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To cite this article: Gabriel Jaime Murillo Arango (2015) Public Memory and Public
Mourning in Contemporary Colombia, a/b: Auto/Biography Studies, 30:1, 153-166, DOI:
10.1080/08989575.2015.1046103
a|b: Auto/Biography Studies Vol. 30, No. 1, March 2015, pp.153 166
ISSN 0898-9575 print|ISSN 2151-7290 online Ó 2015 The Autobiography Society
http:||www.tandfonline.com; http:||dx.doi.org|10.1080|08989575.2015.1046103
154 a jb : A U T O jB I O G R A P H Y S T U D I E S
began following the assassination of the liberal populist leader Jorge Eliecer
Gaitan on 9 April 1948—with the victims of today. The day of remembrance is
designed to facilitate public engagement in the cultural work of building a histori-
cal memory. In turn, the event calls for developing ways of social resistance and
generational change, because it is directed specifically at the youth, who have
largely grown up giving its strength to traditional bipartisanship in the middle of
diverse conflicts. All hope of ending the interminable war has been placed in this
cultural pledge, along with other political rituals and discourses.
Nevertheless, the legislators committed to the duty of historical memory
have not appropriately used the space of the classroom to discuss violence; on
the contrary, this topic has been consistently omitted or absent in history,
ethics, or civics courses in the official curriculum. Therefore, successive genera-
tions of Colombians, who have frequently engaged with news about terrorist
bombings, waves of poor campesinos displaced to the cities, and kidnappings,
have not been adequately educated in the exercise of historical memory—that
is, schools and other public institutions have not considered how to cope with
the collective grief of the people in any meaningful way.
The importance of the issue reveals a disagreement and an inconsistency
between the social practice of historical memory—reflected in the proliferation of
narratives in art and film, and in personal testimonies—and the legal and political
practice—expressed most recently in the arduous efforts by the judicial establish-
ment for the restitution of victims’ dignity, civil rights, and assets. However,
despite the aforementioned achievements, the pedagogical practice of historical
memory still remains a largely untapped resource. To this day, intimate or domes-
tic memory fragments, rituals of homage, well-timed collective actions, and memo-
rials all contribute to the historical accumulation of the social practice of memory
and remembering. Consequently, these actions have started a social movement
that, in the name of the victims of war, challenges the state’s power to exclude,
uproot, and exempt victimizers from the consequences of their actions. The move-
ment’s force has been felt in recent normative processes by the state, which has
gradually yielded before both national and international pressure.
For the past decade, the intimate details of the war against a civil, unarmed
population have been unveiled, thanks to the countless testimonies of those
accused before tribunals, as well as the identification of partnerships between
criminal paramilitary gangs and thousands of state officials at all levels. These
findings would not have been possible if judicial investigators had not been
determined to bring the executioners to justice and establish the truth concern-
ing their actions. Yet, at the same time, the ambiguity that surrounds the work
of the Congress has also been scrutinized. This Congress, which is the premier
legislative body of the nation, has had close to one hundred of its members crim-
inally convicted in the so-called “parapolitical trials.” At one time, it was esti-
mated that 35% of the Congress had been co-opted by paramilitary forces.
Importantly, this Congress is the same legislative body that enacted the Law of
PUBLIC MEMORY AND PUBLIC MOURNING 157
Victims, among others—a fact that signals the contradictions underlying the
often complicated role that the juridical-political has played (and continues to
play) in the production of historical memory.
Regardless of the hazards and tensions that accompany this process, nothing
has prevented the notable achievements and academic research of the former
Group of Historical Memory, which is now legitimized, from an institutional
standpoint, as an organization called the Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica.
The Group of Historical Memory was established in 2006 at the request of the
Constitutional Court, as an autonomous academic commission dedicated to the
search for truth, with the important goal of restoring the dignity and rights of the
victims of violence. In 2012, this mandate turned into the Centro Nacional de
Memoria Historica. Since its foundation, it has been under the direction of histo-
rian Gonzalo Sanchez, Professor Emeritus of the Universidad Nacional de Colom-
bia, who started the Commission of Studies on Violence during the 1980s, which
was also colloquially referred to as La Comision de Violentologos (The Commis-
sion of Violentologists). The organization’s task was to record a narrative capable
of recognizing the inseparable relationship that exists between memory and
democracy. This relationship is, in itself, a form of justice, and it implies standing
up to silence and oblivion. The linkage is a means to realize that a past of violence
transcends the space of an individual life history—hence the need to configure a
public space that can, and must, carry meaning in the rituals of social acknowl-
edgement, in the judicial processes, and in the corresponding reparations.
The methodology used with the victims in the memory workshops con-
ducted by the Centro Nacional de Memoria Historica involves various techni-
ques drawn from the field of the social sciences: oral histories, written and
visual narrative registries, timelines, and visual biographies. Women, in particu-
lar, participate in quilting (patchwork) as a form of storytelling, with visual
metaphors to represent collective memory and the “knitting” of solidarity.
Another visual project—body maps—creates a graphic representation of bodies,
registering marks and footprints of the experience of suffering and violence, as
well as resistance and pleasure. In-depth interviews are an effective instrument
for the public reconstruction of individual memories pertaining to witnessing,
victims, and victimizers. Many cases pertaining to life stories start by restoring
the name of a person who was thrown into a common grave as an “NN” (“No
Name”); this process begins with interviews with surviving witnesses and the
collection of materials such as pictures, personal documents, and mementos.
The workshops involving the collective recovery of memory seek to integrate
self-report with group therapy through the shared creation of narratives about
traumatic episodes. This aspect initiates a learning process based on listening to
memories of the past through the exchange of experiences, reflections, and
expectations for the future. In short, the workshops are based on a pedagogy of
memory—one that is capable of surpassing the devices of mistrust (Saenz 19),
which have historically impeded the process of constructing civility after war.
158 a jb : A U T O jB I O G R A P H Y S T U D I E S
Stories of Mourning
diverse de facto strategies for transcribing the presence of two social lan-
guages within a single text. In turn, techniques of awareness are used in the
relationship between the transcriber, or mediator, and the witness in order
to go from one language to the next, and power relationships are established
this way. Testimonial writing is a melting pot of linguistic syncretism, and
each narrative submits a state of negotiation between a balance that is both
unstable and precarious. (174)
Figure 1. Plegaria Muda by Doris Salcedo (2008 10). Installation of wood, mineral
compound, cement, and grass. Reprinted with permission of the artist.
dynamic allows the grass to grow from the soil and through the wood into an
irrepressible testimony of life surrounded by a sepulchral silence (see figure 1).
The coffins in this piece represent the absence of grief rituals for the falsos positi-
vos or “false positives”—the thousands of youngsters who disappeared at the
hands of Colombia’s armed forces as they fell prey to the game of ransom paid
to soldiers and officers for each presumed guerrilla fighter killed in combat.
Unlike some of Salcedo’s preceding works, however, viewers do not find
visible objects, dresses, furniture, or other signs of personal items belonging to
individuals who have become victims; in this case, viewers are able to see only
the dispossession that points toward the radical limit imposed by death. In the
catalog from the exhibition at the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico,
the artist marks the tone of the tragedy:
those deaths in their true dimensions, allowing [their] re-entry to the human
sphere….Despite it all, I hope life prevails through difficult conditions… As
it happens in Plegaria Muda. (Salcedo, Catalogo 23)
a shower, initiated his attempts at working with materials such as water, carbon
powder, and human breath. One of these pieces, for instance, unveils the mil-
lions of people who were displaced from the country to the cities, the missing
people, the NNs, the prisoners, and the floating bodies in the rivers. In another
work, Aliento (figure 3), he mounted half a dozen stainless-steel circular mirrors
onto a wall in order to produce an effect: the spectator’s own image fades the
moment he or she breathes on the surface of a mirror, but this act also triggers
the sudden appearance of pictures of unnamed missing people that were pub-
lished in newspapers. Therefore, as spectators, we discover the image of some-
one else who no longer exists, the reality of a ghost of someone who has
vanished (Jimenez).
Like Mu~noz, Erika Diettes experiments with the medium of her craft, as
seen in Rıo Abajo (Down the River), which displays pieces and objects belonging to
the disappeared as they float in transparent waters and inspire ideas relating
PUBLIC MEMORY AND PUBLIC MOURNING 163
to the purity and fragility of life. She explains, “After I took the first images, I
felt the need to ensure the transparency of the project. As I began to find the
elements, I understood that I was photographing a ghost. I concluded that the
images had to be printed in glass. They also had to be monumental, big and
loud; they had to generate an impact, which is what I felt when I felt their his-
tory. However, I also wanted the pictures to have a sense of fragility and ephem-
erality” (qtd. in Gualteros and Simbaqueba 128).
The moment he turned fifty, another significant Colombian artist, Juan
Manuel Echavarrıa, experienced a radical rupture in his artistic trajectory: he
wished to pursue the exploration of violence through metaphors and the crea-
tion of photographs or videos that would capture the horror behind what
appeared to be beautiful. In recent years, he has directed artistic workshops for
victims and victimizers of the war in Colombia, which has resulted in the exhibi-
tion “La Guerra Que No Hemos Visto” (“The War We Have Not Seen”). The
paintings in this exhibition expose the naturalization of violence, which has
become more lethal with greater anonymity. The tombstones that individuals
adorn and worship in the cemeteries of Puerto Berrıo, a town on the shores of
the Magdalena River, appear anonymous and nameless as well. Echavarrıa, in
the artistic work Requiem NN, explores these sites of collective prayer and even
extends a cover of eternal protection over the corpses pulled from the waters of
the river. Furthermore, Echavarrıa’s Corte de Florero (Flower Cut Vase) ironically
displays skeletal remains that are arranged to mimic the beautiful drawings of
the Botanical Expedition’s floral collection.
Echavarrıa’s The “O” features a series of photographs of demolished school
buildings that the jungle has swallowed up in some twenty hamlets, most of them
in Montes de Marıa, a group of small mountains located in the north of the coun-
try that was isolated by the war throughout the last two decades (see Figure 4).
This particular series consists of the repeated image of a dilapidated board behind
a cracked wall, through which the feral vegetation of the tropics seeps. For this
reason, the artist assigns similar names to the photographs: Silence…, With Tree,
With Light, and Withered…. The emptiness of the classrooms is a testimony to an
absence that makes visible the advances of terror, as expressed in the series Escuela
Nueva. This series puts together notebooks illustrated by children about the
moment of an assault by a nameless armed group—notebooks that are randomly
collected by the artist like the remains from a shipwreck.
Figure 4. Silencio con mapas politicos Juan Manuel Echavarrıa (2014). C-print
mounted on dibond. Reprinted with permission of the artist.
Universidad de Antioquia
Works Cited
Arendt, Hannah. Between Past and Present. New York: Penguin, 1993. Print.
Barcena, Fernando, and Joan-Carles Melich. La educacion como acontecimiento
etico: Natalidad, narracion y hospitalidad. Barcelona: Paidos, 2000. Print.
Duch, Lluıs. La educacion y la crisis de la modernidad. Barcelona: Paidos, 1997. Print.
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