American Philological Association

Slave Education in the Roman Empire

Author(s): S. L. Mohler
Source: Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, Vol. 71 (1940),
pp. 262-280
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press
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262 S. L. Mohler [1940

XX.-Slave Educationin theRomanEmpire

S. L. MOHLER
FRANKLIN AND MARSHALL COLLEGE

The large number of educated slaves in Roman society received their training
in ways varying from self-education to instruction in formally organized schools
within the larger households, which were called paedagogia. The boys enrolled
in these schools served as ornamental " pages," but that work was only on a part
time basis. The imperial school ad Caput Africae employed twenty-fourpaedagogi
at one time. Pupils were proud of their attendance, called each other "brothers"
and boasted of their "graduation." The positions held by these youths in after
life included the highest procuratorships open to freedmen.

I yield to none in my general admirationfor the Romans and

in my respectforthe familiarauthorswhose workswe interpretto
succeedinggenerationsof students,but when it comes to assessing
the social values of ancient institutions,it is a wise procedureto
subject the judgmentsof those authors to criticalreview,and look
for virtues where they find nothingbut faults. Pliny the Elder
thought the cooling of lukewarm wine a sure indication of the
approachingdownfallof Rome; Juvenallay awake nightsbrooding
over the factthat thewomenofhis day could take part in intelligent
discussions of literature. Voluntary exile was to him the only
rationalalternativeto livingin a countrywherepennilessforeigners
had a chance to rise to positionsof respectand affluenceas doctors,
architects,or college professors. This all makes good reading,but
the educationof womenand the extensionof economicopportunity
to the lowest class of society are phenomenawhich no American
should view as symptomsof decay. We are proud of our Portias
and our Trimalchios. In the fieldof education,currentdiscussion
almost completelydisregardsthe needs of studentswho will live on
inheritedincomes,yet theyconstitutethe only class whose training
Roman writersdeign to discuss. It is my purpose to go to the
otherextremeand extractunwillingtestimonyfromancientmasters
as to how they brought the benefitsof education to their great
workingclass, and if possible secure a confessionthat they were
both farsightedand humane.
The scope of my subject becomes evident when we remember
that a large proportionof the brain-workersin ancient society

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Vol. lxxij Slave Educationin Roman Empire 263

were of servile status: bookkeepers, stenographers,secretaries,

doctors were almost always slaves or freedmen; bankers and
teachers were usually of that class. And in the period of the
Empire an increasingnumber of these slaves were home-raised,
vernae,who must have received at least their basic trainingas
slaves. How was it accomplished?
Though it is my purpose to speak primarilyof formal,sys-
tematic education, the informalexchange of knowledgebetween
master and slave or slave and slave should not be overlooked.
Horace's account of Davus' absorptionof pseudo-Stoicdoctrineis
perhaps a case in point: he had learned the truththat makes men
freefromCrispinus' doorkeeper.' The master,in this case, was a
fanatical, opinionated evangelist who would certainlyhave sub-
jected his slaves to instructionwhethertheylikedit or not. Indeed
man is characteristically a teachinganimal, a creaturewho instinc-
tivelyseeks an opportunityto share his knowledgewith his fellows.
Horace himselfillustratesthe point in the didactic characterof a
large part of his poetry. And as he dined withhis slaves beforethe
Sabine hearth,discussingthe natureof the summumbonum,we may
assume that some of the world's finestteachingwas taking place.2
Pliny was more typicallypedagogical in his tastes,deprived of the
pleasure of classroom instructionby the silly prejudice of his
countrymen. When he tells us that he ended a typical day at one
of his villas with a strollwith his educated slaves, we may assume
that the subjectsofconversationwereliteraryor rhetorical,directed
to accommodatethe interestsof young readersor secretaries.3
What a Pliny or a Horace mightdo on principle,Crassus did
1 Serm. ii.7.45: Dum quae Crispini docuit me ianitor edo.
2 Ibid. ii.6.65-67, 73-76:

0 noctes cenaeque deum! quibus ipse meique

ante Larem proprium vescor vernasque procacis
pasco libatis dapibus.

sed quod magis ad nos

pertinet et nescire malum est, agitamus: utrumne
divitiis homines an sint virtute beati;
quidve ad amicitias, usus rectumne, trahat nos;
et quae sit natura boni summumque quid eius.
The word meique, 65, I interpret as imaning "my household," including freedmen and
probably coloni as well as slaves. (C. Pliny Epist. ix.36.4 (see note 3); ii.17.7 (see
note 33); viii.16.1. For Horae 's; 6taves, see also note 67.
3 Epist. ix.36.4: mox curmnieis abl)ulo, quorum in numero sunt eruditi.

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264 S. L. Mohler [1940

on policy,as we are told by his biographer:I "And yet one might

well say that all these othersourcesof wealth amountedto nothing
in comparisonwiththe profitfromhis slaves, such was theirnumber
and variety, readers, secretaries, silver-assayers,stewards, and
dining-roomdecorators. He gave his personal attention and
supervisionto theireducation and even taught them himself....
And he was rightin his feelingthat othermattersshouldbe managed
by slaves, but that slaves should be managed by their master."
It was no accident that the man who thus recognizedthe cash
value of trainingbecame the richestman of his time. And we must
bear in mindthroughall thisdiscussionthat any slave withthe least
spark of intelligencewould appreciate the chance foradvancement
througheducationeven morethan his owner.
Strikingillustrationsof the possibilityof slaves' obtainingthe
highest"freeman's" education (liberal education) are contained in
Suetonius' Lives of theGrammatici. One of the most interestingof
the careers he outlines shows what could be accomplished by an
ambitious slave in the way of self-education. Quintus Remmius
Palaemon, who was trained as a weaver and then assigned to act
as the paedagogusof his young master,picked up fromthe lectures
intendedforhis ward and perhapsfromthe practiceof re-teaching
what he heard a sufficient knowledgeto merithis recognitionas
one of Rome's outstandingscholars.5 Two othermen whose names
appear in this ancient edition of "Who's Who in Education" had
the good fortuneof being slaves of the distinguishedteachers,
Orbilius and C. Julius Hyginus (ibid. 19, 20). It would be inter-
esting to know just what status these men enjoyed in the best
Plutarch Crassus 2: o`yos iav TLs ?7+yflaLTo IA776v e'val rai-a irivra wpds Tr)v TJV
OLKeTP T/I?V- roaovrovs eKeKTfTOKaL TOOUTOVS, &vayva o-ras, ro paoe6s, apyvpoYvcPovas,
&OLKrlTas, TpamretoKoIiovs, airs e1rLoTaT- p /IavaOvovoL KaL lrpooexwV KaL 6a0UGKWV Ka'
I
6XwoosVoyItcV rCo 8eaor6r 7rpoo'KKeLvIA Xtara Tr,p 7rep' ro'S oLKeras cqXeLav S oppyava

EIA4lvXa ris oLKovoIALKis. Kal ToVro AeP pOC,os o Kpaaoos, Etirep, Cs 9Xe-yev, 'ryeZro ra IAuv
aXXa &a Tvp OLKerTp XpfpatL robs 8e OLKETras &' abrov KvO3epvaP
Crassus, like other farsighted slave-owners, was concerned with the development
of manual skills even more than intellectual ones. While manual training as such
does not come within the scope of this paper, the motives which inspired it were the
same as those which prompted masters to gi-e their slaves the benefit of general
education. The basic value of the three " R's" was probably recognized for all classes
of slaves.
5 Suetonius Grammatici 23: Q. Remmius Palaemon, Vicetinus, mulieris verna,
primo, ut ferunt, textrinum, deinde herilem filium dum comitatur in scholam, litteras
didicit. Postea manumissus docuit Romae ac principem locum inter grammaticos
tenuit.

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 265

schools of the time, whetherthey were accepted as membersof

classes which normallycontained both slaves and patricians, or
attended simply as the personal attendants of their masters. At
all events, Hyginus, a freedmanof Augustus, zealously attended
the lecturesof one of the great scholarsof his day (ibid. 20):
studiose et audiit et imitatus est Cornelium Alexandrum gram-
maticum Graecum, quem propter antiquitatis notitiam Polyhis-
toremmulti . . . vocabant. Anotherof these thumbnailsketches
informsus that Marcus AntoniusGnipho, who had the distinction
of teachingboth Caesar and Cicero,was bornof freeGallic parents,
who abandoned him as a foundling,and that later he was "freed
and educated" by his master (ibid. 7: a nutritoresuo manumissus
institutusque). The order of these participlesseems to indicate
that he was not a slave but a freedmanwhen he receivedhis higher
education: a slave who showed scholastic ability might win the
boon of exceptionallyearly manumissionas well as that of prepara-
tion fora professionalcareer.6
It will readily be seen that the cases I have cited were excep-
tional, but the more I observe of Roman higher education the
more I am convinced that its administrationwas as democratic
as its curriculumwas snobbish. For, as applied to education,
liberalismeans not that whichis appropriateforany freeindividual,
but that whichis appropriatefora memberof an aristocracywhose
onlyseriousoccupationwas the practiceoflaw. But the experience
of Horace is in itselfproofthat the highestschools were open to
youngmen whose social positionpreventedthemfromever putting
into practicethe knowledgeimparted. If my interpretation of the
significance oftheiuvenesis correct,we mustconcludethat freedmen
and their sons were welcomed in schools throughoutthe empire.7
As forslaves, Seneca refersto the giftof a liberal education as a
beneficium which a master mightbestow on them; and Varro con-
sidereda certainamount of culture,humanitas,desirablein a farm
overseer.8
6 This was noticeably true in the medical profession: practicing physicians were
almost always freedmen, whereas the boys in training-whether as pupils in classes or
as "apprentices" attending clinics-were presumably slaves. For the early manu-
mission of an imperial secretary see C.I.L. vi.8613 (page 276).
7 "The Iuvenes and Roman Education," T.A.P.A. LXVIII (1937), 462, 479.
8 Seneca De Ben. iii.21.2: Est aliquid, quod dominus praestare debeat, ut cibaria,

ut vestiarium. Nemo hoc dixit beneficium; at indulsit liberalius, educavit, artes

quibus erudiuntur ingenui tradidit: beneficium est. For Varro see note 66.

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266 S. L. Mohler [1940

If slaves occasionally found their way into the schools of the

upper classes, conditions were reversed in the field of medicine,
wherea fewfree-bornyouthswould minglewitha largernumberof
slaves. Still other schools, supplying trainingin occupations ill
which slaves had a monoply,must necessarilyhave depended en-
tirelyon slave patronage. Such were the schools of stenography;
and Martial indicates clearly that in his day they were the most
flourishing in the city. In an appeal to an ordinaryludi magisterto
give his pupils a summervacation he uses thesewords: "so may no
teacher of shorthandor bookkeepingbe surroundedby a larger
circle." Here we see the practical element in education to the
fore,workingforthe commonprofitof teachers,ownersand slaves.
Perhaps it was not education in the sense in which we like to use
the word; we feelverystronglythat our stenographersand account-
ants are entitledto morethan the technicaltrainingwhicha Roman
would have describedas servile. But it was a step forwardwhen
the ancient world extended an opportunityforany sort of mental
trainingto its underprivilegedchildren.
The most unique and significantdevelopmentcame in the larger
households,wherewe may well imagine that the numberof slave-
childrenwas such as to presentacute problemsof discipline. To
get themout oftheway-and incidentallymake themmorevaluable
pieces of property-older slaves were set the task of teaching the
young ones. Since tutors or child-attendantswere best fittedby
experienceforthis function,paedagogiwere assigned to it, and we
shall see that the title was retained when the slave-teacherhad
never performedthe duties usually associated with the word. The
combinationof functionsis illustratedin these inscriptions:C.I.L.
vi.9449 Pudens M. Lepidi l., grammaticus.i Procurator eram
Lepidae moresqueregebam; I dum vixi, mansitCaesaris illa nurus. I
Philologus discipulus;10 8972, . s Aug. lib. Narcissus I natione
. .

9 Martial x.62.4, 5:
nec calculator nec notarius velox
maiore quisquam circulo coronetur.
Notarii were among the most intimate of personal servants, so it is not surprising that
none but slaves or freedmen are included in the indices of Dessau's Inscriptiones Latinae
Selectae. The calculator's services were presumably in more general demand, as some
knowledge of his subject was requisite for any business career. Cf. Petronius Sat. 29.4
(note 29).
10This Lepida was the wife of Drusus, son of Germanicus, and died A.D. 36.
Dessau, in a note on this inscription (= 1848), suggests identification of the pupil
with Ti. Claudius Augusti lib. Philologus ab epistulis (C.I.L. vi.8601). If this is true,

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 267

Parthus, paedagogus I puerorum imp. et papas Galeriae I Aug.

libertaeLysistrates,concubinae I divi Pii ( ). Paedagogus puero-
rum,incidentally,is the commonesttitle of these slave teachers,"
used in private familiesas well as the imperialhousehold.'2 Sug-
gestionthat theyweresterntaskmastersis containedin a statement
of Martial that slave childrentaken to the countryfora " vacation"
gleefullytook ordersfroma vilicuswhen freedfromthe authority
of theirpaedagogus.1' The relation,however,was not always one
of antagonism,since we findslaves or freedmenerectingtombs for
theirteachers14 and vice versa.15 The fact that practicallyall the
imperial paedagogi were freedmenshows the importanceof their
either Pudens was transferred to duty in the imperial slave-school (see note 36), or
Philologus was sold to the emperor. In either case the inscription gives striking proof
of the high quality of instruction offered in family schools and of the competence of
"graduates." If the identification is not justified, it is still worth noting that a home-
trained slave might deserve the name "Scholar."
11C.I.L. vi.8968: D. M. I T. Aelio Aug. lib. I Peregrino paedalgogo puerorum.
Fec. Aelia Nice patrono I b. m.; 8969: Ti. Claudio Aug. 1. Eutycho I paedag. puerorum,
Ti. Claudius Aug. 1. Eunetes I fratri suo, et T. Flavius Aug. 1. I Venustus, ab auro
potorio, I paedagogo suo fecerunt; 8970: D. M. T. Flavio Aug. lib. Ganymedi I paeda-
gogo puerorum I Caes. n., fec. Ulpia Helpis I coniugi optimo b.m. et I lib. libertabusque
suis; 8971: D. M. I Flavi Stephani I paedagog. pueror. I Imp. Titi Caesaris; 8973:
D. M. I Onesati Caes. I n. ser., paedagolgo puerorum, I fecit Annia I Stratonice I coniugi
b.m. 11D. M. I T. F. Hermes I Aug. lib. I a superlectille p. Cae. n., I f. Fortunata I lib.
pat. b.m.; 8974, 9875 (fragmentary). Cf. Spart. Hadr. 2 (note 39).
An alternative title is paedagogus domini, vi.9753 (see note 17). Regis paedagogus
occurs in an Augustan inscription, vi.8980: C. Iulius Epaphra I divi Augusti 1. I vixit
ann LX. I Carus alumno suo I regis paedagogus. Use of the word alumnus, coupled
with the fact that the man was a slave, suggests that he may have been a child attendant
or tutor rather than a teacher. Cf. note 16. A similar interpretation may be given
to the use of the single word paedagogus applied to a ninety-five year old slave of
Carthage, viii S 12649: D. M. S. I Fortunatus I Caes. n. ser. paeldagogus, pius I vix.
annis xcv I h.s.e.
12 vi.7290 (from the monument of the Volusii, firsthalf of the firstcentury after
Christ): Dis manibus sacrum I Primigenius L. Volusi I Saturnini ser. ab hospitis I et
paedagog. pueror. Charidi cont. s. b. m. I ( ); 9740 M. Allecinius Philocalus I M.
libertus I Allecinia Clara I Allecini Philocali I liberta, beneficio I Laleti Paedagogo
puerorum.
13 Martial iii.58.30, 31:

et paedagogo non iubente lascivi

parere gaudent vilico capillati.
Marquardt sees nothing in this but the reference to the boys' pretty hair, Privatleben2
(Leipzig, S. Hirzel, 1886), 159, note 7. See page 268, note 25.
14 C.I.L. vi.8969 (see note 11); 8989: Q. Lollio Philargyro I paedagogo suo, Euenus I
Ti. Caesaris Augusti et I Iuliae Augustae servos. I Euenus ollam et locum dedit. Cf.
vi.9748: Hilario I paed. I Celeris (paed. may be a simple descriptive epithet, not showing
his relation to Celeris).
11vi.9449 (see page 266); iii.556 (see note 18); vi.8980 (see note 11); 8613 (cf.
note 16).

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268 S. L. Mohler [1940

position; even a subpaedagoguswas a freedman.'6 The occurrence

of the title decanus paedagogorumshows that the organization
attained some size.'7 PraeceptorpuerorumCaesaris may be taken
as a simple alternative to paedagogus, proving the educational
characterof the whole institution.'8 It is peculiarlysignificantto
finda vicariuserectinga tomb forhis "teacher and friendof good
counsel."
Other servicesperformedforthese slave-boysindicate that they
constituted a distinct group within the household. We find a
"chief doctor of distinguishedchildren,"1' a man in charge of
furnishings,20 an anointer,2'and a beautician, ornatrix,wife of a
praeceptor.A2 All of these were attached to the imperialhousehold,
and their records create a general impressionthat these home-
trained slaves were well enough cared for to constitutea sort of
aristocracy. This was so strikinglytrue in privatelifeas well that
it is almost the only featureof the institutionthat ancient authors
deignto mention. We are told thatpaedagogianiwerewell dressed,23
were carefulof theircomplexions,24 and had neatly combed hair25
vi.8976: D. M. I T. Flavio Aniceto sublpaedagogo I puerorum I Caes. n., v. a-
16

LX. I Slave paedagogi in the imperial household are mentioned in vi.8973 (Flavian,
above, note 11), 8984 (see note 40), vi.8980, viii S 12649 (both above, note 11). These
last two were probably personal attendants. In one exceptional case we find a paeda-
gogus who was freed by his ward, vi.8613 (see page 276).
17 vI.9753: P. Statio P.1. Bioni I dec. I paedag. domini vi.a.xcvi I P. Statius P.1.
Anteros posuit. For the status of this man as having been outside the imperial
familia cf. note 36; for the longevity of these teachers cf. note 11, fin.
18 vI.8977: D. M. I Hermeti Aulg. lib. praeptlori puerorum I Caes. n. Aelia
Ceruola I coniugi b. m. IID. M. I Aelia Celruola Aug. I lib. ornatrix I puerorum Caes. n.
qu...; 8978: Dis Manibus I Pieri Aug. 1. praec. I puerr. Caesaris n., I Flavia Nice
coniunx I b. m. titulum cum valvis I aeneis d. s. p., permissu Hermae I Aug. 1. a cub.
Domitiae Aug.; 8979: D. M. I Ulpio Sotacto I Aug. lib. praeclptori (sic) puer. C. n.
Chrysippus lib. I patrono optimo I et bene merenti 11D. M. I Polyclito I Aug. pedis. I
Sotacus (sic) Aug. I lib. fratri I incomparabili I et sibi; iii.556: Dis Manibus I Q. Tur-
ranio Maximo I praeceptori et I amico bonorum i consiliorum, I Sagaris Alcimi Aug.
ser. I vernae arcari provinc. I Achaiae vicar. I merenti memoria.
19 vi.8981: D. M. I P. Aelio Aug. lib. Epaphrodito I magistro iatroliptae puerorum
eminentium Caesaris n. I qui vix. annis xxx....
20 8973 (Flavius, above note 11).

21 v.1039 (see note 43).

22 vI.8977 (see note 18).

23 Seneca De Vita Beata 17.2: Quare uxor tua locupletis domus censum auribus

gerit? Quare paedagogium pretiosa veste succingitur? De Tranq. An. 1.8; Pliny
N.H. xxxiii.3.12.40. Cf. also Ammianus xxvi.6.15, though in this period the paeda-
gogiani were no longer slaves (Cod. Theod. viii.7.5 [A.D. 354]).
24 Seneca Epist. 123.7: Omnium paedagogia oblita facie vehuntur, ne sol, ne frigus
teneram cutem laedat; turpe est neminem esse in comitatu tuo puerorum, cuius sana
facies medicamentum desideret.
25 Ibid. 95.24; Martial III.58.30, 31 (see note 13).

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 269

with never a word as to the traininggiven these boys who were

destined to become managers of huge estates or agents of the
imperialtreasury. Modern commentatorsare generallycontentto
dismissthemwith the title of "pages",26 leaving us to assume that
the six to eightyearsspentin theirschoolsweredevoted to constant
drill in the pouringof wine. It is true that they served as orna-
mental domestics, but the clearest statement of this use poses
directlya question of common sense economyin the employment
of slaves' time. Digest xxxiII.7.12.32: Si instructum fundum
legasset, ea paedagogia, quae ibi habebat, ut, quum ibi venisset,
praesto essent in triclinio,27legato continentur. Since we may
assume that therewas a sharplineofdistinctionbetweenelaborately
groomedpaedagogianiand farmhands, and since a wealthymaster
would spend only a fractionof the year at any one villa, it becomes
apparent that the boys were only partiallyemployed. Waiting on
table may have been as incidentalin theirlives as it is in those of
our presentday college studentswho accept that kind of employ-
ment in theirsummervacations. We shall see reason to compare
city paedagogiani with students who do such work throughthe
school year.
Unfortunatelythe other featureof the paedagogiumto which
allusion is made by ancientauthorswas all too serious. From their
numberwere recruitedvictimsof the revoltingsexual immorality
of the age.28 But even here we must rememberthat the victims
were favorites,and that favoritismcould best be shown by giving
the youths the special trainingrequired for advancement.29 Or
rather,if admission to the paedagogiumwas as early as we have
reason to believe,it would be moreaccurate to say that the victims
were chosen fromboys who had been previouslypicked out for
special training. (There is a close correlationbetweenintelligence
26 E.g. Marquardt, op. cit. (see note 13), 158, 159.
27 The insertion of this clause implies that paedagogia might be maintained at
villas for some purpose other than the one specified. See page 270.
28 Suetonius Nero 28: Super ingenuorum
paedagogia et nuptarum concubinatus
Vestali virgini Rubriae vim intulit . . .; Seneca Epist. 95.24.
29 Cf. Petronius Sat. 29.4: Hinc
quemadmodum ratiocinari didicisset, dein dis-
pensator factus esset, omnia diligenter curiosus pictor cum inscriptione reddiderat;
75.11: Tamen ad delicias ipsimi domini annos quattuordecim fui. Nec turpe est quod
dominus iubet. Ego tamen et ipsimae dominae satisfaciebam. Some of our paeda-
gogiani, at least, were protected from this last form of temptation by infibulation;
Pliny N.H. xxxiii.12.54: . . . iam vero paedagogia in transitu virilitatis custodiantur
argento.... Cf. S. Reinach, in Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire, s.v. "Fibula," ii.2.1 1,
note 19.

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270 S. L. Mohler [1940

and attractivenessin young children.) Inscriptionsgive ages of

twelve to eighteenyears forboys in the imperialschool.30
The wordpaedagogiumis also used in a concretesense to describe
the place where these boys lived and received their instruction.
Pliny the Younger had one, whichhe mentionsin connectionwitha
ghost story. While one of his slave boys was sleeping in the
paedagogium"with a number of others", two white-clad figures
entereda windowand cut offhis hair,thenleftby the same route31.
I visualize thishazing stuntas having taken place in a second story
dormitory;the window mentionedfaced on a court with a roofed
porticus perfectlyadapted to such juvenile pranks. The portico
and the rooms below constitutedthe school. Certain facts about
his Laurentinevilla suggestthat Pliny's paedagogium(or his largest
one) was located there,and that the numberof boys in attendance
was greaterthan such a conservativegentlemancould have used in
the way suggestedin theDigest,namelyas waiters.32 We read that
the villa possessed a pleasantly located gymnasiumfor slaves-
which certainlymeans for young slaves.33 And the special virtue
of his privateretreatwas that it protectedhimfromthe noise of his
slaves even duringthe Saturnalia.4 Acceptance of the hypothesis
that this villa housed a slave boarding school relieves us of the
necessityof attributingthe holiday hubbub to a corps of faithful
old gardenersand domestics.
Other paedagogia of which we have definitenotices are con-
nected with the imperial household at Rome. The earliest is a
mere name, C.I.L. vi.8967: Hyblaeus et Ismenus Ifratres de
paedagog. Rami i Ti. Caesaris. No suggestionis offeredas to the
30C.I.L. vI.4353: Philonicus I Ti. Caesaris Germ. I de paedagogio vixit ann.
xIix; 8965: Halotus I ex paedagogio Caesaris, v. a. xii JPhlegon I ex paedagogio
Caesaris, v. a. xIix; 8966: D. M. I Heleno Aug. I vernae ex I paedagogio p.v.a. XVI.
Cf. 8987 (below, page 273) a vestitor of eighteen, but still probably attached to the
school; 8613 (below, page 276) an alumnus of nineteen, adiutor ab epistulis Latinis.
31Epist. vii.27.13: Puer in paedagogio mixtus pluribus dormiebat: venerunt per
fenestras (ita narrat) in tunicis albis duo cubantemque detonderunt, et qua venerant
recesserunt. Hunc quoque tonsum sparsosque circa capillos dies ostendit.
32 Cf. Digest xxxiii.7.12.32 (page 269, note 27).
33Epist. ii.17.7: Huius cubiculi et triclinii illius obiectu includitur angulus, qui
purissimum solem continet et accendit. Hoc hibernaculum, hoc etiam gymnasium
meorum est. . ..
34 Ibid. 22: Non illud voces servulorum, non maris murmur . . . sentit. 24: In
hanc ego diaetam cum me recepi, abesse mihi etiam a villa mea videor, magnamque
eius voluptatem praecipue Saturnalibus capio, cum reliqua pars tecti licentia dierum
festisque clamoribus personat; nam nec ipse meorum lusibus nec illi studiis meis
obstrepunt.

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 271

meaning of the letters RAmI, and I am even uncertainas to the

connotationof the wordfratresin this context.35 Tiberius appears
to have had a well established paedagogium,so well established,
indeed, that it is difficultto trace any developmentin the imperial
slave-school in the two succeeding centuries.36Though no other
specific structureis mentioned in inscriptionsassignable to the
firstcentury,the number of referencesto the institutionin the
Flavian period would indicate that it reached its most important
developmentat that time,and it is almost necessaryto assume that
the boys were housed in a special structure.37
The paedagogium most frequentlynamed was one on, the
Caelian hill, ad Caput Africae.38 Names and dates indicate that
it flourishedfromthe time of Trajan or Hadrian till A.D. 214.39
The bulk of our evidence comes fromthe epitaphs of paedagogi
who worked there, known as paedagogi a Kapite Africaes and
paedagogi puerorum Kap. Afr.40 The most important of our
35 Whether it means "brothers" or "fellow students.'' See page 273.
36 Boys remained in attendance till the age of eighteen, vi.4353 (see note 30), the
highest age of which we have definite record. The quality of the training imparted is
indicated by the fact that one of the students later rose to the important secretariat,
ab epistulis (see page 266, note 10). A significant differencemay be observed in the
personnel of Tiberius' staff. The teacher of the man just mentioned was a freedman
of M. Lepidus, and the only other one named was apparently a freeman, vI.8989 (see
note 14). All later paedagogi and praeceptores of whom we have knowledge were
either slaves or freedmen of emperors. A decanus paedagogorum domini (note 17) was
a non-imperial freedman. Since there is some indication that the paedagogi were later
organized as a collegium within the emperor's famitlia, I am inclined to assign this
inscription a date in the firstcentury. See page 272.
37 See vi.8973, a superlectile p. Cae. n. (note 11). Martial's reference to the
flourishing condition of schools of notarii in this period (see note 13) may indicate a
general stimulation of slave-education.
- 38 G. Gatti, "Del Caput Africae Nella Seconda Regione Di Roma," Annali
dell'Instit. di Corrispondenza Archeologica LIV (1882), 191-220; S. B. Platner and
Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (London, Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1929), 98, 99.
39 C.I.L. vI.8985: D. M. I M. Ulpio I Agathonico I paedagogo I a Caput Afrilce;
8986: paedagog. a Caput Africae I Messalla et Sabino cos. (A.D. 214). There is obviously
a margin of uncertainty in dating inscriptions by nomina: an Ulpius may well have
done his work in a later reign. See Gatti, loc. cit. (see note 38), 194. However, the
probability of Trajan's having organized this school is increased by our knowledge
that he took such a personal interest in his "boys" that their paedagogi exerted appre-
ciable influence at court, Spart. Hadr. 2: fuitque in amore Traiani, nec tamen ei per
paedagogos puerorum quos Traianus impensius diligebat t t Gallo favente defuit.
40 C.I.L. vi.8984: D. M. I Niceratus Augustorum n. ser. I paedagogus a Caput
Africae ( ), (Gatti, loc. cit. [see note 38], 194, identifies the Augusti with Marcus
Aurelius and Verus); 8985, 8986 (both in note 39); 8982: M. Aur. Aminjnes F.P.A. I
Amazon Iti fratriI paedagogi puer. Kap. Afr.; 8983: D. M. I P. Aelius Aug. lib. I Lycus
paedagog. I puerorum a Caput Africas. ...

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272 S. L. Mohler [1940

records is a dedication of the year 198 containingthe names of

twenty-fourpaedagogi.41 The form of the inscriptionindicates
collegiateorganization,and the fact that all the men were imperial
freedmenshows that their professionwas regardedwith a certain
degreeof respect.42 As to the boys in the school and theirlife,the
presenceof an anointerin theirmidst temptsus to inferthat they
had an athletic program,43 and, if this was thepaedagogiumof the
41Ibid. vi.1052:
IMPERATORI CAESARI
M. AVRELIO ANTONINO
AVG.
L. SEPTIMI SEVERI PII
PERTINACIS AVG. FILIO
domino indulgentissimo
paedagogi puerorum a Capite
Africae quorum nomina infra
scripta sunt
Trypherus ver. lib. Petizace s lib.
Euperilemptu s lib. Zoillu s lib.
Eutyfro n lib. Frequen s lib.
Trophimus ver. lib. Modestu s lib.
Pollux ver. lib. Patroclu s lib.
Chrysomallu s lib. Herme s lib.
Philoterus ver. lib. Nichomachus ver. lib.
Eutyche s lib. Paedicu s lib.
Spendo n lib. Hermogene s lib.
Perseu s lib. Neon ver. lib.
Herme s lib. Anemuriu s lib.
Felix s lib. Eutyche s lib.
Procurantibus Saturnino et Eumeniano
dedic. Idib. Oct. Saturnino et Gallo
COS. (A.D. 198)
Observe that six of these men advertise the fact that they were vernae. The frequency
with which this term is used in the period of the Empire evidences a decided feeling
of pride: see R. H. Barrow, Slavery in the Roman Empire (London, Methuen and Co.,
1924), 50, 51. The primary basis of that pride may well have been the superior
opportunity for education which the home-raised slave enjoyed. Cf. Suet. Gramm. 23
(note 5); C.I.L. iii.556 (arcarius provinciae Achaiae, [note 18]); vi.8966 (ex paedagogio,
[note 30]); v.1039 (ex kap. Africaes [note 43]); note 54.
42 One slave paedagogus was associated with the institution (vi.8984 [note 40]),
and it is possible that a number of slaves on the staff in A.D. 198 did not take part in
the dedication.
43 v.1039 (Aquileia): D. M. Philagrypno I Aug. vern. ex Kap. I Africaes, qui vix.
ann. xxii mens. viii I dieb. xxv, Heliodolrus unctor ad I Kaput Africaes I beneme-
renti I fecit. Cf. the gymnasium at Pliny's villa (above, note 33).

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 273

second century,they also had manicure service and a corps of

doctors to look out fortheirhealth.44 But to me by far the most
significantof theirrecordsis one which employsthe word Caputa-
fricensis,like "West Pointer" or "Cambridgeman", C.I.L. vi.8987:
AlexanderI Augg. ser. fecitI se bibo Marco filioI dulcissimoCaputa I
fricesiqui deputa I batur inter bestito I res, qui vixit annis i xviii
mesibuviiII I diebu v. Peto a bobis, I fratresboni, per I unumdeum
ne quis IVII TITE LO molestatI pos mo(rtemmeam).45 These " dis-
tinguishedboys" were "brothers",46 united by a bond of common
experiencecomparable with nothingin the world except that of
lifein a boardingschool.
Two other structures,both on the Palatine, have been tenta-
tively associated with the imperial paedagogium. One, in the
domus Gelotiana, contains a famous collection of graffiti, among
which are a numberin the form:exit de paedagogio.47 Gatti very
reasonably argues that the expressionmeans that the individual
had graduated fromthe school at Caput Africae,ratherthan that
he was leavingthe structurewherethewordswerefound.48Huelsen
maintainsthat the expressiondoes not referto a real paedagogium
at all, but that the term is used humorouslyforjail, Strafzellen.49
His argumentis based on the fact that the names are scratchedon
the lowerpart of the wall, as would be naturalifthe writerswerein
stocks. The deduction seems to me quite unnecessarywhen we
considerthe numberof graffiti observableon our school-roomwalls,
especially in the space below the blackboard. Boys sitting on
ordinarybenches could easily have performedthe feats of art and
44vi.8977 (see note 18); 8981 (see note 19). Gatti, loc. cit. (see note 38), 214, 215,
upholds the view that the institution at Caput Africae was the only imperial paeda-
gogium in the city.
45 The letters in small capitals are unintelligible. The date of the inscription
cannot be earlier than that of vI.8984 (cf. note 40).
46 Cf. above, pages 270, 271, note 35, below, pages 274, 275.
47 Christian Huelsen, The Forum and the Palatine, translated by Helen H. Tanzer
(New York, A. Bruderhausen, 1928), 72, pl. 56; L. Correra, " Graffiti di Roma,"
Bulletino della Commissione Archeologica Communale di Roma xxi (1893), 248-260,
xxii (1894), 89-94. He gives a diagram of the structure (page 248), and publishes the
graffiti. Among them are: 29, Narbonensis exit de paedagogio; 36, Corinthus exit de
pedagogio; 46, Verna exit de pe... gogio. I employ his numbering in my citations.
48 Gatti, loc. cit. (see note 38), 219, 220. Cf. Correra, loc. cit. (see note 47),
(1894), 92.
49 Christian Huelsen, "Das Sogennante Paedagogium auf dem Palatin," in
Melanges Boissier, edited by Albert Fontemoing (Paris, Librairie des Ecoles frangaises
d'Athenes et de Rome, 1903), 304.

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274 S. L. Mohler [1940

chirographyin question. Much morepositiveis Huelsen's identifi-

cation of one of the chambersas a wardrobe-room, fromthe names
of typesof clothinginscribedon the walls.50 This suppliesa direct
link with our Caputafricensiswho was detailed to that service,
presumablybeforehis "graduation." 51
I am tempted to go a little furtherin my interpretationof
these records and propose the hypothesisthat school boys and
alumni were on duty togetherin this suite of rooms (presumably
with otherswho were in no way associated with the paedagogium).
To begin with, we find names with and without the expression,
exit de paedagogio: 10, 22, Eutyches; 11, Eutyches exit de paeda-
gogio; 88, Marianus; 51, Marinus Afer exiit de pedagogiu (sic).52
It is possible that these names do not representthe same person,
or that,iftheydo, the differentformsofthe recordsdo not represent
a differenceof status. A strongprobability,however,exists that
numbers22 and 11 referto the same individual,and that the second
one was writtenonly after his "graduation." More strikingevi-
dence appears in a use of the word "brothers" in a way which
suggests its application to students in the school at Caput
Africae,538:
Epitynchanus
et Asiaticus
frat.
Inasmuch as Asiaticus was presumablyborn in Asia Minor and
Epitynchanus is twice designated as a verna, "home born",54 it
is beyond the realm of probabilitythat they were true brothers.
The same names are also linkedin a tripleinscription,63:
Epitynchanus
Asiaticus
FelicissimusA
puei (- Augusti pueri)
50 Ibid., 305. From the use of the word Dalmatica he also assigns it a date not
earlier than the Antonines.
51 C.I.L. vi.8987 (see page 273).
52 Variant readings have been proposed for the proper names in the last two,
Marinus for Marianus, Marianus for Marinus; cf. Correra, loc. cit. (see note 47), 251,
note 2, 253, note 1.
53 C.I.L. vI.8987 (see page 273).
64 Cf. number 64, EPITYNCHANUS VERNA; 192, EHITYNXAN(O)C P. V.D.N.
Correra interprets these last letters as verna domini nostri, loc. cit. (see note 47), (1894),
89-94.

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 275

This may not have great significance,but the expressionsuggests

the title of the paedagogi,and gives a furtherhint that the bond
between Epitynchanus and Asiaticus was somethingother than
commonparentage.
Identificationof the other "paedagogium" restson much more
slendersupport,namelya seriesof wall-paintingsshowinga dining-
roomscene,withwaitersand attendantsas the onlyhumanfigures.55
These picturesoccur in three rooms facing a small court. Com-
parison of this unusual decorative motifwith the most familiar
activity of the paedagogianisuggests that these rooms may have
had a use like that of the suite attached to the wardrobewhichwe
have just been considering. Neitherwas a true paedagogium,but
one of them,at least, was associated with the workof paedagogiani
in a mannerwhichmightalmost have been assumed fromtheirdual
status in the householdas decorativepages and studentspreparing
themselvesforhighadministrativeresponsibilities.
In private families the trainingof city slaves was conducted
with less segregationthan is indicatedforour Caputafricenses,but
sufficientdistinctionstill attached to that trainingto inspirethe
use of the word compedagogitae forthose who receivedit.56 Corre-
lation of study with practical service as waiters was presumably
closer, and economy in employmentmight even be carried over
into the staff,as we see in the recordof a man who combinedthe
functionsof paedagogusand ab hospitiis.57 When guests arrivedat
the house,schoolwas dismissed,and the teacherbecame the director
of the neatly dressed attendants.58 In the country we have a
55 Mrs. Arthur Strong, "Forgotten Fragments of Ancient Wall Painting in Rome,"
in Papers of the British School at Rome (London, Macmillan and Co., Limited), VIII
(1916), 91-103, especially 94 and note 1. She assigns a date to the structure in the
age of the Antonines or Septimius Severus.
56 C.I.L. vi.9759: D. M. I Erasti i vix. ann. i xxii con I pedagoglitae b.me.; 9760:
D. M. I Carpioni I amico I b.m. I fecit Helius I conpedagogita; 9761: Dis. Man. I
Neriti I Pomponi I Materni I pueri con I pedagogit. I merenti; 9762: D. M. I Noeto I Ti.
Claudius I Euangelus conpedagogi I iae suo f.; 9764: D. M. I C. Valerio I Leonae et l
Lyco fortis I simis viris I C. Valerius Myrismus I ////conpedago I gita bene merentib.
fec///t. If the Ti. Claudius Euangelus of 9762 was an imperial freedman, the common
character of the institution in public and private life is very strikingly illustrated.
57 vi.7290 (see note 12).
58 A similar alternation of activities at Pliny's villa may almost be assumed, and

it helps us to appreciate the economy of its arrangement. Pliny Epist. ii.17.9: Reliqua
pars lateris huius servorum libertorumque usibus detinetur, plerisque tam mundis ut
accipere hospites possint. The expression usibus detinetur must refer to something
more than sleeping quarters, since the occasion of the arrival of numerous guests would

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276 S. L. Mohler [1940

picture of seasonal employmentfor waiters. In the long months

when the masterwas away, it would have been inhumaneas well
as wastefulto let them sit around cherishingtheir complexions.59
It was the paedagogi,who were proverbiallysevere,who saw to it
that the boys were purposefullyemployed. All told, the relation
of practical serviceand brain-workin the lives of these slave-boys
presentsan analogy with our ultra-modernAntiochplan.
For knowledgeof what actually went on withina paedagogium
we mustresortto inferenceas to the trainingwhichwas prerequisite
forthe positionsthese " pages " held in later life,and generaldeduc-
tions as to educational practice in the Roman world. \Ve have
seen that a slave-pupilmightearn the name Philologus,and that it
was probablythissame slave who roseto thepositionofab epistulis.60
Our moststrikingrecordof achievementis that of a lad of nineteen,
adiutor ab epistulisLatinis, C.I.L. vi.8613: D. M. I Faustus Aug.
lib. I adiutor ab epis|tulis Lat. Vixit I an. xvIIII m. IIII I dieb.
xvi. Fecit I Artemisiuspaedlagogus et lib. I puero rarissimo. The
age at which he was promotedto the position is noteworthypri-
marily because it indicates that he may have skipped the usual
service as a page-possibly because he had the advantage of a
homelyface. The unique featureof the inscriptionis the implica-
tion it containsthat the boy was the patronof his paedagogus(eius
should be understoodafterlib[ertus]). The simplestway to explain
the relationshipwould be to suppose that the slave Artemisius
was assigned as a personal attendant to Faustus, and was given
to him with his freedom. Shortlyafterwardsthe young secretary
freedhis paedagogus. He was indeed a "most unusual boy", but a
societywhich gave such recognitionto literarytalent in its young
slaves was somewhat unusual too. We must resist a temptation
to inferthat many of our paedagogi puerorumplayed the role of
personal attendant implied in this inscription,if for no other
reason because of the highproportionof freedmenamong paedagogi
whose recordswe possess.6-
call for the presence of a maximum staff of slaves. If we suppose that at such times
space usually employed in slave-education was made available for other uses by the
students' becoming "pages," we get a more favorable impression of the utility of the
whole structure.
59Cf. page 268, note 24.
60 C.I.L. vI.9449 (see note 10). Ancient standards of excellence in writing were
so high that it is not surprising that his teacher was a grammaticus.
61 See pages 267, 268, note 16.

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 277

One other inscriptioninformsus that an imperial freedman,

age unmentioned,in charge of gold drinkingvessels, joined in
erectingan epitaph to his paedagogus.62This gives us little more
than confirmation of our observationthat our boys were employed
in the diningroom,but it happens to supply a link in the chain of
evidence as to the work for which they were prepared. For our
next task is to determinewhat happened to these boys afterthey
had served their termsas pages. Informationon this point may
be secured directlyfroma few epitaphs and honoraryinscriptions
which fortunatelytrace the steps of freedmen'scareers. The first
is one of a cupbearer,a crystalinis,comparable with our paeda-
gogianus ab auro potorio,C.I.L. iii.536 (Corinth): TheoprepenI
Aug. lib. proc. I domini n. M. Aur. I Severi AlexandriI Pii Fel.
Aug. Iprovinciae Achaiae I et Epiri et Thessaliae I rat. purpura-
rum, proc. ab ephemeride,I proc. a mandatis, proc. I at praedia
Galliana, I proc. saltus Domitiani, I tricliniarcham,63 praelpositum
a fiblis,I praeposituma crylstallinis,hominemI incomparabilem,I
Lysander Aug. lib. officilalisI 4,(-01aou-yrL) f(o*X-s); xi.3612
(Caere): Ti. Claudius Aug. lib. Bucolas praegustator,tricliniarc.
proc. a munerib.,proc. aquar.,64proc. castrensis,cum Q. Claudio I
Flaviano filio et Sulpicia Cantabra matre d. d.; vI.9005: Genio I
Coeti Herodian. I praegustator.I divii Augusti,I idem postea vilicus
in I hortis Sallustianis ( ) (He died A.D. 45); vi.1884: M. Ulpio
Aug. lib. I Phaedimo divi Traiani Aug. a potione I item a laguna et
tricliniarch., lictori proximo et a comment.I beneficiorum,vixit
ann. xxviii ( ) (He died A.D. 117).
To ask the question what these men had been doing in their
teens is to answer it. They had been learning to write perfect
Latin and Greek, and had mastered the mathematicalknowledge
necessaryto administerthe financesof rich provinces. The skills
requiredfortheseoperationshad notbeen pickedup at odd moments
while they were seriouslyconcernedwith the etiquette of pouring
wine or holdingcloaks. Waitingon tables was almostas secondary
in theirlives as it is in the lives of our college studentswho findit
necessaryto earn theirboard in that way. The excessivegrooming
62 vi.8969 (cf. note 11).
63 For this functionary cf. Mrs. Strong, loc. cit. (see note 55), fig. 3, page 97.
64 See Dessau, Insc. 1567 note 2, for identification of his name on a lead
pipe of the
reign of Domitian. He probably knew little more about plumbing than the average
college professor.

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278 S. L. Mohler [1940

of the Roman boys is matchedby that of the waitersand bell boys

in our hotels.
With referenceto the actual processes of instructionand the
methodsby which literaryskill was imparted,we may assert with
some confidencethat Roman masterswould have had littlepatience
withspecialized coursesin businesscorrespondence. The standard
literary-grammatical course of the grammaticuswas trusted to
producesuccess not only in writingand speaking,but in almost any
normal human enterprise. Their faithin the principleof transfer
of trainingwas so completethat they assumed that boys who had
distinguishedthemselves in classroom rhetoricwould make first
rate treasuryofficialsor admirals.65 Whethera liberal education
was thought of as producing intelligenceor merely proving its
existence,specialization of trainingwas accorded scant respect in
limitedfields. To give the Romans theirfulldue, we mustrecognize
theirconsistencyin applyingsimilarprinciplesin the management
of theirestates. The promotionof slaves seems to have been based
moreon recognitionof generalabilities than on specialized training
or experience. This appears in Varro's reasonable suggestionthat
the slave chosen to manage a farmshould be one who was used to
farmoperations.66 The modernreader instinctivelycriticizesthis
injunctionas a laboringof the obvious, but it so happens that the
two ancient gentlemenfarmerswe know best disregardedhis ad-
monition:Horace's vilicus was promotedfromhis city staff,67 and
65 For the relation of school-room success to political advancement see the author's

article (cited note 7), 479.

66 Re Rustica i.17.4: Qui praesint esse oportere, qui litteris atque aliqua sint

humanitate imbuti, frugi, aetate maiore quam operarios, quos dixi. . . . Praeterea
potissimum eos praeesse oportere, qui periti sint rerum rusticarum. Non solum enim
debere imperare, sed etiam facere. . . . His prescription as to the education of a
vilicus in the firstsentence involves a significant use of the word humanitas. Varro
and his fellow countrymen saw no inconsistency in the use of the word in the two senses
of "human sympathy or understanding" and "culture." (See Oscar E. Nybakken,
"Humanitas Romana," T.A.P.A. LXX [1939], 406, 407.) He evidently felt that a
slave who had had some contact with classical literature would understand his men
better, secure more cooperation, and so prove a more efficientforeman. Certainly
Varro had no idea of giving a prospective vilicus a type of education differentfrom
that of freeborn children.
67Epist. i.14.14, 15. I can see no way to interpret this except as a real letter,
anisweringa letter. The vilicus of Horace's farm was a definite individual known to all
his friends, not an abstraction invented to point a moral. Verses 19-30 I take as a
commentary on the vilicus' report, which included an account of a freshet,verses 29, 30.
Horace may have been reading between the lines, in his rehearsal of the features of

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Vol. lxxi] Slave Educationin Roman Empire 279

Pliny tells us that at vintage time his city slaves took charge,
Epist. ix.20.2: Ipse cum maxime vindemias graciles quidem,
uberiorestamen quam expectaveram,colligo, si colligereest non
numquam decerpere uvam, torculuminvisere,degustare de lacu
mustum,obrepereurbanis,qui nuncrusticispraesuntmeque notariis
et lectoribus reliquerunt. This makes sense only if we suppose
that these city slaves had had previous experiencein vineyards,
possibly in a succession of duties as varied as those of Roman
senators. Such generalized careers presuppose general education
ratherthan specializedmanual training. All of the moreimportant
functionsin a city household,be it remarked,would requirea high
degree of literacyand a practical knowledgeof arithmetic. The
elite of Pliny's household,exempt fromall menial labor, consisted
of those who had the most thoroughliterarytraining,his readers
and secretaries.
This customof assigningduties on the basis of generalqualifica-
tions rather than specific ones produced still more interesting
resultsin the imperialservice. C.I.L. vi.8382: D. M. I M. Aur. Aug.
lib. Philetus I prepositus unctor.I et proc. fari Alexanldriae ad
Hegyptum ( ); 8583: D. M. Ti. Claudio Speclatori I Aug. lib.,
procurator. Formis, Fundis, Caietae, Iprocurator. Laurento ad I
elephantos,I Cornelia Bellica coniugil b. m. The benighted old
Romans failed to recognizepachydermdieteticsas a properclass-
roomstudy; lighthousekeepingand pipe makingwere also omitted
fromtheircurricula. I have a grave suspicion that these keepers
of lighthousesand elephants had never progressedbeyond the
subjects Varro prescribedfor a farm manager, Greek and Latin
classics.68 Varro is perhaps intentionallyvague as to the amount
of education a trustedslave should have, but I thinkhe is specific
as to its quality. A slave received the same kind of education as
a freeboy, whetherit lasted fortwo years or twelve.
In these facts a twentiethcentury educator should find the
long soughtexplanationof the fallof Rome. A mereLatin teacher
sees in them support for a belief that the more favored Roman
city-life which his friend missed, but verse 23 sounds like a quotation:

et quod
angulus iste feret piper et tus ocius uva, . . .
We therefore reach the conclusion that promotion in Horace's familia was based on
the possession of a good sense of humor.
68 I.e. humanilas (cf. note 66).

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280 S. L. Mohler [1940

slave boy was given an education roughlycomparablewith that of

his master's son, more liberal than that of Americanyouth today.
Its primarypurpose was selfishlyutilitarian,but its effectwas to
make the slave a self-respecting human being, and prepare him
forthe responsibilitiesand privilegesof citizenship,which came to
him with manumission. The strengthof Roman society lay pre-
ciselyin its abilityto absorb foreignelements,and writerslike Livy
appreciatedthe factwhentheycould view it in the hazy perspective
of a traditionalpast, as in the story of the incorporationof the
Albans into the body politic. The continuationof that processfor
nearly a thousand years, and its extensionto include the diverse
elementswhich"mingled theirwaterswith the Tiber" was decried
by the men who made it possible, but it constitutesthe great
achievementof Rome. And in that achievementno small part was
played by the despised institutionof the paedagogium.

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