild. And
since 2001, Modi remained the chief minister in the state, winning in the
polls consecutively. His development model has helped Gujarat surge ahead
and he hopes to follow the same on a national level too.
Born in a middle-class family and running a tea stall with his father as
a teenager, Narendra Damodardas Modi has travelled a long distance—from
being a RSS pracharak in his young days, to being the Chief Minister of
Gujarat four times in a row, to being the 15th Prime Minister of India—
Modi’s journey has truly been remarkable and he has emerged as a symbol
of hope for the people of India.
Modi invited leaders of the SAARC countries to his swearing-in as prime
minister to strengthen ties among its member states. Continuing his efforts
to promote close relationships with neighbouring countries, his first foreign
visit as prime minister was to Bhutan. Modi visited Nepal on August 8,
2014, and began a five-day trip to Japan on August 30. On 17 September,
Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in India; financial memoranda of
understanding and cooperation agreements between the countries were signed,
which Modi called a new chapter in their economic relationship. The prime
minister had a successful visit to the United States in the last week of
September, which led to an improvement in relations between India and the
US. In a September 27 address to the United Nations General Assembly
Modi asked for the adoption of June 21 as International Yoga Day, and a
resolution doing so was approved by the 193-member body.
A vegetarian, Modi has a frugal lifestyle and is a workaholic and introvert
who writes poetry in Gujarati. He is known for his charismatic speeches.
According to Somini Sengupta in a 2009 New York Times article on the
investigation of Modi’s role in the 2002 riots ordered by the Supreme Court
of India, “Mr. Modi has assiduously sought to reinvent himself from a
scruffy mascot of Hindu nationalism to a decisive corporate-style
administrator”. Adept at using social media, since September 2014 he has
been the second-most-followed leader in the world (with over six million
followers on Twitter).
Modi has been called a fashion leader in India, and his clothing choices
have been discussed internationally. His usual attire is a kurta and vest, and
his unusual half-sleeve kurta is known as the Modi Kurta. The prime
minister’s clothes are made of silk or cotton, are crisply ironed (in contrast
with other Indian politicians) and are handmade in Gujarat. Modi has
favored certain brands, wearing a Movado watch and Bulgari glasses. When
he was chief minister he wore bold, bright colours, changing to pastels as
prime minister. For holidays, Modi wears a traditional hat from wherever
he is.
He said in 2012 that his clothing was made by Kanahiya Ji Chouhan,
who said he has been making similarly-styled attire for Modi since 1974.
Some of his clothing has been created by Bollywood fashion designer Troy
Costa.
Modi received the Gujarat Ratna award at the Ganesh Kala Krida Manch
Shri Poona Gujarati Bandhu Samaj centenary celebration and the e-Ratna
Award from the Computer Society of India. He was named Best Chief
Minister in a 2007 nationwide survey by India Today, and won the Asian
2009 FDI Personality of the Year award from FDI magazine. In March

2012 Modi appeared on the cover of the Asian edition of Time, one of the
few Indian politicians to have done so, and made the 2014 Time 100 list
of the world’s most influential people. He has become the most followed
Asian leader on Twitter, and in 2014 was ranked the 15th-most-powerful
person in the world by Forbes. In 2015, Modi was one of Time’s “30 most
influential people on the internet” as the second-most-followed politician on
Twitter and Facebook. In 2015, Modi was ranked 5th on Forbes magazine’s
list of ‘World’s Greatest Leaders’. In 2016 a Wax Statue of Modi was
unveiled at Madame Tussaud Wax Museum in London.
SATYAGRAHA AND GANDHI
I t is frequent mode of style in quoting Gandhiji with Satyagraha. It will

be worthwhile to clear the fugue around the words “Mahatma” and
“Satyagraha”, to clearly bring home the point. “Mahatma” means “Great
soul” and so he was. But from the strictly spiritual point of view, Mahatma
Gandhi was not a yogi. He was a patriot, a political leader, a martyr. But
he was not a self-realised soul like Sri Ramakrishna, Lord Buddha and
others. You can say he was a religious saint. Self-realisation he did not
have, but he had boundless love for humanity and his interpretation of God
is unique. He said, “Truth is God. Denial of God we have known. Denial
of Truth we have not known.” For him, religion was nothing but Truth. He
lived the life of a saint. God gave him boundless love and compassion. This
was Mahatma Gandhi.
There are two words, satya andagraha. Satya is truth and agraha is
one’s eagerness to follow the principles of truth, one’s zeal for the knowledge
of truth. If one is enthusiastic and eager to follow the principles of truth,
then it is satyagraha. Sometimes in India, factory workers will go on strike
because they are displeased with their bosses, or some individuals who are
disturbed by government policies will fast for several days in order to
achieve their ends. Then they will say that they are following satyagraha.
There are two words in Mahatma Gandhi’s life: ahimsa and satyagraha.
People are always confusing these two terms, but they are not at all the
same. Ahimsa is non-violence. We always care for ahimsa, because God is
all love. Inside us there are many things that we have to fight against. We
have to fight against ignorance, doubt, fear, worries and anxieties because
these things are inwardly standing in our way. But the outer fight, from the
spiritual point of view, should be avoided.
Again, it may be the Supreme’s Will that we fight outwardly, as when
the Lord Krishna asked Arjuna to fight in order to uproot ignorance. But
fighting is necessary only on special occasions, when it is the specific Will
of God. In general, there should be no violation of authority, because it
destroys our inner poise. Here I am not taking sides in politics, or referring
to any particular conflicts in different places. No, it is from the purely
spiritual point of view that I am telling you this.
When we try to follow the man-made truth, we feel that we have to
justify this truth with our reasoning mind. Somebody will say that his salary
is not high enough; so according to his truth, he feels he should go on strike
in order to get higher wages. In this way, he will stick to his own truth.
But who knows whether his demand is justifiable or not? But in the spiritual
life, when we speak of satyagraha, it has a different meaning. It refers to
the spiritual truth. Here we think of the divine seeker who, with constant
inner joy, is walking along the path of truth and devoting his whole life to
truth.
In ordinary satyagraha, we try to get the truth by hook or by crook.
Either we will keep on fasting, or we will go on strike, and in that way
we try to get the thing done. But true satyagraha, from the spiritual point
of view, is not like that. There we want to see the truth through surrender
to the Will of God. The seeker wants to pursue the truth, but while pursuing
the truth he feels the necessity of surrendering to the Will of God. He feels
that it is the Will of God that is giving him the capacity to follow the path
of truth, and it is the Will of God that will give him the capacity to see
the truth.
In ordinary satyagraha, the individual lives twenty-four hours a day
without truth, but to satisfy the demands of his physical, vital and mind,
he wants to show the world that he is following the path of truth and
offering light to the world. This is not at all spiritual. But in spiritual
satyagraha, one sees the truth and cries to be the truth itself; one wants only
to be the torch-bearer of truth. Then one sticks to the truth and offers his
life to the truth. He does not cry to God for the fulfilment of his own
desires. He surrenders and says to God, “If it is Your Will, then do this for
me. If it is not Your Will, then do not do it for me. I want only to fulfill
You.”

So in the spiritual life, satyagraha means total devoted surrender to the
Will of Truth, and this Truth is God. God’s name is Truth. How can we
get the Truth? It is not by force, not by coercion, but only by constant
aspiration and constant surrender to the Will of Truth, to the Will of God.
SWAMI VIVEKANANDA : VISIONARY,

LUMINOUS PERSONALITY AND
RADIANT SPIRITUALITY
“Arise! Awake! And stop not till the goal is reached.”
—Vivekananda
Vivekananda was not bound by any formal ties of religion. To the World
he offered a message of a shared spirituality and the harmony of world
religions. This universal message and his dynamic spiritual personality won
the hearts and minds of many seekers; and his vision is still treasured today.
Early Life of Vivekananda

Vivekananda was born to an orthodox Hindu family in Bengal 1863. From
an early age he displayed signs of great compassion and also the qualities
of a natural leader. Vivekananda had a sharp intellect and devoured literature
from both East and West. This included Western philosophy and the great
English poets. Vivekananda particularly liked the rational reasoning of the
West and was easily dismayed by many of the religious superstitions and the
cultural decline that Indian society found itself in. Thus Vivekananda was
drawn to join the Brahmo Samaj. The Brahmo Samaj was a modern Hindu
movement who sought to revitalise Indian life and spirituality through a
rationalistic approach and abandonment of image worship.
However the rationality of the Brahmo Samaj could not satisfy the latent
spiritual hunger of Vivekananda. From an early age he began to have
spiritual experiences and at the age of 18 felt an overwhelming desire to
“See God”. With a directness that was typical of Vivekananda he asked those
around whether they had seen God. All affirmed in the negative. This
included the great Devendranath Tagore (father of Rabindranath Tagore)
However Devendranath told Vivekananda that he saw in him the eyes of a
Yogi and surely he would realise God in this lifetime. Although none could
satisfy his question, he came to hear of the name Ramakrishna Paramhansa
who was reputed to be a great Spiritual Personality and had realised God.
Ramakrishna-Vivekananda
In many ways Ramakrishna was different to Vivekananda. Ramakrishna was
an illiterate and simple villager who had taken a post at a local Kali temple.
However his simple exterior hid a personality of extraordinary spirituality.
For many years Ramakrishna had pursued the most intense spiritual practices
burning with a longing for realisation of his beloved Mother Kali. But after
attaining realisation, Ramakrishna not only practised Hindu rituals, but also
pursued the spiritual paths of all the main religions. Sri Ramakrishna came
to the conclusion that all religions lead to the same goal of union with the
infinite. It was thus fitting that his closest disciple, Vivekananda would later
eloquently spread this message, - the harmony of world religions. As Sri
Aurobindo would later say:“ the Master (Sri Ramakrishna) marked out
Vivekananda as the heroic soul destined to take the world between his two
hands and change it.”
Ramakrishna instantly recognised the spiritual potential of Vivekananda
and lavished attention on Vivekananda, who at first did not always appreciate
this. In the beginning the reasoning mind of Vivekananda was sceptical of
this God intoxicated Saint and Vivekananda would frequently question and
debate his teachings. However, slowly the spiritual magnetism of Sri
Ramakrishna melted Vivekananda’s heart and he began to experience the
real spirituality that Ramakrishna exuded. Thus Vivekananda mental
opposition faded away to be replaced by an intense surrender to the Divine
Mother and a burning longing for realisation.
For a short but intense period of about 5 years, Vivekananda learnt
directly from his Master Sri Ramakrishna. Sri Ramakrishna was able to
awaken the dormant spiritual consciousness in his beloved disciple and
Vivekananda soon began to experience profound states of consciousness and
Samadhi. After the passing of Ramakrishna, the other disciples looked to
Vivekananda for leadership and he helped form the first monastic order of
Ramakrishna. Under his constant guidance he urged his fellow brother
disciples to renounce the world and seek communion with God.
However for Vivekananda, personal liberation was not enough. His heart
ached for the downtrodden masses of India who suffered poverty and many
hardships. Vivekananda felt that the highest ideal was to serve God through
serving humanity. Thus Vivekananda would later add social work as an
important element of the Ramakrishna order. Thus after spending a few
years in meditation Vivekananda became restless and began travelling
throughout India, visiting many of the holy sites. After travelling through
India and coming into contact with many influential figures, it was suggested
that Vivekananda would make an ideal candidate to represent Hinduism at
the World Parliament of Religions which was shortly to be held in Chicago,
USA. Before leaving Vivekananda went to receive the blessings of Sarada
Devi, the wife of Sri Ramakrishna. After receiving her encouragement and
blessings he made the momentous journey to America dressed in his ochre
robe and maintaining the vows of a Sanyasin
Vivekananda – At World Parliament of Religions

At the opening ceremony Vivekananda was one of the last speakers to
speak. The previous speakers had talked about the merits of their own
religion but Vivekananda appealed to the whole audience with his vision of
oneness and equality before God.
His opening words began with “Brothers and Sisters of America.” …
Spontaneously the audience rose to its feet to applaud, perhaps appreciating
the visionary sentiments Vivekananda offered. Swami Vivekananda was chosen
to represent Hinduism. However Swami Vivekananda did not try in any way
to prove the superiority of his religion. Instead Vivekananda spoke with
great sincerity about the harmony of world religions and the common
spirituality of humanity. It was this universal message of oneness which
captivated the audience. “As different streams, having their sources in different
places, all mingle their water in the sea, so, O Lord, the different paths
which men take through different tendencies, various though they appear,
crooked or straight, all lead to Thee.”
Vivekananda proved to be an eloquent exponent of Vedanta and the
ideals of all religions. In addition people felt in this handsome and striking
Monk a calm detachment, a luminous personality and radiant spirituality.
Unexpectedly Vivekananda proved to be the star of the World Parliament
of Religions. The New York Herald said of Vivekananda. “He is undoubtedly
the greatest figure in the Parliament of Religions. After hearing him we feel
how foolish it is to send missionaries to this learned nation.”
The Boston Evening Post said. “If he (Vivekananda) merely crosses the
platform he is applauded; and this marked approval of thousands he accepts
in a childlike spirit of gratification without a trace of conceit…”
Throughout the conference Vivekananda was undoubtedly the star, the
organizers would save Vivekananda to the end to make sure the audience
would stay to listen. The conference propelled Vivekananda into the public
eye and for many months he travelled across America giving talks on the
ancient tradition of Vedanta and his hope of fusing the spirituality of the
East with the materialism of the West.
In America Vivekananda also began training some close students so they
could propagate the teachings of Vedanta. He was able to start small centres
in both the US and Great Britain. Vivekananda admitted he entered Britain
with deep misgivings since his heart rebelled at the effects of the British
Empire on his beloved motherland. However he was delighted to find some
individuals who were sincerely attracted to the teachings of Vedanta. One
notable example was Miss Margaret Noble (later named Nivedita), originally
from Ireland, Nivedita was to became a devoted disciple who would dedicate
her life to the Indian people.
After several years in the West, Vivekananda returned to India where he
was met with a rapturous reception. In particular, his brother monks who
were full of pride with Vivekananda who had returned with glowing praise.
Despite falling health Vivekananda threw himself into a whirlpool of activity
reorganizing the monasteries and exhorting his fellow Indians to return to
the truth of the Vedantic principles. But also Vivekananda sought to imbibe
in the Indian consciousness a renewed dynamism to improve their material
life. As Vivekananda often said, it was no use teaching religion to those with
empty stomachs.
Vivekananda passed away at the young age of 39 but he achieved a
remarkable amount in this short time on earth. He combined the ancient
spiritual traditions of India with the dynamism of the West. Many Indian
politicians would later offer their gratitude to the impact and ideals of
Vivekananda. To many Vivekananda is regarded as the patron saint of
modern India.
NETAJI SUBHASH CHANDRA BOSE—

THE PATRIOT AND THE HOOLIGAN
CHIEF
T here was a great patriot who conquered everyone’s heart in India,

especially the Bengalis. He was known as the leader of great leaders.
Subhas Chandra Bose, affectionately called as Netaji, was one of the most
prominent leaders of Indian freedom struggle. Though Mahatma Gandhi
and Jawaharlal Nehru have garnered much of the credit for successful
culmination of Indian freedom struggle, the contribution of Subash Chandra
Bose is no less. He has been denied his rightful place in the annals of Indian
history. He founded Indian National Army (Azad Hind Fauj) to overthrow
British Empire from India and came to acquire legendary status among
Indian masses.
A Brief History
Subhas Chandra Bose was born on January 23, 1897 in Cuttack, Orissa. His
father Janaki Nath Bose was a famous lawyer and his mother Prabhavati
Devi was a pious and religious lady. Subhas Chandra Bose was the ninth
child among fourteen siblings. Subhas Chandra Bose was a brilliant student
right from the childhood. He topped the matriculation examination of Calcutta
province and graduated with a First Class in Philosophy from the Scottish
Churches College in Calcutta. He was strongly influenced by Swami
Vivekananda’s teachings and was known for his patriotic zeal as a student.
To fulfill his parents wishes he went to England in 1919 to compete for
Indian Civil Services. In England he appeared for the Indian Civil Service
competitive examination in 1920, and came out fourth in order of merit.
However, Subhas Chandra Bose was deeply disturbed by the Jallianwalla
Bagh massacre, and left his Civil Services apprenticeship midway to return
to India in 1921.
After returning to India Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose came under the
influence of Mahatma Gandhi and joined the Indian National Congress. On
Gandhiji’s instructions, he started working under Deshbandhu Chittaranjan
Das, whom he later acknowledged his political guru. Soon he showed his
leadership mettle and gained his way up in the Congress’ hierarchy. In 1928
the Motilal Nehru Committee appointed by the Congress declared in favour
of Domination Status, but Subhas Chandra Bose along with Jawaharlal
Nehru opposed it, and both asserted that they would be satisfied with
nothing short of complete independence for India. Subhas also announced
the formation of the Independence League. Subhas Chandra Bose was jailed
during Civil Disobedience movement in 1930. He was released in 1931
after Gandhi-Irwin pact was signed. He protested against the Gandhi-Irwin
pact and opposed the suspension of Civil Disobedience movement specially
when Bhagat Singh and his associates were hanged.
Subash Chandra Bose was soon arrested again under the infamous Bengal
Regulation. After an year he was released on medical grounds and was
banished from India to Europe. He took steps to establish centres in different
European capitals with a view to promoting politico-cultural contacts between
India and Europe. Defying the ban on his entry to India, Subash Chandra
Bose returned to India and was again arrested and jailed for a year. After
the General Elections of 1937, Congress came to power in seven states and
Subash Chandra Bose was released. Shortly afterwards he was elected
President of the Haripura Congress Session in 1938. During his term as
Congress President, he talked of planning in concrete terms, and set up a
National planning Committee in October that year. At the end of his first
term, the presidential election to the Tripuri Congress session took place
early 1939. Subhas Chandra Bose was re-elected, defeating Dr. Pattabhi
Sitaramayya who had been backed by Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress
Working Committee. Clouds of World War II were on the horizon and he
brought a resolution to give the British six months to hand India over to
the Indians, failing which there would be a revolt. There was much opposition
to his rigid stand, and he resigned from the post of president and formed
a progressive group known as the Forward Block.
Subhas Chandra Bose now started a mass movement against utilizing
Indian resources and men for the great war. There was a tremendous response
to his call and he was put under house arrest in Calcutta. In January 1941,
Subhas Chandra Bose disappeared from his home in Calcutta and reached
Germany via Afghanistan. Working on the maxim that “an enemy’s enemy
is a friend”, he sought cooperation of Germany and Japan against British
Empire. In January 1942, he began his regular broadcasts from Radio
Berlin, which aroused tremendous enthusiasm in India. In July 1943, he
arrived in Singapore from Germany. In Singapore he took over the reins
of the Indian Independence Movement in East Asia from Rash Behari Bose
and organised the Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army) comprising
mainly of Indian prisoners of war. He was hailed as Netaji by the Army as
well as by the Indian civilian population in East Asia. Azad Hind Fauj
proceeded towards India to liberate it from British rule. Enroute it lliberated
Andeman and Nicobar Islands. The I.N.A. Head quarters was shifted to
Rangoon in January 1944. Azad Hind Fauj crossed the Burma Border, and
stood on Indian soil on March 18 ,1944.
However, defeat of Japan and Germany in the Second World War forced
INA to retreat and it could not achieve its objective. Subhas Chandra Bose
was reportedly killed in an air crash over Taipeh, Taiwan (Formosa) on
August 18, 1945. Though it is widely believed that he was still alive after
the air crash not much information could be found about him.
RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY—FATHER
OF INDIAN RENAISSANCE
R aja Ram Mohan Roy is known as the ‘Maker of Modern India’. He was
the founder of the Brahmo Samaj, one of the first Indian socio-religious
reform movements. He played a major role in abolishing the role of Sati.
Raja Rammohan Roy was a great scholar and an independent thinker. He
advocated the study of English, Science, Western Medicine and Technology.
He was given the title ‘Raja’ by the Mughal Emperor.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was born on May 22, 1772 in village Radhanagar
in the District of Murshidabad in Bengal. His father Ramkanto Roy, was a
Vaishnavite, while his mother, Tarini, was from a Shakta background. Raja
Ram Mohun Roy was sent to Patna for higher studies. By the age of fifteen,
Raja Rammohun Roy had learnt Bangla, Persian, Arabic and Sanskrit.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy was against idol worship and orthodox Hindu
rituals. He stood firmly against all sort of social bigotry, conservatism and
superstitions. But his father was an orthodox Hindu Brahmin. This led to
differences between Raja Ram Mohan Roy and his father. Following
differences he left the house . He wandered around Himalayas and went to
Tibet. He traveled widely before returning home.
After his return Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s family married him in the hope
that he would change. But this did not have any effect on him. Raja Ram
Mohan Roy went to Varanasi and studied the Vedas, the Upanishads and
Hindu philosophy deeply. When his father died in 1803 he returned to
Murshidabad. He then worked as a moneylender in Calcutta, and from 1809
to 1814, he served in the Revenue Department of the East India Company.
In 1814, Raja Ram Mohan Roy formed Atmiya Sabha. Atmiya Sabha
tried to initiate social and religious reforms in the society. Raja Ram Mohan
Roy campaigned for rights for women, including the right for widows to
remarry, and the right for women to hold property. He actively opposed
Sati system and the practice of polygamy.
He also supported education, particularly education of women. He
believed that English-language education was superior to the traditional
Indian education system, and he opposed the use of government funds to

support schools teaching Sanskrit. In 1822, he founded a school based on
English education.
In 1828, Raja Ram Mohan Roy founded the ‘Brahma Samaj’. Through
‘Brahma Samaj, he wanted to expose the religious hypocrisies and check the
growing influence of Christianity on the Hindu society. Raja Ram Mohan
Roy’s efforts bore fruit when in 1929, the Sati system was abolished.
In 1831 Ram Mohan Roy traveled to the United Kingdom as an
ambassador of the Mughal emperor to plead for his pension and allowances.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy passed away on September 27, 1833 at Stapleton
near Bristol due to meningitis.
Roy As A Reformer
As a religious reformer, Roy advocated monotheism, or the worship of one
God; denounced rituals, which he deemed meaningless and giving rise to
superstitions; published Bengali translations of the Vedas to prove his points;
In 1814, with the help of young Indians, set up the Amitya Sabha to
propagate rational religious ideas.
As a social reformer he crusaded against social evils like sati,polygamy
and child marriage etc. ; Demanded property inheritance rights for women;
in 1828, set up the Brahmo Samaj campaign to fight against social evils;
Due to his efforts, Governor General William Bentinck made sati illegal
through an act in 1829.
As an educationist Roy believed education to be an implement for social
reform and therfore in 1817, in collaboration with David Hare and Alexander
Duff, set up the Hindu College at Calcutta; In 1830, he helped Alexander
Duff in establishing the General Assembly’s Institution, by organizing the
venue and getting the first batch of students; supported induction of western
learning into Indian education; set up the Vedanta College, offering courses
as a synthesis of Western and Indian learning.
Epitaph
To great natural talents, he united through mastery of many languages and
distinguished himself as one of the greatest scholars of his day. His
unwearied labour to promote the social, moral and physical condition of
the people of India, his earnest endeavours to suppress idolatry and the
rite of sati and his constant zealous advocacy of whatever tended to
advance the glory of God and the welfare of man live in the grateful
remembrance of his countrymen.

DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR : MESSIAH OF
DALITS AND DOWNTRODDEN
D r. B.R. Ambedkar is viewed as messiah of dalits and downtrodden in

India. He was the chairman of the drafting committee that was constituted
by the Constituent Assembly in 1947 to draft a constitution for the independent
India. He played a seminal role in the framing of the constitution. Bhimrao
Ambedkar was also the first Law Minister of India. For his yeoman service
to the nation, B.R. Ambedkar was bestowed with Bharat Ratna in 1990.
A Brief History
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (April 14, 1891—December 6, 1956)
was an Indian jurist, scholar, Bahujan political leader and a Buddhist revivalist,
who is the chief architect of the Indian Constitution. Born into a poor
Untouchable community, Ambedkar spent his life fighting against the system
of untouchability and the Indian caste system. He is also credited for having
sparked the Dalit Buddhist movement. Ambedkar has been honoured with
the Bharat Ratna, India’s highest civilian award, given for the highest
degree of national service.
Overcoming numerous social and financial obstacles, Ambedkar became
one of the first “untouchables” to obtain a college education in India. He
went on to pursue higher studies in Columbia University, New York, United
States and England, where he earned law degrees and multiple doctorates
for his study and research in law, economics and political science. Returning
home a famous scholar, Ambedkar practiced law for a few years before he
began publishing journals advocating political rights and social freedom for
India’s untouchables.
Fight against untouchability

As a leading Indian scholar, Ambedkar had been invited to testify before
the Southborough Committee, which was preparing the Government of
India Act 1919. At this hearing, Ambedkar argued for creating separate
electorates and reservations for Dalits and other religious communities. In

1920, he began the publication of the weekly Mooknayak (Leader of the
Silent) in Bombay. Attaining popularity, Ambedkar used this journal to
criticize orthodox Hindu politicians and a perceived reluctance of the Indian
political community to fight caste discrimination. His speech at a Depressed
Classes Conference in Kolhapur impressed the local state ruler Shahu IV,
who shocked orthodox society by dining with Ambekdar . Ambedkar
established a successful legal practise, and also organised the Bahishkrit
Hitakarini Sabha to promote education and socio-economic uplifting of the
depressed classes. In 1926, he became a nominated member of the Bombay
Legislative Council. By 1927 Dr. Ambedkar decided to launch active
movements against untouchability. He began with public movements and
marches to open up and share public drinking water resources, also he
began a struggle for the right to enter Hindu temples . He led a satyagraha
in Mahad to fight for the right of the untouchable community to draw water
from the main water tank of the town.
On January 1, 1927 Ambedkar organised a ceremony at the Koregaon
Victory Memorial near ,which commemorated the Indian soldiers who had
died in the Second Anglo-Maratha War, during the Battle of Koregaon.
Here he inscribed the names of the soldiers from the Mahar community on
a marble tablet. . In 1927, he began his second journal, Bahiskrit Bharat
(Excluded India), later rechristened Janata (The People). He was appointed
to the Bombay Presidency Committee to work with the all-European Simon
Commission in 1928. This commission had sparked great protests across
India, and while its report was ignored by most Indians, Ambedkar himself
wrote a separate set of recommendations for future constitutional reforms.
Poona Pact
By now Ambedkar had become one of the most prominent untouchable
political figures of the time. He had grown increasingly critical of mainstream
Indian political parties for their perceived lack of emphasis for the elimination
of the caste system. Ambedkar criticized the Indian National Congress and
its leader Mahatma Gandhi, whom he accused of reducing the untouchable
community to a figure of pathos. Ambedkar was also dissatisfied with the
failures of British rule, and advocated a political identity for untouchables
separate from both the Congress and the British. At a Depressed Classes
Conference on August 8, 1930 Ambedkar outlined his political vision,
insisting that the safety of the Depressed Classes hinged on their being
independent of the Government and the Congress both:
We must shape our course ourselves and by ourselves... Political power
cannot be a panacea for the ills of the Depressed Classes. Their salvation
lies in their social elevation. They must cleanse their evil habits. They must
improve their bad ways of living. They must be educated. There is a great
necessity to disturb their pathetic contentment and to instill into them that
divine discontent which is the spring of all elevation.
Architect of India’s constitution
Despite his increasing unpopularity, controversial views, and intense
criticism of Gandhi and the Congress, Ambedkar was by reputation an
exemplary jurist and scholar. Upon India’s independence on August 15,
1947, the new Congress-led government invited Ambedkar to serve as the
nation’s first law minister, which he accepted. On August 29, Ambedkar
was appointed chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee, charged
by the Assembly to write free India’s new Constitution. Ambedkar won
great praise from his colleagues and contemporary observers for his drafting
work. In this task Ambedkar’s study of sangha practice among early Buddhists
and his extensive reading in Buddhist scriptures was to come to his aid.
Sangha practice incorporated voting by ballot, rules of debate and precedence
and the use of agendas, committees and proposals to conduct business.
Sangha practice itself was modelled on the oligarchic system of governance
followed by tribal republics of ancient India such as the Shakyas and the
Lichchavis. Thus, although Ambedkar used Western models to give his
Constitution shape, its spirit was Indian and, indeed, tribal.
Ambedkar resigned from the cabinet in 1951 following the stalling in
parliament of his draft of the Hindu Code Bill, which sought to expound
gender equality in the laws of inheritance, marriage and the economy.
Although supported by Prime Minister Nehru, the cabinet and many other
Congress leaders, it received criticism from a large number of members of
parliament. Ambedkar independently contested an election in 1952 to the
lower house of parliament, the Lok Sabha but was defeated. He was appointed
to the upper house of parliament, the Rajya Sabha in March 1952 and
would remain a member until his death.
Ambedkar’s political philosophy has given rise to a large number of
Dalit political parties, publications and workers’ unions that remain active
across India, especially in Maharashtra. His promotion of the Dalit Buddhist
movement has rejuvenated interest in Buddhist philosophy in many parts of
India. Mass conversion ceremonies have been organized by Dalit activists
in modern times, emulating Ambedkar’s Nagpur ceremony of 1956. He also
served in the legislative councils of British India.
KAILASH SATYARTHI : A CHILD

RIGHT CRUSADER
C hildren’s rights advocate and an activist against Child labour Kailash

Satyarthi, along with Pakistani activist Malala Yousufzai, was awarded
the Nobel Peace Prize in 2014 “for their struggle against the suppression of
children and young people and for the right of all children to education”.
Satyarthi is the fifth Nobel Prize winner for India and only the second
Indian winner of the Nobel Peace Prize after Mother Teresa in 1979.
He lives in New Delhi. His family includes his wife, a son, daughter-
in-law, and a daughter. Satyarthi has been the subject of a number of
documentaries, television series, talk shows, advocacy and awareness films.
He founded the Bachpan Bachao Andolan in 1980 and has acted to protect
the rights of more than 83,000 children from 144 countries. It is largely
because of Satyarthi’s work and activism that the International Labour
Organization adopted Convention No. 182 on the worst forms of child labour,
which is now a principal guideline for governments around the world.
Originally named Kailash Sharma, Satyarthi was born on 11 January
1954 in the Vidisha district of Madhya Pradesh. He attended Government
Boys Higher Secondary School, and completed his degree in electrical
engineering at Samrat Ashok Technological Institute, Vidisha and a post-
graduate degree in high-voltage engineering. He then joined a college in
Bhopal as a lecturer for a few years. In 1980, he gave up his career as a
teacher and became secretary general for the Bonded Labour Liberation
Front; he also founded the Bachpan Bachao Andolan that year.
Kailash Satyarthi’s work made a difference to the lives of hundreds of
thousands of children—and yet until he won the Nobel Peace Prize, he was
not a well-known figure outside of India. The founder of Bachpan Bachao

Andolan (BBA), a charity which has led the campaign against bonded and
child labour in India and beyond, Mr. Satyarthi has been dedicated to helping
youngsters for almost 35 years. His work has been celebrated by Gordon
Brown, who met him when he visited India as prime minister in 2009.
His organisation created a series of “model villages” which are free from
child exploitation and promote child rights issues. Since the model’s inception
in 2001, BBA has transformed 356 villages as child friendly villages across
11 states of India, but most of the work is concentrated in Rajasthan and
Jharkhand. The children of these villages attend school, and participate in
a wide range of governance meetings to discuss the running of their villages,
through child governance bodies and youth groups.
BBA also works to ensure that children up to the age of 14 have access
to free, universal and quality education—and that schools have proper
infrastructure so that girls don’t drop out. It also works with local
communities to address traditions such as child marriage, which usually
marks the end of education for girls. And the awarding of the Nobel Peace
Prize shines a light on Mr. Satyarthi’s work which was not widely appreciated.
Satyarthi has highlighted child labour as a human rights issue as well as
a welfare matter and charitable cause. He has argued that it perpetuates
poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, population growth, and other social
problems, and his claims have been supported by several studies. He has
also had a role in linking the movement against child labour with efforts
for achieving “Education for All”. He has been a member of a UNESCO
body established to examine this and has been on the board of the Fast
Track Initiative (now known as the Global Partnership for Education).
RABINDRANATH TAGORE : KING OF

POETS
G reatest writer in modern Indian literature, Bengali poet, novelist,

educator, and an early advocate of Independence for India. Tagore
won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1913. Two years later he was awarded
the knighthood, but he surrendered it in 1919 as a protest against the
Massacre of Amritsar, where British troops killed some 400 Indian
demonstrators. Tagore’s influence over Gandhi and the founders of modern
India was enormous, but his reputation in the West as a mystic has perhaps
mislead his Western readers to ignore his role as a reformer and critic of
colonialism.
“When one knows thee, then alien there is none, then no door is shut.
Oh, grant me my prayer that I may never lose touch of the one in the play
of the many.” (from Gitanjali)
Rabindranath Tagore was born in Calcutta into a wealthy and prominent
family. His father was Maharishi Debendranath Tagore, a religious reformer
and scholar. His mother, Sarada Devi, died when Tagore was very young
- he realized that she will never come back was when her body was carried
through a gate to a place where it was burned. Tagore’s grandfather had
established a huge financial empire for himself. He helped a number of
public projects, such as Calcutta Medical College.
The Tagores tried to combine traditional Indian culture with Western
ideas; all the children contributed significantly to Bengali literature and
culture. However, in My Reminiscences Tagore mentions that it was not
until the age of ten when he started to use socks and shoes. And servants
beat the children regularly. Tagore, the youngest, started to compose poems
at the age of eight. Tagore’s first book, a collection of poems, appeared
when he was 17; it was published by Tagore’s friend who wanted to
surprise him.
A Brief History
Tagore received his early education first from tutors and then at a variety
of schools. Among them were Bengal Academy where he studied history
and culture. At University College, London, he studied law but left after a
year - he did not like the weather. Once he gave a beggar a cold coin - it
was more than the beggar had expected and he returned it. In England
Tagore started to compose the poem ‘Bhagna Hridaj’ (a broken heart).
In 1883 Tagore married Mrinalini Devi Raichaudhuri, with whom he
had two sons and three daughters. In 1890 Tagore moved to East Bengal
(now Bangladesh), where he collected local legends and folklore. Between
1893 and 1900 he wrote seven volumes of poetry, including Sonar tari (The
Golden Boat), 1894 and Khanika, 1900. This was highly productive period
in Tagore’s life, and earned him the rather misleading epitaph ‘The Bengali
Shelley.’ More important was that Tagore wrote in the common language
of the people. This also was something that was hard to accept among his
critics and scholars.
Tagore was the first Indian to bring an element of psychological realism
to his novels. Among his early major prose works are Chocher bali (1903,
Eyesore) and Nashtanir (1901, The Broken Nest), published first serially.
Between 1891 and 1895 he published forty-four short stories in Bengali
periodical, most of them in the monthly journal Sadhana.
Especially Tagore’s short stories influenced deeply Indian Literature.
‘Punishment’, a much anthologized work, was set in a rural village. It
describes the oppression of women through the tragedy of the low-caste Rui
family. Chandara is a proud, beautiful woman, “buxom, well-rounded,
compact and sturdy,” her husband, Chidam, is a farm-laborer, who works
in the fields with his brother Dukhiram. One day when they return home
after whole day of toil and humiliation, Dukhiram kills in anger his sloppy
and slovenly wife because his food was not ready. To help his brother,
Chidam’s tells to police that his wife struck her sister-in-law with the farm-
knife. Chandara takes the blame on to herself. ‘In her thoughts, Chandara
was saying to her husband, “I shall give my youth to the gallows instead
of you. My final ties in this life will be with them.”’ Afterwards both
Chidam and Dukhiram try to confess that they were quilty but Chandara is
convicted. Just before the hanging, the doctor says that her husband wants
to see her. “To hell with him,” says Chandara.
In 1901 Tagore founded a school outside Calcutta, Visva-Bharati, which
was dedicated to emerging Western and Indian philosophy and education.
It become a university in 1921. He produced poems, novels, stories, a
history of India, textbooks, and treatises on pedagogy. Tagore’s wife died
in 1902, next year one of his daughters died, and in 1907 Tagore lost his
younger son.
Tagore’s reputation as a writer was established in the United States and
in England after the publication of Gitanjali: Song Offerings, about divine
and human love. The poems were translated into English by the author
himself. In the introduction from 1912. William Butler Yate wrote: “These

lyrics - which are in the original, my Indians tell me, full of subtlety of
rhythm, of untranslatable delicacies of colour, of metrical invention - display
in their thought a world I have dreamed of all my life long.” Tagore’s
poems were also praised by Ezra Pound, and drew the attention of the
Nobel Prize committee. “There is in him the stillness of nature. The poems
do not seem to have been produced by storm or by ignition, but seem to
show the normal habit of his mind. He is at one with nature, and finds no
contradictions. And this is in sharp contrast with the Western mode, where
man must be shown attempting to master nature if we are to have “great
drama.” (Ezra Pound in Fortnightly Review, 1 March 1913) However,
Tagore also experimented with poetic forms and these works have lost
much in translations into other languages.
Much of Tagore’s ideology come from the teaching of the Upahishads
and from his own beliefs that God can be found through personal purity and
service to others. He stressed the need for new world order based on
transnational values and ideas, the “unity consciousness.” “The soil, in
return for her service, keeps the tree tied to her; the sky asks nothing and
leaves it free.” Politically active in India, Tagore was a supporter of Gandhi,
but warned of the dangers of nationalistic thought. Unable to gain ideological
support to his views, he retired into relative solitude. Between the years
1916 and 1934 he travelled widely. From his journey to Japan in 1916 he
produced articles and books. In 1927 he toured in Southeast Asia. Letters
from Java, which first was serialized in Vichitra, was issued as a book,
JATRI, in 1929. His Majesty, Riza Shah Pahlavi, invited Tagore to Iran in
1932. On his journeys and lecture tours Tagore attempted to spread the ideal
of uniting East and West. While in Japan he wrote: “The Japanese do not
waste their energy in useless screaming and quarreling, and because there
is no waste of energy it is not found wanting when required. This calmness
and fortitude of body and mind is part of their national self-realization.”
Tagore wrote his most important works in Bengali, but he often translated
his poems into English. At the age of 70 Tagore took up painting. He was
also a composer, settings hundreds of poems to music. Many of his poems
are actually songs, and inseparable from their music. Tagore’s ‘Our Golden
Bengal’ became the national anthem of Bangladesh. Only hours before he
died on August 7, in 1941, Tagore dictated his last poem. His written

production, still not completely collected, fills nearly 30 substantial volumes.
Tagore remained a well-known and popular author in the West until the end
of the 1920s, but nowadays he is not so much read.
Tagore was not just a poet but also productive in the fields of art, music
and education. Tagore played a large role in the artistic and cultural renaissance
of India which occurred in the 20th Century. A project dear to the heart of
Tagore was his school Santiniketan. Tagore tried to fuse the best of Western
and Eastern values. Fusing the spirituality of the East with the scientific
progress of the West.
vvvv

X
ESSAYS ON
CULTURAL ISSUES
Essays on Cultural Issues F 453

MASTERING THE DEVIL
OF MATERIALISM
T he inevitable superficiality of materialism has given rise to its deceptions

and delusions. Materialism traps us, unawares, in a world of possessions
hag-ridden by irrational fears of likely loss and lurking dangers. Finally, it
degrades creativity to consumption. The spiritual option, say is not to renounce
modernity and demonise development, but to transcend the spirit of materialism.
The present global village is not partial to any of the existing religion.
The civilisational conflict, contrary to Samuel Huntington’s hypothesis, will
not be between Christianity and Islam. It will be, if at all, between religions
and materialism, which is the rising religion of our globalising world. The
conflictual model of inter-faith relationships that kept religions fighting one
another has enabled materialism - their common enemy - to steal a march
upon them unawares.
Materialism is much more than as it is understood in the form of
affluence and lavish life-styles. No religion preaches against material success
gained the right way. Hindus worship Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth. The
Sikh gurus encouraged hard work, paving the way for the prosperity of
Punjab. The Semitic religions see prosperity as a gift from God. At the
same time, all religions recognise that our attitude to wealth is crucial to
our personality. When affluence is idolised, it enslaves the individual and
lures him away from the meaning and purpose of life. Materialism, unlike
material prosperity, is a quasi-religion, complete with its own ritual, its own
creed, and its counterpart of the supernatural. Wealth, pursued for its own
sake, is the god of materialism. Consumerism is its ritual and technology
is its “supernatural”. Worldly success is its dogma. Escalating and interminable
pleasure is the highway to its secular nirvana.
However, materialism is a pseudo-religion. Insisting that “matter alone
matters”, it brings about the subservience of the human to the non-human.
The industrial culture degraded human beings into cogs in the machine. In
the globalising world, profit has already superseded people. The generation
of wealth is a goal higher than the promotion of human welfare. The pathos
of the dwindling stature of man, his growing insignificance and bewilderment,
is a recurrent lament in modern literature. The secular-materialistic dream
of a new heaven and a new earth, on all available evidence, threatens to turn
into a nightmare. Decades ago, the French philosopher Bergson warned that

we would be crushed, not by our failures but by our successes; and our
souls could be smothered under the weight of our achievements. Studies
now prove that materialism breeds despair, anger and irrational outbursts of
violence, of which the infamous “road-rage” is a startling instance. Already
in India nearly a hundred thousand people commit suicide annually. The
advent of prosperity has not translated itself into happiness.
The Anatomy of Materialism

By definition Materialism is a worldview, based on superficiality. The
reason for this is not far to seek. Matter, in a philosophical sense, is all
surface and no depth. We cannot get into the depth of a material object. A
stone, for example, has no inside, strictly speaking. Break a stone, and we
get several stones; we do not reach the “inside” of a stone. Nor can we
access the depth of a stone by drilling into it. Drilling creates, at best, only
an illusion of depth. The deceptions and delusions of materialism stem from
its inevitable superficiality.
The surface spoken is a sphere of vulnerability, insecurity and unfulfillment.
That is so because the surface is governed by the inexorable law of change.
Change, for the sake of change, breeds restlessness. It unsettles. Whatever
is on the surface, it keeps poorly. It has no stable or settled value. It is for
this reason that material possessions tend to lose their value soon after they
are acquired. As long as it was being struggled for, it was an idea. Attainment
turns this idea into an object; and an object exists no longer in the depth
but on the surface, where the magic evaporates. This inevitable dissatisfaction
with what is attained keeps the mill of acquisitiveness grinding. It also
makes fulfillment elude our grasp.
While superficiality is inhospitable to human stature, personality is a
depth-phenomenon, which also means that it has a spiritual core: a core of
mystery. It is only from a superficial perspective that a person’s worth can
be equated with his possessions. Such an approach perforce brings about an
imbalance between “being” and “having”. The more obsessed one gets with
“having”, the less capable or keen he gets of “being”. This leads to a
situation in which material riches are secured to the neglect of, even at the
expense of, one’s inner wealth. In that event, the wealthier a person gets
materially, the poorer he gets humanly. It is a glaring fact of history that
the culture of materialism and its coordinate of liberal individualism have
failed to produce, as Paul Tournier laments, individuals of stature. When
personality is reduced to a materialistic concept, we get stuffed shirts where
we expect great men and women.
This also explains us the reason that the degradation of human worth
into “having” and the corresponding erosion of human dignity together
constitute the perverse logic of corruption. The perpetrators of mega
corruption are not driven by the need to meet their basic needs. They are
possessed and driven by the spirit of covetousness, having equated their
worth with their material possessions. Their richness is a matter of being
seen for what they have, of which the craving to hog the social limelight
is an irresistible corollary. Sadly, they realize only too late that they are
poorer for their ill-gotten wealth. The more they have, the poorer they are.
And that is so, even if they manage to evade detection and public infamy.
Can a man’s affluence avail him, if it has already cost him his self-respect?
The irony is that public respect is purchased at the cost of self-respect. That
is too great a price to pay.
In a culture of superficiality relationships suffer. The logic of change
operates with equal effectiveness on relationships as on fashions. Both
remain vulnerable to change and are driven by convenience. Since this is
an intuited reality all through, relationships bristle with anxiety and mistrust
from the beginning. Mutual trust can exist only in personal depth, the depth
of total mutual acceptance in love. Mistrust activates control-orientation,
which breeds cruelty. All the values that we cherish - such as love, truth,
compassion and justice - have their roots in the human depth; and they
evaporate in a culture of superficiality.
Besides, superficiality a domain of compromised freedom. According to
Swami Vivekananda, man is free only in the sphere of the spirit. He can
have the illusion of freedom in the domains of matter and mind. Freedom
is at the root of our humanity. The thirst for freedom cannot be assuaged
by the glitter or comfort of the prison to which we are confined. This is
why mansions of affluence often hold oceans of misery. Downy pillows and
plush mattresses are, somehow, incomplete without sleeping pills. Materialism
traps us, unawares, in a world of possessions hagridden by irrational fears
of likely loss and lurking dangers. It reduces human freedom to the logic
of taking and receiving, and erodes the freedom to give. The freedom only
to receive is, at best, only an illusion of freedom. It degenerates sooner of
later into the compulsion to extort, which makes thieves of those who can
thrive at the expense of others. Significantly, in the Indian tradition, as well
as in all other spiritually informed schools of thought, the basic ingredients
of human freedom are self-control, generosity and compassion.
Finally, materialism has degraded creativity to consumption. Creativity,
like personality, to which it is organically related, is a depth phenomenon,
as is proved by the mystery that inheres in it. On the surface there could
be suspense, but not mystery. Creativity is an outward flow. Consumption
is a pull in the opposite direction. Consumption is not merely a dental
activity. It is a larger and comprehensive metaphor of a personality-
orientation. Consumption affords pleasure. But it is only creativity that
engenders enduring joy. Pleasure, in comparison, is superficial and transitory.
It breeds a craving to consume ever-increasing doses in the futile chase after
elusive fulfillment.
It is an undoubted fact that consumerism has powerful psychosocial and
pseudo-religious overtones in materialism. It is the ritual of materialism. In
materialistic cultures a person’s social worth is measured wholly by the
consumables he can afford. This includes not only exotic cuisine, expensive
wardrobe, and other catalysts of “social envy”, but also pointers like expensive
medical treatment, exclusive education, elite residential locality, and so on.
One familiar pointer to the psychological implications of consumerism is
what has come to be known as “retail therapy”. This refers to the false sense
of wellbeing that people derive merely from shopping for the sake of
shopping. When peace returns after a domestic quarrel, for example, the
husband and wife celebrate the occasion by going on a shopping spree that
may include the ritual of ‘eating out’.
The agony and poverty of materialism is that in its keenness to fatten
the body it leaves the spirit starved. It is reflected in the foolish assumption
that the hypervitaminosis of the body would, somehow, spill over and
become nourishment for the soul. The mounting agony of the world, however,
roundly condemns the willful blindness of this secular dogma.
VULGARITY AND MYTHIC IN INDIAN

CINEMA: ITS IMPACT ON INDIVIDUALS
AND CULTURE
I ndia, known as land of greatest saints which world has ever produced
along with its rich cultural values inherited from thousands of years of
tradition and ethical values, is now going through a very different phase.
On one side India is growing fast economically and globally and on other

side our cultural values are dying. Due to sudden and fast exposure to west,
in its endeavour to copy western lifestyle, our younger generation have
gone much ahead of west without understanding it properly, we should have
taken good things of west, instead we are taking all bad things first and one
direct impact is that vulgarity in India cinema have gone up considerably
which is directly effective minds of not only kids but adults also. Over
exposure of bodies, increase in nudity and vulgar gestures have increased
a lot in the name of freedom. Because of this our present generation have
become just confused and is no where, neither they are fully western and
nor they are left Indian.
They think on the lines that by wearing less clothes and showing bare
body and by exposing vulgar movements of body like gyration of hips,
sensual expressions etc, they have become modern. It is absolutely wrong;
modernism is by thoughts and your thinking and not of bare bodies and
vulgarity.
No body is against personal freedom; it should be there, but in a proper
way. For example what is the need of showing sexual foreplay in the songs,
what is the need of showing hot sensual foreplay scenes and gestures and
movements in songs, what is the need of showing very vulgar movements
of men and women and also abusive language. Indian cinema is known and
respected for high quality music and it is a most powerful and most popular
medium of family entertainment in India and is watched by all family
members including kids, songs are also watched on TV more than movies,
now think what effect it will have on children who are not supposed to be
exposed to all these adult entertainments before a certain age. World wide
adult entertainments are not allowed and is not considered proper to be
exposed to kids, but in India we are showing it on mass media in songs ???
Will it not vitiate the thinking of kids, will they not behave abnormally,
songs have become like a soft porno movie !! Is it good for our children
or society ??? We all are humans and have all kinds of need including
sexual desires we are not against sexual freedom and adult entertainment but
it should not be exposed to kids, we can have separate adult channels which
are paid and kids do not have access to that.
It should be checked by the Indian Government; otherwise our next
generation shall be weak and perverted. It not only effect young children
and kids but also adults and teenagers, there is already alarming increase in
the rate of rapes and sexual crime in India, including New Delhi, which is
now not safe for women of any age. Every day on media we see rape and

sexual abuse reports of female of all ages, right from 15 days old to 60 year
old and these crimes are committed mostly by young boys, don’t you think
that it is direct result of this improper overexposure of sex and vulgarity.
A feeling arises that India have gone much ahead of USA in the effort
to copy USA, they should have taken other many good things from USA
which are healthy and good for progress, its a pity and shame, why can’t
we make our own style strong and let the world follow it like they respect
us for our rich culture, love and peace, yoga, respect for women, Information
technology and for intelligent and sharp minds.
The Mythic Power of Film

With the passage of time, cinema has steadily deepened its stronghold
as the foremost venue for the myths and transformative stories of our time.
Although films vary in the depth of the mythic experience they provide, the
impact of the institution of cinema on individuals and culture is profound.
Of the various theories formulated to explain aspects of film’s impact,
all point toward deeper insight into what is termed herein mythic quality.
As a lens for exploring this deep experience, the mythic quality of film can
be seen to emanate from four dimensions: the diegesis, the moving
photographs narrative form, the cinematic form, and extrinsic influences. In
each of these dimensions exists a number of specific elements which
compound film’s mythic quality and strike chords of resonance within the
deep realms of the psyche.
Interestingly, the realm of the diegesis, the story itself, takes into account
Joseph Campbell’s hero’s journey and Aristotle’s poetics and is the dimension
whose impact is most commonly considered. The impact of the moving
photographs narrative form derives from elements such as camera angles,
montage, and the ideologies inherent in the film apparatus. The dimension
of the cinematic form accounts for the impact of the quieted, communal
setting of the darkened theatre and the projection of an image of reality
onto a giant screen. The two major extrinsic influences are movie stars and
the impact of technology and marketing and distribution strategies.
Finally, Film’s mythic power is seen to be derived from the mysterious
alchemical marriage of feminine and masculine energies but is nevertheless
dominated by patriarchal ideologies. Although the prevailing venue for
contemporary culture’s myth, film falls short of the vitality found in such
past rituals as the Eleusinian mysteries and the original Eucharist. For film
to fulfill more deeply what is possible in its role as the source of

contemporary myth and ritual, a shift in perspective is necessary. An honored
space must be made available for it to express itself as subject, and that
expression may provide ever deeper and more meaningful experiences for
its audience.
UNITY AND DIVERSITY IN INDIA
I ndia has been known as the largest democracy in the world with a
civilization more than five thousand years old boasts of multiple cultural
origins. The cultural origins of the Indian subcontinent can be traced back
to the Indus Valley Civilizations, the remains of which are cherished even
today. Since the late 16th century India was under the influence of the
British Empire until 15th August 1947 the day when India gained
independence. India is a land of diverse cultures, religions and communities.
Cultural and Artistic Heritage

India bestows a rich cultural and artistic heritage. The fact that India was
invaded and ruled by various kings down the ages is already reflected by
its impact on India culture. The Gupta dynasty, the Mughal dynasty and
many other dynasties influenced and contributed to the Indian culture.
Music, inspired perhaps by the whistles of the wind or the splash of the
waves, chirping of the birds or may be falling of the rain, exists on this land
since the existence of humanity. They designed many musical instruments
and innumerable ragas. Then developed different notes for different times,
seasons and feelings. Different regions developed their own style of singing,
not following the ragas but their own tunes and taking the lyrics in their
own language and themes from their day-to-day life. One of the powerful
attractions in India is the colorful and diversified attire of its people. The
silk saris, brightly mirrored cholis, colorful lehangas and the traditional
salwar-kameez have fascinated many a traveler over the centuries.
Majority of the Indian women wear traditional costumes, the men in
India can be found in more conventional western clothing. Men from all
regions in India wear shirts and trousers. However, men in villages are still
more comfortable in traditional attire like kurtas, lungis, dhotis and pyjamas.

The traditional lungi originated in the south and today men and women
wear it alike. It is simply a short length of material worn around the thighs
rather like a sarong. A dhoti is a longer lungi but with an additional length
of material pulled up between the legs. Pyjama-like trousers worn by the
villagers are known as the lenga.
Both religious and regional variations mark Indian dressing styles, and
one is likely to witness a plethora of colors, textures and styles in garments
worn by the Indians. Indian dance is a blend of nritta - the rhythmic
elements, nritya - the combination of rhythm with expression and natya -
the dramatic element. Most Indian dances take their themes from India’s
rich mythology and folk legends. Hindu gods and goddesses like Vishnu and
Lakshmi, Rama and Sita, Krishna and Radha are all depicted in classical
Indian dances. Each dance form also draws inspiration from stories depicting
the life, ethics and beliefs of the Indian people.
The genesis of the contemporary styles of classical dances can be traced
to the period between 1300-1400 A.D. India offers a number of classical
dance forms, each of which can be traced to different parts of the country.
Each form represents the culture and ethos of a particular region or a group
of people, such as Bharatnatyam- Tamil Nadu; Kathak - Uttar Pradesh;
Kathakali - Kerala; Kuchipudi- Andhra Pradesh; Manipuri - Manipur;
Mohiniyattam - Kerala; Odissi - Orissa.
Multiplicity of festivals is visible in India. Most of the festivals owe
their origin to legends, gods and goddesses and mythology. As many
communities there are, there are as many festivals unique to them. Color,
gaiety, enthusiasm, feasts and a variety of prayers and rituals characterize
festivals here. There are number festivals celebrated in India too numerous
to count. Some important festivals are: Deepawali, Krishna Janmashtami,
Onam, Dussehra, Pongal, Ramzan Id, Baisakhi Easter, Ganesha Chaturthi
Holi, Raksha, Bandhan, Ram Navmi, Christmas, Good Friday, Makar
Sankranti, Moharrum Shivratri, Durga Puja and many others.
The Raised Concerns

There is no uniformity in the Indian society, if looked by its various
angles. This is a natural corollary to the fact that diversity is a part of
Indian way of life. From region to region, diversity in the social structure
is prominently seen. The north Indian social traditions and customs are
markedly different and so those of the eastern India from those of other
parts of the country. And here lies the tantalizing element of mystery
associated with India.
To live peacefully has been our motto and this motto has helped us to
achieve independence. As history tells us that there has been active
participation from people of different caste and religion. In our struggle for
freedom people from different communities participated keeping one thing
in mind that they all are Indians first. But unfortunately this peace and
understanding among different communities has been endangered lately.
India at present is facing many problems. The biggest of these is the
problem of communalism. In their personal fight they are destroying their
life only. In fact, it is the biggest threat to humanity and to the unity and
integrity of the country.
Notwithstanding the diversity factor, there is a common thread running
through the Indians. Unity in diversity is best seen in India in a maze of
seemingly disparate peoples. One social unifier is the Indian system of
caste-ism adhered to by all racial groups belonging to the Hindu religion
fold. Lambasted by many as a retrogressive social tradition, this system has
also given the Indians a sense of belongingness to a shared way of life.
Though caste rigidity was prevalent in the olden times, now it has become
flexible to a large extent. It is not an uncommon to come across families
of so called incompatible castes entering into matrimonial alliance.
A major phenomenon causing concern in the Indian society is the gender
inequality. The Indian society is highly prejudiced against the female gender.
Basically a male dominated society, decision making at family and political
level is almost single handedly handled by the men. Customs such as Dowry
are worsening the process of subjugating women in the society. Of late,
with social awareness about women’s vital role in the development of a
community or the country, there has been a change in the perception of
gender equations in favor of women. Education of women, giving the
women a greater say in decision making in the family and the governance
are emphasized. With the liberalization of economy women are in top
managerial position at par with the best men.
Though significant leaps have been made by India in the economic
front, poverty is still a dominant social reality. A majority of the population
of India lives in utter poverty without access to health care, housing,
drinking water and education. Major policy change has to be enforced to
better the lives of these millions souls if India is to become a truly desirable
place to live in. Education is still a privilege in this country of over one
billion people. Providing Primary education has been the motto of the
government. So far the government has not live up to its promises with the
results that there are more illiterate people than functionally literate people
in India. Lack of education is the primary obstacle to the nation’s
development. India should educate the masses if its hope of becoming the
global knowledge superpower is to become a reality.
In conclusion, a varied diversity in every aspect is visible here. There
is great diversity in our traditions, manners, habits, tastes and customs. Each
and every region of the country portrays different customs and traditions.
But though we speak different languages yet we are all Indians. ‘Unity in
Diversity’ has been the distinctive feature of our culture.
WHY TODAY’S YOUTH CULTURE HAS

GONE INSANE?
D o you remember the classic, biblical epic films of the 1950s, in which
the way Sodom and Gomorrah were portrayed? Drunken men with
multiple piercings and bright red robes, with one loose woman under each
arm, cavorting in orgiastic revelry against a background of annoying,
mosquito-like music? Maybe a bone through the nose as well? Hollywood
took pains to depict these lost souls in the most debauched and irredeemable
manner – to justify their subsequent destruction with fire and brimstone as
punishment for their great sinfulness.
Guess what? Those Hollywood depictions don’t even begin to capture
the shocking reality of what is going on right here in most of the countries
culture today.
First of all, there’s sex. Very simply, there seem to be neither boundaries
nor taboos any more when it comes to sex. Anything goes – from heterosexual
to homosexual to bi-, trans-, poly-, and you-don’t-want-to-know sexual
experiences. Sex has become a ubiquitous, cheap, meaningless quest for
ever-greater thrills. As, the guy no longer has to lie to the gal, pretend he
likes her or take her out to dinner to get sex – he just has to show up.
Moreover, with the evolution of online pornography, every type of
sexual experience has literally been shoved under the noses of millions of
peoples against their will, who find their e-mail in-boxes filled with hard-
core sexual images. As a result, a recent urgent plea from well-known
evangelist Chuck Swindoll lamented that one out of two American
churchgoers today is caught up with Internet pornography.
What about body piercing? It has progressed from traditional earrings
for females, to earrings for males (eager to display their “feminine side”
which the ‘60 cultural revolution sold them), to multiple piercings for both
males and females in literally every part of the body – the tongue, nose,
eyebrow, lip, cheek, navel, breasts, genitals – again, things you don’t really
want to know.
It’s the same progression to extremes with tattooing. But why stop with
“conventional” piercing and tattooing? Ritual scarification and 3D-art implants
are big. So are genital beading, stretching and cutting, transdermal implants,
scrotal implants, tooth art and facial sculpture. How about tongue splitting?
How about branding? How about amputations? That’s right – amputations.
Some people find these activities a real “turn-on.” There are no bounds –
no lower limits. Whatever you can imagine, even for a second in the darkest
recesses of your mind, know that someone somewhere is actually doing it,
praising it, and drawing others into it via the Internet.
Strangest of all is the fact that any behavior, any belief – no matter how
obviously insane – is rationalized so it sounds reasonable, even spiritual.
Satanism itself, and especially its variant, the worship of Lucifer (literally,
“Angel of Light”) can be made to sound almost enlightened – of course,
only in a perverse way. But if you were sufficiently confused, rebellious
and full of rage – if you had been set up by cruelty or hypocrisy (or both)
to rebel against everything “good” – the forbidden starts to be mysteriously
attractive.
In love with death
In the West, we marvel at the death-oriented Muslim jihad subculture,
which in some areas, particularly among the Palestinians, has become the
dominant culture, a culture of death. We shake our heads sadly as we
contemplate children growing up desiring, above all else, shahada – literally,
martyrdom – which to them means blowing themselves up while killing as
many Jews as possible, and thinking they’re going to heaven.
These young people, caught up in the rage-fueled Islamist marketing
campaign of global jihad, can look you right in the eye and express with
great passion their conviction that committing mass murder is the mystical
doorway to eternal life. Yet, in much the same way, “bug-chasing” men
who seek AIDS, people suspending themselves from the ceiling by meat-
hooks, those who literally slice their own tongues in two – and even, albeit
on a much more subtle level, “regular” people obsessed with the thought of
getting their next piercing or tattoo – feel as though they too are moving,
not toward death, but toward life and greater spirituality, a more unique and
authentic sense of self. Somehow the ritual of pain and mutilation, and in
extreme cases, death, drives out their awareness of inner conflict, and
replaces it with an illusion of freedom and selfhood.
Piercing the veil

“For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities,
against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against
spiritual wickedness in high places.” – Ephesians 6:12
Earlier in this exploration of youth culture we “pierced” the corporate
veil, discovering the shameful marketing reality behind today’s youth culture.
Let’s go the rest of the way now, and pierce the spiritual veil.
History is full of times and places when something – call it a spirit if
you wish – sweeps over a particular society. This something is drawn, as
into a vacuum, into societies that have lost their way, and have harkened
to the voice of deceitful leaders and philosophies. During the mid-20th
century, a malevolent spirit swept over Germany, leading to unspeakable
crimes being perpetrated against millions of Jews and other “undesirables”
in the name of progress. In the late ‘70s, the demonic spirit of Marxist
“cleansing” swept through Cambodia like a raging wildfire, resulting in the
brutal deaths of perhaps 2 million. And today, we see the worldwide spread
of a maniacal jihad suicide cult that is attracting literally millions of Muslims.
But this phenomenon is evident not only in genocidal frenzies. The
counterculture “revolution” of the 1960s was, to many, a spiritual
phenomenon, with profound reverberations still in today’s world. Likewise,
the New Age movement, the preoccupation with “channeling” and UFOs,
and other similar movements have an uncanny spiritual, religious dimension
that can’t be ignored.
True, mass conformity even to bizarre beliefs and practices can be
explained somewhat by the sheer power of peer pressure, but there is more
to it. It’s more akin to mass-hypnosis, where large numbers of people
simultaneously adopt the same bizarre mindset, beliefs and practices. Such
instances of spiritual “possession” of a society, of a people made ripe for
such a downward transformation by their sins and rebellion against God, are
evident throughout history.
Well now, is it just my imagination, or is there something about today’s
celebratory piercing and tattooing of the body, and the free sex that permeates
this culture, that literally evokes the spirit of Sodom and Gomorrah? It’s
as though the rebellious spirit of reprobate, pagan civilizations of the past
was being tapped into by today’s pop culture.
The fact is, what has risen “out of the pit” in today’s world bears a
striking resemblance to the ageless spirit of defiant paganism, a spirit now
inhabiting millions of people “freed” by trauma (drugs, illicit sex, bodily
mutilation, etc.) from the pain of their own conscience – which is to say,
freed from God and the divine law written deep down in every person’s
heart. Why? Same reason as always: so they can be their own gods and
make up their own rules.
Of course, in a very real sense they are also victims – they’ve been set
up for all this. For not only has today’s popular culture – from its astonishing
gender confusion to its perverse and powerful musical expression – become
toxic virtually without precedent in modern history, but also, most parents
have not protected their own kids from it.
In past eras, if parents were very imperfect or even corrupt, their children
still had a reasonable chance of “growing up straight,” since the rest of
society still more or less reflected Judeo-Christian values. The youngster
could bond to a teacher, minister, mentor or organization that could provide
some healthy direction and stability.
But today, because of the near-ubiquitous corruption “out there,” if
parents fail to properly guide and protect their children, the kids get
swallowed whole by the child-molesting monster we call culture.
What do it mean? Just this: Your being any way other than genuinely
virtuous – not perfect, mind you, but honestly and diligently seeking do the
right thing at all times – will drive your children crazy. Here’s how the
craziness unfolds: Children deserve and desperately need firmness, patience,
fairness, limits, kindness, insight and a good, non-hypocritical example. In
other words, they need genuine parental love and guidance. If they don’t
get this, they will resent you. Even if you can’t see it, even if they can’t
see it and deny it, they will resent you for failing to give them real love.
And that resentment – which becomes suppressed rage – is a destructive,
unpredictable, radioactive foreign element in their makeup, which transmutes
into every manner of problem, complex and evil imaginable. It makes
children feel compelled to rebel against you, and against all authority, out
of revenge for your having failed them. And it makes everything forbidden
– from sex, to drugs, to tongue studs, to things worse – seem attractive, a
road to personal freedom. Rationalizations and philosophies that once they
would have laughed at as ridiculous, now make sense to them. Practices

they would have shunned in more innocent times, they now not only
embrace, but celebrate. All of this occurs below the level of consciousness.
Today’s youth rebellion is not only against failing parents, but against
the entire adult society – against the children of the 1960s cultural revolution
who grew up to become their parents. Unfortunately, many of us never
shook off the transforming effects of that national trauma, which birthed
the “sex, drugs and rock ‘n’ roll” youth counterculture, the leftist hate-
America movement, the women’s liberation movement and overriding all,
of course, the sexual revolution.
So we grew up to elect one of our own – a traumatized, amoral sociopath
of a baby-boomer named Bill Clinton. If you don’t think Bill Clinton’s
escapades with Monica – covered by the media like the Super Bowl – had
everything to do with the explosion of middle-school sexual adventures
across America, then open your eyes. The parents of this generation, along
with the degrading entertainment media, the biased news media, the lying
politicians, the brainwashing government school system and the rest of
society’s once-great institutions whose degradation we have tolerated, are
responsible.
No wonder our children are rebelling. And today’s insane Sodom-and-
Gomorrah culture, which we have allowed and in many ways created,
stands waiting in the wings to welcome them with open arms.
The way out

Today’s culture is so poisonous that your only hope is to literally create (or
plug into) another culture entirely – a subculture. Just as today’s homosexual
culture, for example, used to be a miserable subculture lurking in public
toilets and seedy clubs, and has today become the sophisticated culture of
the “beautiful people” and Hollywood, so must your true culture – if it’s
ever to come back – start off as a subculture.
The best solution for accomplishing this is to home school your children,
and network with other like-minded parents in your area. You can literally
pick and choose the “culture” in which your children grow up, and can
actively participate in its creation. It is general opinion that home schooling
today represents the single most important and promising avenue for the
true rebirth of culture. In families where children are raised with real
understanding and insight, and protected from the insanity of the popular
culture until they’re big enough and strong enough in their convictions to
go out in the world and kick butt in the name of righteousness. May it
grow.
What if your children are already caught up in the youth subculture? Is
it too late?
No it’s not. But it may be a difficult and long road back. It’s a lot easier
to be corrupted than to become uncorrupted. Just know this: There is
something almost magically liberating about confession. For a parent to
honestly confess his or her mistakes, regrets, failings, selfishness and blindness
to their errant offspring is a spiritual experience for both. Of course, when
a youngster has been “converted” to new loyalties and beliefs, maintained
by unconscious rage and rebellion (and perhaps the desire for revenge), he
may or may not right away want to come back over to your side. But by
being truly repentant over your own culpability in their problem, and
confessing this openly and genuinely – and from now on being the kind of
person you always should have been – you are giving them the best chance
possible to forgive you and find redemption themselves.
Even if they don’t come around, or if it takes a long time, your honest
self-examination and confession as a parent will free you from your own
guilts and past sins. Beyond this, we need to have faith that, with God, all
things are possible.
May we all do likewise. If we do, we can redeem our wretched culture
– one child, one family at a time. And those little swatches of the real
native culture, the bits of heaven-on-earth residing in this home and that
home and this church and that Scout troop will one day, please God, join
together to form the fabric of a reborn native culture of virtue. Each of us
must take that lonely, high road. Otherwise, the marketers of evil will lead
us all down to ever darker and lower levels of hell on earth.
CURATIVE YOGA
M ost people, especially from western worlds, think of yoga as merely

an eastern exercise program. Nothing could be further from the truth.
The underlying purpose behind the practice of yoga - the literal meaning
of yoga is ‘joining’ - is to reunite the individual self (Jiva) with the absolute
or pure consciousness (Brahma).
Union with this unchanging reality liberates the spirit from all sense of
separation, freeing it from the illusions of time, space and causation. Since
according to yogic philosophy the human body and mind are part of the
illusory world of matter, with a limited time span, while the soul /spirit is
eternal and passes onto another world when this body wears out. Thus,
central to yogic philosophy are the concepts of Karma (cause- effect
relationships) and Reincarnation.
Yoga is therefore regarded as a divine science of life, revealed to
enlightened sages in meditation. First textual mention in the Vedas was
corroborated by oldest archeological evidence of seals from the Indus Valley
dating back to around 3000 B.C. The Upanishads that followed the Vedas
provide the main foundation of Vedanta philosophy (that espouses the idea
of an absolute consciousness called Brahma) and yoga teachings.
Around the sixth century B.C. appeared the massive epic The Mahabharata
written by sage Vyasa and containing The Bhagavad Gita. Apparently a set
of battlefield instructions on one’s duties in life, they are very allegorical
in showing how the challenges of life have to be faced - so much so that
it is often considered the best book on management ever written. The Gita
contains yoga terms and concepts to enable the reader face life similarly.
The backbone of Raja Yoga is furnished by Patanjali’s Yoga Sutra,
thought to have been written in the third century B.C. The classical text on
Hatha Yoga, the Hatha Yoga Pradipika which describes the various asanas
and breathing exercises which form the basis of the practice of modern
yoga, was compiled much later by a yogi named Svatmarama.
In the modern perspective, Yoga is one of the most effective and
wholesome forms of experience to control the waves of thought by converting
mental & physical energy into spiritual energy. Yoga eases away pent-up
tension, rejuvenates the body & soul, enhances concentration, cures diseases
and keeps a hold on the aging process.
Yoga Benefits
The most important benefit of yoga is physical and mental therapy. The
aging process, which is largely an artificial condition, caused mainly by
autointoxication or self-poisoning, can be slowed down by practicing yoga.
By keeping the body clean, flexible and well lubricated, we can significantly
reduce the catabolic process of cell deterioration. To get the maximum
benefits of yoga one has to combine the practices of yogasanas, pranayama
and meditation.
Regular practice of asanas, pranayama and meditation can help such
diverse ailments such as diabetes, blood pressure, digestive disorders, arthritis,
arteriosclerosis, chronic fatigue, asthma, varicose veins and heart conditions.
Laboratory tests have proved the yogi’s increased abilities of consciously
controlling autonomic or involuntary functions, such as temperature, heartbeat
and blood pressure. Research into the effects of yogic practices on HIV is
currently underway with promising results.
According to medical scientists, yoga therapy is successful because of
the balance created in the nervous and endocrine systems which directly
influences all the other systems and organs of the body. Yoga acts both as
a curative and preventive therapy. The very essence of yoga lies in attaining
mental peace, improved concentration powers, a relaxed state of living and
harmony in relationships.
Through the practice of yoga, we become aware of the interconnectedness
between our emotional, mental and physical levels. Gradually this awareness
leads to an understanding of the more subtle areas of existence. The ultimate
goal of yoga is to make it possible for you to be able to fuse together the
gross material (annamaya), physical (pranamaya), mental (manomaya),
intellectual (vijnanamaya) and spiritual (anandamaya) levels within your
being.
Physiological Benefits
Physicians and scientists are discovering brand new health benefits of
yoga everyday. Studies show it can relieve the symptoms of several common
and potentially life-threatening illnesses such as arthritis, arteriosclerosis,
chronic fatigue, diabetes, AIDS, asthma and obesity.
Asthma : Studies conducted at yoga institutions in India have reported
impressive success in improving asthma. It has also been proved that asthma
attacks can usually be prevented by yoga methods without resorting to
drugs.
Physicians have found that the addition of improved concentration abilities
and yogic meditation together with the practice of simple postures and
pranayama makes treatment more effective. Yoga practice also results in
greater reduction in anxiety scores than drug therapy. Doctors believe that
yoga practice helps patients by enabling them to gain access to their own
internal experience and increased self-awareness.
Respiration Problems : Patients who practice yoga have a better chance
of gaining the ability to control their breathing problems. With the help of
yogic breathing exercises, it is possible to control an attack of severe
shortness of breath without having to seek medical help. Various studies
have confirmed the beneficial effects of yoga for patients with respiratory
problems.
High Blood Pressure: The relaxation and exercise components of yoga
have a major role to play in the treatment and prevention of high blood
pressure (hypertension). A combination of biofeedback and yogic breathing
and relaxation techniques has been found to lower blood pressure and
reduce the need for high blood pressure medication in people suffering
from it.
Pain Management :Yoga is believed to reduce pain by helping the
brain’s pain center regulate the gate-controlling mechanism located in the
spinal cord and the secretion of natural painkillers in the body. Breathing
exercises used in yoga can also reduce pain. Because muscles tend to relax
when you exhale, lengthening the time of exhalation can help produce
relaxation and reduce tension. Awareness of breathing helps to achieve
calmer, slower respiration and aid in relaxation and pain management.
Yoga’s inclusion of relaxation techniques and meditation can also help
reduce pain. Part of the effectiveness of yoga in reducing pain is due to its
focus on self-awareness. This self-awareness can have a protective effect
and allow for early preventive action.
Back Pain : Back pain is the most common reason to seek medical
attention. Yoga has consistently been used to cure and prevent back pain by
enhancing strength and flexibility. Both acute and long-term stress can lead
to muscle tension and exacerbate back problems.
Arthritis: Yoga’s gentle exercises designed to provide relief to needed
joints had been Yoga’s slow-motion movements and gentle pressures reach
deep into troubled joints. In addition, the easy stretches in conjunction with
deep breathing exercises relieve the tension that binds up the muscles and
further tightens the joints. Yoga is exercise and relaxation rolled into one
- the perfect anti-arthritis formula.
Weight Reduction: Regular yoga practice can help in weight
management. Firstly, some of the asanas stimulate sluggish glands to increase
their hormonal secretions. The thyroid gland, especially, has a big effect on
our weight because it affects body metabolism. There are several asanas,
such as the shoulder stand and the fish posture, which are specific for the
thyroid gland. Fat metabolism is also increased, so fat is converted to
muscle and energy. This means that, as well as losing fat, you will have
better muscle tone and a higher vitality level.

Yogic practices that reduce anxiety tend to reduce anxious eating. In
addition, yoga deep breathing increases the oxygen intake to the body cells,
including the fat cells. This causes increased oxidation or burning up of fat
cells. Yogic exercises induce more continuous and deeper breathing which
gradually burns, sometimes forcefully, many of the calories already ingested.
Psychological Benefits
Regular yoga practice creates mental clarity and calmness, increases body
awareness, relieves chronic stress patterns, relaxes the mind, centers attention
and sharpens concentration.
Self-Awareness: Yoga strives to increase self-awareness on both a physical
and psychological level. Patients who study yoga learn to induce relaxation
and then to use the technique whenever pain appears. Practicing yoga can
provide chronic pain sufferers with useful tools to actively cope with their
pain and help counter feelings of helplessness and depression.
Mental Performance: A common technique used in yoga is breathing
through one nostril at a time. Electroencephalogram (EEG) studies of the
electrical impulses of the brain have shown that breathing through one
nostril results in increased activity on the opposite side of the brain. Some
experts suggest that the regular practice of breathing through one nostril
may help improve communication between the right and left side of the
brain. Studies have also shown that this increased brain activity is associated
with better performance and doctors even suggest that yoga can enhance
cognitive performance.
Mood Change And Vitality : Mental health and physical energy are
difficult to quantify, but virtually everyone who participates in yoga over
a period of time reports a positive effect on outlook and energy level. Yogic
stretching and breathing exercises have been seen to result in an invigorating
effect on both mental and physical energy and improved mood.
Spiritual Benefits: When you achieve the yogic spirit, you can begin
knowing yourself at peace. The value of discovering one’s self and of
enjoying one’s self as is, begins a journey into being rather than doing. Life
can then be lived practicing “yoga off the mat”.
Pride: Pride, and especially anxiety about pride, is something which
Hatha Yoga seeks to diminish or eliminate. To one who has been dejected
because he cannot do his work properly when he becomes tired, irritable,
or haggard, any degree of refreshment may be accompanied by additional
degrees of self-respect. Furthermore, one who has benefited from yoga may
be moved to help his friends who are obviously in need, he may instruct
others and be rewarded with appreciation due a to teacher.
But if one succeeds in achieving skill which provides health and self-
confidence, one may justly raise his self-esteem simply by observing himself
living the improved results as an achieved fact.
Knowledge: Yogic theory and practice lead to increased self-knowledge.
This knowledge is not merely that of the practical kind relating to techniques,
but especially of a spiritual sort pertaining to grasping something about the
nature of the self at rest.
Knowing the self at rest, at peace, as a being rather than merely as an
agent or doer, is a genuine kind of knowledge which usually gets lost in the
rush of activities and push of desires. The value of discovering one’s self
and of enjoying one’s self as it is, rather than as it is going to be, is indeed
a value as well as a kind of knowledge.
AT A THRESHOLD OF CLASH OF
CIVILIZATION ?
W orld politics is entering a new phase, and intellectuals have not

hesitated to proliferate visions of what it will be-the end of history,
the return of traditional rivalries between nation states, and the decline of
the nation state from the conflicting pulls of tribalism and globalism, among
others. Each of these visions catches aspects of the emerging reality. Yet they
all miss a crucial, indeed a central, aspect of what global politics is likely to
be in the coming years.
The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of
conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors
in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur
between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations
will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be
the battle lines of the future.
Conflict between civilizations will be the latest phase in the evolution
of conflict in the modern world. For a century and a half after the emergence
of the modern international system with the Peace of Westphalia, the conflicts
of the Western world were largely among princes-emperors, absolute
monarchs and constitutional monarchs attempting to expand their
bureaucracies, their armies, their mercantilist economic strength and, most
important, the territory they ruled. In the process they created nation states,
and beginning with the French Revolution the principal lines of conflict
were between nations rather than princes. In 1793, as R. R. Palmer put it,
“The wars of kings were over; the wars of peoples had begun.” This
nineteenth-century pattern lasted until the end of World War I. Then, as a
result of the Russian Revolution and the reaction against it, the conflict of
nations yielded to the conflict of ideologies, first among communism, fascism-
Nazism and liberal democracy, and then between communism and liberal
democracy. During the Cold War, this latter conflict became embodied in
the struggle between the two superpowers, neither of which was a nation
state in the classical European sense and each of which defined its identity
in terms of its ideology.
These conflicts between princes, nation states and ideologies were
primarily conflicts within Western civilization, “Western civil wars,” as
William Lind has labeled them. This was as true of the Cold War as it was
of the world wars and the earlier wars of the seventeenth, eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. With the end of the Cold War, international politics
moves out of its Western phase, and its centerpiece becomes the interaction
between the West and non-Western civilizations and among non-Western
civilizations. In the politics of civilizations, the peoples and governments of
non-Western civilizations no longer remain the objects of history as targets
of Western colonialism but join the West as movers and shapers of history.
Civilization conflict will definitely take place and that due to following
reasons:
First, differences among civilizations are not only real; they are basic.
Civilizations are differentiated from each other by history, language, culture,
tradition and, most important, religion.
Second, the world is becoming a smaller place. The interactions between
peoples of different civilizations are increasing; these increasing interactions
intensify civilization consciousness and awareness of differences between
civilizations and commonalities within civilizations.
Third, the processes of economic modernization and social change
throughout the world are separating people from longstanding local identities.
They also weaken the nation state as a source of identity. In much of the
world religion has moved in to fill this gap, often in the form of movements
that are labeled “fundamentalist.” Such movements are found in Western
Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism, as well as in Islam.
Fourth, the growth of civilization-consciousness is enhanced by the dual
role of the West. On the one hand, the West is at a peak of power. At the
same time, however, and perhaps as a result, a return to the roots phenomenon
is occurring among non-Western civilizations.
Fifth, cultural characteristics and differences are less mutable and hence
less easily compromised and resolved than political and economic ones. A
person can be half-French and half-Arab and simultaneously even a citizen
of two countries. It is more difficult to be half-Catholic and half-Muslim.
The reasons themselves clear the role of political forces behind them.
Other Side Of The Picture: It Is Clash of Values, Not Civilizations

With the growth of terrorism in the world, there has been a rush to
identify and explain it as the clash of civilizations thesis. The assumption
in all this, though generally unstated, is that terrorism is to be equated with
the Islamic civilization. (Huntington himself rejected it, but it was too late
to have much effect). There are several problems with this equation. To
begin with, there have been and continue to be conflicts within Islam that
make it difficult to identify it as a monolithic civilization. Anyone who has
travelled in West Asia can see that countries such as Iran, Egypt and Syria
are worlds apart. In recent history, Bangladesh broke away from Pakistan
and Iran and Iraq were engaged in brutal war that lasted nearly a decade.
Also, with terrorism striking in places as far apart as New York, Kenya,
Moscow, Afghanistan, Kashmir and Bali, there is no discernible ‘fault line’
where civilizations neatly fall in place. The reality is that terrorism represents
no civilization and follows no boundaries.
Geopolitical theories like the clash of civilizations make the facile
assumption that human beings everywhere think and behave the same way
and have similar priorities dominated by economic interests. To scholars in
the secular humanist West, it is inconceivable that people would lay down
their lives for religious or cultural beliefs. So they tend to attribute economic
and social motives to acts that lie beyond the realm of their experience and
comprehension. As a result, their methods and models have a tendency to
fail when applied to aberrant behaviour like terrorism or megalomania.
There exist alternatives worth studying.
Alternative Visions
The major drawback of geopolitical theories, like Huntington’s clash of
civilisations, is their failure to account for human behaviour, especially
aberrant behaviour. Ancient Indian thinkers on the other hand have made

a profound study of this aspect of conflict. It is surprising that Indian
humanities scholars have by and large failed to take advantage of the vast
body of knowledge available to them in their own tradition. Yoga, Vedanta
and many other sources provide alternative visions based on insights into
human behaviour. A study of Indian sources shows that conflicts like what
we are faced with were not unknown to the ancients who had made a
profound study of the causes and effects that underlie them. They analyzed
them from the viewpoint of human tendencies rather than as reflections of
geopolitics. They characterized them as Daivic (divine) and Asuric (demonic)
traits and saw conflicts as resulting from the clash of values (or dharma)
deriving from them. In this context, it is a serious error to interpret dharma
as religion or sect. Seen from this Vedantic perspective, what we are
witnessing around us is no clash of civilisations, but a clash of values or
dharmas. This is an age-old conflict, between the material and the spiritual.
Most evil in the world is due to excessive preoccupation with the material
wealth and power. The ancients call this tendency Asuric. The spiritual or
the trait that seeks harmony is called Daivic.
It is not hard to see that the world today is in thrall to Asuric forces,
no matter how we look at it. To counter the Asuric tendencies, what are
needed are Daivic qualities, which the Gita describes as follows: “Fearlessness,
purity, courage in seeking knowledge, generosity, restraint, learning,
uprightness, gentleness, honesty, loyalty, compassion for the living, humility,
fortitude and absence of excess pride — these are the virtues of the Daivic.
The Daivic leads to freedom and the Asuric to bondage.”
How are we to account for these traits, or what they stem from? The
Vedantic view is that there are three fundamental tendencies (or gunas) that
control human behaviour; the combined action of these on the people, especially
the leaders, leaves an imprint on the history of any era. These tendencies are:
sattva (light or purity), rajas (power or aggression) and tamas (darkness or
ignorance). Any combination of these determines the history of an epoch.
Particularly dangerous is the combination of tamas and rajas — aggression
driven by ignorance. This is what we call fanaticism. Tamas sees sattva or
light of knowledge as the enemy. Its goal is to destroy sattva and plunge the
world into a Dark Age. This has happened many times in history. This is
what forces of fanaticism are trying to do to the world today.
Use of Force Unavoidable

Tamas therefore is the great enemy of civilization. This is also what ancient
sages of India warned against. It is important to note that tamas cannot
always be conquered by sattva alone. This means force or rajas must be
employed, but employed judiciously. The ignorance of a child can be cured
by education, but not the ignorance of a hardened fanatic. The use of force
may be unavoidable though it always has to be the last resort. It is a serious
error to think that fanatics bent on plunging the world into darkness will
always respond to a gentle message. When faced with evil, sattva must
always be backed by rajas, even if used only as a last resort. Sattva without
rajas can only appease.
Most of us calling ourselves ‘rational’ do not see the world in Daivic
and Asuric terms. With that we have lost the rational basis for understanding
the world that our ancestors possessed. Some modern sages like Sri Aurobindo
had retained a vestige of it. This allowed them to see the forces of violence
and ignorance engulfing the world. This is what we are seeing today in the
war against terror — a combination of rajas and tamas ranged against
civilisation. It is no clash of civilisations but a clash between Daivic and
Asuric forces. For civilization to survive, the Daivic forces — sattva and
rajas — must combine to defeat the Asuric combination of tamas and rajas.
This is the message of Vedanta.
It could be said rationally that by ignoring the economic factors and
bringing to the fore the differences in faith and culture as the source of
conflicts in the world, the proponents of this theory are trying to brush
aside more fundamental questions such as linking development of the deprived
and impoverished nations with the process of removal of the sources of
their ‘unfreedom’- such as poverty, poor economic opportunities, systemic
social deprivation, neglect of public facilities and withdrawal of every
means of social security; thereby leaving the word ‘freedom’ to its rhetorical
use, and for the privileged few of the capitalist world. On the cultural plain,
it can be argued that the civilisational history of the Nile valley or
Mesopotamia (present day Egypt and Iraq) or the Indus Valley and Chinese
civilizations, including the modern day South Asians and the Chinese, is
only associated with the advancements and progression of the entire
humankind, and never as a divider of human race on the basis of religion.
For, a term as broad as civilization must be referred to assess the
evolution of the entire humankind with all its weaknesses, and not for
fragmenting it into several cultural groups having its own territorial history,
language and religion. For this thesis is only meant for strengthening the
hands of those perpetrators of violence who are ever ready to wage jehads,
crusades and dharmayuddhas - for upholding ‘peace’, ‘freedom’ and ‘justice’
on this earth!
THE INDIAN STATE : FOUNDED ON
ACTIVISM
A fter centuries of struggle, only in the modern era has it generally come
to be accepted that the state cannot be controlled by divine right or
brute power. Neither hereditary succession nor authoritarianism is acceptable
as arbiter of political power in a civilized society. It should be noted
however that state and civil society, and the clear separation between the
two, as well as the interaction between the two are essentially modern
notions linked to the rise of the nation-state system. In India, though state
existed for centuries, the idea of nation-state and the recognition of limits
to state power are of recent origin.
Despite this, the relative autonomy of social institutions from state’s
influence is a remarkable feature of our history throughout the ages. Even
during the era of monarchy or authoritarianism or other forms of
personalized despotism, the limits to state power were clearly recognised
in Indian society. For instance the role of caste panchayats, the village
panchayat and traders’ guilds has been well recognised and documented
throughout ancient and medieval history. While the absolute power of the
despotic monarchy was accepted in the ancient and medieval state, the
relative autonomy of individuals and groups from state power was
recognised and respected in large spheres of human endeavor. It is this
strength and vitality of institutions other than state that helped to nurture
and sustain Indian society over the centuries of turbulence and seeming
anarchy. The hundreds of thousands of villages were largely untouched by
state power. Consequently the internecine wars of conquest or succession,
the palace intrigues, the frequent coups and bloodshed made no serious
impact on the lives of most people. Matters relating to religion and
Dharma have been always beyond the realm of the state. Even justice, as
understood in ancient and medieval India, was to a large extent left to
various social groups beyond the pale of the state.
This relative autonomy of the society from state influence has resulted
in two developments. On the one hand society was remarkably stable,
unaffected by vicissitudes of political fortunes and state power. A high

degree of harmony and predictability in human relation were thus ensured.
As long as the king’s authority was accepted in principle and taxes were
paid regularly, the people were untouched by the vagaries of politics. While
this was largely true during the ancient era, the situation did not undergo
any dramatic change even after the advent of the Delhi Sultanate and
Mughal empire. Many historians have forcefully brought out this autonomy
of the society even during the Delhi Sultanate period when the state was
overtly Islamic, or the Moghal period when significant influence of Islam
over the Indian state continued.
On the other hand the insularity of the society from the state had
ensured that the vertical fragmentation in society continued and institutions
remained static and frozen. New ideas were not easily absorbed, and in
Tagore’s memorable words, ‘the clear stream of reason has... lost its way
into the dreary desert sand of dead habit’. Hierarchies and divisions on caste
lines continued unaffected. Even about a thousand years ago, insightful
scholars and historians like Alberuni commented on this stagnation of Indian
society unfavorably.
In his Tahqiq-i-Hind, Alberuni pointed out:
“..The Indians believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation like
theirs, no king like theirs, no religion like theirs, no science like theirs¡K.
They are by nature niggardly in communicating what they know, and they
take the greatest possible care to withhold it from men of another caste
from among their own people, still more of course from any foreigner.
“They are in a state of utter confusion, devoid of any logical order, and
in the last instance always mixed up with silly notions of the crowd. I can
only compare their mathematical and astronomical knowledge to a mixture
of pearls and sour dates, or of pearls and dung, or of costly crystals and
common pebbles. Both kinds of things are equal in their eyes, since they
cannot raise themselves to the methods of a strictly scientific deduction.”
In addition to this social stagnation, the limitation of state’s influence
meant that no empire could really unify India and bring all the people
together. The state could not submerge the many group identities and
differences for the preservation and glory of the nation. Thus while Indian
state even in its most absolutist form was never fascist, the Indian society
even at the height of its glory did not allow the fresh breeze of new ideas
and institutions to flow.
In the modern era, under the British, the state underwent a significant
transformation. The period from 1820-1857 was remarkable for the activism
and energy of the state. The spread of the idea of education as a secular
activity often sponsored and supported by the state, the establishment of
colleges and universities, the introduction of uniform administration and
civil services, the codification of civil and criminal laws and procedures, the
transformation of land revenue system, the standardization of taxes, and the
introduction of telegraph and railways made rapid inroads into society. The
breathtaking adventure of social reform through legislation along with the
ruthless suppression of anti-state and anarchic elements like Thugs and
Pindaris significantly altered the relationship between state and society. In
many ways the idea of modern state as the arbiter of relations between
individuals and groups in addition to its traditional role of maintaining
public order and defending the frontiers has come to be accepted during this
period.
It is possible to argue that one of the powerful impulses behind the
Revolt of 1857 was the atavist reaction to this reformist zeal of an alien
state. Eventually, after 1857 the British rulers came to believe that excessive
state intervention was detrimental to the survival of the empire itself. As a
consequence, for almost three decades after 1857, the Indian state was
largely status-quoist and the dividing line between state and society was
rarely breached. Subsequently the controversy and resentment following
Ilbert bill, the formation of the Indian National Congress, the introduction
of local self-governance during Lord Ripon’s period, the partition of Bengal
and the subsequent reunification, the Rowlatt Act and the Khilafat Movement
transformed the relationship between state and society into an adversarial
struggle for freedom. Eventually it became the national struggle with two
contending parties of the alien state and the indigenous nationalist movement
of contesting the legitimacy of each other. Inevitably, people’s yearning for
freedom could not be contained for long and power had to be transferred
to the Indian elite after Second World War.
Expansion of Welfare State

With the transfer of power in 1947, the Indian state consciously and
deliberately started intervening in areas that were hitherto left to civil
society. The constitution, which declared justice of social, economic, and

political; equality of status and of opportunity; and promotion of fraternity
assuring the dignity of the individual as the objectives of the Indian state
has given legitimacy to this deliberate intrusion. The Directive Principles of
state policy, which attempted to give expression to these noble constitutional
values gave the state the mandate, though somewhat diffuse, to legislate in
many such areas. Despite the turbulence and bloodshed accompanying partition
in 1947, there was also great excitement and expectation generated by
freedom struggle and independence.
Obviously there was enormous pressure on the state to fulfill these
expectations in a significant measure. The constitution-makers attempted to
balance individual liberty and the state’s interventionist role. Thus the
Fundamental Rights guaranteed various liberties to citizens including equality
before law, nondiscrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or
place of birth, equality of opportunity in matters of public employment,
abolition of untouchability, abolition of hereditary titles, freedom of speech,
assembly, association, movement and residence, protection of life and personal
liberty, freedom of conscience and free profession, practice and propagation
of religion, and protection of interests of minorities. All these ensured that
the state could not affect adversely the liberty and autonomy of individuals
and groups. Only reasonable restrictions could be imposed on these liberties
in the interest of integrity of India and security of the state, friendly
relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation
to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.
At the same time the Directive Principles attempted to give expression
to the aspirations of the people and to the ideals of the freedom struggle
to control, regulate and reform Indian society. While the Directive Principles
of state policy shall not be enforceable by any court, the constitution
explicitly stated that the principles therein laid down are nevertheless
fundamental in the governance of the country and it shall be the duty of
the state to apply these principles in making laws. Promotion of welfare of
the people by securing and protecting a social order in which justice, social,
economic and political shall inform all the institutions of the national life
is the guiding principle of state policy. In particular, the constitution-
makers enjoined upon the state the duty to strive to minimize the inequalities
in income, and to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities

not only amongst the individuals but also amongst the groups of people
residing in different areas or engaged in different vocations.
In furtherance of these objectives, several principles were enunciated to
guide state policy, including right to an adequate means of livelihood,
distribution of ownership and control of material resources to subserve the
common good, prevention of concentration of wealth and means of production
to the common detriment, equal pay for equal work for both men and
women, protection of workers and children, opportunities and facilities to
children to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and
dignity, organisation of village panchayats as units of self-government,
effective provision for securing the right to work, to education, and to
public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness and disablement
and in other cases of undeserved want, and suitable legislation to ensure a
decent standard of life and full enjoyment of leisure and social and cultural
opportunities to all workers. Uniform Civil Code for citizens, provision of
free and compulsory education for children, promotion of educational
economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker
sections, separation of judiciary from executive, protection of monuments
and objects in places of national importance and promotion of international
peace and security, have all been listed as the Directive Principles of state
policy.
The mood prevailing at the time of transfer of power and the enunciation
of Directive Principles enjoined upon the state the duty to actively legislate,
supervise, monitor, regulate and control several areas of activity which were
earlier regarded as the legitimate spheres of civil society. Much of it was
necessary and long overdue. In many ways the British during the decades
before the Revolt of the 1857 had attempted to reform Indian society and
this process, which was halted on account of intervention of the 1857
Revolt was restarted after freedom. The abolition of untouchability,
guaranteeing religious freedom and equality before law, several legislations
to protect workers, children, women and minorities and positive discrimination
in favour of the long-oppressed and disadvantaged sections of society were
both necessary and welcome given the enormous hold of tradition, superstition,
ignorance and prejudice over much of our society. However the frenetic
activism of the Indian state had several far-reaching consequences, the
impact of which is being felt in today’s society.
THE IDEAS OF THE INDIANS
T he debate between tradition and modernity rages on all over middle

India; in fact, it has always done so, but middle India has expanded
enormously since 1908, when Gandhi expressed his misgivings about English
minds in Indian bodies - incidentally, while he was still wearing a coat and
tie to work- in Hind Swaraj. Gandhi revisited this dilemma a couple of
decades later, when he and Rabindranath Tagore exchanged a wonderful
series of letters on this topic. Indian modernity is too important a topic to
be left to the hands of partisan votaries of one kind or the other, from
religious fundamentalists to unreconstructed liberals.
Worries about westernisation and western domination abound in the
Indian psychological landscape, as they do in almost every non-western
corner of this earth. But India is also one of the few places where major
thinkers have engaged systematically with foreign ideas, accepted some, and
rejected others. Whether it is the recent fracas over the Ram Sethu, agitations
over the role of multinational agribusiness or the dominance of English
over local languages, there has been a vigorous public debate in which the
language of tradition and modernity has been used by both sides.
Modernisation is here to stay, but what is it? Perhaps it’s time to turn the
debate on its head, and stop seeing the relationship between tradition and
modernity as one where western ideas are the primary agents.
Focus on Indian culture

Why are we still conceptualising the relationship as the entry of an invasive
(or enlightening, depending on your perspective) external force into a
resistive (or benighted) Indian culture? Why not focus on Indian culture
and its capacity to respond to challenges from the outside? Is there an
innate Indian sensibility that has internalised western modernity with varying
degrees of success? If so, should we study the relationship between tradition
and modernity as one of a continuous self-evolution of a relatively
autonomous Indian cultural sphere? To echo Gandhi once again, have we
always been able to open our windows to the world without being swept
off our feet?
Thinking of modernisation in India primarily as an internally-driven
psychological and cultural process has important consequences across the
socio-political spectrum. To take two important examples, it becomes possible
to understand the vibrancy of democracy in India without calling it as a
parting gift of the British, or as a throwback to an ancient proto-democratic
structure. Similarly, when it comes to the politics of development, it asks
us to shift focus from the policies of the World Bank and multinational
corporations to the machinations of our own business houses. No external
intervention theory can explain why a Communist government is eagerly
appropriating land for large industrial projects and SEZs.
We might be more successful in explaining the current socio-economic
trends in India by tracing our social dynamics to certain ‘innate’
predispositions of the Indian people. Perhaps even more important than
these revisionist analyses is the general principle: contemporary trends in
Indian society, business and statecraft are ultimately grounded in long standing
intuitions about nature and culture that permeate Indian society. Furthermore,
we do not learn these intuitions in our schools; we learn them at home,
from our friends and from the million tales that circulate in our cities,
towns and villages. There is an explicit link between gut instinct and public
policy.
Consider the problem of justice, especially distributive justice. We can
all agree that every citizen of India should have access to food, water,
education, health services and other necessary amenities. Unfortunately, as
we all know, the Indian state has been rather unsuccessful in fulfilling these
basic needs of its citizens. This failure of governance is often attributed to
corruption, vested interests and other imbalances of power. What if the
problem lies deeper? What if the lack of success lies in a fundamental
conflict between abstract ideas of justice borrowed from Anglo-American
political philosophy (and now enshrined in the Indian constitution) and the
basic thought patterns of the Indian people?
In order to evaluate this hypothesis, we have to inquire whether
psychological conditions in India are conducive to the success of abstract
notions of justice.
The ‘family’ in public identity and policy

According to psychologists such as Sudhir Kakar, we Indians learn how to
behave in public partly through the lens of the extended family. In India,
the family occupies a prominent location in the public sphere, in arenas that
would be unthinkable in the west. Both the Indian nation and the state that
I live in are currently led (overtly and covertly) by a prominent political
family. Bollywood movies project an endless procession of Kapoors. Most
of the leading business houses in India are family concerns. Even the
judiciary - that seemingly impartial upholder of abstract justice - is in the
limelight because of familial allegations made against a retired chief justice.
The family is a window into the nature of justice in India.
In the caricatured version of the extended family, those who are ‘family’
are to be protected and nurtured. As for the rest, they can fend for themselves.
Kakar writes about the prominent politician who when asked why he
nominated his son for an important party post exploded “So whose son will
I nominate; yours?” Familial notions are prominent even when family
boundaries are transgressed. When I was growing up in Delhi, there were
innumerable occasions when a person was introduced to me as “yeh mera
bhai hai (he is my brother)” only to be told later that he was no blood
relative, just a family friend. Unlike the West, where children leave the
home and make their own friends, we seem to invite our close friends into
our families.
Our public identity is deeply mediated by family, caste and community,
which are all at the subjective, concrete end of the psychological spectrum.
Roughly speaking, while in the West, notions of justice stem from a
psychological experience of others as ‘objectively’ equal, in India feelings
of justice emerge from the private, subjective and familial feelings of
nurture and care. The emotion that one instinctively feels for one’s own
family is not that of impartial justice (despite all the classical stories of
kings punishing their sons as if they were just any other subject) but that
of compassion. How can one then expect universal, abstract notions of
justice to thrive in the public sphere?
There is nothing new about the insight that Indians care about others
when asked to think about them in a highly personalised manner. I have
aunts who are deeply distrustful of Muslims as a community while having
close Muslim friends - one aunt rationalised it by saying “She is very clean,
for a Muslim.” Religious movements with an eye towards social justice,
from the Sikh Panth to the Sai Baba Satsang emphasise bhakti and seva as
their markers of equal treatment. Similar movements have happened in
other parts of the world as well, most famously, Liberation Theology in
Latin America, where too the family plays a similar role in the public
sphere. These were also very important in Gandhi’s thought. He understood
that in India, justice has to be channeled through highly particularised
notions of care and compassion that may vary quite considerably from
individual to individual.
Indian rules for public conduct

In such a scenario, we pick our public rules not by following the law, but
by looking towards each other and exemplary individuals for guidance.
Unlike abstract notions of justice, which can be implemented by people who
don’t have expansive notions of morality, the claims of justice in India
require that our moral capacities be expanded. Therefore, in Gandhi’s scheme
it becomes crucial for public figures to set a personal example by leading
a morally faultless life. Otherwise, the Indian tendency to look for human
archetypes quickly leads to subservience and exploitation as has often
happened in seemingly progressive religious movements.
At this stage in the evolution of Indian democracy we can and should
go one step further and say that exemplary moral leadership has become
unacceptable as a foundation for a just society. We cannot let our public
behaviour be guided by a few moral exemplars. However, we are still left
with the problem of reconciling our desire for personalised treatment with
the goal of building a truly democratic polity. In the absence of a benevolent
moral leadership, we have to learn our notions of justice from each other.
The problem is fundamentally a pedagogical one - how do we learn a
compassionate way of being from each other rather than a Guru figure?
Anglo-Saxon norms of objectivity have the advantage of extracting a
common essence from a variety of views. Not all views are harmonisable
but as long as the differing views are private to individuals, they are
protected. However, if my arguments about the role of the Indian family
in the public sphere are right, Indians do not divide the world into public
‘norms’ that have to be followed universally and individual ‘tastes’ that we
are free to choose as we please. Since the family mediates between the
private and public, the imposition of objective norms often breaks down.
In my opinion, the dynastic nature of Indian politics should be seen as a
breakdown of ‘objectivity’ - one might call this literal imposition of family

values on to the nation ‘family fundamentalism’. A progressive
universalisation of the family to include all citizens is crucial to the success
of the Indian democratic experiment.
It must be remembered that effective notions of justice in any vision of
Indian modernity will be tied to a universal and yet personalised agenda of
compassion. The larger goal of equality in India demands a vigorous public
discussion about the nature of justice, one that’s not just about abstract
notions of human rights or the cost and benefit of reservations, but also
about the concrete, emotionally grounded values of nurture and care.
vvvv

XI
E SSAYS ON
SPORTS I SSUES
Essays on Sports Issues F 489

FIFA WORLD CUP-2018
F rance on July 15, 2018 clinched their second FIFA World Cup title,
beating Croatia 4-2 in the highest-scoring final since 1996. The win
comes for France, 20 years after they claimed their first FIFA title in 1998.
The FIFA World Cup is the most watched tournament in football
(soccer). The Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA)
organises the World Cup every four years. More people watch the World
Cup finals than any other sporting event in the world-even more people
than the Olympic Games. The most successful team has been Brazil.
The finals tournament is held every four years. In the other years there
are only qualifiers (qualifying tournaments) in the six FIFA world regions.
These games help to decide which teams will move on. Over 160 national
teams play in the beginning games. The best teams from the beginning
games win a place in the finals. The finals now include 32 teams. Before
1998, only 24 teams were in the finals; starting in 2026, there will be 48
teams in the finals. Many years before each World Cup, FIFA picks the host
nation, the country where the finals will be held. Being the host nation
means that their team has qualified for the finals tournament automatically
and does not need to play any qualifying games. The 32 teams in the finals
then play for four weeks, usually between June and July, to decide the
champion (tournament winner).
The Final: Key Highlights
l The 2018 final, which went underway at the Luzhniki Stadium in
Moscow, saw France lead by 2-1 at halftime with one own goal and
a penalty shot.
l The own-goal came off the top of Mario Mandzukic’s head in the
18th minute.
l Croatia rallied to equalise the score with a terrific left-foot strike by
Ivan Perisic in the 28th minute.
l However, Antoine Griezmann’s penalty shot, after Ivan Perisic handled
the ball in his own penalty area, gave France the lead once again.
l In the second half, France made its lead even stronger with goals
coming through Paul Pogba in the 59th minute and Kylian Mbappe
in the 65th minute, taking the scorecard to 4-1.
l Despite falling behind, Croatia kept their fighting spirit on and
Mario Mandzukic pulled off an intelligent goal for the team in the
69th minute.
l However, the scorecard at the end of the extra time read 4-2,
delivering a blow to Croatia's hopes of winning their first-ever Cup.
l Antoine Griezmann of France was awarded the Man of the Match
accolade for the game.
The Records
l This was the first time that Croatia made it to the finals of the
football World Cup. It is also the smallest country to reach the final
in the modern era.
l The team’s previous best performance was in 1998, when again they
had lost to France in the semi-finals. The team then failed to get
past the group stage in 2002, 2006 and 2014 World Cup and did not
qualify in 2010.
l For France, it was their first World Cup win after winning on home
soil in 1998.
l France’s 19-year-old Mbappe became the only second teenager after
the Brazilian football legend—Pele to score in a World Cup final.
The Winners
Name Team Award
Harry Kane (6 Goals) England Golden Boot Award (Top goal scorer)
Luka Modric Croatia Golden Ball Award (Best player)
Thibaut Courtois Belgium Golden Glove Award (Best goalkeeper)
Kylian Mbappe France Best Young Player
Spanish football team Spain FIFA Fair Play Trophy
l The 2018 World Cup ended on July 15, 2018 after 32 days of great play.
The tournament had begun on June 14 with the first match being
Russia vs. Saudi Arabia. It featured 32 teams and a total of 169 goals
were scored, making it one of the highest-scoring World Cups ever.
l Coming to penalties, 219 yellow cards and 4 red cards were given
during the entire length of the tournament.
l The tournament was full of surprises with underdogs like Russia and
Croatia moving ahead and popular teams like - Argentina, Spain,
Portugal and Germany- shown the door early.
l The tournament ended with France being crowned the champions
for the second time, after beating Croatia 4-2 in the final in Moscow.

l With the win, France joined Uruguay and Argentina in winning the
World Cup for the second time. The only teams to have won the
world cup more than two times include Brazil, which tops the tally
with 5 wins and then Germany and Italy with 4 wins each.
l Spain and England both have won the Cup once each.
2022 FIFA World Cup
Qatar would be hosting the 2022 edition of the World Cup. It would be the
first time the World Cup would be held in the Middle East region and Qatar
would be the first Arab country to host the World Cup.
COMMONWEALTH GAMES-2018
T he 2018 Commonwealth Games, officially known as the XXI

Commonwealth Games and commonly known as Gold Coast 2018,
were an international multi-sport event for members of the Commonwealth
that were held on the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia, between 4 and 15
April 2018. It was the fifth time Australia had hosted the Commonwealth
Games and the first time a major multi-sport event achieved gender equality
by having an equal number of events for males and female athletes.
More than 4,400 athletes including 300 para-athletes from 71
Commonwealth Games Associations took part in the event. The Gambia
which withdrew its membership from the Commonwealth of Nations and
Commonwealth Games Federation in 2013, was readmitted on 31 March
2018 and participated in the event. With 275 sets of medals, the games
featured 19 Commonwealth sports, including beach volleyball, para triathlon
and women’s rugby sevens. These sporting events took place at 14 venues
in the host city, two venues in Brisbane and one venue each in Cairns and
Townsville. These were the first Commonwealth Games to take place under
the Commonwealth Games Federation (CGF) presidency of Louise Martin,
CBE. The host city Gold Coast was announced at the CGF General Assembly
in Basseterre, Saint Kitts, on 11 November 2011. Gold Coast became the
seventh Oceanian city and the first regional city to host the Commonwealth
Games. These were the eighth games to be held in Oceania and the Southern
Hemisphere.
The host nation Australia topped the medal table for the fourth time in
the past five Commonwealth Games, winning the most golds (80) and most
medals overall (198). England and India finished second and third respectively.
Vanuatu, Cook Islands, Solomon Islands, British Virgin Islands and Dominica
each won their first Commonwealth Games medals.
2018 Commonwealth Games Medals Tally : Top 10
Rank Country Gold Silver Bronze Total
1 Australia 80 59 59 198
2 England 45 45 46 136
3 India 26 20 20 66
4 Canada 15 40 27 82
5 N. Zealand 15 16 15 46
6 S. Africa 13 11 13 37
7 Wales 10 12 14 36
8 Scotland 9 13 22 44
9 Nigeria 9 9 6 24
10 Cyprus 8 1 5 14
Total (43 CGAs) 275 276 289 840
Motto
The official motto for the 2018 Commonwealth Games was “Share the
Dream”. It was chosen to highlight the dreams and experience at the games
that were shared by participants of the games, ranging from athletes to
volunteers and the host country Australia to the world including the
Commonwealth nations.
Emblem
The emblem was launched on 4 April 2013, which marked exactly five
years until its opening ceremony. It was unveiled at the Southport Broadwater
Parklands. It was designed by the New South Wales based brand consultancy
WiteKite. The emblem of the 2018 Commonwealth Games was a silhouette
of the skyline and landscape of Gold Coast, the host city of the games.
Nigel Chamier OAM, former Chairman of the GOLDOC, said that it was
the result of months of market research.
Mascot
Borobi was named as the mascot of the 2018 Commonwealth Games in 2016.
Borobi is a blue koala, with indigenous markings on its body. The term “borobi”
means koala in the Yugambeh language, spoken by the indigenous Yugambeh
people of the Gold Coast and surrounding areas. The song “Days of Gold”
composed by the Australian Duo band Busby Marou, which was released on
17 October 2014, was considered as the official song of the Mascot Borobi.
India in Commonwealth Games 2018
India ended its campaign in Gold Coast with a total of 66 medals (26 Gold,
20 Silver, 20 Bronze). This is India’s third most successful Commonwealth
Games. India was the best nation in 5 disciplines—Weightlifting, Shooting,
Wrestling, Badminton and Table tennis and the second best nation in Boxing.
PV Sindhu was India’s flag bearer. India’s best remains 101 in New Delhi
(2010) followed by 69 in Manchester (2002). Highlights: l India won the
most number of medals is shooting. The 15-year-old Anish Bhanwala,
created history by becoming the country’s youngest Gold Medal winner. He
registered a total score of 30, a new Games record. l Ace Tennis player
Manika Batra won medal in each event she participated (Women’s team,
Women’s singles, Women’s doubles, Mixed doubles). She became the first
Women’s Singles gold medal winner in CWG. l Saina Nehwal became the
first Indian to win two singles golds at the games after defeating PV
Sindhu. l The Gold medal won by India’s mixed Badminton team is the
country’s first medal in that category at the CWG. l The 35-year-old five-
time world champion and Olympic bronze medallist Mary Kom won the
Gold medal in Boxing Light Flyweight (45-48 kg) category.
INDIAN PREMIER LEAGUE (IPL)–11
India’s most sporting extravaganza—The Indian Premier League 2018 or

VIVO IPL-11 came to an end on May 27, 2018 at the Wankhede Stadium
in Mumbai, with Chennai Super Kings (CSK) emerging the title winner for
the third time after the ignominy of a two-year suspension. Completing a
fairytale script, Chennai Super Kings outplayed Sunrisers Hyderabad (SRH)
by eight wickets in 18.3 overs in the final. After seven finals in nine
attempts, skipper M.S. Dhoni, who had lost four finals as captain of CSK,
got his hand on the trophy again after 2011. Shane Watson (unbeaten 117
off 57 balls with 11-fours and 8-sixes) did the star turn by slamming his
second ton of the tournament to make a chase off 179 easier after a slow

start. Earlier SRH scored 178/6 after being put into bat with skipper Kane
Williamson scoring a 36-ball 47 and Yusuf Pathan providing the innings the
impetus with a quickfire, 25-balls 45 not out. SRH topped the league table
ahead of CSK, but head-to-head MS Dhoni’s side ended 4-0. With the
trophy CSK bagged a purse of ` 20 crore while SRH got a purse of ` 12.5
crore. SRH skipper Kane Williamson won the Orange Cap for the leading
run-scorer of the tournament with 735 runs. Andrew Tye, of Kings XI
Punjab, was awarded the Purple Cap for finishing as the leading wicket-
taker of the tournament with 24 wickets. Sunil Narine of Kolkata Knight
Riders (KKR) was named most valuable player, as known as Man-of-the-
Series while Rishabh Pant of Delhi Daredevils (DD) was named the Emerging
Player of the Tournament.
Before the final, four teams entered into Playoff. In the first qualifier
CSK beat SRH and entered into final on May 22 in Mumbai. At the
Eliminator stage, KKR outplayed Rajasthan Royals (RR) in Kolkata on May
23. In the second qualifier, SRH beat KKR on May 25 in Kolkata and
entered into the final to clash with CSK.
History
The Indian Premier League (IPL) is a professional Twenty20 cricket league
in India contested during April and May of every year by teams representing
Indian cities and some states. The league was founded by the Board of
Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) in 2008, and is regarded as the brainchild
of Lalit Modi, the founder and former commissioner of the league. IPL has
an exclusive window in ICC Future Tours Programme.
The IPL is the most-attended cricket league in the world and in 2014
ranked sixth by average attendance among all sports leagues. In 2010, the
IPL became the first sporting event in the world to be broadcast live on
YouTube. The brand value of IPL in 2018 was US$6.3 billion, according
to Duff & Phelps. According to BCCI, the 2015 IPL season contributed
US$182 million to the GDP of the Indian economy.
Foundation
On 13 September 2007, the BCCI announced the launch of a franchise-
based Twenty20 cricket competition called Indian Premier League whose
first season was slated to start in April 2008, in a “high-profile ceremony”
in New Delhi. BCCI vice-president Lalit Modi, said to be the mastermind
behind the idea of IPL, spelled out the details of the tournament including
its format, the prize money, franchise revenue system and squad composition
rules. It was also revealed that the IPL would be run by a seven-man
governing council composed of former India players and BCCI officials,
and that the top two teams of the IPL would qualify for that year's Champions
League Twenty20. Modi also clarified that they had been working on the
idea for two years and that IPL was not started as a “knee-jerk reaction”
to the ICL. The league’s format was similar to that of the Premier League
of England and the NBA in the United States.
In order to decide the owners for the new league, an auction was held
on 24 January 2008 with the total base prices of the franchises costing
around $400 million. At the end of the auction, the winning bidders were
announced, as well as the cities the teams would be based in: Bangalore,
Chennai, Delhi, Hyderabad, Jaipur, Kolkata, Mohali, and Mumbai. In the
end, the franchises were all sold for a total of $723.59 million. The Indian
Cricket League soon folded in 2008.
Expansions and Terminations
On 21 March 2010, it was announced that two new franchises – Pune
Warriors India and Kochi Tuskers Kerala – would join the league before
the fourth season in 2011. Sahara Adventure Sports Group bought the Pune
franchise for $370 million while Rendezvous Sports World bought the
Kochi franchise for $333.3 million. However, one year later, on 11 November
2011, it was announced that the Kochi Tuskers Kerala side would be
terminated following the side breaching the BCCI’s terms of conditions.
Then, on 14 September 2012, following the team not being able to find
new owners, the BCCI announced that the 2009 champions, the Deccan
Chargers, would be terminated. The next month, on 25 October, an auction
was held to see who would be the owner of the replacement franchise, with
Sun TV Network winning the bid for the Hyderabad franchise. The team
would be named Sunrisers Hyderabad.
Pune Warriors India withdrew from the IPL on 21 May 2013 over
financial differences with the BCCI. The franchise was officially terminated
by the BCCI, on 26 October 2013, on account of the franchise failing to
provide the necessary bank guarantee.
On 14 June 2015, it was announced that two-time champions, Chennai
Super Kings, and the inaugural season champions, Rajasthan Royals, would
be suspended for two seasons following their role in a match-fixing and betting
scandal. Then, on 8 December 2015, following an auction, it was revealed
that Pune and Rajkot would replace Chennai and Rajasthan for two seasons.
The two teams were the Rising Pune Supergiant and the Gujarat Lions.
RIO OLYMPIC–2016
T he 2016 Summer Olympics, officially known as the Games of the

XXXI Olympiad was a major international multi-sport event held in
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from 5 August to 21 August 2016. The colourful
closing ceremony at the Maracana stadium in Rio on August 21, lasting
almost three hours, celebrated Brazil’s arts and ended with the official
handover of Olympic flag to 2020 hosts Tokyo, Japan. The ceremony,
watched by billions around the world, featured the parade of athletes and
a dramatic extinguishing of the Olympic flame.
RIO’S TOP TEN ATHLETES
More than 11,000 athletes from 207 National Name of Athletes G S B
Olympic Committees, including first time entrants 1 Michael Phelps (US) 5 1 –
Kosovo, South Sudan, and the Refugee Olympic 23 Katie Ledecky (US)
Simone Biles (US)
4 1 –
4 – 1
Team, took part. With 306 sets of medals, the 4 Katinka Hosszu (Hun) 3 1 –
5 Jason Kenny (GB) 3 – –
games featured 28 Olympic sports, including rugby 6 Danuta Kozak (Hun) 3 – –
sevens and golf, which were added to the Olympic 78 Ryan Murphy (Aus)
Usain Bolt (Jam)
3 – –
3 – –
program in 2009. These sporting events took place 9 Simone Manuel (US) 2 2 –
at 33 venues in the host city, and at five in São 10 Maya Dirado (US) 2 1 1
Paulo, Belo Horizonte, Salvador, Brasília, and Manaus. These were the first
Summer Olympic Games under the IOC presidency of Thomas Bach. Rio
became the first South American city to host the Summer Olympics.
The United States topped the medal table for the fifth time in the past
six Summer Olympics, winning the most golds FINAL MEDAL TALLY
(46) and most medals overall (121). Great Britain Rank Country G S B Total
1 United States 46 37 38 121
finished second and became the first country in 2 Great Britain 27 23 17 67
the history of the modern Olympics to increase 34 China Russia
26 18 26 70
19 18 19 56
their tally of medals in the subsequent games 5 Germany 17 10 15 42
after being the host nation. China finishing third 67 Japan
France
12 08 21 41
10 18 14 42
and host country Brazil won seven gold medals, 8 South Korea 09 03 09 21
9 Italy 08 12 08 28
their most at any single Summer Olympics. 10 Australia 08 11 10 29
Jamaican sprinter Usain Bolt said goodbye 13 Brazil 07 06 06 19
67 India 0 01 01 02
to the Olympics by winning an unprecedented
‘triple triple’. The 30-year-old Jamaican won his seventh, eighth and ninth
gold medals by claiming the 100m, 200m and 4 × 100m relay titles for the
third Games in succession. His nine gold medal haul
at the Olympics brought him level with Paavo Nurmi and Carl Lewis.
US swimmer Michael Phelps, took his medal tally to 28 from five Olympics
by winning six in Rio—five of which were golds. He also announced his
retirement from the games.
India in Rio
l India sent its largest ever contingent of 122 players to compete in
14 sports. Abhinav Bindra, who won India’s first individual gold in
shooting at the Beijing Olympics, was the flag-bearer for Indian
contingent in the Games.
l The 23-year-old Sakshi Malik from Rohtak, Haryana opened India’s
account in wrestling by winning first-ever woman’s wrestling bronze
medal in the 58 kg freestyle event on August 17.
l Ace shuttler, PV Sindhu from Hyderabad became the first woman
from India to clinch an Olympic silver, and the second to win a
badminton medal after Saina Nehwal’s bronze (London 2012). In
the gold medal clash, she lost to Carolina Marin of Spain 21-19, 12-
21, 15-21.
l Dipa Karmakar became the first ever Indian woman to compete for
gymnastic but she missed the bronze by 0.015 points.
l Shooting star Abhinav Bindra, who signed off with a fourth-place
finish in the 10m air rifle final, said good bye to the games.
A Games of Firsts
l The Rio Games brought first medals for Fiji, Jordan and Kosovo -
and all three opened their accounts with gold, Fiji in the first
Olympic rugby sevens competition.
l Competitors from Bahrain, Puerto Rico, Singapore, Vietnam and
Tajikistan, too, won their first Olympic titles.
l Twenty-seven world records were set in Rio within the seven Olympic
sports that recognise them - archery, athletics, modern pentathlon,
track cycling, shooting, swimming and weightlifting.
Newly-elected International Olympic Committee member Nita Ambani
on August 8 distributed the medals to the women’s 400 m freestyle podium
finishers at the Rio Games to become the first Indian woman to do so.
Ambani, who became the first Indian woman to join the IOC when she
was elected to the prestigious body on August 4, gave away the gold medal
to world record-holder American Kathleen Ledecky, silver to Jazz Carlin of
Great Britain and bronze to another American Leah Smith.
THE VALUE OF SPORTS
T he modern Olympic Movement was founded in 1896. If one were to

believe European mythology, one would learn that the Olympics were
started by Hercules about 1100 B.C. in Greece. They were held for over
five days. On the first and last day, there were rituals and sacrificial
ceremonies.
Events took place on the second day. In these events, the youth
participated. On the third day there were races and boxing and wrestling
bouts. The fourth day was meant for armoured races, horse riding and
pentathelon. However, Emperor Theodosius abolished these ancient games
in 393 A.D.
The person who must be given the credit for reviving the Olympics was
a Parsi, Sorbonne when he arranged a meeting for the purpose in 1894.
However, the Modern Olympic games actually were held for the first time
in 1896.
All of us are aware that games make us healthy physically and alert
mentally. In other words, they create not only a strong body but also a
strong or sound mind in a strong or sound body. According to Messari, a
historian of the Olympics, games promote global peace and harmony. They
emphasise values that enrich life physically, intellectually and spiritually.
We can easily understand how the cricket one day internationals and
test series between India and Pakistan in 2004 contributed greatly towards
easing tension between the two countries that had been at loggerheads for
over half a century.
The spirit of the Olympic games is depicted through the motto—
“Altius, Citius, Fortius” which means “Higher, faster, stronger’’ the
underlying spirit of the Olympic games is healthy competition and that not
between countries but between individuals. But over the years it has been
observed that the participating countries have often made it a matter of
prestige and different teams have aspired to win the competition by hook
or by crook. Such an unhealthy competition nullifies the real spirit behind
sports which demands not so much the victory as the participation. The
sports become healthy if there is the sportsman’s spirit behind the competition.

In Coubertin’s own words, “The most important thing in the Olympic
Games is not to win but to take part, just as the most important thing in
life is not the triumph but the struggle.” We know that that was the real
motto of ancient Olympic Games. But the Modern Olympic Games follow
such ethos only on paper.
There was something divine inherent in ancient games. The players
displayed the sculptured beauty of their bodies attributing them to the gods.
The players were charged with the spirit of peace, cooperation and divine
grace and love. So, games then were another name of a holy ritual that
transcended all material considerations, including a deathless desire for
triumph.
The modern games are played with quite different ethos and aims.
Victory in these games is dedicated to the players’ respective people and
countries. The countries matter more than the individual players. Then there
is no sign of anything like divinity, divine beauty or grace. There is crass
materialism which is at work. What is behind all this hullabaloo is not a
real aim at excellence but instead it is something of chauvinism which lurks
in the minds of both players, coaches and the countries to which they
belong.
Coubertin laid stress on high athletic ideals and gentlemanly behaviours.
He aimed at amateurism, fairplay and sportsmanship. He wanted the people
to have healthy innocent pleasure and enjoyment from the games with no
target for any monetary or material gains. But in the 20th century the
countries began to show scepticism about Coubertin’s ideal of amateurism
and began to show preference for professionalism. In fact, the Olympic
Games became a symbol for national honour. When professional tennis
players participated in the Olympics held at Seoul for the first time in the
history of the Olympics, many eyebrows were raised. But with the passage
of time, professionalism became the order of the day and the days of
famateurism were over.
In spite of all this, as Noel Backer, former Olympic medallist and
Nobel Prize winner says: “The Olympics are the best medium to understand
each other internationally in this atomic age.”
Some of the banes of modern games are drug abuse, acrimony,
commercialism and political interference. It was in 1960 that a Danish
cyclist Jensen died due to complications arising out of drug abuse. A
number of athletes and players have been debarred from the games due to
the use of anabolic steroids which were detected in their blood. These
players make use of these drugs to enhance energy, which is only a temporary
phenomenon. Their aim is to win come what may. But they do not bother
that drugs have a devastating effect on their bodies. A few years back, the
death of about a dozen weightlifters was attributed to the use of steroids.
Many players compete for money. Then there are numerous people who
indulge in betting in regard to games. As in the case of race-horses, so in
the case of the players. Sometimes in the case of certain countries conditions
of acrimony arise over the sports matters, which is nothing but
narrowmindedness on the part of participating countries. The great furore
over match-fixing in cricket sometime back where money was the main
factor is something unforgettable as well as regrettable.
ICC WORLD TWENTY20 – 2016
T he 2016 ICC World Twenty20 was the sixth edition of the ICC World
Twenty20, the world championship of Twenty20 International cricket.
It was held in India from 8 March to 3 April 2016, and was the first edition
to be hosted by that country.
Seven cities hosted matches at the tournament—Bangalore,
Dharamsala, Kolkata, Mohali, Mumbai, Nagpur, and New Delhi. There were
sixteen participating teams, ten qualifying automatically through their status
as full members of the International Cricket Council(ICC), and another six
qualifying through the 2015 World Twenty20 Qualifier. The tournament was
divided into three stages. In the first stage, the ten lowest-ranked teams played
off, with the top two joining the eight highest-ranked teams in the Super 10
stage. Finally, the top four teams overall contested the knockout stage. In the
final, played at Eden Gardens, Kolkata, the West Indies defeated England by
four wickets. Indian batsman Virat Kohli was named the player of the
tournament, while Bangladesh's Tamim Iqbal and Afghanistan’s Mohammad
Nabi led the tournament in runs and wickets, respectively.

For the second time, the tournament featured 16 teams. All ten full
members qualified automatically, joined by the six associate members that
qualified through the 2015 ICC World Twenty20 Qualifier, played in Ireland
and Scotland between 6 and 26 July 2015. Oman made its debut in the
tournament.
The top eight Full Member nations in the ICC T20I Championship
rankings as of 30 April 2014 automatically progressed to the Super 10
stage, with the remaining eight teams competed in the group stage. From
the group stage, Bangladesh and associate nation Afghanistan advanced to
the Super 10 stage. Test playing nation Zimbabwe and Ireland failed to
advance to the Super 10 stage for the second time.
In October 2015 Shahryar Khan, chairman of the Pakistan Cricket
Board (PCB), said that Pakistan would consider pulling out of the tournament
if the series against India did not go ahead. Although the series was ultimately
cancelled, Pakistan received government clearance in February 2016 to visit
India to compete in the tournament. In early March, Pakistan sent a delegation
to assess the security arrangements ahead of the tournament. Following the
visit, the match between India and Pakistan was moved from Dharamsala
to Eden Gardens in Kolkata, at the request of the PCB, and on 11 March,
Pakistan confirmed their participation at the tournament.
On 21 July 2015, the Indian cricket board announced the name of the
cities which will be hosting the matches. Bangalore, Chennai, Dharamsala,
Mohali, Mumbai, Nagpur and New Delhi were the venues along with
Kolkata, which also hosted the final of the event. Chennai could not host
a match due to legal issues regarding the construction of three stands at the
M. A. Chidambaram Stadium. VCA Stadium, Nagpur hosted all Group B
games and HPCA Stadium, Dharamsala hosted all Group A matches. The
India vs Pakistan match, was scheduled to be played at HPCA Stadium.
With the announcement that HPCA authority could not provide the required
security for Pakistani team, the match was moved to Eden Gardens, Kolkata.
There were some initial concerns about the Feroz Shah Kotla stadium
in Delhi hosting the first semi-final, due to one of the block of stands
needing a clearance certificate from the South Delhi Municipal Corporation
(SDMC). If the clearance was not approved, the ICC and BCCI were
planning an alternative venue to host the match. However, on 23 March, the
Delhi & District Cricket Association were granted clearance from the SDMC
to use the block at the Feroz Shah Kotla.

ETHICS IN SPORTS
W hen you look at a dictionary, you may find sports described either as
“a physical activity that is governed by a set of rules or customs and
often engaged in competitively” or “an active pastime; recreation”. That is
also very true when you analyze sports in real life. One may participate in
sports either as a pastime or recreation or as a part of a huge business
environment, a part of a grand industry.
Whether the ancient or modern Olympics, gladiator fights or the NBA,
sports have occasioned great public interest since the early ages. Results are
no longer decided by an emperor who just wishes it to be that way. Instead,
we have rules and regulations, with umpires, referees, and judges to apply
these rules and regulations for every sport. The existence of these rules and
regulations is the igniter for many discussions of ethics as it concerns
athletes, coaching staffs and management, media, referees, fans and agents.
Players
In the beginning of the second half of the last century, organized sports were
a state policy in many parts of the world with the exception of North America.
Football (soccer) became a professional sport in most countries before other
sports and only professional soccer players had contracts. Until very late in
the century, athletes in other sports were considered amateur, even though
they were paid, since they had no contracts or legal documents. In the Soviet
bloc countries, almost all of the athletes had state jobs, in police departments
or in the military. Although it was common knowledge, nobody did anything.
Until the Barcelona Olympics in 1992, NBA players could not participate in
the Olympics, because they were professionals. Starting with Barcelona, the
IOC changed its rules for amateurism, making it possible for NBA and other
professional athletes to participate in the Olympics. For most of the last century,
this was a very important ethical problem for players. Now, in most countries,
players are professionals, have contracts and play by the business rules.
Coaching Staffs and Management
Although these two groups often position themselves against each other
when problems occur, they could be considered as one group in relation
with the players, because, regardless of the entity, the impact and results are
often the same for the players.
Media
In today’s world of sports, media is a very important element. It also is the
focus of one of the most discussed issues of ethics.
Referees/Umpires
This is the most controversial group among the elements of the sports
industry. In today’s world, where huge amounts of money and/or other
valuables are at stake, ethical values are critical for this group. To start with,
they should be honest. Then, they should have a fair portion of the cake;
however, this should be justly defined and distributed. They should be educated
properly by the governing organization and should be treated respectfully.
SACHIN TENDULKAR
‘B harat Ratna’ Sachin Tendulkar, the man who is to Indian cricket

what Pele is to football, retired in November, 2013 after his 200th
test match, ending a more than two-decade-long career in which he broke
many of cricket’s batting records.
Tendulkar made his debut in 1989 against India’s arch rival, Pakistan,
as a 16-year-old. He quickly impressed opponents as well as fans and never
looked back. He spent much of the next decade dominating opposing teams
and winning the respect of his rivals.
No cricketer has been venerated in his own country like Tendulkar; and
no one has broken as many records: the most Test appearances (200), the most
runs (Test—15921, ODI—18426), the most centuries (100). His longevity
has been as impressive as the technical purity of his batsmanship. His hunger
for the game has been incredible. There still seems a boyish enthusiasm.
Tendulkar, it seems, never tires of batting. The crease is where he is
most at home most at peace with the world. He rarely expended mental
energy as a captain (he led India only 25 times in 200 Test appearances)
and usually opts not to field in the slip cordon, which is where most of the
greats with their enhanced hand/eye co-ordination have been stationed.
Tendulkar came to the international sport when India was a cricketing
back water and its team’s performances were mostly poor. For many years,

he single-handedly propped up the team with his performances. India’s
1 bn people expected Tendulkar to succeed each time he stepped out onto
the cricket field. It’s astonishing how often he did.
His contribution to the Indian cricket can be summed up by one quote
from teammate Virat Kohli. India had just won cricket’s 2011 World Cup,
and the team hoisted up Tendulkar and carried him around the ground.
“He’s carried the burden of the nation for 21 years,” Kohli said. “It is time
we carried him on our shoulders.”
The likes of this man come rarely. People who saw him bat are
fortunate to have seen him do what he does best. India idolizes everything
and everybody. This man tops the list. There has hardly been any
sportsperson in this world who had to face the immense pressure of
expectation as this man has and for 21 years. Cricket will have changed in
years, but his reputation may only grow.
Another aspect of Tendulkar’s cricketing life is his mind-boggling
capacity to keep controversies at bay at all times. People find it odd really
that in his long life, on and off the field, he never blew his top even once.
Frankly, Sachin is a role model for all in any walk of life. That’s why
people reiterate that the family background plays a big role in shaping one’s
personality. Even though you chase dreams and realise most of them, it
makes you behave normally.
This youngest son of a simple Marathi professor used to hold his bat in
his hand and weave dreams of his future. His luck favoured him for the first
time when Ramakant Achrekar, known as the Dronacharya of the cricket
world, accepted, him as his disciple. The assayer eyes of Achrekar had
visualised that this student (called Sachin) had come to learn from him from
the core of his heart. The teacher had realised that one day, the bat of this
student would sing such times as would make the cricket lovers of the world
gyrate for long periods. Sachin also toiled hard along with Achrekar and at
the age of thirteen years, he created history in partnership with his childhood
friend, Vinod Kambli. Both of these players made a record partnership of 664
runs for the sixth wicket in school’s cricket competition. This was the first
ever success of Sachin’s life, which acted like a tonic for him. After this his
hunger for such achievements continued to grow.
At the end of it all, Sachin Tendulkar has been a truly outstanding
cricketer, a great ambassador for the sport itself and a terrific human being
above all. He was nominated to Rajya Sabha in April 2012, and successfully
completed his tenure as a Rajya Sabha member.
vvvv
XII
E SSAYS ON
MISCELLANEOUS I SSUES
Essays on Miscellaneous Issues F 507

E-EDUCATION: IGNITING AN
EDUCATION REVOLUTION
S choolsOnWeb consolidates virtual classroom, virtual laboratory and

integrates with your other enterprise applications. They are now most
often used to supplement the face-2-face class room, commonly known as
Blended Learning. It is a real learning experience from the online information
sources. It helps students know, how to do research faster and better. It
enables teachers to search for various topics efficiently. Also it helps them
preserve their online resources for posterity. There is a facility of folders
available to them where they can store their searched matter.
It normally works over the Internet and provides a collection of tools
such as those for assessment (particularly of types that can be marked
automatically, such as multiple choice), communication, uploading of content,
return of students’ work, peer assessment, administration of student groups,
collecting and organizing student grades, questionnaires, tracking tools, etc.
SchoolsOnWeb connects people with each other and with information of all
kinds drive new ways of communicating and collaborating. Its goal is to
enable learning without limits — anytime, in any place, and at any pace.
SchoolsOnWeb provides an environment where students and parents are
connected, administrators are empowered and teachers are inspired.
E-learning
Web collaboration technology permits the best of both delivery options:
real-time access to a live instructor or subject matter expert right from the
user’s PC. Key communication/participation tools include: E-mail,
Announcement, and Discussion board, File transfers and file management,
Chat rooms, Whiteboards, Journals and notes
l Teach new or existing courses within virtual classrooms: Choose
any previously created course from the content library to teach
within your virtual classroom. You can teach the entire course or
allow learners to go through it at their own pace. Learners can take
quizzes on their own and their results are recorded in the system.
SchoolsOnWeb admin/delivery costs are 80% less.

l Provide instant access: Boosts participation by eliminating technical
barriers and regional barriers. Through SchoolsOnWeb learners
instantly access the online classroom from the best instructors and
experts, in the teaching format that best suits them.
l Interactive recorded sessions: Learners who missed a session don’t
miss out. All interactive, hands-on components— such as quizzes,
simulations, and links—remain interactive even in recorded classroom
sessions and meetings on SchoolsOnWeb.
l Evaluate virtual classroom effectiveness: Enable trainers to gauge
the effectiveness of courses taught within virtual classrooms. The
best teachers will reign supreme on SchoolsOnWeb.
l Generate academic reports: SchoolOnWeb-based learners’ registration
and program administration lowers costs. And report generator
provides custom fields and filters so you can get a meaningful
overview of the progress and current status of all enrolled learners.
l Track individual learner progress: SchoolsOnWeb learners or parents
can view their assigned training and easily track their own or wards
progress through learning paths.
Experiental Learning
A technology to simulate experiments and foster the dimensions of interest,
involvement, imagination, and interactivity by virtual labs, scenario-based
learning activities, and concepts tests which can be incorporated into a
variety of teaching approaches as pre-labs, alternatives to textbook home
work, and in-class activities for individuals or teams.
l Highly interactive: SchoolsOnWeb allows learners to select from
hundreds of standard experiments and manipulate them in a manner
that resembles that of a real lab. It allows students to design and
perform diverse experiments
l Provide learning-by-doing: Students can thereby learn the principles
in a fast, effective and pleasurable way by interacting with and
navigating through the virtual laboratory on SchoolsOnWeb.
l Simulate real-life environments: SchoolsOnWeb offers a complete
visualization environment for scientific hypothesis. It allows
experimenter to quickly analyze and optimize the real-world behaviour
of their hypothesis and to guarantee that experiment is performed as
expected, before signing off on a physical test.
l Produce high levels of cognition and retention: SchoolsOnWeb-
based virtual simulation is being widely used for the purposes of
education and skills training. These include special needs education
to sophisticate teaching aids in high schools and universities for the
delivery of scientific education.
l Safe and Secure: SchoolsOnWeb virtual laboratory is safe, secure
and an inexpensive, no-hassle way of equipping your students
classroom with expensive hardware and software resources.
Institute Management System

SchoolsOnWeb helps manage fee structure creation, fee submission in school,
time-table generation and management, library management, examination
management and other reports. Web-based Institute Management Software
designed for better interaction between students, teachers, parents &
management. Customization of the system to your respective needs can be
achieved at a reasonable cost.
RIGHT TO EDUCATION
T he right to education is recognised as a human right by the United

Nations and is understood to establish an entitlement to free, compulsory
primary education for all children, an obligation to develop secondary
education accessible to all children, as well as equitable access to higher
education and a responsibility to provide basic education for individuals
who have not completed primary education. In addition to these access to
education provisions, the right to education encompasses also the obligation
to eliminate discrimination at all levels of the educational system to set
minimum standards to improve the quality of education.
The April, 1st 2010, was marked in history as India joined groups of
few countries in the world, with a significant law, making education a
fundamental right of every child coming into force.

The Right to Education bill was passed by the Parliament on 4th August,
2009. Six years after an amendment was made in the Indian Constitution,
the Union Cabinet cleared the Right to education bill, which premises free
and compulsory education to every child.
The Government of India by Constitutional (86th Amendment) Act,
2002 had added a new Article 21 A, which provides that the state shall
provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age 6 to 14
years as the state may by law determine.” And further strengthened this
Article 21A by adding clause (K) to Article 51-A which provides—“who
is a parent or guardian to provide opportunities for education to his child
or ward between the age 6 and 14 years.” On the basis of constitutional
mandate provided in Article 41, 45, 46, 21A and various judgments of
Supreme Court, the Government of India has taken several steps to eradicate
illiteracy, improve the quality of education and make children back to
school who left the school for one or the other reasons. The government
schools shall provide free education to all the children and the schools will
be managed by school management committees. Private schools shall admit
at least 25% of the children in their school without any fee. The National
commission for elementary education shall be constituted to monitor all
aspects of elementary education including quality.
The Bill seeks to make access to education more equitable. Vetting of
students and parents, and demands for arbitrary capitation fees to secure
admission to public schools will be prescribed under the legislation which
obliges private schools to make a quarter of their places available to
disadvantaged children on a non-fee paying basis. It mandates school
management committees to take charge of neighbourhood schools. It also
speaks of a common board that will do away with the differential educational
standards in the country.
While the right to education, is a fundamental right now, the government
have yet to acknowledge its proper implementation. The National Commission
for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) has been designated as the agency
to monitor provisions of the Right to Free and Compulsory Education
(RTE) Act. To ensure that the RTE Act is implemented successfully in
letter and spirit, the NCPCR has taken the initiatives to build a consensus
among institutions, government departments, civil society and other state
holders. It had instituted an expert committee comprising officials from
various government departments, persons of eminence and experience in
field of education, to focus on roadmap for proper implementation of RTE.
The draft bill aim to provide elementary schools in every neighbourhood
within three years–though the word ‘school’ encompasses a whole spectrum
of structures.
However, for better implementation and monitoring of the Act, there
needs to be greater awareness in the country so that its provisions are
understood and incorporated by all institutions. In order to do so, a massive
campaign will have to be undertaken, including translation of the act into
different languages, perhaps jointly with Ministry of Human Resource and
Development and other agencies.
The government of India has been working tremendously on the education
system over the past few decade. Even with such landable efforts, alop outs
from school is in continuation. It has been also noted that they do not
acquire the basic of literacy and numeracy as the additional knowledge and
skills necessary for their all-round development as specified under RTE.
The RTE act provides a right platform to reach the unreached, with
specific provisions for disadvantaged groups, such as child labourers, migrant
children, children with special needs, or those who have a disadvantage
owing to social, cultural, economical, geographical, linguistic, gender or
other such factor.
But for the complete pursual of the act, is dependent on so many factors.
The success of any educational endeavour in based on the ability and
motivation of teachers. Parents, guardians, families and communities have
a large role to play to ensure child-friendly education for each and every
one of the estimated 190 million girls and boys in India who should be in
elementary school today.
With RTE, India can emerge as a global leader in achieving the millennium
development goal of ensuring that all children complete their primary
schooling by 2015. Though a challenge, but with the resources and political
support, it is not an impossible task. The world is waiting far India to have
rightful leadership role in education on the global stage. RTE will help in
propelling this great nation to reach great heights of prosperity and
productivity, when every Indian child, girl or a boy, will be touched by the
light of education.

GREEN FINANCE
T he term green finance has gained a lot of attention in the past few years
with the increased focus on green development. The Rio+20 document
clearly states what green economy policies should result in and what they
should not. While there is no universal definition of green finance, it mostly
refers to financial investments flowing towards sustainable development
projects and initiatives that encourage the development of a more sustainable
economy. Green finance includes different elements like greening the banking
system, the bond market and institutional investment. Several working
definitions and sets of criteria of green finance have also been developed.
Examples include the China’s Green Credit Guidelines, the Climate Bonds
Taxonomy of Green Bonds, the International Development Finance Club’s
(IDFC) approach to reporting on green investment, the World Bank/
International Finance Corporation’s (IFC) Sustainability Framework and
the UK Green Investment Bank Policies. An initial review of the current
definitions in use reveals sizeable intersections of the various definitions in
thematic areas such as clean energy, energy efficiency, green buildings,
sustainable transport, water and waste management, as well as areas of
controversy such as nuclear and large-scale hydro energy, biofuels and
efficiency gains in conventional power.
Over the past decade there have been advances in mainstreaming of
green finance within financial institutions and financial markets. Voluntary
standards such as the Equator Principles have enhanced environmental risk
management for many financial institutions. The World Bank Group has set
up an informal “Sustainable Banking Network” of banking regulators, led
by developing countries, to promote sustainable lending practices. In 2015,
green bonds issued by governments, banks, corporates and individual projects
amounted to US$42 billion. Globally, more than 20 stock exchanges have
issued guidelines on environmental disclosure, and many green indices and
green ETFs (exchange-traded funds) have been developed. The Financial
Stability Board (FSB) has established a climate-related financial disclosures
task force that is expected to complete its first stage of the work by end-
March 2016. A growing number of institutions, including the Bank of

England and Bank of China (Industrial and Commercial Bank of China),
have begun to assess the financial impact of climate and environmental
policy changes. Germany, the US and the UK have developed interest
subsidy and guarantee programmes for green financing, and over a dozen
government-backed green investment banks are operating globally. The G-
20 has also recently set up a green finance study group (GFSG).
One topical issue in the context of green finance is that of enhancing
the ability of the financial system to mobilize private green finance, thereby
facilitating the green transformation of the global economy which has been
widely discussed in different fora including the G20. However, for developing
countries like India, private finance will not readily be forthcoming and
public finance both international and domestic needs to be used to leverage
private finance.
Green development is also important for India though green finance is
yet to pick up. Attaining the ambitious solar energy target, development of
solar cities, setting up wind power projects, developing smart cities, providing
infrastructure which is considered as a green activity and the sanitation
drive under the ‘Clean India’ or ‘Swach Bharath Abhiyan’ are all activities
needing green finance. India has created a corpus called the National Clean
Energy Fund (NCEF) in 2010-11 out of the cess on coal produced/imported
(‘polluter pays’ principle) for the purpose of financing and promoting clean
energy initiatives and funding research in the area of clean energy. Some
of the projects financed by this fund include innovative schemes like a
green energy corridor for boosting the transmission sector, the Jawaharlal
Nehru National Solar Mission’s (JNNSM) installation of solar photovoltaic
(SPV) lights and small capacity lights, installation of SPV water pumping
systems, SPV power plants, grid-connected rooftop SPV power plants and
a pilot project to assess wind power potential.
So far four banks have issued green bonds in India. Proceeds from
these bonds are mostly used for funding renewable energy projects such as
solar, wind and biomass projects and other infrastructure sectors, with
infrastructure and energy efficiency being considered as green in their
entirety. The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has also
recently approved the guidelines for green bonds.
While mobilization and effective use of green finance is of primary
importance, there are some issues which need to be taken note of.

l For a developing country like India, poverty alleviation and
development are of vital importance and resources should not be
diverted from meeting these development needs. Green finance should
not be limited only to investment in renewable energy, as, for a
country like India, coal based power accounts for around 60 per
cent of installed capacity. Emphasis should be on greening coal
technology. In fact, green finance for development and transfer of
green technology is important as most green technologies in developed
countries are in the private domain and are subject to intellectual
property rights (IPR), making them cost prohibitive.
l Green bonds are perceived as new and attach higher risk and their
tenure is also shorter. There is a need to reduce risks to make them
investment grade.
l There is also a need for an internationally agreed upon definition of
green financing as its absence could lead to over-accounting.
l While environmental risk assessment is important, banks should not
overestimate risks while providing green finance.
l Green finance should also consider unsustainable patterns of
consumption as a parameter in deciding finance, particularly
conspicuous consumption and unsustainable lifestyles in developed
countries.
CORRUPTION IS AN ACCEPTED NORM
T he standard definition of corruption as the use of public office for

private gain scarcely captures the complex motivations and dispositions
on display in the phenomenon. To attribute corruption merely to a desire
for pecuniary gain, motivated and sustained by an amoral materialism is to
capture only part of the phenomenon. Its roots and seductions lie much
deeper in the quality of human relationships that characterize a society.
Corruption & Indian society are inter-woven justly. Different political
leaders, authors, journalists, anti-corruption crusaders and valuable readers
aired their views through different columns in different newspapers and
journals several times about corruption v/s politicians and eradication of
corruption strongly. They look tired as their efforts all in vain. A few lines/
excerpts are mentioned here for ready reference.
Each and every office whether it comes under Central or State
administration is no exception. Is there any Central or State department or
office corrupt-free in India? Tell boldly, If any? For example staring from
village panchyat office up to offices in capital New Delhi are suffering
from cancerous corruption. Can any one say boldly that Vigilance department,
which is meant for checking corruption, is free from corruption really? The
anti-corruption system has broken down completely. And the CBI is also
being used as a political tool and needs improvement immediately as officers
who are not being hostile towards the government are only posted in this
CBI organization though CBI is meant an independent agency.
Corruption is simply a consequence of the fact that the state has wide
discretionary powers. Take away these powers, so the argument goes, and
the state will have less to trade by way of favours. Such notions are
reinforced by the fact that most of our attention and investigation of
corruption is directed at sensational scandals involving large payoffs. Yet
the insidiousness of corruption does not stem simply from the fact that huge
payoffs are made when the state exercises its discretionary powers. It is
rather the case that corruption has made the entire gamut of state functions
discretionary. Every transaction where we are taxed, stamped, noted,
registered, measured, assessed, licensed, authorized is a potential occasion
for corruption. Our routine entitlements as citizens and consumers have
been converted into discretionary acts. The institutional view rightly
emphasizes the importance of incentive systems and sanctioning mechanisms
in facilitating corruption. But it simplifies the complex of motivations that
lie behind the phenomenon.
The motivations that produce and sustain corruption are of course complex.
Avarice and ambition doubtless play an important part. In democracies, the
distinctive incentive for corruption depends upon the organization of elections,
legislative practices and methods of campaign finance. Weak enforcement
structures, themselves rendered ineffective by corrupt practices, can sustain
a system of perverse incentives. Corruption stemming from these sources
exists in all societies. But to explain the forms of corruption that exist in
India simply through these arguments often disguises the depth of social
complicity in corruption. By depth of social complicity it is not meant that
the simple claim that corruption comes to be socially accepted and is
sustained because all of us go along with it in our individual capacities.
Only the most obtuse moralists would insist that individuals ought not to
pay bribes when the problems of collective action in reforming the system
are enormous and there are few enforcement mechanisms one can appeal to.
It seems rather that corruption, as Montesquieu and Rousseau emphasized,
is sustained by the kinds of social relationships that characterize society.
The experience of both state and society in India is profoundly alienating
in more ways than one can list and many forms of corruption stem directly
from this experience. Indian society is profoundly in - egalitarian. Vast
disparities of income and power exist almost everywhere, but the depth, to
which in India inequality has subjected individuals to a million humiliations,
small and large, is almost unprecedented. These humiliations often are,
though they need not necessarily be, consequent upon ascriptive status.
Although the principles underlying the Indian state are, for the most part,
an attempt to affirm the worth of each individual, its functioning is anything
but. Even in the best of times, the Indian state is, for most ordinary citizens,
still distant, inaccessible, and arbitrary and often simply a raw exercise in
power. State institutions such as courts, police, bureaucracies, registries, and
universities exemplify intransigence more than achievement.
IS CORRUPTION INEVITABLE?
If transparency of government gets embodied in the constitution or is
otherwise legally enforced, the disregard of advice for reasons not sufficiently
explained on the record will still remain open to judicial scrutiny. If the
senior bureaucrat or officer dis-associates himself/herself from wrong decisions
and does so on the files, wrongdoing or corruption would diminish greatly.
Not naiveté, nor a cure all. But it works much of the time.
Generally, all this corruption goes on under a cloak, although one can
almost see it happening before one’s eyes, Bureaucracy is also moulded and
influenced to take decisions favourable to vested interest due to corruption. For
example, In case of large contracts rules are relaxed and then negotiated without
transparency. Not a new phenomenon in India or in many other countries.
But India is considered especially as a case of its own i.e. it is only when
the higher bureaucracy or officer becomes compliant and suitably “Cooks
the case”, then corrupt practice could occur. But any one with even a mild
conscience will hesitate to do so. It has been rightly pointed that in a society
in which honesty and patriotism are laughed at and poked fun of; corruption
is going to be all pervading because there is no moral barrier to it at any
level. And also an honest officer is always looked down upon as incapable
person who is not suiting to the present environment.

DISASTER MANGEMENT IN INDIA
A fter independence India began a process of rapid industrialisation. It

inevitably lacked some framework conditions, such as an understanding
of the risks of chemical hazards. Implementation of safety procedures,
including regulatory approaches, soon followed and institutions such as the
National Safety Council (NSCI) were created. There was much to do.
The Bhopal disaster (1984) did much to focus more attention on the
need for a holistic approach to technology disaster management, and the
role of ordinary people in emergencies. The government took several
important measures, with major legislative changes and stronger institutional
mechanisms. It set up Crisis Groups at central, state, district and local
levels. NSCI took the APELL process as a model, promoting awareness and
training projects covering both hazardous materials transport and fi xed
installations.
India is also vulnerable to natural disasters. While well-established
mechanisms for response, relief and rehabilitation were in place, major
events such as the Orissa super-cyclone (1999) and the Bhuj earthquake
(2001) emphasised the need for a comprehensive approach to mitigation and
prevention, for natural and man-made disasters.
Government Initiatives in Disaster Management

India is prone to multiple natural disasters, such as floods, earthquake,
drought, landslides, cyclone, etc. This is due to various factors like the geo-
climatic conditions, increase in population density, improper urbanization,
deforestation and desertification.
According to government data, about 60 per cent of the Indian landmass
is prone to earthquakes of varying intensities, over 40 million hectares is
prone to floods, around eight per cent of the total area is prone to cyclones
and 68 per cent of the area is susceptible to drought. In the last decade, the
damage in terms of human suffering, loss of life, agriculture productivity
and economic losses has been astronomical.
At the government level, there has been considerable concern over
restricting socio-economic damage. Substantial scientific and material progress
has been made in this field for more than five decades. However, the loss
of human life and property due to natural and man-made disasters has not

decreased. The basic responsibility of response mechanism, like undertaking
rescue, relief and rehabilitation measures in the event of a disaster, rests
with the state governments. And, the center supplements the efforts by
extending logistics and financial support.
The government has formed a National Disaster Framework covering
institutional mechanisms, disaster prevention strategy, early warning system,
disaster mitigation, preparedness and response and human resource
development. The government has set up National Crisis Management
Committee and Crisis Management Group. There is a National Committee
on Disaster Management to suggest necessary institutional and legislative
measures necessary for an efficient and long-term strategy to manage natural
disasters. Another committee – High Powered Committee on disaster
management plans was constituted in 1999 to prepare comprehensive model
plans for management of disasters at the national, state and district levels.
The state governments have set up state crisis management groups headed
by chief secretaries, institutes of relief commissioners and state/district
contingency plans. There is a Calamity Relief Fund (CRF) for each state.
75 per cent of the CRF is contributed by the central government and the
rest contributed by the various state governments.
NSCI adopted several goals based on the APELL procedures: creating
or raising public awareness of possible hazards within a community;
stimulating development of co-operative plans to respond to any emergency
that might occur; and encouraging accident prevention. Implementation in
this vast country followed a two-track approach of development of awareness
at the national level, and in-depth implementation in selected high-risk
industrial areas. We needed to gain first hand experience through pilot
projects in important areas. A national Advisory Committee and Technical
Core Group was set up for periodical review, guidance and technical
consultation. In 2002 the fi rst national APELL Centre opened at NSCI
headquarters in Mumbai. It was the fi rst centre of this sort in the world.
The first projects started in 1992 in six HRIAs, also drawing on
international collaboration from UNEP, USAID and WEC. In 2004 an
APELL sub-centre opened in Haldia. A manual on cyclone emergency
preparedness was prepared.
Transport issues were becoming urgent and a major new programme
was based on UNEP’s TransAPELL. A training module and seminars were
developed for traffic police. A HAZMAT emergency van started work on
a trial basis in Patalganga-Rasayani, and a broadbased programme for
transporters was launched.

Several lessons may be learnt from this process. Widespread industrial
development in a country like India requires comprehensive replication of
the programme at local level. Sub-centres are essential, with replication
programmes involving local partners. Practical experience at local level has
facilitated – and has in turn been facilitated by – national legislation such
as the law setting up crisis groups and safety management in general. Crisis
groups at district and local level require training and support tools (best
practice, case studies, etc.) so there is an ongoing role for training organisa-
tions such as NSCI and its offshoots like NAC. Finally, the programme
has pinpointed the need to treat transport as a priority issue, linking various
locations in the hazardous materials chain across the country. The experience
has also aroused much interest abroad, notably in China, South Africa,
Jordan and Brazil, underlining the need to share experience internationally.
Emergency prevention and preparedness is a complex issue, and
industrialising countries need to address the matter as an integral part of a
larger sustainable development agenda. Experience in countries such as
India can do much to streamline the process elsewhere, with growing
pressures to better address disaster issues.
The disaster management policy of the government stresses on forecasting
and warning using advanced technologies, contingency agricultural planning
to ensure availability of food grains, and preparedness and mitigation through
specific programmes. The central sector scheme for disaster management
focuses on setting up National Centre for Disaster Management, disaster
management faculties in states and programmes for community participation
and public awareness.
IMPORTANCE OF ENGLISH
T he claim that English is spoken by the largest number of people of the

world is seriously contested by the Chinese who affirm that Mandarin,
which is the main spoken language of China, has a linguistic following far
exceeding the total number of people speaking English. The present estimates
reveal that the Chinese (Mandarin) language is spoken by 1025 million
individuals around the globe.
Nevertheless, the Chinese, who think that China comprises the various
gates of heaven and the lands outside them are inhabited by barbarians,
bathe themselves in the dappled sunshine glory which seems not to exist
outside the heavenly gates. English is spoken by races, nationalities and
countries in both the hemispheres, especially in those non-European countries
where the British sun never set once upon a time.
Malcolm Muggeridge quipped that there are more speakers of English
in India today than the whole population of Great Britain. In fact, the last
surviving speaker of English in the world would be an Indian. The new
generation, which has taken patriotism for granted, looks forward to
competing with advanced countries of the East and the West. In the fields
of medicine, technology, architecture or business, English is an ideal channel
of communication. They find that their own Indian language can only
provide translated researches and it is not possible to keep pace with day-
to-day advancements in all the fields of research.
Today, English is the link language among different semi-educated and
educated linguistic groups in India. It is the language of opportunities. Most
jobs require a knowledge of English. In most of the interviews, a candidate
is questioned in English language as he might be required to work anywhere
in our multilingual country or could even be posted abroad.
Besides, the languages listed in the Constitution of India are hardly in
harmony with each other. The only recourse we can take is to learn and
master the English language, ignoring the largest spoken Chinese (Mandarin).
If we look at the other side of the coin, we find a clamouring knot of
‘humanities,’ persons who wish to feel the fresh wind blowing from windows
of the world and would not know whether that would sweep them off their
feet. Some of them hear of existentialism of Sartre, the art of Picasso and
the poetic technique of John Milton. They wish to emulate them without
having regard for their backgrounds, history and the original milieu to
which they belonged. They know the doyens of English through a first rate
language. They sometimes write third rate imitation poetry or fiction which
seeks to import the percolated umbrage of the works and art of foreign
masters. The genius of Indian creative writing begins to be imitative. The
roots that nourish wither away with time.
However, English receives the most brutal attack on the political front.
The Indian Constitution and the Parliament would have to be transformed
beyond recognition if the key phrases and terms were to be deleted from
the Constitution; there are typically English terms such as ‘Liberty’ which
are different from ‘Freedom’. Perhaps it would be grossly unreal to carry
on the exercise. Yet, English is being mauled by politicians and has been
made to crawl, to amble, to be accorded a menial status by our educationists.
Many states in the North have relegated English to the position of a third
rated language.
English is an useful instrument of communication, educationists agree,
but it must not be allowed to dwarf the local languages, they argue. The
British Government would have not issued a directive for making English
the most important language of India and even if it did, no one would have
listened to their orders. All the same, people feel that English is the most
useful of all the languages so far as modern knowledge is concerned.
This is possible when they do not imitate. English alone of all linguistic
instruments, gives us the right access to the wealth of complex knowledge
of the modern world. No one would be able to profit by throwing away this
instrument. Perhaps, we would lose.
The attempt to drive out English altogether by some Hindi fanatics
would be a suicidal blow to our development. English is a window on the
world and our development is closely linked with our contacts with the
outside world. International trade, conferences and reports of scientific and
technological discoveries, communication, computers and diplomacy are
mostly in English or are with the help of English interpreters. Most of the
scientific research is reported or translated into English. The international
hotel and tourism industries, airspeak (language of air terminals) and seaspeak
(language of the ships) is in English. The accident of a Russian airliner with
an Indian airliner in Delhi recently was owing to the fact that the Russian
pilot could not understand a warning was given in English to avoid the fog!
All computer languages and programmes are in English. Internet also speaks,
writes and prints in this language.
One of the reasons why English has such worldwide currency is its long
history of usage in the great British Empire, which had spanned continents.
It has assimilated and absorbed words to denote numerous local flavours.
English words have been stretched or extended to connote many meanings
which are different from the original ones. Thus the language is rich. It has
further been honed by understatements and a wide variety for figures of
speech to convey subtle shades of intention. Though numerous puns, the
language conveys strange, oddly disturbing and alluring meanings. An
advertisement for a brand of bread says “Eat healthy, think better!” English
has imbibed the capacity for retort and humour from its energetic race of
native speakers. Even Gandhiji used it to full advantage. When told by
Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister of England, “Gandhi, anyone seeing
you could say India is passing through a famine!” Pat came Gandhiji’s
answer, “They would know the reason for the famine if they saw you!”
Indeed, it was the English language, which enlightened our national
leaders for their rights and put a force in them. Nehru, Gandhi and Aurobindo
were educated in England. They were fluent enough to use English to voice
their protest against British domination of India. The weapon the British
gave them was used against the British!
THE OPEN SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
T he new education policy of the Government of India envisaged the

extension of education to the deprived sections of the Indian population.
The government, in its policy of education known as NPE (1991) tried to
delink degrees from jobs, emphasized the need to provide good equipment
for schools and colleges and initiated District Institutes of Education and
Training (DIET). It also initiated computer literacy programmes in schools.
The NPE (1991) also promoted open system of education. The open
system of education is particularly useful in the context of developing
countries like India where the college campus cannot accommodate the
great crowds of students and where the budget for human resource
development is necessarily restricted. Today in India, there are 44 departments
of correspondence education attached to various universities, 10 state open
universities and one national open university known as the Indira Gandhi
National Open University (IGNOU). As we know, the course material
produced for correspondence education is based on printed instructional
material. This form of education however, has been long considered, a
second rate system because the course material is no better than market
guide books and no attempt is made to give any personal attention to the
problems of individual students. The distance education system as practised
by the state open universities and the national open university tries to do
away with the shortcomings of the correspondence system. Firstly, it utilizes

a special pedagogy in which the teacher builds himself into the course
material. He adopts a personalised style by which he gives the impression
that he is talking to his students in person. The printed book is divided into
small digestible units or lessons. And each lesson is developed logically in
small sections. The unit begins by spelling out the objectives in behavioural
terms and then there is an introduction. This is followed by a number of
sections within text questions and self-check questions. The idea is to
encourage the students to use their own initiative in the learning process.
Open education also utilizes a multimedia approach according to which the
course package includes audio and video programmes besides the printed
books. The whole educational package is coordinated by course managers
of the educational institution but the writers of the books, the scriptwriters
and producers of the audio video programmes may be drawn from anywhere
in the country. Thus the course packages have the advantage of being
developed by the best talents in the country and this is made available to
the whole nation. In the formal face to face system of education, some
institutions are unlucky in having scholars who are bad teachers. Course
materials prepared by distance education universities are utilized by teacher
of the formal system as additional notes for their classes. The audio
programmes, which are broadcast on radio and video programmes, which
are telecast on the national TV network, are heard and viewed by everyone.
Thus they are conducive for enlightenment of the masses. The open system
of education also builds up an element of face to face contact programmes.
This however, is restricted to the minimum number of students. Since most
of the students in the system are employed, the contact classes are held in
the evenings and during holidays. The counsellors of these sessions help to
clarify the doubts of the students. These classes are optional.
Let us consider some of the advantages of the open system of education.
It makes admissions more transparent or relaxes the requirements for
admissions as regard to age and educational qualifications; thus, many drop-
outs of the formal system get a second chance to study. Many employed
people and housewives, who are over age, get an opportunity to enhance
their skills. Students can study at their own speeds and anywhere they like.
They are given more time to finish their courses. For example, a student
enrolled for the BA programme at Indira Gandhi National Open University
may finish this programme between 3 to 8 years and can register again after
8 years if he likes. Another advantage of the system is that a very large
number of students can be enrolled by a single university. The contact
classes are held in the existing infrastructure of various institutions and so,
there is no extra cost in building these infrastructures. Students unrest,
which is a general problem of campus education, does not exist in the open
system. At Indira Gandhi National Open University, 35 lakh students have
been enrolled and there is no formation of student unions or politics.
Another great advantage of the system is the comparatively low cost of
education. The BA programme of Indira Gandhi National Open University
costs comparatively less than the cost of doing the course at a full-time
university. The course materials are delivered at the homes of the students.
In the present open education system, the entire emphasis is on vocational
courses. Thus Indira Gandhi National Open University offers courses in
business management, library science, computer science, water management
and in food and nutrition. Para-medical courses like nursing are also under
preparation. There may be one disadvantage of this system of education and
it is that the student may be working in isolation and if his motivation is
poor, he may not be able to cope up with his courses. Besides, there are
too many distractions for an employed person who is trying to study. Thus
a large number of dropout cases may result. Nevertheless, it cannot be
denied that a very large section of population, which was hitherto deprived
of education, is being benefited from this system.
Today, the open system of education has spread all over the world. One
of the oldest universities is the British Open University which offers more
than 150 courses from areas like neuro surgery to shop window dressing.
It may be contended that a science course, requiring laboratory and scientific
experimentation jobs cannot be conducted in this system of education. But
this is not true as the British Open University shows. They are conducting
their science courses with the help of kits and existing science laboratories
throughout the country.
It has been decided that Indira Gandhi National Open University would
coordinate the functioning of all the correspondence institutions and State
open universities in India. It will be responsible for upgrading existing
courses and coordinating the preparation of high grade new courses. This
would be done in collaboration among the different institutions and would
prevent unnecessary duplication of efforts because the same courses can be
used by all the institutions under the aegis of Indira Gandhi National Open
University and would be known as the distance educational council. This
type of collaboration would reduce costs considerably and would bring
about an efficient form of education. Indeed, the open education system
provides educational opportunities for socially elite and economically
productive courses.
‘SHOULD SEX EDUCATION BE ALLOWED
IN SCHOOL CURRICULUM’?
F ew years ago, two teenagers showed us why introducing sex education

in Indian schools is asking for trouble. The ‘MMS kids’ from Delhi
must now be in college getting on with their lives. But recall how India
responded to the 16-year-olds recording and distributing their infamous
clip. All, barring none, turned away. The school suspended them, mobile
phones were banned in the school and the eBay CEO was arrested. Remarkable
responses that would be repeated today to the last detail in a similar situation,
as we don’t know any better. The ‘sex’ and the MMS, of course, continue.
The only purpose served was to hush the whole thing up, and if youngsters
wanted to scream ‘what the hell’, they were simply not allowed to.
In the ongoing debate about sex education in schools, we’re still fighting
over what to teach, when to teach, how to teach and who will teach. Both
opponents and those for sex education have been bandying about such
skewed arguments that there’s hardly place for a sensible conclusion to be
reached. Sadly, the arguments for sex education are even more hackneyed
than those against it — the opponents at least known for their dogmatic
approach. The ‘progressive’ reasoning behind talking about sex is to make
minors aware of Aids so that they can be cautious about their sexual
behaviour. It is an unfortunate generation for which sex and talking about
sex will be associated with a disease and its entailing burden. A teenager’s
sexual behaviour is a result of his or her beliefs, which is a mix of individual
values, family systems and the ability to engage with the media blitzkrieg
and peer pressure. It is not a stand-alone raging war of hormones.
The decision of the CBSE board and the HRD ministry of Govt. of
India is to introduce Sex Education in schools, right from primary to
Higher Secondary level. The programme has been initiated in the name of
creating awareness regarding HIV AIDS and to prevent further spread of
HIV AIDS. The concern of the authorities concerned regarding HIV AIDS
must be appreciated but before introducing a compulsory Sex Education
programme we must look at the following issues: 1. Is the programme of
sex education designed according to Indian society, Indian culture and
Indian needs? 2. Is it correct to give a sex manual to minors along with
pictorial details of private body parts of men and women and tell them to
use protection while having sex? 3. In a country like India where the legal
age of marriage is 18 yrs for girls and 21 yrs for boys, is it legally correct
to equip them with the knowledge of having sex and advise them to have
protected sex? Are we not them to defy the law of the land? 4. Are we
not creating a confusion in the minds of minors by stating that there is no
age chronologically correct to have sex? Does this not to advising that they
can have sex at any age they like? Therefore in my opinion, all of the above
should be considered and answered before we impart sex education in
schools.
The Onus on Parents

The onus of sex education lies solely with the parents. Until they can get
over their squeamishness about talking sex, there’s little ground that will be
covered to ensure responsible behaviour. And that is exactly what the then
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh meant when he said on December 1,
2005, that people should shed their inhibitions and openly address issues of
sex, in order to ensure safe-sex practices. He’s talking about ‘us’, the
parents, and not just ‘they’, the teachers.Why does the responsibility lie at
home and not with the school? For starters, every child starts asking questions
at a different age. There’s no single age at which all them can be bundled
into a class where a psychologist will brandish the fear of HIV in the hope
that kids will rush to wear chastity belts. Parents, more than anyone else,
can help youngsters appreciate the emotional paradigm of sex, and the cost
of early experimentation to their health and well-being.
The point is that parents don’t even have to pre-empt the ‘talking about
sex’ — the queries start on their own. It’s been said ad nauseam that the
important bit is to answer truthfully. Parents are also the best people to talk
to their children about judging what’s in the media and handling peer
expectations. The books published by NCERT should play a great role in
imparting sex education . NCERT publications on sex education should be
sold in bookstores across the country and read by the parents of five-year-
olds so they can ‘talk’ about the basics. I also support the view that sex
education must start at home because teenage sexual behaviour is not driven
only by ‘science’ or by fear of disease. When we debate the importance of
sex education, we really mean guiding children to make choices, the
consequences of which they believe that they can deal with. A morality
compass is essential — it’s not just about health or society but also about
a sense of worth. Home is where children make their value judgments and
form their personality. And finally, whatever happened to love and

heartbreak? In all the talk about parents being friends to their children, far
too often parents end up being neither guardians nor pals, guardians have
to face some truths themselves.
Grown-ups refuse to acknowledge that when they grimace over Rakhi
Sawant’s pelvic fury, kids do not necessarily love it either. But they are
watching the adults squirm as much as they are watching her. It’s a good
time to talk about sexuality. Why are you uncomfortable? Why don’t we
let her do her thing? Different families, different standards. No book can
help on this one.
Role of Schools
The biggest role has to be played here by schools. It has the right environment
to talk about Aids, sexually transmitted diseases, contraception, impact of
early experimentation, etc. — and more so because the sex educator is
usually a psychologist or a counsellor. ‘Regular’ teachers are ill-equipped to
take on the additional role. Moreover, teachers also need help. Ask any
senior schoolteacher: flirtatious students are a growing problem. They scare
teachers. Young men who open the door with a flourish are at once “cute
and threatening”. No teacher has been trained to handle that.
In school, ‘sex education’ with all its overwhelming relevance is best
left alone. The school is nothing but a ground for experimentation. It is at
home that it must begin. The same way that teaching youngsters about
religion does not lead to fundamentalism, telling them about sex does not
lead to irresponsible behaviour. Not helping them to dispel myths, however,
can only confuse them further.
Policymakers and Studies
For two decades, policymakers have debated the relative merits of sexuality
education that promotes abstinence as the only acceptable form of behavior
outside of marriage and more comprehensive approaches that discuss
contraception as well. The results of several new studies show that these
debates may have had a considerable impact on what is being taught in the
classroom; moreover, they strongly indicate that politicians—in their drive
to promote morality-based abstinence-only education—are out of touch
with what teachers, parents and teens think should be taught.
Although more than nine in 10 teachers believe that students should be
taught about contraception, one in four are instructed not to teach the

subject. And while the vast majority also believes that sexuality education
courses should cover where to go for birth control, information about
abortion, the correct way to use a condom, and sexual orientation, far fewer
actually cover these topics.
Even if teachers are allowed to cover these sensitive topics, they may
avoid them because they fear adverse community reaction. Most parents
believe that sex education should encourage young people to delay sexual
activity but also prepare them to use birth control and practice safe sex once
they do become sexually active.
Political Voice Raised Against

A number of self-styled moralists like former Railway Minister Lalu Prasad
Yadav are not in favour of sex education in the country. Opposition to sex
education is unfortunate and even against the health of the younger generation.
The first HIV case was detected in Chennai in 1986. After 32 years, India
had 2.08 million HIV positive cases.
Education has already proved to be effective and necessary for HIV
positive patients to help them live with the virus and for those who are
negative to enable them to protect themselves from HIV.
I am of the firm opinion that students should be given sex education
after Standard X so that they can protect themselves from diseases like HIV/
AIDS.
While Mr Yadav has opposed introduction of sex education fiercely,
saying it was having a bad impact on them as also destroying Indian culture.
Mrs Renuka Chowdhury has rubbished this line of thinking, retorting that
opposing sex education is “moral hypocrisy” and it will amount to national
shame if children are not protected from HIV/AIDS.
One cannot help lauding her views because the hesitation to discuss this
sensitive matter has cost India dear and the dreaded disease is spreading its
reach fast to most parts of the country. Besides the AIDS spectre, our
population too has been growing unbridled.
Depriving the school children of facts of life would only worsen the
situation. Does Mr Yadav think that children remain ignorant about the
birds and the bees just because men like him are unwilling to tell
them? They get all the information they need, and from all the wrong
sources. Therefore, it would be appropriate that sex education should be
imparted.

CASTELESS INDIA-IS IT A
PIPEDREAM?
T he architects of the Indian Republic fondled the hope that, as secular

ethos took roots, democratic institutions spread, and a secular-scientific
outlook consolidated itself, the Indian society would outgrow the evil of
caste system. Those who harboured this hope were not insincere. They
simply underestimated the die-hard durability of a pseudo-religious institution
primed by a pro-status quo worldview. Because of this, they did not launch
an all-out war against caste. They assumed it would wither away in course
of time and die a natural death.
This did not happen. What has happened is that the ‘India of our
dreams’ began to undergo a radical re-definition. Our republican dreams are
being revised. A political engineering to perpetuate caste-domination has
gained gradual ascendancy over the liberal-secular ideal of an egalitarian
society. This has happened by default. While republican and egalitarian
ideals were preached, precious little was done by way of practical action to
break the stranglehold of caste over the Indian society. The gulf between
theory and practice continued to widen, eroding the credibility of the theory.
The curse of the caste system as it obtains now or as developed in the
course of the past several thousand years is not peculiar to Dravidian or
non-Dravidian States. It was and continues to be very much alive throughout
the country with all its ugly trappings. Movements to eradicate the system
have taken shape in various parts of the country at various times but have
failed to continue as a sustained effort. The caste system which developed
in India in the course of the past thousands of years, besides being a blot
on the fair name of Hinduism, has been a source of acute social disharmony
and oppression of the lower castes by the upper castes. Economic distress
and educational backwardness aggravate the misery of the lower castes.
Social reformers have, from time to time, come on the social scene and
attempted to eradicate the evil. The Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu
was born as a force to fight the caste system. Spearheaded by the Dravidian
movement in Tamil Nadu and Phule and Babasaheb Ambedkar in Maharashtra
the movement had achieved a measure of success but has failed as a sustained
action.

Untenable view
There is a view among some social scientists that Brahmanism had been
given shape as the ideology of the ruling class in the middle of the first
millennium B.C. with intelligentsia claiming cultural purity and sacredness
to the exclusion of the vast majority of the people. This view is untenable.
History will show that there were very few rulers among Brahmans during
the period. The Vedic religion, the one and only religion practised by the
people during the period, had assigned the practice, propagation, interpretation
and teaching of Vedic knowledge and conduct of the rituals dictated by the
Vedas as the specific and only duties of the Brahmans. They were patronised
by the rulers who needed the guidance and advice of the Vedic pundits in
establishing and running the administration in just and righteous manner.
The nexus between the ruling class and the Brahmans had developed in this
way. The shantistava or the benediction pronounced at the conclusion of all
religious rituals runs thus:
“Let the king who rules the country in just and righteous manner be in
good state of health and welfare. Let the cows and Brahmans be well and
let all people of the world be happy”. (Cows and Brahmans were held in
high veneration in those days).
The benediction specifically states Loka samastha sukhino bhavanthu i.e.
‘let all people of the world be happy’. This would show that the vast
majority of the people were not excluded from the thoughtful regard by
those performing rituals for the welfare of the world. No deliberate exclusion
of any section of society had been made by either the ruling elite or the
intelligentsia. Unlike in the present age the spread of education had been a
difficult process in those days with the needed infrastructure being not
available in required level and standard.
In the Hindu religious rituals, the above benediction is uttered even to
this day. Long before the first millennium B.C., Lord Krishna (Himself not
a Brahman), while performing the charioteer’s duty for Arjuna in the
Kurukshetra war, had in the course of his famous philosophic discourse to
Arjuna on the battle field (The Bhagawad Gita) stated that the “four Varnas
(Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra) are created by ‘me’ in accordance
with the mental make-up of and the specific duties required to be performed
by people”. (Bhagavad Gita, Chapter IV, verse 13). The categorisation was
duty-specific or job-specific and had no intention of dividing society into
higher and lower classes. According to the system, the ruling class has to
be Kshatriyas and not Brahmans. Post-Vedic history would show that this

duty specific categorisation had held ground. That degeneration of the
system paved the way for the caste system in the course of a long period
of time is an unfortunate phenomenon which can be attributed to the
dynamics of social change and evolution. Even the best of systems can get
corrupted and become a curse by passage of time. There were exceptions
even in those days when non-Kshatriyas had become rulers and the mode
of seeking advice from the Brahmans an accepted line in administration.
Indian identity
There is a misconception among some people that the ‘Indian identity’ was
essentially the creation of the elite and that the same elite had claimed that
Sanskrit, the Vedic tradition and the Vedanta constituted the ‘Indian culture’
which was later projected as ‘Hinduism’, the majority religion of the country
today. In essence the implication being that the non-Brahmana Varnas were
excluded from this culture and hence from Hinduism. Historically because
of the pre-eminence of the Vedic knowledge, the language of the Vedas and
the scriptures, namely, Sanskrit had been held sacred. Due to this, Sanskrit
had been considered as the Deva bhasha the language of the gods. Sanskrit
as a highly developed language had also been adopted as state language by
most rulers. Most regional languages had developed by absorbing copiously
from the Sanskrit vocabulary and grammar. Incidentally the development of
regional languages has been one of the causes even for the decline of the
study of Sanskrit.
Although the Indian culture has been shaped through the past several
millennia, when the Vedic knowledge had been the most important branch
of intellectual discourse and writing, other secular subjects such as medicine,
astrology, architecture, etc., also came under the broad sweep of Sanskrit
literature. The primacy given to spirituality and study of the philosophy
contained in the Vadas had made Sanskrit language pre-eminent besides its
place as state sponsored language. The advent of other religions such as
Buddhism, Jainism, Christianity and Islam in later periods could not make
much inroad into the entrenched Vedic religion being practised by the
people in the post-Vedic, medieval and later periods. The majority of the
population therefore continued to practise the religion propagated by the
Vedas though certain accretions and beliefs had crept in during the long
course of history. It is thus the “Indian identity” came to be identified with
the Vedic religion and not due to any attempt by the elite.
The passage of several centuries however saw the development of cultures
based on the newer faiths which raised the richness of this Indian identity
and shaped it as the present pluralistic culture. Liberal accretions due to
regional intelligentsia providing a diversity of interpretations leading to
development of local customs and lifestyles based on them are also a factor
in the development of the ‘Indian identity’.
The caste system as developed through thousands of years does not have
the sanction of the Vedas. In fact the Tantra Sastra, an important branch of
Vedic practice, insists that no differences of castes or even religions should
be applied while practising. Even the four Varnas described in the Puranas
and texts do not have the evil caste connotations as they are now.
Intermarriages among people of the four Varnas were freely in vogue even
during the post-Vedic period. It will be seen that the caste system had
developed not only in one geographic area or region but was a pan-India
phenomenon. In fact, the term “Brahmanism” was never envisaged to be a
caste in the Vedic and the post-Vedic periods. The literal meaning of the
term “Brahmana” is one who knows about the “Brahman.”
The curse of the caste system as it obtains now or as developed in the
course of the past several thousand years is not peculiar to Dravidian or
non-Dravidian States. It was and continues to be very much alive throughout
the country with all its ugly trappings. Movements to eradicate the system
have taken shape in various parts of the country at various times but have
failed to continue as a sustained effort. This is the fact, also, with the
Dravidian movement. The reasons for this can be analysed as follows:
Relevance lost
In Tamil Nadu, the movement started by Periyar failed because it was not
focussed so much against the all-pervasive caste system as against
“Brahmanism”. It should be noted that even upper caste non-Brahmans were
part of the movement against “Brahmanism” along with the lower
denominations in the caste hierarchy. The percentage of Brahmans in the
total population is so low and the movement specifically targeted against
Brahmanism that after achieving the vanquishment of the Brahmans the
movement naturally lost its relevance and militancy. When the oppression
by Brahmanism came to an end, rivalries, against one another among the
non-Brahman castes resulted. Economic disparities worsened the situation.
Even when the anti-Brahman movement was in progress, oppression of the
Dalits by the non-Brahman upper castes and the backward castes was in
existence, but in the thick of the movement which had gained powerful
momentum under the leadership of a dynamic leader, the intra-non-Brahman
caste rivalries and caste based oppression of the Dalits by higher castes did
not show up. But, when the anti-Brahman movement weakened the rivalries
among the non-Brahman castes and oppression of the Dalits by the higher
castes came to surface and the anti-Dalit stance became pervasive.
Economic vulnerability of Dalits due to their dependence on the more
well-to-do upper and backward castes added to the conflict. The statutory
reservation regimen to Dalits added fuel to the already simmering fire and
conflicts between backward castes and Dalits became common. As a result
every denomination of the backward castes started demanding benefits such
as reservations.
An important reason for the gradual weakening of the movement started
by Periyar is the advocacy of rationalism and atheism. The Indian society
irrespective of whether Dravidian or non- Dravidian is firmly rooted in
religion and worship of God. Using rationalist arguments to oppose the
caste system and religion- based superstitions has had very little effect
among the people who have deep moorings in a culture having adherence
to religion. The opposite, that is, teaching religion on the right lines and
specially the absence of sanction for superstitions and castes in the correct
religious tenets would have been more effective in rooting out these evils.
Rigid structure
The peculiarity of the caste system is the existence of well-defined structure
of the castes and even sub-castes within castes. Intermarriages between
members of one caste and another and even among sub-castes are frowned
upon by members. The structure becomes more oganised and rigid when a
particular caste suffers a perceived disadvantage in getting benefits from the
government. In any society, a person takes pride in the identity of the caste
he belongs to. Associations of members to unite them are organised by most
castes. The “Thevar Peravai” and “Nadar Sangham” are examples. Such
organisations are in existence practically for most castes whether forward,
backward or Dalit.
All the movements so far for the cause of eradicating caste system and
its evils are conducted by members of the oppressed castes and they generally
help only in creating ill-will and disharmony between the oppressor and
oppressed castes. A dangerous dimension is added by the formation of
political outfits based on caste affiliations. Even elections are fought under
the aegis of these parties hoping to garner the support of the caste people.
They specifically seek benefits and political empowerment by highlighting
castebased disadvantages rather than creating a bond of love and fraternity
among castes. The movements do not eschew attitudes of conflicts and
confrontation. An atmosphere congenial to development of inter-caste
fraternity is not even thought of. The leaders of such movements seek
patronage from other political parties in furtherances of their limited objective
of gaining benefits and political empowerment and thus form what is now
known as “vote banks”. The mainstream political parties are more than
willing to support them. The result is perpetuation of the system rather than
eradication.
A prerequisite
One prerequisite for the total eradication of the caste system is to separate
the conferment of benefits in relation to castes from the higher purpose of
creating a lasting bond of love and fraternity between members of various
castes. The focus should be to educate the members about the absence of
any basis for caste differences in the religious tenets. Any effort by the
government to eradicate the caste system is bound to be ineffective because
of the need at present to categorise people as MBC, FC, SC/ST etc., in
order to extend the various statutory benefits such as reservations. Similarly
formats for applying for jobs or admission to educational institutions also
call for information about the caste of the applicant. In effect the differences
of castes are perpetuated rather than obliterated. Even the child is made
aware of his/ her caste and the benefits which accrue due to it repeatedly
during its education. Indian society is afflicted with not only social evils
like the oppressive caste system but also severe economic backwardness in
every stratum of society. The latter is widespread irrespective of caste
difference. Economic backwardness is the prime reason for the Dalits to
depend upon the more well-to-do backward and upper castes and thereby
being subjected to social indignities in addition to economic exploitation.
Economic betterment, therefore, will go a long way in countering oppression
of Dalits by the higher castes. This needs a multipronged action programme.
Further, instead of a caste-based reservation regime, if economic criterion
is adopted for reservations and other benefits, the need for categorising the
community into a large number of castes and perpetuating the difference
through a statutory system can be eliminated. This will also discourage caste
groups from demanding for inclusion in the list of those entitled to the
benefits. The percentage of upper castes in the population is very small, the
economically backward among them who will be entitled to reservations
will in effect be a small proportion of the population entitled to reservations.
The larger portion of the benefits will therefore go only to the economically
backward among the backward and SC/ST.
SHOULD TRIBAL PEOPLE BE GIVEN
THE RIGHT TO PRESERVE THEIR
FORESTS?
I t was an act of grave historical injustice done towards the forest-dwelling

tribes, that they were denied their traditional rights to forest lands and
resources in the last couple of hundred years is a classic clash of two
visions. The draft Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill
2005 introduced by the Government now attempts to correct that historical
injustice. It aims to provide Adivasis rights to forest resources that are so
intimately linked with their lives. Tribal rights activists are ecstatic. Wildlife
conservationists, on the other hand, have protested strongly. Still reeling
from the shock of the tiger crisis in Rajasthan, they fear that the Bill would
be another nail in the coffin of India’s wildlife.
Are these fears justified? Will the Bill lead to further deforestation,
thereby undermining its own objective of safeguarding the interests of tribal
communities? Or will it help to realise better the aim of conservation by
providing communities a stake in protecting forests? The answer to all of
this question is no. Let the tribals get what they were duly having with
them.
Tribals Deserving Right

The tribals should be given the right to preserve their forests. In fact, we
should in general aim to reverse the alienation of tribes from their own
habitat caused by past policies and laws. The rights which must be proposed
to be accorded to Adivasis include pattas to forest lands occupied before
1980. This is not new; it has been a stated policy of the government for
years now. A number of other rights are also to be granted: nistar (usufruct)
or ownership rights to forest resources, grazing rights including seasonal
ones of nomadic communities, habitation rights (for those classified as
Primitive Tribal Groups), conversion of forest villages into revenue villages,
and so on. No tribal person is to be evicted from currently occupied land
until the process of determining rights is completed.
There can be no argument about the need to restore the rights of Adivasis,
especially the rights to their basic livelihood sources. But without forests,
forest rights would be meaningless. The proposed Bill of the Government
says that evidence for the validity of a claim to rights is to be obtained from

oral testimony, government records, survey maps, satellite imagery, traditional
physical structures, gram sabha resolutions and other sources. This process,
for the first time elaborated in an Act, provides another buffer against
misuse. The Bill also provides tribal communities the right to protect and
manage any “community forest resource” that they have been traditionally
conserving and to impose penalties on anyone violating traditional rules of
conservation. It is a welcome step.
Typically, it is local communities who are blamed for deforestation or
for the destruction of natural habitats, despite the overwhelming evidence
of the negative role played by commercial logging and mining interests. But
this is really a major misrepresentation, since the local communities who
live in and around forests are usually those who are most concerned with
preserving them. And where there has been more evidence of devastation,
it has more often than not been the result of a nexus between business
interests and local officialdom and politicians.
Arising Concerns
Though the tribals should get what they deserve, we cannot wholly put
aside the fears of wildlife conservationists, which are partially justified. The
Bill states that the responsibilities and duties regarding conservation are
applicable to all activities except those that are permitted as ‘rights’. Does
this then exempt rights that could be ecologically destructive? The gram
sabha is given the duty to stop any activity adversely affecting wildlife,
forests and biodiversity, but can it override the legislation in the case of the
rights granted? Ambiguity on this count needs to be removed. Moreover,
it is not clear whether the Sub Divisional Committee and the District
Committee are to consider the ecological implications while approving or
rejecting the rights proposed by gram sabhas.
Such ecological considerations are crucial, given the fact that the conditions
in which Adivasi communities operate today are vastly different from those
even a few decades ago. What may have been perfectly harmless activity
then may not be so anymore. Even non-commercial activities in some cases
could cause wildlife loss (for instance, of a medicinal plant that was once
quite common but has now become threatened). There could also be excessive
pressure on forests because of increases in local populations. Clear provisions
on the roles of gram sabhas, Sub Divisional Committees and District
Committees are needed to deal with such situations, for instance by
incorporating wildlife experts and non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
into their processes.
The contention of both, the tribals and environmentalists should be kept
in mind, while giving the right to tribals for preserving their forests. A
clearer system of checks and balances is needed. Indeed, it is needed even
for the current system in which the Forest Department is vested with
exclusive authority over forests and wildlife. Only a fully transparent system
of functioning is a guarantee to reducing abuse of power by any sector.
No doubt, the tribals should have right to preserve their forest. Apart
from these, Fundamental respect of difference should be given due respect,
i.e. the acceptance of, and respect for, their distinct identity, culture, ethos
and ways of life. Morever, natural, socio-economic, cultural and political
rights of the tribal communities should also be recognized. These include
the right to: life and livelihood with dignity; land, including ancestral
homeland, and command, protection and regeneration over natural resources;
express and uphold the distinct identities, cultures, ethos and ways of life;
protect and advance the traditional systems of governance, customary laws
and jurisprudence; protect and further their cultures and civilizations; self-
governance and determination of their development.
WOMEN RESERVATION BILL
O n March 9, 2010 the most consequential act of lawmaking since

independence for womankind happened, when the Rajya Sabha (The
Upper House of India) voted to amend the constitution to reserve 33% of
seats in Parliament and the State Assemblies for women. The bill seeks to
bring more women into parliament by reserving seats.
The historical study of women in India reveals that there have been
distinct stages of rise and fall in their status. The decline in their status is
reflected through various forms of customs and laws relating to marriage,
widowhood, property rights and social image of women. At first, the feminist
movement concentrated on gaining legal equality–especially the right to
vote, called suffrage. The women of New Zealand, in 1893, were the first
to win this right.
The need of the hour is women empowerment now. The fact can’t be
denied even so much years of gaining independence and self-governance,

there is need to protect the interest of women in India. Several instances
here and there proves this truth.
The bill will provide 33 per cent of compulsory presence of women
representing various parties in the lower house of the Parliament and the
Assemblies. There is a fear of losing elections, if the women candidates are
allowed to contest from various constituencies. But the advantage is that,
more and more active women leaders from village, Panchayat and Zila
Panchayat will get the platform to enter into the national level politics.
The women’s reservation bill has been a political agenda for more than
a decade. It has always triggered debates in parliament and outside. Its
advocates say the bill is essential for active political participation of women.
Opponents argue that reservation would help women of elitist groups gain
political power, aggravating the plight of the poor and deprived section.
The proposed legislation to reserve 33.3 per cent seats in Parliament and
state legislatures for women was drafted first by the H.D. Deve Gowda–led
United Front Government.
During the framing of the constitution some women members argued
against reservation for women. In 1974, the report of the committee on
status of women highlighted the low number of women in political bodies
and recommended to reserve seats for women in panchayats and municipal
bodies. The National Perspective Plan for Women (1988) recommended a
quota of 30% in panchayats, municipalities and political parties. The
National Policy for empowerment of women (2001) stated that reservation
shall be considered in higher legislative bodies. The United Progressive
Alliance’s National Common Minimum Programme includes reservation of
one-third of seats in Parliament for women. In 1996, 1998 and 1999,
constitution amendment bills were introduced to reserve seats for women in
Parliament and state legislative assemblies. The 1996 Bill was examined by
a joint committee of Parliament. All three Bills lapsed with the dissolution
of their respective Lok Sabhas.
The Constitution (108th amendment) Bill, 2008 was introduced in the
Rajya Sabha. It seeks to reserve one-third of the total number of seats for
women in the Lok Sabha and in each state legistative assembly. The allocation
of reserved seats shall be determined by such authority as prescribed by
Parliament.
It has also proposed to cease the reservation of seats for women, fifteen
year after the commencement of the Act.
In Lok Sabha, reserved seats may be alloted by rotation to different
constituencies in the state or union territory. The bill reserves one-third of

all seats in the legislative assemblies to be filled by direct election for
women. Such seats may be alloted by rotation to different constituencies in
the state.
The Women’s Reservation Bill was passed by the Rajya Sabha on 9
March, 2010 by a majority vote of 186 against 1. If passed by the Lok
Sabha, it would be implemented. The law ministry has prepared two drafts
of the women’s reservation bill. The first envisages reservation of 33.3 per
cent seats for women within the existing strength of the two Houses of
Parliament. The second calls for increasing the strength of the two houses
by 33.3 per cent. The existing 546 seats in the Lok Sabha will increase to
900 if this draft of the Bill is enacted.
If reservation in political parties will be implemented, it will benefit as
in providing more democratic choices to voters. There will be more flexibility
for parties to choose candidates and constituencies depending on local political
and social factors. Also nominations of women from minority comminities
in certain areas can be done which will be an electoral advantage. This also
provides for flexibility in the number of women in Parliament.
But alongwith these benefits, it would not guarantee that a significant
number of women to get elected. There can be chance that political parties
may nominate women candidates from the constituencies which are weak.
This can lead to resentment if a woman is accommodated to the disadvantage
of a stronger male candidate.
There are divergent views on the reservation policy. Proponents stress
the affirmative action to improve the condition of women. Some recent
studies on panchayats have shown the positive effect of reservation on
empowerment of women and on allocation of resources. Opponents argue
that it would perpetuate the unequal status of women since they would not
be perceived to be competing on merit.
The discussion regarding the pros and cons of reservation is an important
tool to tackle this question. The major question is whether this change is
required at the parliamentary level, and is reservation an effective answer
to it. There is a general objection that this would lead to creation of dummy
women leaders like of Rabri Devi and more. This objection is true from its
stand point. But even if a dummy woman is acting, it is definitely going
to be change, it inspires women like Kiran Bedi, to leave everything and
came into politics. Also, then at least 10% of 33% of the women would be
genuine and capable leaders.
INDIANIZATION OF INDIAN
TELEVISION
I t is now almost a decade and a half since international satellite services

were first seen via cable to the home in India, inaugurating an era of the
profusion of private channels in a society that had previously only known
a government-controlled national broadcasting network, Doordarshan.
The old Doordarshan (‘DD’) was notorious for its worthy but dull
programming, and for being very much an instrument of the government
of the day. It was also very conservative of traditional values, especially
where sexuality and bodily display were concerned – not even a kiss could
be seen on screen.
In such a climate, small-scale cable operators found there was a ready
demand for international satellite services, notably CNN with the onset of
the first Gulf War, then the entertainment channels STAR TV in 1991, and
especially, the Indian channel Zee TV in 1992. While the advent of the
Bold and the Beautiful and Baywatch on STAR provoked a public debate
about ‘cultural invasion’, the greatest impact of the subsequent opening up
of the television market has been to stimulate the growth of Indian channels,
in which Zee has been the leading light. Zee TV is the most popular of the
Indian-owned cable services. It is vertically integrated with Zee Telefilms,
which produces programs for the Zee television channels. Zee also has a
cable distribution arm, Siticable, which is India’s largest MSO. At the
international level, Zee has developed services for diasporic Indian
communities in the UK, US, Africa, and the Pacific. Within India, as well
as an education channel, Channel ZED, and four music and film channels
in Hindi, there are channels in other South Asian languages (Bengali, Urdu,
Gujarati, Telugu, and Punjabi), and also English.
Rise of the Region

In fact, one of the most unexpected effects of the liberalization of television
in India is how it has contributed to the rapid growth of channels in
languages other than Hindi. Although sometimes referred to as ‘minority’
languages in comparison to India’s 551 million Hindi speakers, or ‘regional’
or ‘local’ rather than ‘national’ languages, several of them have tens of
millions of speakers, such as Bengali with almost 91 million, or Tamil with
66 million. Significantly, most of the services are available not just in the
region where each of the languages is spoken, but on a national, and
sometimes (as with Zee and DD-India) an international basis. They are thus
able to serve the diasporic populations inhabiting the geolinguistic regions
they cover on a global basis.
Of the satellite-to-cable (‘C&S’) channels transmitting in the regional
languages, Sun TV has been at the forefront with its service in Tamil, one
of the distinct languages and cultures of southern India. Instigated by a
Chennai-based family with close links to the former ruling party of Tamil
Nadu State, SunTV is now one of a diversified network of channels in the
languages of the south. There is also Asianet, the Malayalam service out of
the state of Kerala, and Eenadu, broadcasting at first in the native Telegu
language of the neighbouring state of Karnataka, and more recently in a
whole range of regional languages. STAR TV has also staked out an interest
in southern Indian television with its acquisition of Vijay Television, which
produces programs for a Tamil channel of that name.
Bollywood Repels ‘Cultural Invasion’

Fifteen years after the debate began, the cultural invasion has been attenuated,
for in spite of its commercial, global gloss, Indian television is unmistakeably
‘Indian’. Most strikingly, the staple popular genre on television is the
Indian film, with its characteristic music and dance. As well, some of the
most popular panel and game shows are based on film music. This has
meant that the proliferation of channels has also been a stimulus for the
Indian film industry – not just ‘Bollywood’, the Mumbai-based Hindi
industry, now so well-known in the West, but also those in some regional
languages, especially Tamil. To that extent, film retains its historical pre-
eminence as the powerhouse of mass-mediated popular culture, both in
India, and for Indians abroad.
However, the Indian-ness of Indian television is not an eternal essence,
but a contingent and contested social construction of a public culture between
the local and the global, a process which Salman Rushdie called
‘chutneyfication’. Two trends are worth noting - the growing hybridization
of media languages, and the popularity of channel and programming formats
which have been indigenized from foreign models. Several writers have
pointed to the emergence of a peculiar fusion of Hindi with English words:
‘Hinglish’. This is a media language drawn from the everyday language of
the urban middle classes and of the diaspora. There is a corresponding trend
towards ‘Tinglish’ in Tamil broadcasting, and possibly in the other regional
languages.
In terms of channel formats, MTV is an illustrative case. Itself a global
channel in multilocal formats, there are ten variants of MTV in Asia,
mostly on a nation-specific basis, including MTV India. India also sustains
successful indigenized versions of its own, notably Zee’s Music Asia channel
and STAR’s Channel [V]. As for program formats, the most remarkable
success of recent years has been Kuan Benega Crorepati (KBC) on the
STAR Plus channel, based on the legally acquired format of Who Wants
to Be a Millionaire. Part of its indigenization was its connection to Indian
film, in that the host was one of the nation’s most popular ever film actors,
Amitabh Bachchan, a kind of Indian Sean Connery.
Commercially, KBC was a milestone success for STAR Plus, which
earns nearly 40% of STAR’s revenue in India, but which only turned a
profit for the first time in 1999, following KBC’s triumph. STAR Plus
subsequently moved from bilingual (English and Hindi) to all-Hindi
programming in an effort to catch up with Zee and Sony. By 2002, STAR
reported that it had become more profitable than Zee, and it has greatly
strengthened its competitive position against Zee since.
DD dominates
However, it’s important to understand that for all the changes brought by
C&S to the new television landscape in India, DD remains the dominant
broadcaster over all. DD is still the only terrestrial broadcaster, and until
recently, enjoyed government protection under a regulation which gave it
the exclusive right to uplink its satellite signal from Indian soil. As well,
DD is guaranteed wide distribution over C&S under regulatory provisions
which mandate that all cable operators ‘must carry’ three DD channels.
The most decisive factor for the continued development of the relatively
mass market for cable television is advertising revenue, which is much more
significant for the C&S industry than are subscription fees. Advertising now
constitutes 70% of C&S industry income. Even with the profusion of
channels, the revenue pool has increased, given continued growth in the
number of C&S homes, as well as a much more commercial ethos now
established for television within the general context of the liberalization of
the economy as a whole. According to a trade source, from around 15% in
the last days of DD’s monopoly, television now absorbs 41% of the estimated
total advertising expenditure in India. However, although DD’s share of
advertising revenue has been in a long decline, this is happening more
slowly than its competitors would want, and it still gathers the majority of
revenue. Thus, the abundance of channels available is deceptive, since DD,
along with Zee, STAR, Sony and Sun, account for about 90% of television
advertising revenue between them, making it difficult for the minor players
to become viable.
So, the opening up of televisual culture in India over the last fifteen
years has not brought about the overrunning of local cultures implied by the
rhetoric of ‘cultural invasion’. On the contrary, it has permitted growth in
the regional language channels, and competition for audiences has clearly
been won by those channels which have developed programs based on
Indian popular culture, particularly film and film music, and which have
been able to convincingly indigenize the global formats of commercial
television channels and programming. The question is no longer one of
local versus global, but just how they are made to work together to produce
new forms of commercial culture.
WOMEN IN THE INDIAN NATIONAL ARMY
A BRIEF HISTORY
Women in the Indian National Army remained immortal in legends or
stories of their dauntless dedication. The history of the inclusion of women
in Indian National Army, highlight the aura of genius, related to the
meritorious India. Women, who has the capability to become caring and
loving, to dear ones, and to take up arms against the malignant enemy. A
unit of brave Indian women to form a death defying Regiment who will
wield the sword which Rani of Jhanshi wielded in India’s first war of
Independence in 1857. The great leader Subhash Chandra Bose recognised
the immense potentiality in women, hence the participation of women in
Indian National Army became an event of sheer importance.
DISCRIMINATION WITH WOMEN
The reputation of the Indian defence forces is taking quite a battering lately.
It is worth mentioning in this regard that though women have been serving
in the medical corps of the military for a long time now, it was only in
1992 that the Army began inducting women for other duties as well. But
there are cases where women have had to face indifferent, if not hostile
attitudes, on part of the male officers. According to many women, the
problems are evident at the training level itself. The treatment meted out
to men and women cadets are conspicuously different, with women getting
“softer treatment”.
Special concessions are made and physical standards are lowered for
women. As a result, differences in assignments and attitudes continue
throughout their service.
It is worth pointing in this regard that women are only trained for 24
weeks while gentlemen cadets are trained for 44 weeks, even though they
cover the same syllabus.
In addition to this, separate accommodation, physical training, weapons
training and even the marches at the passing-out parade only reinforce this
feeling of gender bias within the service.
It is viewed by many women that women cadets need to be put through
equal mental and physical rigours, so that they can pass out as equals. There
is an urgent need for a training programme, which will them tough and
prepare them mentally to meet any challenge. All this does not mean that
women at the moment are not playing a prominent role in the forces. They
constitute the backbone of the Armed Forces Medical Services and the
Military Nursing Service and have even risen to three-star rank. But breaking
through the glass ceiling of the Combat arms doesn’t even seem to be any
closer to the horizon.
WOMEN’S EFFECTIVE ROLE
Many women officers, serving and retired, do not agree with the ‘double
standards’ practised in armed forces. Though there is a shortage of officers,
the authorities are willing to let go of well-trained women, it has been
pointed out.
It may be pointed out that Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh deploy
women on sea-faring warships. The US has even allowed them on submarines.
Even Pakistan has women fighter pilots. The question naturally arises why
does India remain extremely reluctant to allow women to jump into fighter
cockpits or serve on warships?
Several countries like US, Israel, UK, Germany and Sweden have woman
fighter pilots. If Indian women can fly helicopters and transport aircraft, in
IAF, why not fighters, it is being asked. All male and female IAF trainee
pilots, undergo the same basic Stage-I training at the IAF Academy at

Dundigal. It’s only in Stage-II that male pilots are ‘trifurcated’ into fighter,
transport and helicopter streams, while women are ‘bifurcated’ into only the
latter two.
Unless the government does something concrete about treating women
at par with men, not many women will feel encouraged enough to join the
forces. And considering that the women have been contributing to the
society in every field, there is no justification for women being denied the
opportunity to serve the armed forces as well.
In this regard, statement of Defence Minister is a welcome sign. “I can
assure you (that) there is no bias against the women officers. We are proud
of them (women). They are making valuable contributions and we would
like to encourage them to come (into the armed forces),”.
In fact discrimination starts at the very beginning. Women are recruited
only on Short-Service Commissions of five to ten years and cannot rise
above the rank of a Major. And even though this period of service has now
been extended to 14 years there is still no information about the ‘promotions’
aspect. As of now, it is yet to be seen how this women power in army is
going to prove its mettle. Recently Delhi High Court granted a Permanent
Commission (PC) to women officers across the board due to what they call
operational, practical and cultural problems.
In coming day, the military may need a lot of people to fight for them,
knock on wood, and they wouldn’t care what sex they are as long as they
can do the Job.
PHILANTHROPY AND SOCIAL RES-

PONSIBILITY—THE ‘DO GOOD TO FEEL
GOOD’ FACTOR
F rom philanthropy to social responsibility — it is a long road. And it has

taken several decades to traverse from “helping” to “empowering” people.
Philanthropists feed people fish for one day; the experience of centuries has
shown policy-makers and leaders the value in teaching people to fish so
they can eat for a lifetime, in keeping with the old Chinese adage.
With professionalism, corporate philanthropy has evolved into good
corporate citizenship. It has shifted focus from spending a portion of profits
on ‘good works’ for the community to adopting good business practices to
co-exist ‘with’ the community; it has shifted focus from charity to enabling
business processes to produce an overall positive impact on society. This is
not meant to play down the role of philanthropy, one of India’s greatest
social practices. A tradition set by royalty, it was natural that business
houses should follow it with alacrity, setting up charitable foundations,
educational and healthcare institutions, and trusts for community development.
Road Ahead of Philanthropy

Businesses need to go beyond philanthropy — not because philanthropy is
not relevant or because we need to ape the West, but simply because
practices that come under the umbrella of ‘corporate social responsibility’
(CSR) are becoming relevant in India in the era of globalization.
Globalization brings with it greater stakeholder awareness, increased
empowerment of civil society organizations, intensity of competition and
environmental challenges. The imperatives of globalization have, in part,
impelled business houses to enforce emission standards in automotive
products, labeling requirements in pharmaceutical and food products, and
processes in the paints, dyeing and other industries. Corporate social
responsibility is about companies operating in a manner that positively
impacts all its stakeholders, within the company and outside. It is about
acting with commitment to the community, not merely following legal
requirements. And it is about not just what companies do with their profits
but also about how profits are made.
Businesses are beginning to see that, with globalization; underdeveloped
and developing nations are more vulnerable economically and, therefore,
politically than ever before. Issues of national development are more crucial
to continuing business health than before. The ills of what economists call
the ‘Dutch disease’, where companies fail to reinvest in technology and
other business improvements despite being rich in natural resources, can be
extended to the entire social plane.
Where corporate organizations refuse to take responsibility for failures
in effective delivery of public rights and economic development, the disease
strikes at the very roots of society. Even as communities have benefited
from corporate support in the fight against HIV/ AIDS, the companies have
benefited from a drop in absenteeism and employee turnover, thus stabilizing
the workforce and leading to lowered training costs.
Such social responsibility initiatives by private corporations, in order to
be sustainable, need also to be profitable. Partnerships with communities,
often through non-governmental organisations (NGOs), are ways in which
profits are shared with the communities.
Impact of Social responsibility

The impact of social responsibility on the community is quicker, more
direct and tangible, the benefits to business are not so. Some benefits are
more direct, others more subtle — such as the community’s (or employees’)
growing readiness to discuss, openly and without hostility, differences with
the company.
Social responsibility impacts investor behaviour as well. A survey shows
that three in ten shareholders say they would sell their shares in a company
if it behaved socially irresponsibly, even if the share earnings were
considerable. Social concern by Indian corporates, thereby, is not merely a
good-to-have option. In fact, for India Inc. today, good corporate citizenship
and social responsibility initiatives are inextricably linked with improved
corporate reputation, shareholder value, employee relations and retention,
and improved relationships with the local community.
We have much to celebrate together as we look back over India’s recent
decades. The clear advances in well-being for millions of India’s formerly
poor populations are noteworthy, as are the impressive contributions to
world advancement we see in India’s businesses such as computer software,
and its vast cultural contributions to world thought and artistic expression.
These advances have come from the talent of men and women striving for
a better life, from public and private efforts.
But we would be negligent if we paused too long on this country’s
impressive accomplishments. So much remains to be done and it will require
many people’s efforts and persistence. The recent events in Gujarat are a
powerful reminder of that unfinished business and its dangers. The only
pause should be one that recommits us to solving major problems and
building equitable societies.
Philanthropy has grown worldwide, a byproduct of the growth in wealth
in rich and poorer countries. Of course, India has a long history of
philanthropy, with thousands of local charitable trusts as well as major
foundations such as the Tata family’s foundations and new ones such as the
National Foundation for India, The India Foundation for the Arts or the
Bombay Community Foundation.
In our view, grant makers need to communicate to the public how
modern philanthropy fits into their country’s altruistic traditions. They need
to explain how these altruistic traditions are evolving into a modern
philanthropic culture. If grant makers become active supporters of problem
solving efforts, they are likely to encounter criticism here and there.
Something they are helping change for the better may make someone else
uneasy, maybe because it involves rearrangements of power. Change naturally
does that. When people are uneasy about foundation supported change,
often their first recourse is to attack the donor’s credibility. What, they ask,
gives the grant maker the right to meddle in this matter? Isn’t this outside
interference or social engineering? Isn’t this interfering with the natural
order of things? And they usually finish with the rhetorical question, shouldn’t
these donors just get back to basics like feeding the poor, sheltering the
homeless -- in other words back to charity?
So, defending grant making that aims to solve problems rather than
merely putting salve on them requires thought. Part of that response must
be that this kind of developmental philanthropy is consistent with each
country’s own best traditions. It is not a departure, not a totally new
construction, nor is it an unwelcome foreign import. In every culture around
the world this is actually the case. Not all donors from past centuries or
decades gave funds just to project their own names or care for people in
a paternalistic manner. Many gave money to institutions they believed
would bring about change and make things better.
RESERVATION CURSE IN TODAY’S

SOCIETY
S crapping the Centre’s March 2014 notification to include Jats in the

central list of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) category in nine
states, the Supreme Court ruled on March 17, 2015 that “caste” and “historical
injustice” cannot blind a state in according backward status to a community
and that new emerging groups such as transgenders must be identified for
quota benefits. In a judgement that laid down new norms for identification

of backward classes for benefits of reservation and redefined the concept of
affirmative action by the state, the court held that “social groups which
would be most deserving must necessarily be a matter of continuous evolution”
and the principle of affirmative action under the Constitution obligated the
state “to reach out to the most deserving” class.
“An affirmative action policy that keeps in mind only historical injustice
would certainly result in under-protection of the most deserving backward
class of citizens, which is constitutionaly mandated. It is the identification
of these new emerging groups that must engage the attention of the state,”
the bench of Justices Ranjan Gogoi and Rohinton F Nariman said.
The government may challenge this judgment by filing a review petition
which, more often than not, has not changed the outcome in other instances
in the past. Alternatively, the government can proceed to remove all
deficiencies pointed out in the judgment and issue a fresh notification. For
that, the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) will have to
conduct a fresh survey—it had given detailed reasons why Jats did not
deserve to be included—to adduce contemporaneous data for suggesting Jats
are a socially backward class and, therefore deserve reservation.
First Phase of Reservation in India

The first Backward Classes Commission, constituted on January 29,
1953, and headed by Kaka Saheb Kalelkar, then a Member of Parliament,
recommended 70 per cent seats in all technical and professional institutions
for qualified students from the Backward Classes, besides a minimum
reservation of vacancies in all government services and local bodies for
OBCs on a three-fold scale, namely 25 per cent for Class I posts; 33.5 per
cent for Class II posts; and 40 per cent for Class III and IV posts.
The Commission, comprising 11 Members, had submitted its report to
the Central government on March 30, 1955, with five of them voicing
dissent on various grounds. The then government said it was disappointed
with the Commission’s criteria and conclusions. The government expressed
the fear that the recognition of specified castes as backward might serve to
maintain and perpetuate the existing distinction on the basis of caste. In
1962, the Centre advised the States that in its view it was better to apply
economic tests than to go by caste.
The Union Home Ministry had two objections to the Kaka Kalelkar
Commission Report. First, if the bulk of the country’s millions were to be
regarded as coming within the category of Backward Classes, no useful
purpose could be served by separate enumeration of such classes. Second,
the caste criterion was seen as a remedy worse than the evil of backwardness
itself - even though the Commission itself had suggested, citing the proverb
‘use the thorn to remove a thorn’, that the evils of caste could be removed
by measures considered in terms of caste. Therefore, the Centre did not find
any merit in drawing a national list of OBCs and said that it would be left
to the State governments to draw up their own OBC lists.
It was left to the Second Backward Classes Commission, constituted on
December 20, 1978, during the Janata Party rule at the Centre, to examine
the desirability or otherwise of making a provision for the reservation of
posts in favour of such backward classes of citizens that are not adequately
represented in public services and posts in connection with the affairs of the
Union or of any State, and to make such recommendations as they think
proper. The Commission, headed by Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal, estimated
the population of OBCs in the country to be around 52 per cent of the total
population. However, in view of the ceiling imposed by the Supreme Court
that the total quantum of reservations should be below 50 per cent, the
Commission recommended a reservation of 27 per cent only for OBCs,
considering the 22.5 per cent reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes already existing in all services and public sector undertakings (PSUs).
The Commission recommended that all universities and affiliated colleges
be covered by this scheme of reservation. Besides, it sought 27 per cent
reservation for OBC students in all scientific, technical and professional
institutions run by the Central as well as State governments, as in its view,
they would not be able to compete on an equal footing with others in
securing admission to these institutions.
On August 7, 1990, the then Prime Minister V.P. Singh announced the
government’s acceptance of the Mandal Report in Parliament, reminding the
nation that the Constitution envisaged that socially and educationally backward
classes (SEBCs) be identified, their difficulties removed and their conditions
improved in terms of Article 340 (1) read with Article 14(4) as well as
Article 16(4) of the Constitution. The government decided to adopt, in the
first phase, the castes common to both the Mandal list and lists prepared by
a number of States, and introduced 27 per cent reservation for the SEBCs
(the constitutional term for OBCs) in services under the Government of
India and PSUs.
The reservation policy of 27 per cent for OBCs, V.P. Singh announced,
would not be extended to educational institutions, and that it would continue
for 10 years at the end of which it would be reviewed, even though the

Mandal Commission had recommended reservation in educational institutions
and a 20-year duration for the policy.
Why did V.P. Singh depart from the Mandal report? Was it aimed to
stop the snowballing of the popular agitation against his announcement? Or
did he think it was more important to consolidate the gains of reservation
in public services than introduce reservation in educational institutions,
which were likely to fuel students’ protests?
An answer to this may perhaps be found in the Mandal report itself: “An
essential part of the battle against social backwardness is to be fought in the
minds of the backward people. In India, government service has always
been looked upon as a symbol of prestige and power. By increasing the
representation of OBCs in government services, we give them an immediate
feeling of participation in the governance of this country.”
With the onset of the era of liberalisation and minimal governance, the
erstwhile symbol of prestige and power might have lost its sheen; hence the
increased stakes in the seats in professional educational institutions which
offer opportunities for a successful career in the private sector.
This became obvious in 1992 when the Supreme Court gave its seal of
approval to the legitimacy of the Mandal announcement, and vacated its
stay on the operation of the Office Memorandum issued by the V.P. Singh
government to implement the Mandal report, subject to the exclusion of the
“creamy layer” or the socially advanced sections from the notified Backward
Classes. The spontaneous agitation against the judgment fizzled out owing
to a lack of political support, effective direction, and mobilisation of students.
Fight For Secured Future
With the latest spat of agitations, all the attention has again been directed
towards the question that why is this agitation all about? Is it in large
interest to oppose reservation or is it emphatic to support it?
Both the sectors for and against reservation are fighting for the same
cause: sufficient opportunity for desired education and employment; they
are actually eager to protect their future in the face of the increasing lack
of any positive perspective in the system. But their respective demands for
and against reservation divide themselves into two hostile camps. This is
dividing not only the students but also dividing the workers, each camp
asking for their solidarity on the basis of age old casteist divisions. Thus
they are pushing back the working class in the feudalistic counter revolutionary
terrain and helping the decadent capitalist system, root cause of increasing
unemployment and attacks on the living and working conditions of the
working class everywhere in the world, to continue its precarious existence
still further.
Here, particularly the combativity of the youths should be welcomed,
their hatred against the electoral politics which they have diagnosed to be
one of the important causes of such policies of ‘divide and rule’ of the
decadent capitalist state, its political parties and governments. But it should
be noted that they seem to be groping in the dark in the jungle of apparent
or surface manifestations of the root causes of the problems. Thus they
remain imprisoned in the apparent-rationality of their arguments which
finally make the defenders of anti reservation the victim of the same casteism
which they claim to be vehemently against. Thus both the movement against
reservation and that for reservation have been profoundly absorbed in the
capitalist ideology and confined to the capitalist terrain.
Both the struggles for and against reservation are two false alternatives
put forward and provoked by the state and the political parties of the
elaborate political apparatus of capital extending from the left extremes on
the one hand to the right extremes on the other. They are all hiding behind
apparent rationality the root causes of increasing unemployment and the
consequent dearth of adequate number of seats in institutes of advanced and
professional studies.
Policy of ‘More Inclusion’ to ‘More Exclusion’
The bourgeoisie and its political parties of the left and right want to entrap
us into these false alternatives as if our interest would be fulfilled by
reservation or by no reservation. But if for example, there is 100% reservation
for the ‘backward’ part of the society, will it be possible to ensure the
education and job for all belonging to that section of society? The answer
is emphatically the negative. And on the contrary if there is no reservation,
and competition is open to all, is it hard to perceive that in that case also
it would be impossible to guarantee education and job for all. Thirdly, if
we want to take the economic standard as the sole criterion then also the
problem of increasing unemployment will not only continue to exist but
will intensify each passing day. Today Germany, one of the most developed
countries has more than 1.48 million unemployed people and there is no
reservation there. Such is the case in many other developed countries such
as the USA, Japan, Britain, France, Italy etc. In a society based on exploitation
and production for market, profit and accumulation of capital and not
for satisfying the needs of the population, it is inevitable in this
historical phase that more and more people will be thrown into the jaws of
increasing poverty and misery with the passage of time in all parts of the
world irrespective of their level of capitalist development.
Scarcity of Employment: the Inevitable Product of Today’s

Capitalism
In history, we see that in the early phase of expansion of capitalist system,
the revolutionary bourgeoisie has wiped out all the vestiges of feudalism
in a revolutionary way especially in Europe where we see that there has
been no necessity of dividing the society on the basis of rigid social division
of labor and caste like guilds. It was that ascendant phase of capitalism
when the bourgeoisie was striving for increasing supply of ‘free–labourer’
freeing them from the guild (caste like) and feudal bondage. It was the
phase of ‘more inclusion’ of increasing number of new workers coming out
of the decadent feudal system; and thus it was not the scarcity of employment
but the scarcity of workers which the ascending capitalist system had to
grapple with. So it searched for the necessary number of workers from
wherever it could. This accounted for the evolving ideology of secularism.
Nobody could ever imagine the necessity of any reservation.
But since the beginning of the twentieth century and particularly since
the breaking out of the 1st World War it has been clear that the world
capitalist system has been emptied of its youthful vigor and vitality. The
world has been re-divided twice through two World Wars but still like
blood-sucking Dracula (who used to have new young ones to suck blood to
regain vitality!) the decadent capitalist system can’t get newer and newer
indispensable market to solve its problem of over-production within a
single world! This compels capitalism throughout the world to resort to the
policy of ‘more exclusion’ of increasing number of workers from the
process of production, to move away from the phase of labour intensive
production to capital, machine and automation intensive production to counter
the reality of the increasing inadequacy of the available market and the
falling rate of profit with increasing rate of exploitation. Thus today’s
capitalist system can not but exclude more and more people from the
production process adding to the increasing army of the unemployed
everywhere in the world including even the developed countries and intensify
attacks on the workers, pensioners and even the new generation of the
would-be workers(students and youth). Thus the root cause of the increasing
uncertainty of suitable employment and better living for all is not reservation
or anti reservation but the decadent capitalist system.
If we want to find out the real alternative we have to focus our attention
on this. In the countries where there are no problems of reservation on the
basis of caste, creed, community or religion, the exploited people are also
victim of the same increasing uncertainty of life and livelihood, the same
brutal competition and scarcity of jobs. In recent times, the French government
launched a deliberate attack on the young generation of would be workers by
deciding to implement the new policy of the first job contract i.e. the CPE
passed in parliament. This CPE would enable the employer to throw out any
worker below 26 years of age at any time within first two years of employment
without any previous notice or showing any reason. The struggling French
students achieving the active solidarity of workers of all sectors and not only
boycotting but going against all varieties of the trade union organizations and
leftist parties, compelled the government to withdraw the contemptible
CPE through a continuously strengthened and extended, rigorously
organized, united and centralized movement under the leadership of their
own open general assemblies in which the workers were invited to actively
participate in the debates and discussions and speak about their experiences
of struggle against the capitalist system. These general assemblies were
constituted during the movement. The very nature of their demand and their
method of struggle united all sectors of students and workers. Instead of
putting a specific student like or sectarian demand they put forward the
demand “NO to CPE’ which instead of dividing united the whole student
and youth community . This and many other examples show very clearly
that the attacks of decadent capitalism on all of us are increasing everywhere
in the world in the same way and so the working class response to the
attacks also has taken an international character. And the material force of
this response depends significantly on the ability to identify the increasing
incapability of the rotting capitalist system to offer us an assured and better
future. These struggles against the increasing attacks needs to be further
extended, united overcoming all artificial barriers like caste, community,
race, color, creed, religion, national boundary etc. , more developed so far
as the level of the indispensable consciousness is concerned, more organized,
centralized and directed towards the goal of ousting the decadent capitalist
system, the root cause of all the intensifying problems of life and livelihood,
cut throat competition, stresses, strains and conflicts of social life.
Reasons For Indian Bourgeoisie Resort To Casteism

History shows us that Indian capitalism as an independent competitor in
the world market has come into being in the phase of decadence of capitalism
out of the womb of the new world imperialist situation and conflict after
the second world war. Global capitalism already had sunk deeply into the
phase of decadence, a phase of permanent crises due to the increasing
dearth of the indispensable and adequate market imposing the necessity of
‘more exclusion’ on each capitalist state . India, as a nation state did not
emerge through a victorious bourgeois revolution in the ascendant phase of
capitalism; thus instead of being capable to oust the feudal remains, it has
compromised with and utilized those. This shows how incapable the system
is to create the necessary conducive socio-economic and political environment
for the real uplift of those people who are still victims of ‘untouchability’,
caste prejudices, backwardness and used as pawns of different bourgeois
political clicks in their ‘holy’ democratic chess competition. History is not
determined by the lofty, noble aims of some well meaning persons but it
is determined rigorously by the available material conditions in the socio-
economic and political domain. So there is little hope that the prevailing
backwardness, the curse of the caste prejudices and conflicts can be put an
end to within the decadent world capitalist system in which the Indian
capitalist state is inseparably integrated.
The decadent capitalist state has been compelled not only to preserve but
also to strengthen the age old social divisions on the basis of caste or tribes
and utilize these to strengthen its social control. This is being achieved
through picking up some able and efficient persons from each sections of
society by offering them some employment or legislative opportunities
through the policy of reservation. These beneficiaries return the favor by
acting as social roots or political ideological props of the state and the
system in every part of society. They stand also in the way of the indispensable
unity and solidarity of the exploited and working class people and instigates
one part against the other in the name of caste, community, region or
religion.
Thus the political aim of reservation is never the uplift of backward
sectors of society but it is the political strengthening of the centralized
authority of state totalitarianism in the phase of decadence. Another aim is
the defense of the hegemony of capital through the obnoxious means of
division, conflicts and clashes among the various parts and sectors of the
working class and exploited masses of people.
What Is Required
The counter reservation movement has exposed to some extent at least the
real but ugly inner essence of the decadent state. It has exposed the reality

that no capitalist government has either the political will nor the capability
in this phase of decadence of capitalism to ensure the security and social
uplift of the backward sections of the exploited masses. Had it been so we
could have seen the establishment of the best quality educational institutes
in all the backward and remote areas. Best quality living conditions for all
students coming from all sections of the population should have been ensured
by the state by this time. There should have been conducive environment
and necessary amenities for pursuing education in the best possible way in
all the remotest corners. Had all these necessary material conditions been
adequately fulfilled this question of reservation would have never arisen in
this particular India specific way. But it is bound to arise in one way or
other as there is the increasing scarcity of employment necessitating
proportional decrease in the rate of growth in the capacity of the educational
centers of higher and professional studies.
Here everything is determined not by the needs of the population but by
the needs of market, profit and the financial compulsions of the state which
can not but spend a disproportionate amount of social resources for destructive
purposes i.e. for further modernizing the military machinery. Thus we see
many posts of doctors lying vacant for years on the one hand and the
workload of the doctors working in the government run hospitals increasing
on the other. This is very often leading to clashes between the doctors and
the relatives of patients and manhandling of the doctors by the agitated
population. Similar is the case in the teaching and all other sectors also. But
there are lots of qualified unemployed persons who can be employed as
teachers and thus can render necessary social service of spreading quality
education in all backward parts and earn a livelihood. Here also is manifested
the stark reality of the sheer inability of the socio economic system and the
government that be, to employ the socially necessary number of persons in
the sectors of public health and education.
Similar is the agonizing reality in all other social and economic sectors.
Thus reigns supreme the condition of increasing scarcity of employment
and education everywhere in this phase of decomposition of the decadent
capitalist system. This is sought to be both managed and masked through
the devices of reservation by the capitalist states everywhere knowing it
fully well that it will lead to division and conflict among the various parts
of both the generations of would be and present working class people. No
capitalist state can keep itself away from the compulsions of the material
conditions of the decadence of the system.

Should the students and youth, the new generation of would be working
class people remain entrapped in the age-old ruling class maneuver of divide
and rule, conflict and clashes among themselves? Should they remain confined
to the capitalist framework and terrain? They are inquisitive and enlightened
enough to go the roots of the social economic and political evils they are
victims of. The conflicting factions of the ruling class are shamelessly using
them as cannon fodder in settling their own scores. These enemies of the
working class and the exploited masses of people have been playing with their
blood for quite a long time in the past. Thus they should disdainfully expose
and reject their maneuvers and seriously discover the ways of unity and
solidarity not only among themselves but also with all the sectors of the
working class. The fully justified demand for quality living, learning conditions
and educational facilities for all irrespective of caste, creed, community,
religion and economic conditions, has to be raised and fought for.
Students and youth should also struggle for suitable employment ensuring
better living conditions for all after the completion of education. They
should rally with the working class people in their struggle against the
increasing attacks of capital on living and working conditions and the
struggle to oust the capitalist system. This is the most befitting answer to
the divide and rule policy of the capitalist rulers and their leftist and rightist
political apparatus constituted by all leftists, extreme leftists, rightists and
extreme rightists. This is also the only way that leads ultimately towards the
goal of the overthrow of the decadent capitalist system, the root cause of
the increasing socio economic problems and conflicts, war, terrorism,
uncertainty of life and livelihood, unemployment, retrenchment, workload,
curtailment or freeze of real wages, other benefits and social security in all
parts of the world today.
NEED FOR VALUE-BASED EDUCATION

IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
E ducation was thought to be a cultural good for individual moral

development and was to have very little to do with economic well-
being or material progress during the ancient period in various civilizations
of the world. Education had to provide principally the codes of behaviour

as exemplified in the instructions above, initiation to the value system and
an understanding of the ultimate objective of life in terms of spirituality.
The ultimate goal of the whole process of education was to unravel the
‘truth’, to manifest “the perfection already in man”, to combine knowledge
with compassion and efficiency with moral excellence.
But in practice individual ‘moral excellence’ ignored aspects of equity,
justice and freedom. Discrimination and a sense hierarchy were commonly
in vogue. The religion of the institution was preached as the best in existence,
and the condemnation of the others was, implicitly or explicitly, taken for
granted. Dismayed by the fanaticism expressed by the different religions,
which were attempting to reach the same ultimate goal, one Indian priest,
during the second half of the nineteenth century took upon himself the task
of proving to the world that all religions led to the same goal. He did so
through the practice of Islam, Christianity and different sects of Hinduism
. Inspired by him, another Indian monk, Swami Vivekananda, proclaimed
in the Parliament of Religions, held in Chicago in 1893:
“Sectarianism, bigotry and its horrible descendent fanaticism, have long
possessed this beautiful earth. They have filled the earth with violence …
But their time has come and I fervently hope that the bell that tolled this
morning in honour of this convention may be the death knell of all fanaticism,
of all persecutions.”
To realise this, he set up an organisation where universality of religion
was not only believed in theory but practised in reality. All its educational
institutions were founded on universalism as the most important value.
However, the concept of values and education changed over time as will be
seen below.
Changing Role of Education and Implications for Values and
Vice Versa
From the end of the eighteenth century the rise of academies and polytechnics
had expanded the traditional concept of educational institutions and universities
as the place for mainly humanistic studies, to cover provision for skills to
explore resource potential, to produce goods and services, to negotiate terms
of transaction and to manage material wealth. The value system changed
also and became “the criteria used by the members of the society to evaluate
objects, ideas, acts, feelings or events as to their relative desirability, merit
or correctness”.
Individual achievement or success through one’s own efforts started to
be regarded as an important value, as was the spirit of competition, with
its corollary on the ‘survival of the fittest’. Hard work, deferred gratification
and continual striving were another set of highly valued ways to succeed.
Individual freedom and material progress also became important values in
life. The school system started giving emphasis on these aspects in their
content, method and structure. Material progress became the indicator for
development of a society. Emphasis on moral education reduced significantly
in most countries of the world. In some countries some religious
organisations started parallel institutions offering religious instruction based
on traditional values mentioned above.
Although principles of freedom, democracy, equality and justice remained
as important values in spirit, educational agencies remained unconcerned
about them in practice, as they were with conservation and the careful use
of resources. People started laying emphasis on private property, the practice
of capitalism, rationality and growth. The communist ideals sought in some
parts of the world lost ground at the close of the twentieth century.
The belief in private property has converted much green area into concrete
buildings, in the name of urban development. The belief in material progress
has polluted the air and water in the name of industrial development.
In the industrialised and commercialised society, values changed, with
emphasis on material progress. Religious education was complemented by
secular education with more emphasis on understanding different religions,
freedom and human rights. The problems confronting human civilisation at
the close of the twentieth century are discussed below.
Problems Facing Society Today

Towards the close of the twentieth century, several important changes have
occurred in human life all over the world, which require special attention
with a view to redefining values on an international scale. First, development
of communication and information technology has made the world a global
village with improved interaction among peoples of the world. This has also
contributed to the widening of disparities among peoples. The globalisation
phenomena have given rise to issues of justice, equity, freedom, democracy
and human rights. Thanks to the development of communications and
information technology, concern for the under-privileged groups of society
has also become important.
Second, rejection of the communist ideology, while resulting in some
convergence in development strategies of various countries, has brought
about ethnic conflicts, nationalism and religious fanaticism. Never has one
felt so much need for tolerance and a culture of peace.

Third, greed for material progress has brooked no limits. Deforestation,
global warming, water and air pollution, are consequences of industrial
development making the earth more and more inhospitable. The concern for
the protection of the environment has never been so important.
Finally, development of biotechnology and bio-informatics has brought
about, on the one hand, increased agricultural production, better medical
facilities, some environmental gains, but has also created problems of ‘gene
cloning’ and ‘surrogate motherhood’, raising complex ethical issues. “The
impact of ethics can be measured in high technology areas such as biology
and medicine, as well as in the arcane vagaries of computerisation, a
phenomenon which is affecting all spheres including private life. If we
neglect to make a connection between basic ethics and technological progress,
we would be ushering in an era of barbarism with a human face”.
These considerations lead us to the re-articulation of the need for value-
based education in the twenty-first century; in content, structure and method.
Value-Based Education for the Twenty-First Century and the
Role of Intergovernmental and Non-Governmental Agencies
While the basic values of seeking the truth, practising honesty and appreciating
beauty, remain intact, secular values like tolerance, self respect, love for
human dignity, respect and compassion for others, individual freedom and
human rights, internationalism, rejection of cruelty, the practice of non-
violence and the culture of peace have become more important today because
of the problems facing the human race described above. These became the
principal preoccupations of the international organisations.
Since the establishment of UNESCO, a number of standard-setting
instruments have been developed to delineate basic principles of education
for peace and human rights. Among them are the following:
(i) The recommendation concerning Education for International
Understanding, Co-operation and Peace, and Education Relating to
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom. (Paris, 1974)
(ii) World Plan of Action on Education for Human Rights and
Democracy. (Montreal, 1993)
(iii) Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action of the World
Conference on Human Rights (Vienna, 1993)
(iv) Declaration and Integrated Framework of Action in Education for
Peace, Human Rights and Democracy. (Paris, 1995)
(v) Plan of Action for the United Nations Decade for Human Rights
Education 1995-2004.
These action plans are executed under the guidance of the UNESCO
Advisory Committee on Education for Peace, Human Rights, Democracy,
International Understanding and Tolerance.
Since educational policies can contribute to the development of
understanding, solidarity and tolerance among individuals and among ethnic,
social, cultural and religious groups, education can be the main instrument
to promote knowledge, values, attitudes and skills conducive to respect for
human rights, and to build a culture of peace and democracy.
As a result, guidelines for values for the humanistic and international
dimensions of education were prepared in co-operation with non-governmental
organisations. These guidelines pay attention to the ways in which values
can be integrated into the curriculum. These guidelines are built on the
belief that consensus in relation to issues on values is worth aiming for,
although in moral philosophy the debate among philosophers about the
identification and nature of values is a central issue.
In these guidelines attempts have been made to identify principles which
are essential corner stones on which an education for a humanistic and
international society must be built. These are self esteem both personal and
cultural; respect and tolerance for others as individuals and as members of
ethnic/cultural groups; sense of belonging – all must have a secure physical,
emotional and political locus within society; a sense of responsibility in
relation to social, political, economic, cultural and environmental factors, an
appreciation of the importance of learning. These principles need to go
hand in hand with certain ethical qualities, for example, openness, willingness
to discuss and listen, an attitude of goodwill towards others, not insisting
on one’s own rights, and a spirit of decency. The principles are not negotiable,
the ethical qualities of openness and decency would promote and preserve
an “uneasy equilibrium which is constantly in need of repair”.
In its 44th session of the International Conference on Education, held
in 1995, the Ministers of Education adopted a declaration and invited the
Director General of UNESCO to present, in November 1995, to the General
Conference, a “Framework of Action” that would allow Member States and
UNESCO to integrate within a coherent policy, education for peace, human
rights and democracy in the perspective of sustainable development.
The “Integrated Framework of Action” emphasised the development in
every individual of a sense of universal values and types of behaviour on
which a culture of peace can be predicated. Education, it was emphasised,
must develop the ability to value freedom and the skills to meet its challenges;

it must develop the ability to recognise and accept the values which exist
in the diversity of individuals, genders, peoples and cultures and develop
the ability to communicate, share and co-operate with others; it must develop
the ability of non-violent conflict resolution and promote the development
of inner peace in the minds of students so that they can establish firmly the
qualities of tolerance, compassion, sharing and caring; it must cultivate in
citizens the ability to make informal choices; it must teach citizens to
respect the cultural heritage, protect the environment, adopt methods of
production and consumption leading to sustainable development with harmony
between individuals and collective values and between immediate basic
needs and long-term interests. And finally it must cultivate feelings of
solidarity and equity at the national and international levels.
Strategies to achieve these aims and the lines of action in respect of the
content, teaching materials and resources, programmes of reading, expression
and the promotion of foreign languages, educational establishments, training
of teachers, action on behalf of vulnerable groups, research and development,
higher education, co-ordination between the education sector and other
agents of socialisation, regional and international co-operation, have been
designed for the use of the Member States of UNESCO to promote education
for peace, human rights and democracy. Linkage has also been established
between UNESCO and the United Nations in delineating common goals and
strategies for action to build a culture of peace with education used as the
leading modality. UNESCO is acting at the global level and at the national
level. A unit has been created for education and training to inculcate values
for peace, human rights, democracy, tolerance and international understanding
with activities in the areas of elaboration and dissemination of teaching
materials and pedagogical aids in different languages.
Two other units are concentrating on policy oriented research, advocacy
action and the exchange and dissemination of information; the other on
capacity-building and technical support for material, sub-regional, regional
and international projects in this area.
Many non-governmental organisations also joined hands with the United
Nations system to propagate values and education for the twenty-first century.
The guide book “Living Values” and its attached training materials,
prepared by the Brahma Kumaris’ World Spiritual University in honour of
the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, have articulated twelve value
statements addressing the universal aspects of spiritual and moral values as
a basis for living one’s life. These cover both spiritual and secular values.
These values are: co-operation, freedom, happiness, honesty, humility, love,
peace, respect, responsibility, simplicity, tolerance and unity. The set of the
training materials comprehensively provide the content, method of instruction,
the structure of lessons in theory and practice. These materials are now
being tried in a number of countries and deserve to be internationally
disseminated.
Concluding Remarks
Proclamations are not enough if they are not vigorously followed by action.
Education is the main instrument for such action. The educational institutions
of the Member States of UNESCO have now the necessary courseware to
introduce value-based educational programmes – incorporating both spiritual
and secular values to build a culture of peace.
The educational institutions, local, national and international agencies,
have to work together to make value-based education an essential component
of educational programmes to change the attitudes and behaviour of the
human race. According to UNESCO, “since wars begin in the minds of
men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed”.
WATER CRISIS IN INDIA
I ndia’s huge and growing population is putting a severe strain on all of

the country’s natural resources. Most water sources are contaminated by
sewage and agricultural runoff. India has made progress in the supply of
safe water to its people, but gross disparity in coverage exists across the
country. Although access to drinking water has improved, the World Bank
estimates that 21% of communicable diseases in India are related to unsafe
water. In India, diarrhea alone causes more than 1,600 deaths daily—the
same as if eight 200-person jumbo-jets crashed to the ground each day.
Hygiene practices also continue to be a problem in India. Latrine usage is
extremely poor in rural areas of the country; nearly 48% of the rural population
has access to a latrine. Hand washing is also very low, increasing the spread
of disease. In order to decrease the amount of disease spread through
drinking-water, latrine usage and hygiene must be improved simultaneously.

The recent UNDP’s Human Development Report rightly focuses on one
of the most serious problems facing humanity today — the global water
crisis. Water supplies are under severe stress. More than a billion people
have no access to safe drinking water and almost two million children die
every year for want of clean water and sanitation facilities. As a result of
poor water resource management, high population growth, rapid urbanisation
and increasing demand from competing uses for drinking, agriculture, industry
and energy, the pressure on this finite resource is mounting every day.
Climate change is also affecting the hydrological cycle, significantly affecting
freshwater production and its distribution.
The human development costs of the crisis are immense, with the poor
being hit the hardest. They are the first to be affected by water-borne
diseases; there has been little improvement in child mortality rates, and
education is a low priority for the girls, who spend most of the day
collecting and transporting water. Even if they do manage to get to the
school, they are more than likely to drop out, as most schools do not have
toilets for girls.
The provision of safe drinking water has important equity and development
implications. On the one hand, unavailability of potable water in the desired
quantities has implications for the quality of life in terms of the time spent in
collecting water and the adverse impact of consuming contaminated water on
health and productivity. While the development of sustainable and safe drinking
water supplies is a global challenge, it is particularly acute in India, given its
high population density, space and time variability of rainfall, and increasing
depletion and contamination of its surface and ground water resources.
Contamination
India, with a sixth of the world’s population, faces a rapidly growing water
crisis, both in the urban and rural areas. These include wasteful practices
in the use of water, particularly for irrigation, water-logging and salinity,
and inadequate access to safe drinking water and sanitation. In cities such
as Chennai and Delhi, several localities rely on private water tankers for
their daily water needs.
Groundwater is the dominant resource that has been developed in rural
India to meet the drinking water needs. But often, the shallower wells are
found to be affected by fluoride, arsenic, iron, salt and/or microbial
contamination. In many States, especially Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan,
Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal, this is a
significant concern.
Deeper wells typically have cleaner water, but require electricity or
diesel and installation of a water tank. The capital and operating costs are
significantly higher and, given the high variability of electricity supply,
reliability is poor. While ground-water depletion is a major environmental
concern in India, it should perhaps be viewed as part of a much larger
agenda in ground-water management, in keeping with the policy goals of
equity, efficiency, and sustainability.
Over-use of pesticides and chemicals in agriculture is the primary cause
for groundwater pollution in the rural areas. A survey conducted in Uttar
Pradesh revealed that people in one region are compelled to drink polluted
water with a high fluoride content, leading to large-scale dental fluorosis
and arthritis.
Wasteful Subsidies
With regard to surface water, low water rates are a major factor influencing
both waste and low accruals to the exchequer. Continued losses on this front
tend to impair the ability of States to undertake further investments in this
field. Revenue from the sale of water does not cover even the operation and
maintenance expenditure of the schemes, let alone meeting depreciation
charges and a part of the capital expenditure. In the agricultural sector,
water is often used inefficiently, resulting in soil erosion, nutrient depletion,
land degradation, and lower water-tables.
This creates a vicious circle of poverty, land degradation and low
productivity. In this regard, increased availability of small-scale water
management technologies will significantly help small landholder farmers.
Community-based watershed development projects have also demonstrated
excellent results, but need to be scaled up.
India continues to be a predominantly agrarian economy, with the majority
of its population dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. Agriculture
contributes 16.4 per cent to the country’s GDP and employs 49 per cent of
its workforce. Of the 155.21 million hectares of land used for cultivation,
only about 92.57 million hectares is currently irrigated; the rest are depend
entirely on monsoon rains. Hence, from the agriculture sector’s point of
view, enlarging the cropped area under assured irrigation is critical for the
economy. Reforms in agricultural power and water tariffs are needed. Of
course, any move towards greater cost recovery must be accompanied by
reliable services that meet the needs of agriculture.

India should move away from its current wasteful subsidy system, in
which items such as water and electricity are provided at highly subsidised
rates (or for free!), but with most of the subsidy being taken up by the
richer farmers. The result is a very expensive system where most of the
benefits fail to reach the poor farmers. In place of the wasteful subsidy
system, there should be “life-line tariffs,” in which all of India’s below-
poverty-line rural citizens would be ensured a fixed, but limited, amount of
water and electricity at zero price, to ensure that every family can at least
meet its basic needs. Above that fixed amount, families would be charged
a proper tariff.
Inclusive Strategy
Any strategy to enhance water productivity should ensure that it extends to
the poor. In India, the revival of traditional rainwater harvesting systems in
various ecological zones in response to the groundwater crisis has
demonstrated the potential to generate large returns on investment and at the
same time to reduce risk and vulnerability.
Drought-stricken villages found that those that had undertaken rainwater
harvesting and/or watershed development in earlier years had stored plenty
of drinking water and, in some cases, could even irrigate their crops. Hence,
community-based rainwater harvesting seems to be the way to go in rural
India.
To deal with the problem of frequent droughts and floods and the
scarcity of water resources for irrigation purposes in India, one of the
schemes put forward is the Inter-Basin Water Transfer (IBWT) from the
surplus basins to deficit basins. Interlinking or networking of rivers entails
the construction of a large number of dams and canals and connected
hydraulic engineering works for mass transfer of water across river basins.
Interestingly, China is working on a somewhat similar scheme that
envisages a South-North water transfer (across more than 1,000 km) to
divert more than 40 billion cubic metres of water to the industrial and urban
regions in the Hai basin. However, the long-term ecological consequences
of inter-linking of rivers should be comprehensively evaluated by a team of
experts before embarking on such a project. In place of the current slogan
of integrated water Resource Management, we should look at responsible,
harmonious, just and wise use of water.

OPPORTUNITIES AND RISKS FOR
INDIA IN THE KNOWLEDGE SOCIETY
T here is euphoria in India and the rest of the world because many people
are enjoying the benefits of the information society. The visions of
Arthur C. Clarke and Marshall McLuhan are invoked to suggest that we are
living in a global village. These visions emphasise a great faith in the
democratising and equalizing potential of new information and communication
technologies (ICTs). This contribution considers the risks and opportunities
associated with these visions, which portray societies as shifting towards
service or knowledge-based economies. This shift is based on the premise that
all societies move from being agrarian to industrial to information societies.
This may be the case for a few countries, but it is not the case in many
countries including India.
The Indian Knowledge Society

The enthusiasm of our policy makers is promoting efforts to create new
knowledge societies. This is reflected in an overwhelming focus on
strengthening the telecom infrastructure and promoting the use of ICTs in
all sectors. The government of India has made five promises to the people:
freedom from hunger, development of social structure, development of
physical infrastructure, a national water policy and the fulfilment of an
information technology mission. The government’s goal is to use its agencies
to give a boost to the ICT sector. A national task force on ICTs has been
established which aims to ensure that all villages are connected by an
information superhighway and that every telephone booth becomes a fully-
fledged information centre.
In May 2000 the government appointed a working group on ‘IT for the
Masses’ with a goal of enabling both the middle classes and the poor to
benefit from the opportunities provided by ICTs. The intentions of the
central government are shared by many other state governments which are
vying with one another to provide incentives to attract investment, which
it is hoped, will encourage development initiatives and help to alleviate
social and economic problems. It is important for students of communication
and development to reflect upon the last few ‘development decades’. The
euphoria about the potential of ICTs can be compared to the rising aspirations
with respect to initiatives in the past. The industrialisation and urbanisation
models embedded in the modernization paradigm are examples. The critique
of this paradigm by Beltran (1975), Melody (1977), Smythe (1981) and
others needs to be invoked to understand the consequences, intended or
unintended, of initiatives that are undertaken following this line of reasoning.
The revolutions in India, green and white, are examples that demonstrate
the benefits of the application of technology to boost grain and milk
production. These examples show that growth that is not accompanied by
equity does not lead to the alleviation of problems for the vast majority of
people. Alienation from land, marginalisation and migration continue to
affect their lives. The Indian people face the dilemma of contending with
a plethora of problems and of coping with the demands and pressures of
globalisation. Amartya Sen views the situation in this way:
On balance, there are major gains to be made in globalisation. But if a
country has globalisation at the highest possible speed and pays no attention
to lack of social opportunity, illiteracy and lack of health care, it is creating
problems for itself. In that case the blame lies not with globalisation but
with concomitant policies with which it is being married. Globalisation
needs to be put in a broader context of social and economic policies.
The Indian government is concerned about the creation of social
opportunities but opinions differ as to whether these should result from the
application of political will or of the trickle down benefits of the ICT
paradigm. The track record of other countries suggests that we should not
rely on the trickle down strategy. It is a myth to argue that we have been
living in the knowledge society, only in the recent past. All societies have
been information or knowledge societies. What has changed significantly is
the manner in which the information is collected, stored, processed and
disseminated. The information and communication patterns we see today
are influenced to a large extent by the advantages that have accrued historically
to the former colonial powers. The core-periphery notion or hinterland
economic model (Innis 1951; Watkins 1982) helps to understand the role
of telegraphy, the railways and other connecting technologies. Questions
have been raised by representatives of developing nations about the imbalances
and biases in the development of these technologies. Similar questions have
been asked about the implications of ICTs for biases in the media.
Notwithstanding the potential biases and risks associated with the patterns
of technology development and use in the periphery, increased attention is
being devoted to using new ICTs to solve the problems of developing
countries. This thinking influenced policy makers and the then Prime Minister
of India, the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi, who incorporated telecom and computing
into a missionoriented strategy for development. This initiative paid some
dividends. It is possible for some people (at least) to use world-class
communication facilities albeit at a high price. Access is mainly an urban
privilege. In the telecom development sector many global partners are
involved and the stakes are very high leading to instances of large-scale
corruption. A liberalised market model is being promoted together with
reforms aimed at setting up regulatory mechanisms, disinvestments of state-
owned institutions and the introduction of cost-oriented tariffs.
The Consequences and Risks

It is important to reflect on the consequences of this shift towards investment
in ICTs in light of the fact that many information indicators show that the
diffusion and access to ICTs are very low and that high levels of illiteracy
and unaffordable services further accentuate this. Some agencies are setting
up community media and information centres to address this problem. One
state government (Andhra Pradesh) has promoted information kiosks, which
enable access to the Internet, but the consequences of these initiatives need
to be considered within the context of globalisation. Developing countries,
based on their colonial experience, have embraced many of the latter’s
institutional structures with the consequence that the mode of knowledge
production is less relevant to developing countries’ requirements. A key
feature of emerging knowledge societies is the broadening of production on
a spatial basis, a trend that may simply emphasise existing biases in knowledge
production and application. India is a paradox because its capacity in many
ICT-related production areas is comparatively stronger than in many other
developing countries, but much of the research supported by scientific
institutions separates the production of new knowledge from its application
in the domestic context.
The notion that open science generates knowledge that can be shared
through open exchange is changing significantly. There are major questions
as to whether India’s scientists can access knowledge on an equitable basis
as intellectual property rights are extended to new sources of digital
information. The present system of knowledge production and dissemination
is based on an intellectual property regime with certain disadvantages for
the developing world and there are also issues of the extent to which the
flows of new knowledge will be policed and regulated to curtail access to
some kinds of information by countries like India.

There has been a push by Indian stakeholders to ensure that India is part
of the new regimes for intellectual property rights protection that are being
negotiated in the World Trade Organization and world intellectual property
rights fora, but there are doubts about the consequences of these moves.
Pharmaceuticals and biotechnology are significantly affected by this evolving
regime. In the pharmaceuticals industry, there are concerns that drug prices
may rise to international levels. In the biotechnology industry there are
concerns that indigenous knowledge bases will be exploited and that the
necessary knowledge base to develop the new ‘green gold’ resides in scientific
laboratories protected by intellectual property rights in the northern
industrialised countries. These risks suggest a bleak scenario as a result of
the further development of the knowledge society in India as well as globally.
The Consequences and Opportunities

Set against these risks are the opportunities created by the availability of
ICTs. The information infrastructure can be used to implement sustainable
development initiatives. Many poverty alleviation programmes, such as the
projects initiated by the M. S. Swaminathan Foundation in Pondicherry to
develop educational information villages, are underway. Although these
projects are not free from certain structural limitations which make it
difficult to expand beyond their current scale of operation and to address
some grass roots difficulties, they do provide illustrations of the benefits of
ICTs. Mansell and Wehn (1998) emphasise the importance of capacity
building strategies embedded in new approaches to education which take
advantage of advances in ICTs but which also recognise the value of
traditional face-to-face community based learning. In India ICTs have been
used to support vocational training, and engineering colleges are being
restructured to meet the skill requirements of the ICT sector. The
opportunities seized by the Indian software industry reflect government
strategy. When the United States government sought to impose non-tariff
barriers on the industry, offshore operations in India gained momentum.
Successful companies are competent to work in the global market
environment, but the educational opportunities rest with the few despite the
rapid dissemination of the Internet and an e-mail culture.
Many believe that those representing Indian institutions will have the
capacity to push for a level playing field on the world scene as far as access
to technology and the relevant knowledge bases are concerned at the same
time as they foster the development of local knowledge and ICT applications.
However, this will depend on other factors such as international trade
relations and whether the government and other stakeholders can avoid
becoming victims of the ICT fetish. India’s resilient features and strengths
in terms of its social organisation, its cultural resources and its vast reservoir
of knowledge workers should not be frittered away as a result of greater
than necessary participation in the global knowledge society.
INDIAN CINEMA
I ndian Cinema have completed his century year in 2013. A hundred years
ago Dada Saheb Phalke made a movie about a king who never lied.
Phalke’s inspiration came from an English film ‘The Life and Passion of
Christ’ and he too wanted to translate the lives of Indian Gods to the screen.
His first production ‘Raja Harishchandra’ was screened at Coronation
Cinema in Mumbai on 3 May, 1913 marking the beginning of Indian
cinema. Regarded as the father of the Indian cinema, Phalke went on to
make several silent films but became the first casualty when the silent era
passed. ‘Alam Ara’ debuted at Majestic Cinema in Mumbai on 14 March
1931, a love story between a gypsy and a prince, starring Zubeida, Master
Vithal as well as Prithvi Raj Kapoor. It was so popular that police had to
be called in to control the crowd. Ironically the first talkie now lies silent
as its print perished in a fire in National Archives in 2003. The talkies
changed the face of Indian cinema. Apart from looks, the actors not only
needed a commanding voice but also singing skills, as music became a
defining element in Indian cinema.
In the middle of the Second World War in 1945 came ‘Kismet’ starring
Ashok Kumar which became one of the biggest hits in the history of Indian
cinema. It came with some bold themes—the first anti-hero and an unmarried
pregnancy. It clearly showed that the filmmakers of the era were bolder
than the times in which they were living in. By the 1940s, the winning
formula at the Box Office had been conceived—Songs, dance, drama and fantasy.
A close relationship between epic consciousness and the art of cinema
was established. It was against this backdrop that filmmakers like V.
Shantaram, Bimal Roy, Raj Kapoor and Mehboob Khan made their films.

In the meantime, the film industry had made rapid strides in the South,
where Tamil, Telugu and Kannada films were taking South India by storm.
By the late 1940s, films were being made in various Indian languages with
religion being the dominant theme.
The golden period of 50’s provided a strong impetus to the industry,
with themes changing to social issues relevant at the time. Sure they were
entertaining but the movies of that time also became a potent medium to
educate the masses. The era established a 25 year actor/filmmaker as the
showman of Indian cinema—Raj Kapoor, someone who had an eye for
detail.
Raj Kapoor’s ‘Awara’, the story about a man caught in the centre of a
nature Vs nurture debate brought him immense glory. The film went on to
become not just a national but international success especially in the then
USSR. The film also got nominated in the Cannes film fest in 1943. The
actor filmmaker effectively used Chaplin’s character (the one he used in
Awara) in later films like ‘Shri 420’. He indianised the Chaplin idiom and
sat down with the man on the street bringing the spotlight on the common
man.
The golden period also produced some of India’s most critically acclaimed
films and memorable actors of all time. Among those in Bollywood’s hall
of fame are Guru Dutt, Mehboob Khan, Balraj Sahani, Nargis, Bimal Roy,
Meena Kumari, Madhubala and Dilip Kumar.
This was the time when mavericks like Guru Dutt and Bimal Roy
captivated the audiences with ‘Pyaasa’ and ‘Do Bigha Zamin’, Indian cinema
moved one step ahead with K. Asif’s magnum opus ‘Mughal-e-Azam’ in
1960. It was after the release of this movie that the magnanimity of Indian
cinema was established. Changing social norms and changing economies
influenced movies and the companies that made them. This had the effect
on changing movies—the narrative style changed, the story structure changed,
characters changed, and content changed.
In the 70’s a genre was born—masala movie. Masala films were the
demand of the time. The genre promised instant attraction and had great
entertainment value. People flocked to theatre to see their reflection on the
big screen. Audiences were enthralled by the histrionics of actors such as
Rajesh Khanna, Sanjeev Kumar, Waheeda Rehman, Asha Parekh, Tanuja
and others.

While Indian commercial cinema enjoyed popularity among movie-goers,
Indian art cinema did not go unnoticed. Adoor Gopalakrishnan, Ritwik
Ghatak, Aravindan, Satyajit Ray, Shaji Karun and several other art film
directors were making movies that gave India international fame and glory.
This was Bollywood’s prime period, a time when director Ramesh Sippy
gave us his iconoclastic ‘Sholay’ (1975). The film, which has been
internationally acclaimed, also clinched the title of ‘superstar’ for Amitabh
Bachchan, who already had over 30 films under his belt by then.
80’s saw the emergence of several woman directors such as Aparna Sen,
Prema Karnath and Meera Nair. It was also the decade when sultry siren
Rekha wooed audiences with her stunning performance in ‘Umrao Jaan’
(1981). Commercial Hindi cinema further grew throughout the 1980s and
the 1990s with the release of films such as: Ek Duuje Ke Liye (1981), Mr
India (1987), Qayamat Se Qayamat Tak (1988), Tezaab (1988), Chandni
(1989), Maine Pyar Kiya (1989), Baazigar (1993), Darr (1993), Diwale
Dulhaniya Le Jayenge (1995) and Kuch Kuch Hota Hai (1998), many of
which starred Shahrukh Khan, Aamir Khan and Salman Khan.
And then in 90’s, it was a mixed genre of romantic, thrillers, action and
comedy films. A stark upgrade can be seen on the canvas as technology
gifted the industry Dolby digital sound effects, advanced special effects,
choreography and international appeal. The development brought about
investments from the corporate sector along with finer scripts and
performances.
Regular foreign Investments made by major global studios such as 20th
Century Fox, Sony Pictures, and Warner Bros put a stamp of confirmation
that Bollywood had etched itself on the global podium.
In Indian cinema, the Kapoor family is the biggest film family. Dewan
Bisheshwar, Raj Kapoor’s grandfather, was an actor both in theatre and
cinema. His sons Prithviraj Kapoor and Trilok Kapoor were actors in the
Hindi screen. Prithviraj’s three sons Raj, Shammi and Shashi were popular
artistes.
Raj Kapoor married Krishna sister of actors Premnath and Rajendranath.
Raj Krishna couple have three sons—Randhir, Rishi and Rajiv. Randhir’s
wife is actress Babita and their daughters are Karishma Kapoor and Kareena
Kapoor. Kareena is now married to actor Saif Ali Khan. Rishi Kapoor
married actress Neetu Singh. Their son Ranbir Kapoor is a popular hero
now. Shammi Kapoor’s first wife is actress Geeta Bali Shashi Kapoor’s

wife Jennifer Kendall is an English theatre actress. Her father Geoffrey was
a renowned theatre personality. Shashi Kapoor’s sons Kunal and Karan;
daughter Sanjana have also acted in some movies.
In Awara (1951), three generations of Kapoor family acted, Dewan
Bisheshwar, son Prithviraj and Grandsons Raj and Shashi. Similarly in
1971, Prithviraj, Raj Kapoor, and Randhir Kapoor has acted in the film—
Kal, Aaj aur Kal. In Aparna Sen’s 36 Chowringhee Lane, Jennifer Kendal,
her father Geoffrey and daughter Sanjana were the artists.
Three members of the Kapoor clan, Prithviraj Kapoor, Raj Kapoor and
Shashi Kapoor has got the prestigious Dada Seheb Phalke award respectively
in 1971, 1987 and 2015.
The Indian Motion Picture Producer’s Association (IMPPA) was formed
in Bombay in the year 1937. Indian Motion Picture Distributor’s Association
(IMPDA) and South Indian Film Chamber of Commerce were set up
respectively in Bombay and Madras in 1938.
Pilot theatre established in 1965, in Chennai started the first cinema on
August 15, 1969 introducing 70-mm facility. Elphinstone Picture Palace
was started in 1907 at Kolkata by J.F. Madan. By 1927, Madan had a chain
of 85 theatres, of which 65 were owned and 20 contracted under Madan
Theatres Ltd in India, Burma and Sri Lanka. By 1932, the company owned
126 theatres. Most of them were not equipped for sound. Mayajaal Cineplex
and Family Entertainment centre at Chennai has a multiplex with six screens.
Owned by Pentamedia the huge 1,00,000 sq ft complex opened of Feb. 9,
2001.
WILDLIFE CONSERVATION IN INDIA
N ature has always helped mankind flourish. But it is not just what
immense bounties nature has given to you. It is what you as a human
being give back in return. Does saving the wildlife and taking necessary
actions for those on the brink of extinction mean something to anyone? If
it does, then come and join hands with Indian wildlife organisations to help
save mother earth.

The nature projects and programmes started by the Indian government
like the Project Tiger, Nature Camps and Jungle Lodges have been started
to promote wildlife awareness among the common man. The projects besides
preserving our natural heritage, also encourage eco-tourism.
Significance of Wildlife Conservation

The wild creatures are a nature’s gift which help embellish the natural
beauty by their unique ways of existence. But due to growing deforestation
and negligence, their is a threat to the wildlife and it will require special
attention to save the world from loosing its green heritage.
Some of the government initiatives carried out to preserve this natural
heritage include Project Tiger, one of the most successful efforts in preserving
and protecting the Tiger population. Gir National Park in Gujarat is the
only existing habitat for the nearly extinct Asiatic Lions in India. The
Kaziranga Sanctuary in Assam is a prime example of an effort to save the
endangered Rhinoceros. Likewise, Periyar in Kerala is doing appreciable
work to preserve the wild Elephants while Dachigam National Park is fast
at work to save the Hangul or Kashmiri Stag.
Nature has always helped in flourishing the mankind. But this isn’t
about what nature gives to you, its what you, as a human being give back
in return. Are you concerned about nature? Does saving the endangered
species and taking necessary actions for those who are on the brink of
extinction means something to you? Then join hands with the wildlife
organizations to save mother Earth!
The natural projects and programmes started by the Indian government
such as Project Tiger, Nature Camps and Jungle Lodges have been organised
to promote wildlife awareness among the people. These projects not only
help in preserving our natural heritage but also encourage eco-tourism.
Why wildlife conservation is so important? Because the most beautiful
gift that God has given to nature are the wild creatures, they embellish the
natural beauty by their unique way of existence. But due the growing
impact of deforestation, few concerned animal lovers are making continuous
efforts to save the endangered species as well as those who are on the verge
of extinction and save the world from loosing its green heritage.
Some of the projects and wildlife conservation programmes in India include
Project Tiger, which has been till now the most successful one in protecting

and preserving the tiger population. There is the Gir National Park, which is
only habitat existing for Asiatic lions in India. The Kaziranga Sanctuary in
Assam is another remarkable example of saving the endangered Rhinoceros.
There’s Periyar in Kerala conserving the Wild Elephants and the Dachigam
National Park doing the same to save the Hangul or Kashmiri Stag.
Project Tiger
Launched in 1973-74, it has been one of the most successful ventures in
recent times to protect the striped predator. Under the same, a few sites in
India were identified and named as Tiger Reserves. Special efforts were
then carried out in these reserves to save the tiger. Some of the main aims
of Project Tiger are as follows.
• Elimination of all kinds of human activity in the core zones and
minimisation of activity in the buffer zone.
• Assessing the damage done to the eco-system by human activity
and efforts to recover it to its original form.
• Monitoring the changes taking place and studying the reasons for
the same.
Initially just 9 reserves were brought under the project, a number which
was increased to 50 in the year 2018.
Plans are in progress to develop wireless communication systems to curb
the problem of poaching. Steps like the shifting of villages outside the core
area, control of livestock grazing in tiger reserves and researching data
about environmental changes have also shown positive impact.
INDIAN COMMUNISM: GOOD

PRACTICE, BAD THEORY
T he central paradox of Indian communism is that its practice is vastly

superior to its theory. Communist leaders and activists are probably
more intelligent than their counterparts in other parties. This is why it is
such a great pity that their often honourable practice is crippled with an
archaic and outmoded theory.

In 1977, Left Fronts dominated by the Communist Party of India
(Marxist) came to power in the states of West Bengal and Kerala. A year
later, the CPI(M) leader, B.T. Ranadive, wrote a pungent critique of the
parliamentary path to socialism. This took the shape of a review of a recent
book by the Spanish communist, Santiago Carillo, entitled “Eurocommunism
and the State”. In a 30-page essay in the Marxist monthly, Social Scientist,
Ranadive attacked Carillo as a renegade, the last in the shameful but, alas,
long line of “revisionists” who had abandoned the path of revolution in
favour of the softer option of reform.
The Indian communist charged his Spanish comrade with six heresies in
particular:
First, Carillo thought that, at least in Western Europe, socialists and
communists could now come to power via the ballot box rather than through
armed revolution. In Ranadive’s paraphrase, “the central point of Carillo’s
book is that there is absolutely no need for a revolution in the developed
capitalist countries... According to him, socialism can be achieved peacefully,
without violating any of the rules of bourgeois democracy...”
Second, Carillo claimed that communist parties did not necessarily possess
a monopoly of the truth. According to him, the Spanish Communist Party
“no longer regards itself as the only representative of the working class, of
the working people and the forces of culture. It recognizes, in theory and
practice, that other parties which are socialist in tendency can also be
representative of particular sections of the working population...”
Third, Carillo held that private enterprise had a role to play in economic
growth, albeit in alliance with the state. As the Spaniard put it, “the
democratic road to socialism presupposes a process of economic
transformation different from what we might regard as the classical model.
That is to say, it presupposes the long-term co-existence of public and
private forms of property.”
Fourth, Carillo argued that in the Cold War, the Europeans should keep
their distance from the Americans and the Soviets alike. As he wrote, “our
aim is a Europe independent of the USSR and the United States, a Europe
of the peoples, orientated towards socialism, in which our country will
preserve its own individuality.”
Fifth, Carillo believed that Marx, Engels and Lenin were not infallible,
that their views were open to correction and even challenge with the passage
of time and the evidence of history.
Sixth, Carillo believed that the Communist Party was not infallible
either, that at least in non-political matters individuals should feel free to
follow their own conscience. In the Spaniard’s formulation, “outside collective
political tasks, each [party] member is master of his own fate, as regards
everything affecting his preferences, intellectual or artistic inclinations, and
his personal relations”. Then he significantly added: “In the field of research
in the sciences of every kind, including the humanities, different schools
may co-exist within [the party] and they should all have the possibility of
untrammelled confrontation in its cultural bodies and publications.”
Reading Carillo through the quotes provided by Ranadive, one cannot
help but admire his honesty and his vision, his overdue but nonetheless
brave recognition that the bloody history of his country (and continent)
mandated a radical revision of the communist idea. But Ranadive saw it
very differently. He spoke with withering contempt of Carillo’s faith in
those “miserable parliamentary elections”, and with even more disdain of
his independence with regard to the Cold War. “Can any Communist,” he
fumed, “put the enemy of mankind, the gendarme of world reaction, American
imperialism, on the same footing as Soviet Russia?”
Carillo’s argument that other political parties can and should exist,
indeed that these parties might even sometimes be right, was seen by
Ranadive as tantamount to “giving a permanent charter of existence to non-
Marxist, anti-Marxist and unscientific ideologies”. It amounted to nothing
less than a “liquidation of the Leninist concept of party”. Further, the
encouragement of a diversity of thought outside the sphere of politics was
“the final denigration of the Marxist-Leninist Party in the name of freedom
for all its members to profess any opinion they like on any subject”. In
contrast to the heterodox Spaniard, Ranadive felt that “the Party’s outlook
and the outlook of its members is determined by their firm allegiance to
Marxism-Leninism and must be consistent with it”.
Ranadive’s own riposte to the renegade Carillo rested heavily on quotes
from Marx, Engels and Lenin, the Holy Trinity whose works and words
must never be questioned, emended, or — Heaven forbid — challenged.
The Indian communist complained that “Carillo turns a blind eye to Lenin’s
teachings”; worse, “a large part of his argument is lifted from bourgeois
writers and baiters of Marxism”.
Reading Carillo as conveyed through Ranadive, one notices how akin his
views are to those who wrote the Indian Constitution. Parliamentary
democracy based on universal adult suffrage, the proliferation of political
parties, a mixed economy with space for both public and private enterprise,
a non-aligned and independent foreign policy, and freedom of creative

expression — these were the ideals enshrined in the Constitution, and the
ideals embraced by Santiago Carillo almost thirty years later.
Ideals, however, which were anathema to a prominent Indian communist.
It is necessary to point out here that in March 1948, it was the self-same
B.T. Ranadive who led the Communist Party of India in an insurrection
against the infant Indian state, seeking to come to power the Chinese way,
through an armed revolution. That line was later abandoned, with the
communists coming overground to fight the general elections of 1952. In
1957, the undivided CPI came to power in Kerala; ten years later, the
CPI(M) won again in that state. Also in 1967, the CPI(M) was part of the
ruling coalition in West Bengal; 10 years later, it came to power in the state
more or less on its own.
And yet, these successes could not reconcile some leading communists
to “bourgeois” democracy. For Ranadive’s critique of Carillo was really a
warning to those among his comrades who might likewise think of revising
the classical postulates of Marxism-Leninism. It is quite extraordinary, yet
also quite in character, that so soon after his party had come to power in
three states via the ballot box, did Ranadive choose to let loose this fusillade
against parliamentary democracy, the mixed economy, freedom of expression,
and non-alignment in foreign policy.
Why Ranadive?
For the prejudices Ranadive’s held — and so vigorously articulated —
are unfortunately still quite widespread in the CPI(M) today. In practice
their ideologues seem somewhat reconciled to parliamentary democracy, but
they retain an irrational hostility to private enterprise, are still hostile to
intellectual debate and dialogue, and yet cling to a faith in their party’s
infallibility.
Communist leaders and activists are probably more intelligent than their
counterparts in other parties, and without question more honest. Where
other kinds of politicians have eagerly embraced the Page 3 culture, many
communists still do mix and mingle with the working people.
This is why it is such a great pity that their often honourable practice
is crippled with an archaic and outmoded theory. For if the history of the
20th century teaches us anything, it is this — that parliamentary democracy
is, despite all its faults, superior to totalitarianisms of left and right; and that
the market is, despite all its faults, a more efficient and cheaper allocator
of economic resources than the state. This history also teaches us a third

lesson, one specific to this country — that, despite all their faults, Tagore,
Gandhi, Nehru and Ambedkar are thinkers more relevant to the practice of
politics in India than are Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin.
It is, however, that latter quartet whose works are discussed in CPI(M)
party workshops, whose portraits adorn the podium at party congresses.
From the continuing presence of those hard, unsmiling faces, we may
deduce that while in his understanding and appreciation of democracy, the
renegade Santiago Carillo may have been 30 years behind the framers of
the Indian Constitution, he was still 30 years ahead of his comrades in the
Indian communist movement.
MEDIA AND PEOPLE POWER
W e Indians are among the truly privileged people enjoying all liberties
including freedom of speech and expression guaranteed under the
Constitution. The pleasure of being able to write or say what you please,
subject to laws of libel and reasonable restrictions imposed to protect the
larger public interest, is indeed a rare one even in the post-war world. Not
too long ago thousands were jailed in East Europe for merely saying what
they believed in, or worse still for speaking the truth. Even today, the
citizens of the world’s most populous nation have no right to freedom of
speech and expression. Sometimes it is clear that we take our blessings for
granted, and do not have adequate appreciation of liberty.
Over the past 71 years after independence, the three constitutional organs
of state have fallen far short of our hopes and expectations. Legislatures
have become battle fields, and no serious public policy is evolved, nor
accountability of the executive enforced by our elected representatives.
Most legislators are content to be disguised executive, seeking and obtaining
state patronage, privilege and pelf. A vicious cycle of unaccounted money
power, illegitimate election expenditure, polling irregularities, abuse of
public office, corruption and perpetuation of feudal oligarchies is operating,
making citizens somewhat helpless.
Executive office has become a private estate, and legal plunder has
become the norm. Both the elected executive, and appointed public servants
have become the modern-day monarchs, and the notion of public service is
all but forgotten. Honesty and survival in elective public office are
increasingly incompatible. The judiciary has become very much a part of
the problem. Law’s delay and the breakdown of rule of law have nudged
our society into near anarchy. With 30 million cases pending in courts,
many of them for several years and decades, a well-developed market has
emerged for criminals and musclemen to provide rough and ready justice.
In the face of the colossal failure of the three constitutional organs of
state, the citizen is reduced to a state of abject helplessness. Cynicism and
despair have become all too pervasive; very often in far greater proportion
than the situation warrants. Many of our travails are but an inevitable part
of the maturing process of an emerging democracy. However, as our
democratic evolution coincides with the age of technology, instant
communication and rapid transformation, there is a revolution of rising
expectations. As reality is well-short of expectation, there is perpetual
disappointment and frustration, further worsening the already complicated
situation.
Thanks to free press, India remained a democracy against all odds. In
this complex environment, the one institution which nurtured, sustained and
strengthened our democracy is the press. The role of media during freedom
struggle and after independence has been an extraordinary and inspiring
saga. Gandhiji and his colleagues always relied on the print media to
propagate their message, and inspired the educated middle classes to form
the bulwark of the freedom struggle. Once the message was spread, and a
solid phalanx of middle classes was formed to lead the movement, mobilizing
the masses for freedom was relatively easy. After independence, the early
excitement and enthusiasm abated, and as institutions of state became
moribund and dysfunctional, the media played an extraordinary role, with
few parallels in the world. It is this fierce independence, unflinching courage
and undiminished idealism exhibited by the press which broadened and
deepened our democracy.
The greatest moment for the media was during the epochal period of the
70’s, marked by people’s movement against corruption and mis-governance,
increasing state oppression culminating in suppression of liberty in the name
of emergency, and the eventual resurgence of freedom with the glorious
verdict of 1977 unseating the establishment and restoring the lost freedoms
to people. Rarely have the people spoken so unequivocally and courageously,
conquering fear and prejudice, breaking traditional barriers and resisting
inducements. At a time when the electronic media were completely state
controlled, the role print media played in safeguarding democracy and
restoring liberty was an outstanding one. There are many less dramatic, but
equally potent illustrations of the media’s heroic role in confronting the
establishment, humbling the mighty, defending the citizen, and acting as the
sentinel of freedom. The quality, courage, catholicity, and concern for
human values exhibited by Indian media was second to none.
Post-emergency period saw a breathtaking expansion of the media. The
90’s saw the rapid spread of electronic media, as the march of technology
with the advent of satellite television made state control irrelevant. It is
ironic that the state, which controlled all facets of electronic media for
decades, is now a helpless bystander as the private channels became the
authentic sources of news and views. It is also a sign of times that this is
not a result of any deliberate policy or soul searching by the state, but a
product of communications revolution which could not be blocked by the
political class.
This, more than any other event, presages the future of the media. For
about 40 years after independence, the state was the dominant player in
generating and propagating news, and in determining the fate of the media
by its policies (newsprint), laws (emergency), control (electronic media), and
patronage (advertisements). But now all that has changed. The dismantling of
the license-permit-quota raj on the one hand, and the communications revolution
disregarding national boundaries and state controls on the other, have created
breathtaking opportunities for the media. The future role of the media is in
their own hands, and is no longer dictated by external agencies.
That even in India, which still is home to the largest number of illiterates
and the poor and malnourished on earth, there has been a breathtaking
proliferation of mass media is evident. The facts speak for themselves: over
1,05,443 newspapers of all kinds, of which about 42,493 are in Hindi, over
28 crore combined circulation of newspapers and periodicals, over
1000 films annually with unbelievable number of audiences, 11,60,00,000
radio sets with 24.6% of (rural) population regularly listening, 6,30,00,000
television sets (2015-16) with half the population of India regularly watching
the terrestrial TV channels, over 500 million Indians with regular access to
cable television, 30% of the population covered by FM radio, nearly
20 million telephones and rapidly expanding, over 1,18,34,08,611 mobile
phones, over 150 million personal computers and internet users 481 million
by end of 2017-18. the list is quite impressive. The last decade has seen
a remarkable expansion. With literacy levels increasing rapidly over the
past decade, and more and more people having disposable incomes after
meeting the basic needs, media’s reach and influence are only going to
grow over the next decade and more.
Have this expansion and power of media been translated into greater
public good? Is our democracy more mature now? Is there more informed
public discourse on account of the media? Are media still a part of the
solution as perceived for decades, or have they become a part of the
problem? Are there signs of self-correction and growing public-spiritedness,
or is there more decay and crass consumerism at the cost of rational discourse
and public good?
These are troubling questions which haunt all lovers of liberty and
democracy. Obviously, when we are dealing with a vast country and
innumerable newspapers and television channels, there cannot be any
sweeping generalisations. There is much that is good and healthy, and there
are parts which are perverse and sickening. But we can safely say that the
bulk of the media today represents a moral force for the rejuvenation of
republic and transformation of democracy. By its very nature, the press is
an empowering, ennobling, invigorating and liberating force. In an open
and competitive system the media act as moral instruments to hod those in
authority in check, and promote public good. Healthy skepticism, irreverence
of authority, a capacity for self-deprecation, fierce independence of spirit,
moral outrage at egregious discrimination and injustice, and tolerance of
heterodoxy and respect for diversity are the hallmarks of our media. These
are also the vital ingredients of a democratic society.
Happily, given our past, the maturing of our institutions, the power of
the media, and the spirit of liberty pervading our people, there is no
likelihood of our freedoms, including freedom of speech and expression,
ever being extinguished again. There is no external threat to the media in
future.
But there are certain danger signals emanating from within. A potent
instrument of freedom is increasingly becoming a private tool for profit or
perverse pleasure. Let us examine some of the less savoury aspects of the
media today.
First, there is an ever-increasing obsession in the media with power
games. Politics, a noble endeavour to promote public good and happiness,
has become a fiercely competitive exercise for personal aggrandisement and
private gain. There is intense excitement in media’s coverage of politics.
Power games are analysed endlessly, and endless space is devoted not to
issues which effect people’s lives, but on who is winning and who is losing,
who is rising and who is falling, who is teaming up with whom, and
splitting from whom. This approach to politics as a spectator sport, often
a bloody, no-holds barred fight to the finish, has severely undermined our
democracy, and retarded its evolution. Politics has now become an alternative
to medieval blood sports, appealing to the worst gambling instincts,
completely divorced from the lives and well-being of citizens. While the
nature of political recruitment and the compulsions of a flawed process of
power are largely responsible for this decline, the media have contributed
heavily to this unhappy state of affairs. As a result, we have only change
of players on our political scene, but the rules of the game remain unchanged.
This had bred enormous cynicism about our political process.
Second, in many cases the morbid curiosity in the game of power and
the natural instinct for political voyeurism have progressed further. The
media, instead of playing the role of an impartial, and critical umpire, have
been sucked into the vortex of partisan politics, and started taking sides.
These political preferences are often not based on ideologies and policies,
but are an expression of personal bonds and mutual gain. Public interest has
taken the back seat and truth has become the casualty. Diametrically opposite
conclusions are drawn from similar facts by the same newspaper depending
on the players involved.
While invocation of Article 356 in one case is strongly justified in the
backdrop of certain facts, such a course is stoutly resisted in another identical
case because the players happen to be different! This playing of favourites,
and twisting facts and logic to suit convenience, have distorted public discourse
and made sections of the media very suspect in the eyes of the people. This
undermining of the legitimacy of the media, and increasing suspicion that
media groups have their own private agendas, have diminished their credibility
and persuasive power, even as their reach and power are growing.
Third, media business is seen increasingly as any other profit-making
business. Undoubtedly financial viability is the key to sustainability, and no
paper can run for long if there are constant losses. However, while bottom-
line has to be kept in mind, treating newspaper as a commodity like any
other is a gross perversion of the freedom of expression. There are countless
other business where you can peddle consumer products and make a tidy
profit. By its very nature, newspaper cannot be a very profitable business.
Printing and exhibiting whatever appeals to the lurid tastes and base impulse
of the readers and viewers regardless of consequences to the society is
nothing short of abdication of the sacred responsibility to promote rational
and enlightened public discourse. This commodification is growing rapidly
with corresponding decline in the obligations to the community.
Fourth, even when the intentions are honourable, there is decline in
professionalism. The more competent and conscientious journalists are doing
an outstanding job. But the bulk of the correspondents are both uninformed
and casual about their profession. The rank incompetence and shoddiness
have been repelling many discerning citizens. Journalism has become just
another job in many cases. Worse still, in many cases, particularly in
regional and local newspapers, the potential nuisance value of a correspondent
has its own pecuniary rewards! The bonhomie with which powerful politicians,
bureaucrats and businessmen deal with pressmen is converted as a source of
patronage and private gain. These unhappy tendencies are blunting the
moral sharpness of media, and reducing their efficacy as guardians of public
interest. If these tendencies of corruption and degradation are not checked
soon, there is a real danger of this vital institution too falling by the
wayside.
Fifth, the power of the media is exercised by some of the media flippantly.
Reckless hedonism and unchecked narcissism have become quite common
in the name of giving the readers what they want. To cite one instance,
several newspapers and television channels have treated an ageing star’s
birthday festivities are far more important than the centenary celebrations
of Lok Nayak Jayaprakash Narayan. This pandering to the whims of the
glitterati, and treating the general public as a source of amusement and
enrichment of the privileged few is both undemocratic in principle and
immoral practice. Harmony can be preserved in an inequitous society only
when the privileged exercise restraint and act with deep sense of responsibility.
If the media ignore the plight of the poor and underprivileged, and
indulge in theatrics and circuses as in Roman amphitheaters, the broad
consensus in society for democracy can easily evaporate. Democracy is the
art of elevating morally unacceptable status quo to a level of dynamic
tension, and resolving potentially violent conflicts by social transformation.
If hope and faith in the future are extinguished, and if a modern democracy
is merely a cosmetic substitute to a feudal oligarchy, then ordinary people
have no longer a stake in the preservation of democratic order. The media
will ignore this at their own peril, because democracy and liberty are the
basis of a free press.
Sixth, increasingly what is most noisy is regarded as news. Substance is
ignored for style, and image is given precedence to reality. Decibel levels
and not the weight of the issue, local arguments and not evidence, slogans
and not rational logic are dominating our political and social scene. The
media, in the mistaken notion that what is most strident is news, are
inadvertently encouraging such tendencies. As Mark Twain said, often a hen
which only laid an egg cackles as if she has laid an asteroid! If we confuse
the egg for an asteroid because of the cackling, it does not speak highly of
our judgment and discerning ability. A casual glance at the newspapers
reveals this lack of judgment which is the luxury the lazy and incompetent
enjoy. A noisy walk out in the legislature on a trumped up issue, feigned
emotion for a self-serving cause, and dramatic pronouncements divorced
from truth are given far too much visibility impairing rational discourse.
Finally, there is far too much cynicism and despair in our society. The
press, instead of offering sensible and practical answers, is adding to these
dark emotions and feelings. It cannot be anybody’s case that things in India
have deteriorated over the past 71 years. We are better off than ever before,
and there is overwhelming evidence that things are improving steadily.
However, there is increasing gulf between our potential and its fulfilment
on the one hand, and expectation and reality on the other. There is moral
indignation and justifiable anger an account of this increasing gap. Such
anger is the moral force which can accelerate progress and improve the
human condition. If, however a sense of balance is not preserved while
condemning what is wrong, there is a danger of throwing the baby with the
bath water. The only antidote to the ills of a democracy is more and better
democracy. There are no knights in shining armour on white horses who
can resolve our dilemmas. The media owe it to the country and themselves
to promote a sense of optimism by focusing on a clear destination and
showing a direction. Otherwise, there is a danger of media becoming a part
of the problem, instead of being the solution.
Today our democracy is in a curious phase. For all appearances, we are
a robust democracy with competitive elections, political freedoms, peaceful
transfer of power and real authority vested in elected governments. But
deeper analysis reveals several troubling features corroding our liberties,
perpetuating inequities and discrimination by birth, sustaining self-serving
oligarchies and political dynasties, and delegitimizing the political process.
This prismatic political culture coexists with a rapidly growing economy
and a self-confident entrepreneurial and professional class. But the fruits of
growth are shared only by about 40% of the population, and the bulk of
the people are not given the opportunity in wealth creation. Their potential
remains unfulfilled and avoidable suffering continues unaddressed because
the Indian political system never addressed the fundamental issues of equity
and opportunity. Quality education accessible to every single child irrespective
of circumstances of birth, reasonable healthcare free of cost to every citizen,
productive skills to participate in wealth creation, and income enhancement
in agricultural and rural sector are the four greatest challenges in today’s
India. Only when we accomplish these goals will all Indians partake in the
feast of economic growth and share the dreams of a great power fulfilling
its destiny. Such a transformation is the function of politics.
True politics is a noble endeavour to reconcile conflicts in society and
to fulfil the potential of every child. Our current political culture based on
pelf, privilege, patronage, muscle power, dynastic succession, feudal fiefdoms,
arbitrary use of power, private gain at public cost and perversion of the
most elementary principles of democracy is at the root of the crisis of
governance and perpetuating inequities in India. We need a new political
culture based on genuinely democratic political parties, transparent funding,
constitutional methods of mobilizing public opinion, rational debate, and
genuine agenda to empower people and release their energies.
The only powerful instrument people have at their disposal in creating
such new politics for a new generation of Indians is free and vibrant media.
Our glorious tradition of free and fearless media gives us a great headstart
in this endeavour. The young Indians constitute major part of our population,
and are hungry for change. The rapid spread of telecommunications offers
us a great platform to communicate to the vast multitudes of India effectively
and mobilize public opinion. Economic growth gives us the cushion to
withstand the tremors of transformation. The people are ready for change,
as their experience taught them that mere periodic elections and change of
governments do not fulfil their aspirations. The media should play a critical
role in this second freedom struggle, just as they played a vital role in
galvanizing the middle classes in the national movement against the colonial
power.
There is much that is wrong with our society and polity today. There
is also much that we can be proud of. There is a lot more we can accomplish.
Most of our problems are not intractable - we do not have to rediscover fire
or reinvent the wheel. We are fortunate to line in an era of spectacular
scientific progress and human advancement. Avoidable suffering can be
prevented better than ever before, and human potential can be fulfilled in
its fullest measure in today’s world. Many pioneers, thinkers, scholars,
activists and practitioners showed the way we can make life more glorious
and society more harmonious. The media need to focus on these solutions.
Mere description of what is wrong, if overdone, reduces us to being
masochists. We need strong willed, optimistic, determined, sensible pursuit
of those collective goals which make life worthy.
The media, print and electronic, have done a lot to make life tolerable,
to keep hope alive, and to sustain human spirit in the face of monumental
problems our society has faced over the decades. A reasonable level of
prosperity, human dignity, realistic opportunities for vertical mobility, and
confidence in the fairness and justice of our political and social institutions
are well within reach of all of us. Once lives and work in the next few
decades will be judged by one single yardstick - have we fulfilled this
promise? The media have a pivotal role in this gigantic, exhilarating and
eventually rewarding task. The anticipation and excitement with which we
wait for the morning newspapers, and the pleasure with which we tune in
our favorite channel are testimonies to this great potential of the media in
our society. There is every reason to hope, and believe that our media will
play an even more glorious role in fulfilling our potential as a nation, and
promoting human happiness.
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY: TRADITIO-

NAL KNOWLEDGE RECEIVES A BOOST
V ery few countries in the world can boast of the variety and vastness
of traditional knowledge that India has. As the global economy has
taken more firm root, however, this knowledge has increasingly been
available to non-Indians as well. And in research laboratories and patent
offices around the world, this knowledge has been exploited and claimed
exclusively by foreigners, both individuals and corporations. Various voices
in India have long protested this, and urged the government to intervene to
check this practice. Finally, India has woken up to this task.
The country will now have a unique digital library, known as the
Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL), of its rich and varied
traditional knowledge. The brainchild of Dr. V K Gupta, Head, IT Division,
Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), the library is designed
to record traditional remedies for posterity using ancient science and modern
technology. It is the first of its kind in the world and has got scientists
excited with the potential it promises. Dr Gupta feels the library will go a
long way towards helping India protect its traditional knowledge, and we

will not have to fight very expensive court cases trying to win patents back.
With six years of tireless work behind them, Dr Gupta’s team can look
forward to the TKDL protecting vital national interests.
TKDL is a collaborative project between CSIR, the Ministry of Science
and Technology, and Department of Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy,
Unani, Siddha and Homoeopathy, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare,
and is being implemented at CSIR in New Delhi. It is expected to cost
around 2.5 million dollars. It entails research in Ayurveda, Siddha, Unani,
Yoga, Naturopathy and folklore medicine. Over a hundred experts have
been poring over material during the last five years to help complete this
unique project.
A good example of the library’s potential benefit can be seen from the
case of turmeric. While it is common knowledge in India that turmeric
contains curative properties, this did not stop a patent being granted for its
use in medicine abroad. With the TKDL in place, this sort of violation -
deliberate or ignorant - will be more difficult. Patent offices around the
world would be alerted to the existence of this database, and would need
to cross-examine new claims against its knowledge. “It will be mandatory
for patent examiners to refer to this database before granting a patent now.
India can now effectively stop the patenting of its traditional knowledge,”
says Dr M.V. Vishwanathan, a senior scientist.
However, its wealth of knowledge has not been published online. There
is a good reason, argue scientists. They fear that companies in the West
have been raiding the traditional knowledge of numerous poor countries,
and online publication of the knowledge would aid such piracy.
A firmer footing for indigenous knowledge

Western scientists have always looked at Indian traditional wisdom with a
great deal of scepticism arguing that it has not been tested in a laboratory.
With the digital library having details of herbs used for curing various
ailments, scientists can now launch their pharmacological tests. But the
demand for laboratory testing is merely a charade, says Suman Sahai of
Delhi-based Gene Campaign, and there is no reason to subject traditional
knowledge to such things before according it due place. “The magic properties
of Arogyapacha did not come from scientists sitting in a laboratory, but
from a community,” she says, referring to the medicinal plant known for
thousands of years to the Kani tribals of Kerala.
If we can accept that Japanese or Korean chrome steel is a kind of
knowledge and technology that others should be prepared to pay for, why
can’t this standard to applied to older knowledge, she asks. The West, has
to learn that India’s knowledge, whatever its age, cannot be stolen anymore
than yesterday’s invention in the developed world. If they are going to use
our knowledge, they must enter into a benefit-sharing arrangement with us.
Will the Americans dare to pirate the knowledge of the Japanese? But they
will gladly steal Indian traditional knowledge, knowing fully well that India
will find it very difficult to fight them in international courts. Indeed, the
costs of contesting international claims on knowledge are quite high; a
single court case may be as expensive as setting up the digital library of
traditional knowledge! It is a luxury India can ill afford.
Theft of traditional knowledge

In 2000, CSIR found that almost 80 per cent of the 4,896 references to
individual plant based medicinal patents in the United States Patents Office
that year related to just seven medicinal plants of Indian origin. Three years
later, there were almost 15,000 patents on such medicines spread over the
United States, UK, and other registers of patent offices. In 2005 this number
had grown to 35,000, which clearly demonstrates the interest of developed
world in the knowledge of the developing countries. Conveniently, none of
the patent examiners are from developing countries, allowing a virtual free
pass to stealing indigenous knowledge from the Old World.
In 1995, the US Patent Office granted a patent on the wound-healing
properties of turmeric. Scientists at CSIR asked for a re-examination of this
patent - #5401504 - filed by two US-based Indians. In a landmark decision,
United States Patent and Trademark Office revoked this patent as it was
being used in India for centuries. This was the first time that a patent based
on the traditional knowledge of a developing country was challenged
successfully and US PTO revoked the patent. The case of the revocation of
the patent granted to W.R. Grace Company and US Department of Agriculture
on Neem (EPO patent No. 436257) by European Patent Office, again on
the same grounds of its use having been known in India, is another example.
While these examples suggest that some errors can be reversed, this comes
at a high cost and after enormous effort; the US case, for example, lasted
two years and cost $6 million.
Tough task
Creating the TKDL’s database has not been easy. For many years, nearly
a hundred doctors and scientists studied ancient medical texts, taking notes,
tabulating the data and keying in information. The doctors were practitioners
of Ayurveda, Unani and Siddha, ancient Indian medical systems that date
back thousands of years. Leafing through the texts took a lot of effort and
co-ordination. The Ayurvedic texts were in Sanskrit and Hindi, Siddha ones
were in Tamil, and Unani was in Arabic and Persian. Many of the texts that
they waded through were thousands of years old. And the information to
be collated is enormous; for instance, there are already nearly 150,000-
recorded Ayurvedic, Unani and Siddha medicines, and over 1500 asanas in
yoga. Yoga masters say that there are thousands of other asanas that have
been lost without proper documentation.
A lot of traditional knowledge is also oral, and acquiring it in recorded
form can be challenging. The huge corpus of knowledge lying outside of
books must be put on a very high priority. For instance, there is a lot of
knowledge available with the tribals in Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh. But
there is erosion of indigenous knowledge among the Tharu tribals in Uttar
Pradesh in the Terai region because of urbanisation. In another two
generations this knowledge will disappear. This documentation must be
taken up on a war footing and the digital library has a massive job on its
hands.
Growing interest worldwide
It is not just India that stands to benefit if a digital library is organised to
document traditional knowledge and shield it from patent marauders. Like
India, the rest of South Asia too is rich in traditional knowledge that is
crucial to health, medicines, agriculture, biotechnology and biodiversity.
Eighty per cent of its 1.4 billion people have no easy access to modern
health services, and are therefore very dependent on traditional medicine.
At the moment, India is the only country in the world with such a
traditional knowledge digital library, but in many ways, the Indian effort
is also a clear message to other countries to do a similar thing to protect
their knowledge. After the Indian venture into setting up this library, other
countries such as Iran, South Korea, Thailand, Magnolia, Cambodia, South
Africa, Nigeria, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have shown
interest in setting up similar ones for their own traditional knowledge.
Indian scientists say that China and Japan too have a wealth of traditional
information and will soon also create a digital library like India’s.
Representatives from South Africa, the Commonwealth West African
Education Delegation, the African Regional Industrial Property Organization
and International Property Office in Singapore have already discussed with
India the possibility of creating similar databases.
EXAMINATIONS—RIGHT OR WRONG
L ife is all along an examination and all of us have to face one or the
other tough task daily, wherever and in whatever position we may be.
Coming to the so-called exams proper, the euphoria of the New year
ends with the students when they realize the blackhooded hordes of
examinations marching towards them in the coming months. Maybe
unconsciously, they look to them like clouds of locust that darken the sky
even in noontime brightness of the sun.
There is then the nail-biting home stretch when most of the students
ponder over their state of mind with the ubiquitous idea; “I wish I had
started studying earlier”. The matter doesn’t end here. May students, even
the most brilliant ones, lose their appetite and sleep and perhaps even
‘Sensible’ senses. One can easily infer a student is not near the examinations
what he is or the reverse may be the case.
Most of the students are virtually in a state of depression near the
examinations, though strictly in medical terms, this state may not be
technically admitted to be such a state. But, we can say with jubilation “
The examination blues !” And jubilation not at the poor fellows who suffer
these blues but at the finding out of a term even like Galileo who exclaimed,
“Eureka! Eureka! Eureka!” on a new astronomical discovery.
We learn from the counsellors about the students’ common complaints
like lack of appetite, insomnia, fear of failure, fear of being rebuked by
parents, fear of loss of status among the student community in particular
and society in general, etc. Sometimes, even suicidal tendencies are noticed
by these counsellors. In certain cases, students who have shown remarkable
performance in the previous classes are afraid that they may not be able to
repeat the performance and be taken to task by their parents. In certain
cities, helplines are available round the clock. Even the CBSE has been
running such helplines for students.
Some of such helplines for students as blues to make some queries to
get rid of them are Disha, Snehi, Sarthak, CBSE, etc. It deserves to be
noted that not always calls are made by the students themselves. Sometimes,
even parents make a fervent call about their ward and at times even express
their anger over the phone at the defective examination system, which

reduces the students to robots and automatons, snatching all the emotions,
charm and joy from their life.
Since many of us will be inclined to say that after a lot of experimentation
in several ways, the net decision for the present seems to be that examinations
in one form or the other are unavoidable. They may be called a necessary
evil. In whatever form they may be, they are, after all examinations and
there is hardly a student who does not shudder at the sheer mention of the
word “Examination.” He may be boasting of a brave and courageous boxer,
athlete or wrestler or bully, but this is the word which makes his nerves
creep and his hairs stand on ends. Even when a die-hard bully who uses
unfair means in an examination threatening the supervisory staff with dire
consequences in case of making an Unfair Means Case (UMC) actually has
a pumping heart which is no less violent in jogging as that of a Macbeth
who murders a Duncan in his own castle.
A great bane of the modern examination system is that we have too
many examinations. Even to get admission in the nursery or pre-nursery
class, the child has to take a test. Not only the child but also its parents have
to appear for an interview. Then throughout the career of the poor child,
there are tests and examinations galore such as daily, weekly, monthly,
bimonthly, semester-related, annual, etc.
If a student has to seek admission in any other institution for any reason,
he has to take a test. Even after getting a certificate, diploma or degree, one
has to appear in a test, examination and/or interview or viva voca, group
discussion and what not in order to join a vocational, technical or professional
course or a job.
We have a pertinent saying: “Excess of everything is bad.” This should
and does equally apply to the examinations. The examinations always keep
the students on tenterhooks. They are often a worried lot. It is hard to find
a ray of cheerfulness on the faces of most of the students. Then in this
world of hard competition and pressing demands on the students from their
parents and teachers, many students fall a prey to such unethical practices
as copying. Gone are the days when students like Gandhiji refused to copy
spelling of a word from another student’s exercise book even when he was
urged by his teacher to do so. Now, not only the students themselves but
also many times even their parents and the so-called all well-wishers try to
exhort the student to indulge in the unhealthy practice of copying. The pity
is that sometimes even the teachers play a nefarious role in this obnoxious
game. Even more deplorable is the fact regarding the pressure of members
of managements and/or politicians and bureaucrats on the teachers to help
their wards in cheating in the examinations.
All this must be stopped in the overall national interest. If today we
have students who come off with flying colours in examinations through the
art of copying tomorrow we shall have these very students risen to high
posts again through unfair means and thus the whole moral structure of the
society and our national character will get infected. This actually is happening
to a great extent at this very moment.
Another great menace, perhaps the greatest of all other menaces, is the
menace of leakage of papers of various examinations. There have been
reports about the leakage of PMT papers right from the beginning. Similarly
leak of papers of many other examinations has sporadically taken place in
the past.
During the recent few years, however, the leakage of papers pertaining
to various examinations has taken the shape of an epidemic.
The process of the question papers getting leaked continues unabated in
spite of the fact that in almost all the earlier cases which were detected some
persons had been arrested. Perhaps nobody is afraid of getting arrested. It
is probably because the punishment is either not expected at all or it is
believed that it can not be deterrent enough to discourage others from doing
such evil deeds.
Accordingly question papers of a number of classes, mainly class X and
XII of State Boards were leaked in Punjab, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh.
This happened in March 2004. The new financial year started from April
and the wily perpetrators of mischief could not let it come easy. Hence, in
the second week of April 2004, the leak of All India Pre-Medical Test
(AIPMT) was detected in Delhi. It is a different matter that two students
were arrested.
The mysterious question that can haunt anybody’s mind is that can the
students indulge in such a nefarious activity without the connivance, guidance
or help of some others such as teachers, authorities in educational
departments, etc.?
The fact is that the leak of papers has taken the shape of a big trade.
A question paper, according to the worth of its belonging, is sold at exorbitant
rates, sometimes ranging from Rs. 2 to 7 lakh. The price comes down to
a few rupees as the number of buyers swells. Unfortunately, many of the
parents and even teachers and heads of institutions become participants in
this trade either as perpetrators or victims.
One can call it nothing but criminalisation of education, which is no less
dangerous than the criminalisation of politics in the matter of national
health. The greatest danger is that with the erosion of credibility of the
entire education system more and more honest students are likely to join the
other side. A time can come when there is nobody on one side of the
hedge. Such a scenario is no difficult to visualize since in the circumstances
that there are, every honest student is bound to feel the futility of his/her
labour and envy those who reap the fruit with no labour worth the name.
Such a state of affairs can make the students lethargic. They can seriously
and sincerely think that if they can get through an examination just by
buying a question paper a few hours or a day before the examination, why
should they slave over books the whole year? What they now actually need
is a few lakhs of rupees for which their parents may be willing ever more
in practices such as black marketing. Let the nation, society and the world
go to hell! So this is what the present examination system makes them and
from what. How raw they were and how crude, rude and rough now they
are! Can we think of some remedy? May be none for the present. But
that can’t be. There must be some remedy as there is always some remedy
to every ailment. None of us would like to become a fiddling Nero to see
our nation in flames. This great nation can’t be allowed to go to dogs for
the shortsightedness of a few hapless creatures.
Let some methods be devised to uplift the moral standard of not only
the students but also the parents, teachers, government functionaries and all
others concerned. Then draconian laws must be passed to deliver a highly
deterrent punishment to those who indulge in such practices which should
be deemed as traitorous and anti-national, Since the innocent and ignorant
students who become victims are the future of our country and if they are
made helpless, virtually it is this great nation which is being held to ransom
by some greedy, unscrupulous elements.
India’s education and examination systems are now being landed all
over the world for being of quite-high quality, though we still find several
deficiancies in them. A positive factor in this context is the will for constant
rethinking and making changes where necessary. An example can be given
in the matter of rethinking about the examinations pertaining to Class X.
One of the proposals mooted mainly by the CBSE was concerning making
class X examinations optinal. The boards, however, did not find favour with
this proposal. Instead, the council (COBSE), allowing flexibility to students,
agreed to implement the grading system by 2008 and also made a case for
including internal assessment in schools. It allowed students. The new idea
emerged in that the annual examinations should be spread over a couple of
months so that a student can take a few papers in one month and the rest
in the subsequent months, instead of appearing in the examinations in one
go. However, it was agreed that the results should be decreased in one go.
It was believed that the system would prevent the students from neglecting
their school education.
SOUL AND MIND AS SOURCES OF

HAPPINESS
W hen a man is a small child, he feels happy while having playthings

like toys and eatables like ice-cream, chocolates, cake, toffees, cold
drinks, etc. As man grows up, he feels bored with these things. He may still
have them but he is not satisfied. It is because now a materialistic view of
life has penetrated his mind and he can be satisfied with things which cost
a lot such as a good house, a car, television and the like. He may also not
be just satisfied having father, mother and a brother-sister. He may want a
wife or husband besides some friends who should be ready to praise him
and make sacrifices for him. He wants good education, good health and
sufficiently high status and say in life. Besides, he must have a lot of money
in bank and a lucrative business or job.
Many of such things may actually be necessary for the smooth flow of
life. But real happiness may still elude a man. As Osho says that life goes
through man and comes out of man. The process is continuous and is never
broken, and thus it is life which is ever-flowing and which exists and man
is nothing and in reality, does not exist at all. We may say that it is only
a deception which we perceive with our senses and mind. Accordingly, it
changes like the magic show of a magician which we find true and
convincing as long as we witness it.
In this context, we should have faith in the Buddha who said, “You only
have to know what you are, how you exist; that’s all.” The important thing
is not believing anything but realizing one’s self and understanding one’s

own mind. It is, in fact the mind which is the villain of the piece, but it
is also the mind that delivers the goods like a good servant if it is tackled
and tamed efficiently as is the case with fire or electricity.
To understand oneself — that’s indeed the problem. When Socrates says,
“know thyself”, he puts the toughest question to mankind. And probably
Milton means the same thing when he says, “Mind is its own place and can
make in itself a heaven of hell and a hell of heaven.”
In the modern age, many claim to change hell into heaven and we must
listen to them even if we don’t believe them. Such are the practitioners of
yoga, spirituality, feng-shui, vaastu, Tarot card holders, and many others.
Lest we should miss the mark, let’s include the offerers of mobile phones,
AC’s, cars, computers, and such others because they also claim to offer a
way out in our exploration of the land of happiness and they have to present
their own experiences. At the same time, we cannot ignore the artists, big
or small, good or bad, such as pop singers, dancers, painters, sculptors, and
so on. There may be some writers also who deserve our attention. But good
writers who contribute, who add to the enrichment to life may be rare even
if many may claim to be travelling in its bandwagon.
If we have a bit of spiritual bent of mind, we may hear the voice “of
God within ourselves. “O man! All the potentiality for happiness is within
you. Don’t seek happiness outside your mind and heart.”
This may be one side of the picture. Sociologists may tell us that we
should learn to socialize. Socialisation, self-expression and the praise of
those who deserve it, increase happiness. It may seem strange but it is true
that even atheists are likely to get happiness in a spiritual congregation. It
is not just the belief in God that gives us happiness but also the peaceful
atmosphere that prevails at such places.
One may think of pilgrimages and religious functions in the same vein.
It may be true that one may not be able to find God by making pilgrimages,
by worshipping idols or by attending religious functions: But the question
is why do we want to search for God? Actually, nobody wants to have God
for his own sake. We want God because we believe that thereby we can get
immortal happiness. So our real search is for happiness.
We can say simply that pilgrimages, idol-worship (without being
superstitious about it) and religious functions give us peace of mind which
is a prerequisite to happiness. We should have the attitude that in whatever
innocent way a person can have peace of mind, contentment, satisfaction
and happiness, such a course is beneficial to him.

The real difficulty arises when we become superstitious and we have
preachers who instead of delivering to us real peace of mind and happiness,
try to fleece us financially and make us slaves and pawns in their hands to
feather their own nests. Such people have reduced religions and spirituality
to an industry in which they are the elitist industrialists. Such people, like
all capitalists and industrialists are, hand and glove with the political masters
in collusion with whom they try to make hay while the sun shines. If we
want real happiness, we have to steer clear of all such elements just as we
have to eliminate all negative thoughts from our minds.
According to a newspaper report:
“The scientists have shown that an optimistic attitude to life helps to
regulate hormones, which strengthen the immune system.”
“Happy people are also physically more active and less prone to bad
habits such as smoking and drinking.”
“Happiness protects people from diseases ranging from flu to diabetes
and heart disease.”
“A heart felt laugh is more than just a reaction to a joke,” says, Spanish
actress Carben Labella “You need to feel at one with yourself, and that is
not as easy as it seems.”
Now it is recognized on all hands that a positive attitude promotes health
and happiness and a negative attitude negates it. Health is a prerequisite to
happiness, even more than money. Money can buy luxuries, but not
necessarily health. If money were everything, the moneyed people shouldn’t
fall ill. Then death does not spare anybody, rich or poor, hence the short
span of life must be spent happily. A poor pauper can be healthy and happy
and a rich magnate may not be.
Happiness also lies in helping others. A good turn done always brings
inner happiness and balance. A way of spirituality is surely a way to
everlasting happiness. We never find a genuinely saintly man sad and
unhappy. Those who give up such evils and vices as drinking, gambling,
drug-taking can be happy. Then it is also of paramount importance that we
give up lust, anger, greed, attachment and vanity, the so-called “panch-
doots”. Then we can really be happy. A happy life presupposes renunciation,
abnegation and sacrifice. Rightly did the Buddha say that desire is the root
cause of man’s unhappiness. The rat race for money and luxuries always
keeps a man’s balance of mind upset. If we are able to maintain our balance
of mind in all circumstances, we can be happy. That is possible only if we
are genuinely spiritually-minded. Thus, soul is the real source of all and
supreme happiness and if we want such kind of happiness, we must follow

the dictates of the soul, the spirit, and the conscience and not the mind or
the body. Body and mind symbolise attachment to this mortal earth and soul
points to immortal God which is the generator and creator of all life, light
and superb and supreme bliss and happiness that this sublunary earth can
never dream of. Hence Shelly says in his “Adonais”:
“Heaven’s lights for ever shine;
Earth’s shadows fly.”
Swami Ramdas explains the secret of “waveless peace” and happiness in
the following words:-
“When the source of immortal joy is opened within us, it flows and
saturates every fibre of our being, internal and external, and makes our life
at once a waveless peace and ceaseless thrill of ecstasy. Death, fear, and
grief have then no significance for us.”
Lord Krishna gave the gospel of desireless ‘Karma’ as the secret of
happiness. A thinker expresses this philosophy in a few words as under:-
“Krishna reveals to the world the secret of happiness – being desireless.
Should one’s Karma be desireless? Yes, but we should see this distinction
clearly that we don’t desire the karma but its fruit. So surrender the fruit
of your karma to Krishna, i.e., desire nothing from your action. By practice
and selection, one would indulge in desireless karma. Sow a seed into a
tree, water it, and nourish it. But the planter should think that he may not
enjoy this shade or fruit, this karma is desireless……….
Thus only by detached ‘karma’ can one become perfect for only those
who endeavour for perfection can achieve them.”
SERVICE TO MOTHER IS THE

HIGHEST
M ankind comprises two components. They are man and woman. Neither
is complete without the other. It is on these two components or
wheels that the carriage of life runs.

Had God deemed women unimportant, He wouldn’t have created them.
Then He would have created only men and He would have devised some
other means of procreation and propagation of human race. But evidently,
God has wished woman to be there and to walk shoulder to shoulder with
man. Moreover, without the company of woman, man would have had to
feel the pangs of loneliness and boredom.
All the charm of life would have not been there for man had there been
no woman. Woman runs the family which is the main source of joy to
mankind. The child learns his/her first lesson of life in the family, and the
true nature of a family, more than anything else, depends on the presence
of a woman as mother, sister and wife, and on the quality and nature of
this woman.
Woman is the emblem of beauty and splendour. A cheerful woman is
a living fresh rose in a house. The most loving, kind and inspiring face of
the mother is the greatest treasure to a child. Ask a child and he/she will
give up everything he has — toys, dresses and even food and milk if he
finds his/her mother in a gloomy mood.
The mother manages the family. She is the uncrowned queen in every
household. In good families, her writ runs large and her word is law. But,
alas! it is so in certain good families only. In any case, the families in which
mother is maltreated or is not held in high esteem, are doomed to get ruined
sooner or later.
The mother’s time for sacrifices starts the moment she conceives. She
keeps the child in her womb for nine months and suffers all the troubles
and tribulations for bringing it into the world in a safe and healthy state.
She suffers the pangs of birth for his/her sake. It is known to all how the
mother herself sleeps on the bed sheet drenched with child’s urine and
makes the child sleep on dry portion of the sheet. When the child weeps
for any reason, she herself feels upset and behave like a fish out of water.
She does her best to make the child happy and cheerful. Whenever the child
falls ill, the mother is the most anxious person in the family. She is eager
that the child should recover as quickly as possible. She keeps awake the
whole night tending her ailing child. She forgets even to take her food.
As the child grows up, the mother continues to be her greatest benefactor.
She gets up early in the morning and starts the household chores. She has
a bath and offers a brief prayer to her gods. Then she wakes up the child
and prepares him/her for school. She prepares his/her tiffin and arranges
his/her books in the bag. Alongside, sometimes, she also prepares tea and/
or breakfast for other members of the family. If the father is too busy or
lazy, she herself goes to make the child board his/her school bus.
When the child is away at school, the mother keeps herself busy doing
various household chores. If she belongs to a poor or even lower middle
class family and is unable to afford a home-maid in the house, she has to
do all the brooming, dish-washing, etc. She has to wash the clothes of all
the members of the family and even iron them. She may have to go to the
dairy to bring milk and to the market to buy vegetables. She may even have
to go to the grocer’s and/or the ration depot to purchase provisions.
If the woman is in service, she leaves for her place of work after
sending the child/children to school and after preparing meals for all the
members of the family. A woman who is well-qualified and is holding a
high office, may be having a home-maid and other servants in the house
to get various kinds of work done. If she belongs to a lower class and or
is not in service, she may have to bring the child from school and prepare
lunch and evening tea.
In the evening the mother helps the child in doing his/her homework,
if she herself is an educated woman. At night, she might have to tell the
child some interesting stories before he/she goes to sleep.
Unfortunately in this era of great scientific advancement, motherhood is
really facing a challenge. As we know mainly because of female foeticide
which is generally brought about because of pressure from husband and
other members of the family, the ratio of girls as to boys is sharply falling.
Now, in India, we have only 943 girls for every 1000 boys. In certain states
such as Punjab and Haryana, this ratio is still lower.
International Women’s Day was observed on 8th March, 2015. Some of
the important reproductive rights of women which mainly pertain to
motherhood were inserted in important dailies. Some of these are listed
below :-
(a) Right to marry at legally correct age (18 years upwards). (b) Right
to decide about time and number of conceptions (c) Right to obtain medical
consultation during pregnancy. (d) Right to protest against pre-natal sex-
determination test. (e) Right to say “No” to female foeticides. (f) Right to
obtain safe delivery services. (g) Right to abortion when mental/physical
health is threatened (h) Right to live with dignity in the family and society
for being the mother of daughters only, etc.
Now, it does not need to be stressed that women’s rights which mostly
pertain to motherhood besides food, education and healthcare on a par with
boys , must be protected. In a vibrant nation state, mothers occupy the
centre-stage. A nation which does not care for mothers (women) is doomed
to death and destruction.
It augers well that the custom of celebrating Mother’s Day is now
gaining ground. On this day, for which maximum enthusiasm is found
among children, mothers are given cards, roses and gifts. It is good because
mothers really deserve love, care and even adoration. However, mothers are
usually overworked and children can do well if they undertake some of the
responsibilities of mothers as, for instance, preparing evening tea and even
dinner, if possible, and mothers are allowed to have some moments of rest
and leisure. On Sundays and other holidays, this practice can be extended
to include some other services such as preparing lunch, washing clothes and
dishes, cleaning the floor and furniture, etc. There is nothing wrong if sons
also lend a helping hand to mothers and husbands to their wives. On
Mother’s Day, in particular, to express true love and affection for their
mothers which resides in their hearts, children must make it a point to help
their moms in doing household chores and not just pass them off with cards
and roses. To reiterate, these are rest, respect and care which mothers need
most. All material things are only secondary, though if a mother is offered
a good new outfit or pair of shoes and some well-prepared delicious dishes
off and on and not only on Mother’s Day, there should be no raising of
eyebrows at this.
In this hi-tech age we also have what is called “manufactured
motherhood.” It all came into focus when 46 year old Radha Patel gave
birth to her own grand-children in January 2004. This incident triggered a
hot debate about the ethics of surrogate motherhood. Another point which
came into focus was the discussion on the need for checks and balances
against man’s monopolistic decision to control the process of reproduction.
In this context, Radha Patel should not be singled out for being put
under the scanner. Earlier, women in other countries had done what Radha
Patel did now in India. A South African woman was as perhaps the first
in the world to give birth to her grandchildren in 1987. In 1991, Edith
Jones became the first British woman who gave birth to her grand-child at
the age of 51.
It cannot be denied that almost all women have an instinctive urge to
give birth to a child. This urge may be on unavoidable part of the
evolutionary process which goads all females to long for perpetrating the
species. However, the matter of surrogate motherhood needs some special
legislation keeping in view of the deep and widespread social, psychological,
cultural and legal implications.
In the case of surrogate motherhood, certain safeguards are essential.
For instance, the sperm donor and surrogate mother should not be a relative
or friend of the couple. Sex relation should not be allowed. The consent of
couples for the use of embryos must be compulsory. Donors must be
screened for HIV and other serious infections. All records must be maintained
and regularly checked to guard against being tampered. Above all, the
whole process must be carried out on non-commercial and humanitarian
basis and in accordance with existing laws, cultural ethos and high moral
and ethical standards. In no case, should the concerned parties, particularly
the women involved be ignored and the biological parents must be ready
to adopt a child born through surrogacy. In no case and under no
circumstances should the sale of embryos outside the country or
commercialisation thereof in any way be allowed.
MODERN LIFESTYLE
T here is a modern saying which runs something like this: “At forty you
can get a good job, a good house, a car and a heart attack!”
Why this heart attack at forty when our forefathers who were mostly
illiterate and had meagre medical facilities and not much diet, at least not
the variety of eatables now we have, lived for many more decades?
This is what modern lifestyle is. It is actually high-risk life-style with
mounds of gold coins in one hand and death in the other. The condition is

that one, who accepts the one, will have to accept the other also.
A few years back, a report in the journal of “Occupational and
Environmental Medicine”, based on joint study by a team from Guy’s
Hospital London and a Japanese team from Kyushu University pointed out
that working over 60 hours a week and sleeping less than five hours at least
two nights a week, doubles the risk of heart attack. The report pointed out
that it was because such a lifestyle could increase the risk of high blood
pressure and lead to dysfunction of heart attack.
Actually many of our materialistic thinkers and philosophers, both in the
east and the west, are responsible to a great extent for this state of affairs.
Such philosophers and thinkers have coined several slogans such as “work
is worship” “hard work is the key to success”, “No pains, no gains”, etc.
to enthuse the people to work harder and still harder, as if life were only
work.
It is true that as human beings we must work hard as life is not a bed
of roses. Even the Bible says, “With the sweat of thy brow shalt thou earn
thy living”. It is also attributed to Jawahar Lal Nehru that he said” Aaram
haram hai”. (Rest is a forbidden thing). It is commonly said, “Rest is rust”.
Swami Ram Tirath, in one of his discourses given to the students in Japan
said that just as water when it is enclosed in a pond stagnates, but remains
fresh when it keeps flowing in a stream, reminds us of life. One, who is
lazy and is not ready to do any work, is like the water stagnating in a dirty
pond. But a man who is up and doing enjoys the freshness of life and gets
success.
That be as it may, but the fact remains that human body is just a kind
of machine. It has got some limit up to which it can work. Any work done
beyond the limits of endurance is more harmful than useful. Excess of work
leads to stress, which is the mother of such diabolical diseases as hypertension,
diabetes mellitus, heart disease, strokes and may be perhaps cancer.
Unfortunately, in the modern age we have developed a life-style which
keeps both our body and mind overbusy. In the name of entertainment, we
go on watching films, matches, serials, videogames, etc. over TV till late
at night. We do not give required rest to our nerves. The students are
overburdened with studies and surprisingly perhaps for the first time in
history, we have children as young as twelve or even ten suffering from
stress and even depression. The little kids are aroused by the greedy,
materialistic parents from their sweat dreamful sleep and washed early at
dawn and loaded with a bag of books. They are forced to go to the hellish

so-called high-tech schools to get their innocent childhood and all their
sweetness of life destroyed for the tinsel luxuries and false snobbish, prudish
status in society.
Many people would be inclined to believe (and they may be correct at
least) partially that modern lifestyle is based on the kind of modern civilization
being what it is and as such it can’t be helped. The celebrated writer M.S.N.
Menon, expresses his views on the modern civilization in the Indian and
Gandhian aspect in the following manner:
“Gandhiji did not like modern civilization because what inspired it was
ever-expanding desires for material things. He believed that it is not conducive
to the moral growth of man. Ananda Coomaraswamy says: “Civilization
consists not multiplying our desires and the means of gratifying them, but
in the refinement of their quality.
The pursuit of a material civilization can be justified only if it leads to
the ultimate understanding of the universe. For example, our explorations
of the atom or the galaxies are initial steps in that direction. These are
byproducts of our quest for material things.”
Previously it was believed that the high-risk lifestyle was limited only
to high-profile professions such as business, law, medicine, manufacturing,
politics, police etc. Now, even the middle-rung workers and even blue
collared employees of not much eminence are falling a prey to this bane.
We must blame urbanization and globalisation above all for such new
developments which are operating vehemently to cut short the quota of
happiness in our life. Indeed, the modern man hardly has any time for
leisure and relaxation.
Those who live in metropolitan cities, daily have to cover long distances
to reach their workplaces. This they do by bus, car, scooter, taxi, train,
tram, etc. Their journey from the house to the workplace and back hardly
leaves any energy in them to do any work in a worthwhile manner either
at the office, factory or whatever it is or at home. They are shirkers at both
the places and if they are not , then they are just those who are overburdened
with work even without working and hence are prone to several diseases.
They are either honest or dishonest in doing their work and both ways they
are losers.
If they do not work they are dishonest, cheats and even traitors and if
they work, they are rushing for the hospital where they will waste their
own, their near and dear ones’ and nation’s precious time and money
besides, getting awfully agonized and incapacitated in the bargain. So what

should they do? Actually they can do nothing. Nor we can do anything for
them. So, we must leave them to their fate. Let them thank the stars that
produced them in this hi-tech age. Shakespeare says that fault does not lie
with the stars, but here we learn that in this age, even the all wise Shakespeare
is proved wrong.
We have so far studied only one side of the picture and we have started
feeling that all is lost. But this is not a fact. God has, in no circumstances,
created man a helpless creature. Much remains always in the hands of the
God. If destiny is man, as Hardy believed, man is also destiny as Bard-at-
Avons believed.
Much of our miseries in the modern age are of our own making and we
can to a great extent repair the loss and stop it from being incurred further.
For instance, a man who does not take regular exercise is sure to fall a prey
to one or the other disease. But taking regular exercise within one’s capacity
is certainly in man’s own hands. Similarly, a man who takes calorie-rich
fat diet or takes excess of salt and sugar must understand that he is cutting
short his life. Actually, this so-called junk or fast-food is playing havoc
with our health.
Too much money makes us say good-bye to preparing food at home,
which is hygienic, nutritive and recommendable in all respects. Instead,
many of the married people have increasingly started visiting hotels and
restaurants where they relish fried and highly spiced dishes in which all the
necessary vitamins and proteins have been destroyed due to roasting, over-
heating and excessive baking.
Many people indulge in over-eating and this leads them to obesity,
coronary diseases, diabetes, hypertension, flatulence, arthritis, gout, asthma,
kidney diseases, etc. In the modern age, man’s life is also marred by
excessive worries, anxiety, angst, ennui, stress, tension, depression, insomnia,
dyspepsia, and the like. Apart from those who over-eat, many people have
no time to take meals at fixed hours and sometimes they have to miss a
meal or two altogether, thanks to the rush of work. This is just an invitation
to one or the other disease.
In the modern times certain bad habits such as drinking, smoking and
drug-taking are increasingly becoming an aspect of high lifestyle. How can
we blame the stars if such ones lose their wits, memories and even their
lives?
Many years back Friedman and Rosenman traced individual traits, which
act as risk factors. For instance, according to them, the type-A personality

which was long considered an important risk factor in the heart disease, had
so far not been proved conclusively as such. They, however, did not deny
that stress related diseases are associated with type-A behaviour. Such type
of behaviour is denoted by impatience, aggressiveness, cynicism and lack of
ability to relax. Thus relaxation is a key-point in avoiding stress related
diseases such as strokes, heart attacks, etc.
It will be useless to blame modern machines, science and technology for
bringing misery to us. Actually, we are either too immature or careless such
that we are unable to use these new boons wisely and judiciously. We are
perhaps too avaricious and want results and end-products like luxuries and
too much rest or excessive work too quickly. We lack in balancing rest and
work. The same is true with us in all walks of life as in eating, working,
behaving, thinking, talking etc. Let us be honest and think of all mankind
and give up selfishness and bring about a balance in life.
SHOULD THE RTI ACT BE

EXTENDED TO BOURSES?
T he Right to Information (RTI) Act passed by the Indian parliament

in 2005 is a historical piece of legislation that for the first time
opened up public entities for scrutiny by the citizenry. Since it came
into effect in October 2005, the RTI Act has been successfully used by
individuals and private citizen groups to gain access to information from
a diverse array of public institutions.
As individual citizens and activist organisations experiment with new
ways of using the RTI Act to increase transparency in government and
quasi-governmental entities, they constantly tease the limits of what constitutes
a ‘public entity’ under this law. The RTI Act is applicable only to ‘public
authorities’, a term that includes statutory institutions established by the
constitution, entities established by laws passed by the parliament or state
legislatures, and institutions created by executive notification. Additionally,
the RTI Act is also applicable to non-governmental institutions that are

‘controlled [or] substantially financed directly or indirectly by funds provided
by the appropriate government’.
Do stock exchanges fall within the ambit of this law? The Central
Information Commission (CIC), which oversees RTI compliance, had ruled
that the various stock exchanges in the country were in fact public entities,
and that citizens could seek information from the bourses under the RTI
Act. The CIC has based its view on the fact that “[a]ll stock exchanges are
created by orders of SEBI. In passing the orders of registering the stock
exchanges, it is exercising the authority of the government”. This the reason
why the CIC thinks stock exchanges are included under the purview of the
RTI Act. The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI), the regulatory
authority overseeing the functioning of the stock exchanges has concurred
with the Central Information Commission.
However, the stock exchanges challenged the CIC directive in high
courts (the Bombay Stock Exchange in the Bombay High Court, and the
National Stock Exchange in the Delhi High Court). The bourses argued
that every public limited company needs some form of a license to carry
out its business activities, and that alone does not automatically make it
a public entity. In their interim orders the courts have issued a stay on
the CIC directive that would have brought the stock exchanges under the
purview of the RTI Act.
The rationale for bringing the bourses under the purview of the RTI Act
is in fact very sound. However, the narrow legalistic argument put forth by
the CIC is not the most persuasive reason for extending the RTI Act to
include stock exchanges. When the CIC v. bourses case comes up for
hearing in the Supreme Court, the Commision will have to present a much
larger social-legal case that clarifies how the stock exchanges are ‘public
authorities’ despite being run as limited liability corporations.
What distinguishes the bourses from other limited liability companies?
To answer this question, we need to take a step back and ask what is the
good or service that the bourses ‘sell’. Unlike companies that sell cement,
steel, or software services, the stock exchange business is built around
providing the infrastructure that enables a smooth flow of price information
between buyers and sellers. The importance of this crucial price information
notwithstanding, the ‘good or service at the heart of a stock exchange’s
business is fungibility. However, unlike businesses that sell cement or software
services, the bourses do not produce fungibility.

Fungibility is best thought of as a public good. It is a socially owned
asset; not produced by any one individual entity. In its natural state, no one
individual or institution can appropriate it. However, in the real world
powerful economic interests are often able to manipulate how fungibilitly
is used by different sections of the society.
To understand fungibility in the context of capital markets, consider a
company that is about to be listed on a stock exchange for the first time
following an initial public offering (IPO). A share certificate is a piece of
paper that represents the extent of an individual’s stock holding in the
company. Before the company lists on the stock exchange, it is not easy for
the holder of that piece of paper to trade his or her holding in the company.
However, once the company gets listed on a bourse, the same piece of paper
is as easily traded as a currency note. It is for this reason that IPOs are said
to unlock the wealth that a company represents.
Even while fungibility is a socially owned asset, vast sections of the
Indian society do not directly benefit from fungibility at the bourses. If
there were such a concept as a ‘fungibility rent’, it would be one of the
most unequally distributed rents from a public good - it accrues
disproportionately to select stake holders in publicly traded companies. A
significant portion of the ‘unlocking’ of the value of a company when it
is listed for the first time on a stock exchange comes from appropriating
the fungibility rent. The returns to entrepreneurial risk and expectations
regarding the magnitude of dividend income do not fully account for the
listing value of a company.
The social ownership of fungibility that stock markets provide is a key
reason why the bourses must submit themselves to scrutiny under the RTI
Act. The larger society has a right to know if the stock exchanges that are
entrusted with protecting an important social good are mindful of that trust.
Small individual investors have complained about some brokerage firms
unwilling to transact during downturns in the capital market. Brokers lay
the blame at stock exchange trading terminals being unavailable. If small
investors had recourse to the RTI Act, it would be possible to get to the
truth of the matter. The issue here is if fungibility, a public good, is being
monopolised by powerful players in the capital market.
Even while stock market participation rates in India are very low, the
health of the capital markets impacts every section of society. Fungibility
is again the fabric that connects capital markets with disparate sections of

society. Because stock holdings are fungible, speculative notional wealth
can be used to lay claims on real goods and services in an economy.
Without transparency on the stock exchange it would be impossible for
society to impose limitations on speculative capital over-running the real
economy. Most significantly, speculative gains on the stock exchange can
drive up inflation in an economy by laying claims on real goods and
services (by fuelling fresh speculation in sectors like real estate for example).
When the current legal cases surrounding RTI and Stock Exchanges
come up for hearing in the Supreme Court, the CIC will do well to present
a larger social case that is centred on bourses as trustees of society’s collective
fungibility.
ARTICLE 370 : A BONE OF

CONTENTION
ARTICLE 370: 10 FACTS

1. According to the Constitution of India, Article 370 provides temporary
provisions to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, granting it special
autonomy.
2. The article says that the provisions of Article 238, which was omitted
from the Constitution in 1956 when Indian states were reorganised,
shall not apply to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
3. Dr BR Ambedkar, the principal drafter of the Indian Constitution, had
refused to draft Article 370.
4. In 1949, the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had directed Kashmiri
leader Sheikh Abdullah to consult Ambedkar (then law minister) to
prepare the draft of a suitable article to be included in the Constitution.
5. Article 370 was eventually drafted by Gopalaswami Ayyangar.
6. Ayyangar was a minister without portfolio in the first Union Cabinet
of India. He was also a former Diwan to Maharajah Hari Singh of
Jammu and Kashmir.
7. Article 370 is drafted in Amendment of the Constitution section, in
Part XXI, under Temporary and Transitional Provisions.
8. The original draft explained “the Government of the State means the
person for the time being recognised by the President as the Maharaja
of Jammu and Kashmir acting on the advice of the Council of Ministers
for the time being in office under the Maharaja’s Proclamation dated
the fifth day of March, 1948.”
9. On November 15, 1952, it was changed to “the Government of the State
means the person for the time being recognised by the President on the
recommendation of the Legislative Assembly of the State as the Sadr-i-
Riyasat (now Governor) of Jammu and Kashmir, acting on the advice of
the Council of Ministers of the State for the time being in office.”
10. Under Article 370 the Indian Parliament cannot increase or reduce the
borders of the state.
THE CONCEPTION
It is often not realized that among the causes of Kashmir problem – inclusion
of plebiscite in the Instrument of Accession, reference of Kashmir to UN,
halting Indian offensive when it was poised to drive out the invaders from
Kashmir, Article 370 has played no less a part in preventing J&K from
becoming an integral part of the Indian Union. Not many people are aware
as how and why this Article was formulated and included in the Indian
Constitution despite grave misgivings of Sardar Patel and indeed a large number
of the members of Congress Working Committee and Constituent Assembly.
Article 370 was worked out in late 1947 between Sheikh Abdullah, who
had by then been appointed Prime Minister of J&K by the Maharaja and
Nehru, who kept the Kashmir portfolio with himself and kept Sardar Patel,
the home minister, away from his legitimate function. Hence Nehru is
answerable to all acts of commission and omission, consequences of which
we are suffering till date as far as J&K is concerned.
While it was Mountbatten who persuaded Nehru to take the J&K issue
to the UN, it was Sheikh Abdullah, who, driven by his ambition to be ruler
of an independent Kashmir and his hatred for the Maharaja, persuaded
Nehru to give special status to J&K. Among his reasons were – occupation
of one third of J&K by Pakistan, reference to the UN and plebiscite. The
most sinister aspect of proposed Article 370 was the provision that any
changes could be brought about in it only by the concurrence of J&K
assembly. Nehru’s promise that Article 370 was a temporary provision and
will get eroded over a period of time has turned out to be a chimera. The
first thing that Sheikh Abdullah got done was to abolish hereditary monarchy

and redesignate him as Sadar-e-Riyasat who was to be elected by the
Assembly. The accession of J&K State into Indian Union was approved by
J&K Assembly only in 1956.
Having finalized the text of Article 370 with Sheikh Abdullah, Nehru
brought in Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, IAS, as a minister without portfolio to
help him deal with Kashmir portfolio and plead the case of Article 370 in
the Constituent Assembly. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar had been prime minister
of Kashmir for six years with Maharaja Hari Singh. When Sardar Patel
expressed his misgivings, Nehru silenced him.
Patel thereupon resigned and the matter fell in Gandhiji’s lap to bring
the two colleagues together. During this period, V Shankar, IAS was the
personal secretary to Patel and had maintained a record of all events. It is
clear from these records that Nehru finalized the draft of Article 370
alongwith Sheikh Abdullah without even informing Patel. Thereafter it fell
to Gopalaswamy Ayyangar to get the draft passed in the Constituent Assembly
discussions. The proposal was torn to pieces by the Constituent Assembly
and also Congress Party Executive.
Nehru, who was abroad at the time, swallowed his pride and rang up
Patel and requested him to get the Article 370 approved. It speaks volumes
of Patel’s loyalty to a colleague that despite his own and others misgivings,
he managed to convince the members of Constituent Assembly and Congress
Party Executive.
The Party was in uproar. Patel had to plead that because of the international
complications, a provisional approach alone could be made leaving the
question of final relationship to be worked out according to the exigencies
of the situation and mutual feelings and confidence that would have been
by then created. Once Patel had taken charge, all opposition to the draft was
silenced. On 24 July 1952, after Patel was no more, Nehru made a detailed
statement on Kashmir in the Parliament on slow integration of Kashmir into
India Union.
THE CONSEQUENCES
Article 370 has been the biggest impediment to integration of J&K State
into Indian Union. That it was incorporated in the Indian Constitution by
the machination of two individuals – Shiekh Abdullah and Nehru is all the
more regrettable. Nehru had to eat the humble pie when he had to arrest
the Sheikh for his divisive and anti national stance on 8 Aug 1953 but he
did not let go of his concept of keeping J&K a separate entity. In 1957,
some top leaders of National Conference led by Mr Qasim split the party
and formed a group called Democratic National Conference (DNC).
It had abrogation of Article 370 on its agenda. Nehru would not brook
any opposition to his policy of keeping J&K a separate entity. He told the
leaders that a new threat (China) is emerging and it is an inopportune time
to raise this issue and forced them to drop their demand. Nehru thereafter
decided to withdraw the Kashmir conspiracy case against Sheikh Abdullah.
This case had been going on since May 21, 1958. The formal orders
however were issued by Govt of India on 8 April 1964.
It is often forgotten that J&K state is not a homogeneous entity. Apart
from Valley Muslims, Jammu has a predominantly Hindu population while
Ladakh has a mix of Buddhist and Muslims. Then you have the Gujjars &
Bakarwals. Why is Article 370 detrimental to the full integration of J&K
state into Indian Union. Firstly the Central Govt can make laws only with
concurrence of the State govt, practically giving it the Veto power. Article
352 and 360 for declaration of national and financial emergency respectively
cannot be applied in Kashmir. While a citizen of India has only Indian
citizenship, J&K citizens have two citizenships. Anti Defection Law is not
applicable to J&K. No outsider can buy property in J&K state.
The beneficial laws such as Wealth Tax, Gift Tax & Urban Land Ceiling
Act and intermarriage with other Indian nationals do not operate in J&K
State. Even Article 356 under which President of India can impose his rule
in any state cannot be enforced in J&K without consent of the Governor
who himself is an appointee of the President. State of J&K can refuse
building of any cantonment on any site or refuse to allot land for defence
purposes.
For the BJP, Article 370 is a big issue since one of its icons, Shyama
Prasad Mukherjee launched one of the first agitations of the party (then Jana
Sangh) on the issue of J&K getting a special status. Worse, in the process,
he was arrested and died in detention from complications arising out of an
untreated health condition.
Since then the removal of Article 370 has been on the BJP agenda and
the circumstances of his death have flavoured the party’s grouse against
Pandit Nehru. No matter how you look at it, the issue is J&K is a complex
one. At the heart of it lies the feeling among a significant section of the
Kashmiri Muslims that they lack control of their own lives. Whether it is
expressed through their refusal to think beyond Article 370, or through the
support that many of them have given to armed militancy since 1990, there
is something that still needs to be settled between New Delhi and Srinagar.
Attempts have been made to do this through the Beg-Parthasarthy Accord
of 1975 and subsequently through then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s
round table process which led to a report by a working group headed by
Justice S Saghir Ahmed on the issue of autonomy in 2010. But little
progress has been made since. During the election campaign, Narendra
Modi called for a debate on the issue, sparking of a furore. Today, he is
Prime Minister and so responsible for J&K, which remains an important
unfinished item on the nation’s political agenda.
Article 370, included in the Constitution on a temporary provision should
have been gradually abrogated. This has not happened in sixty years. In fact
whenever someone mentions this, vested interests raise an outcry that
legitimate rights of Kashmiris are being trampled upon. Stated agenda of
National Conference is return to pre 1953 status. Why should a state of
Indian Union have a special status? It conveys a wrong signal not only to
Kashmiris but also to the separatists, Pakistan and indeed the international
community that J&K is still to become integral part of India, the sooner
Article 370 is done away the better.
vvvv
1808

About the Book
The Indispensable Book '151 Supreme Essays' has been conceived and
developed keeping in mind the requirements of the aspirants of various higher
competitive exams organised by Union Public Service Commission (UPSC), State
Public Service Commissions (PSCs), Banks, LIC, etc. such as IAS, IFS, PO, AAO, and
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151 SUPREME ESSAYS

Essay-writing is important to test not only the language, but also the originality of thought
and imagination of the aspirants. The main aim of the book is to inculcate in aspirants the
right kind of orientation and to inspire and guide them to write effective and emphatic essays
which includes the art of writing in sequential and logical manner.
The book covers numerous essays on a spectrum of various subjects & topics in almost all areas
of study. There are separate sections for essays on National & International Issues, Political &
Legal Issues, Economic Issues, Social Issues, Science & Geographic Issues, Motivational Issues,
Famous Personalities, Cultural Issues, Sports & Miscellaneous Issues.
Each essay is a masterpiece in itself and the book as a whole provides a framework for
learning necessary skills for essay-writing with the help of understanding of key elements critical
SUPREME
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151 SUPREME ESSAYS

OTHER USEFUL BOOKS ON ESSAYS

Book Code: R-176

Books to Accomplish A Successful Career

RAMESH PUBLISHING HOUSE

Size: 23×36×16, Date: 08/2018

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Indemnification Clause: This book is being sold/distributed subject to the

14th Edition: 1808

Printed at: Deepak Offset, Delhi

I. ESSAYS ON NATIONAL ISSUES ................................................. 1

II. ESSAYS ON INTERNATIONAL ISSUES .................................... 73

l BRICS Summit 2018 ................................................................... 99

III. ESSAYS ON POLITICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES ........................ 113

IV. ESSAYS ON ECONOMIC ISSUES ............................................167

l MNC’s : Saviours or Saboteurs ................................................218

V. ESSAYS ON SOCIAL ISSUES ...................................................261

VI. ESSAYS ON SCIENCE ISSUES ..............................................321

VII. ESSAYS ON GEOGRAPHICAL ISSUES ....................................371

VIII. ESSAYS ON MOTIVATIONAL ISSUES ................................. 407

l Living Life Today for Tomorrow .................................................421

IX. ESSAYS ON FAMOUS PERSONALITIES ................................ 429

X. ESSAYS ON CULTURAL ISSUES ............................................ 453

XI. ESSAYS ON SPORTS ISSUES ............................................... 489

XII. ESSAYS ON MISCELLANEOUS ISSUES................................ 507

2 F 151 Supreme Essays

THE DOKALAM ISSUE

D okalam is a narrow plateau lying in the tri-junction region of Bhutan,

What are China's Concerns?

Essays on National Issues F 9

Dokalam Standoff Between India and China Ends

INDIA–UAE RELATIONSHIP: A NEW

I n a significant development taking the relations between the two countries

WHY ELECTORAL BONDS ARE

I ndia is the largest democracy in the world. However, despite strengthening

Essays on National Issues F 15

l The rate of interest is usually referred to as coupon rate

l There is a term/maturity period.

Although the term “bond” is used the “Electoral Bonds”, these

UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) from Israel. Subsequently, the

mounted on the Russian II-76, provided AWACs capability.

with Pakistan. It showed its reputation as a strong, stable supplier,

Essays on National Issues F 17

the Israel government and a State in India.

fully operational, while the remaining is expected to start from early

know-how seeds, best farming practices to enable growers of the

What is a Smart City?

Essays on National Issues F 19

What is the Scope of Smart Cities in India?

20 F 151 Supreme Essays

Essays on National Issues F 21

PM’S DIGITAL INDIA PROGRAMME

The Programme Structure

22 F 151 Supreme Essays

l Governance & Services on Demand and

l Digital Empowerment of Citizens

Key Projects of Digital India Programme

North Eastern states and also in smaller/mofussil towns of other