Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
DOI 10.1007/s11199-015-0534-5
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Price Mothers Pay, Even When They Are Not Buying
It: Mental Health Consequences of Idealized Motherhood
Angie Henderson 1 & Sandra Harmon 1 & Harmony Newman 1
Published online: 2 September 2015
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2015
Abstract Drawing on previous work on the relationship be-
tween intensive mothering ideologies and mental health out-
comes, the present study analyzed the relationship between
the pressure to be the perfect mother and psychological well-
being for modern mothers. Specifically, this study suggests
that even women who do not subscribe to these ideologies
are at-risk for experiencing increased stress and anxiety, and
decreased self-efficacy in the face of the pressure to be perfect
and guilt for not living up to high mothering expectations. The
sample for this study was recruited using a snowball sampling
technique via e-mail and an online survey instrument. The
final sample included 283 mothers aged 18–50 mostly from
the West (45 %) and Midwest (29 %) regions of the U.S., but
also including the South (18 %) and Northeast (8 %).
Hierarchical linear regression results indicate that mothers
who experience the pressure to be perfect experience lower
self-efficacy and higher levels of stress. Mothers who experi-
ence guilt for not meeting parenting expectations also experi-
ence lower self-efficacy, higher levels of stress and higher
levels of anxiety. Contrary to prior research, intensive moth-
ering beliefs were not a significant predictor of poorer mental
health. The results from this study indicate that internalizing
guilt and the pressure to be the perfect mother are detrimental
for mothers regardless of whether or not they subscribe to
intensive motherhood ideologies. This study also emphasizes
the importance of framing motherhood with a feminist socio-
logical lens to critique the dominant ideologies of motherhood
and the detrimental effects on women.
* Angie Henderson
angela.henderson@unco.edu
1
Department of Sociology, University of Northern Colorado, Campus
Box 142, Greeley, CO 80639, USA
Keywords Motherhood . Mental health . Gender . Intensive
mothering . Feminist sociology
Introduction
While the last 50 years have demonstrated progress towards
equality for U.S. women, such as improved educational attain-
ment and higher participation in the workforce, equality in
other areas has arguably stalled, especially when it comes to
the dominant ideologies of perfection associated with mother-
hood (e.g., Hays 1996; Henderson et al. 2010; Newman and
Henderson 2014). Feminist scholars in psychology, human
development, and sociology – among others – have demon-
strated that families exist in two spheres, both public and pri-
vate (Ferree 1990; Walker 1999), which means that mothers’
experiences cannot be analyzed without taking prevailing gen-
der ideologies into account (c.f., Arendell 1999, 2000; Bobel
2002; Douglas and Michaels 2004; Newman and Henderson
2014; Warner 2005). Although the data for this project are
embedded within the dominant ideology of motherhood in
the United States, these ideologies are undoubtedly prevalent
in other countries as well, including but not limited to the
United Kingdom (Duberley and Carrigan 2012; Vincent
2010) and Australia (Johnson 2014; Lupton 2011, 2012;
Williams et al. 2013). Indeed, many scholars around the globe
have identified that this hegemonic ideology of motherhood is
based on what Freidan (1963) first called the feminine mys-
tique – women’s passive acceptance of the limited roles of
wife and mother (Allen et al. 2013).
Thirty years after Freidan (1963) named Bthe problem that
has no name^ (p. 151), Hays (1996) analyzed the emotional
labor and demanding expectations of motherhood in the U.S.
She included the experiences of working mothers in her sam-
ple, named the practice Bintensive mothering,^ and defined
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
maternal expectations as child-centered, expert-guided, emo-
tionally absorbing, labor intensive, and financially expensive
(p. 46). Feminist theorists argue that these expectations have
intensified even since Hays (1996) first wrote about them,
referring to the contemporary U.S. experience of motherhood
as new momism (Douglas and Michaels 2004). They argue
that mothers are influenced by media messages about good
and bad celebrity moms, which forces them to put on Bthe
doting, self-sacrificing mother and wear it at all times^
(Douglas and Michaels 2004; p. 6). Warner (2005) echoes this
analysis in her work examining the mommy mystique, where
mothers find themselves consumed with stress, anger, and
guilt for not meeting the unrealistically high expectations of
motherhood. These socio-cultural theories provide us the lens
with which to understand how mothers reflect upon their
sense of self and performance as a mother in a particular social
context, a context framed by powerful institutions such as the
mass media (c.f., Reese et al. 2003). It is upon this theoretical
foundation that we control for the media as an influencing
variable.
Since the publication of these seminal works critiquing the
public discourse of motherhood, there has been an abundance
of research documenting the stressful, isolating, and anxiety
producing consequences of this ideology in U.S. women’s
private lives (c.f., Christopher 2012; Johnston and Swanson
2006, 2007; Liss et al. 2013). Researchers have also examined
the concept of mother-blame, when U.S. mothers (compared
to fathers) are disproportionately blamed for their children’s
actions, behaviors, health and well-being (Jackson and
Mannix 2004; Singh 2002, 2004). More recent work – and
the first quantitative study of intensive motherhood in the U.S.
– has also identified the link between intensive mothering
practices and increased depression and stress (Rizzo et al.
2013). Other work based in psychology has found a link be-
tween U.S. individuals who identify as perfectionist parents
and negative outcomes like anxiety, depression and reduced
self-esteem and self-efficacy (Flett et al. 2005; Lee et al. 2012;
Powers et al. 2005; Randles et al. 2010). We use the theoretical
contributions of these findings to control for the effects of
subscribing to the intensive mothering ideology.
Although some scholars have critiqued the ideology of
intensive motherhood for coming from a place of privilege
(e.g., Baca Zinn 1990; Collins 1994), researchers have iden-
tified the omnipresent state of these maternal expectations
across populations such that even if a group questions a par-
ticular aspect of the ideology, the hegemony of these maternal
standards continue to affect how women parent (Arendell
1999; Newman and Henderson 2014). Indeed, this model of
mothering has been critiqued for overlooking the very differ-
ent ways of doing motherhood, including the voices of lesbi-
an, bisexual, or transgendered mothers, those from varying
socioeconomic backgrounds, as well as mothers of color
(Baca Zinn 1990; Collins 1994). In response to this silence,
513
alternative perspectives of motherhood have emerged among
such groups which Arendell (1999) refers to as Bdeviancy
discourses^ (p. 1195). Arendell utilized interview data from
mothers to suggest that the presence of such discourses –
articulations of motherhood developed in response to the
dominant model – highlights the hegemonic power of inten-
sive mothering. That is, even when mothers are not drawing
specifically on the ideology of intensive motherhood, they are
often responding to it as the dominant ideal (Newman and
Henderson 2014). In order to capture the variation among
women’s responses to this project, we control for age,
race/ethnicity, marital and work status, income, and highest
level of education.
It is clear from this body of work that the discourse of U.S.
motherhood has implications for mothers’ well-being, partic-
ularly for those who identify as perfectionist parents and also
those who subscribe to intensive mothering. However, from a
feminist sociological perspective, it is important to identify the
limitations of this earlier work. First, the focus on
perfectionistic parenting has focused on both mothers and
fathers, which suggests that fathers experience a similar
pressure to be perfect as mothers. Garey and Arendell
(2001) argue that to use the term Bparent^ or Bparenting^
serves to obscure the social reality of the gendered nature of
parenting (p. 295). A feminist framework confronts the op-
pression of women in families, which does not suggest we
ignore fathers, but instead acknowledges that there is a
socio-historical context that has historically placed the respon-
sibility for children’s problems squarely on the shoulders of
mothers (Garey and Arendell 2001). In fact, the U.S. research
on mother-blame (to be discussed below) highlights the very
gendered nature of parenting, such that mothers carry a par-
ticular, gendered pressure that is not experienced by fathers.
Second, we argue that the current research on intensive
mothering focuses too closely on individual-responsibility,
overlooking the power that the dominant ideology has over
all modern U.S. mothers. Indeed, Rizzo et al. (2013) posed the
following question at the conclusion of their study on inten-
sive motherhood: BSo, if intensive mothering is related to so
many negative mental health outcomes, why do women do
it?^ (p. 619). This question assumes that the choice to mother
intensively is truly a choice, and not an inescapable cultural
mandate. From a psychological perspective, it makes sense to
conclude that if women want to decrease the negative conse-
quences of intensive parenting and parental perfectionism,
they should reconsider their approach to parenting.
Accordingly, perhaps mothers could choose to ignore media
influence when it comes to parenting decisions, or shift their
own thinking and beliefs, perhaps lowering expectations and
freeing themselves from the strictures of intensive mother-
hood. However, we suggest that from a feminist sociological
perspective, it is important to shift the focus away from
individual-responsibility instead to analyzing the dominant
514
discourse of motherhood. We propose that regardless of
choice, the pressure to be a perfect affects all women.
Indeed, Douglas and Michaels (2004) argue that the façade
of a Bchoice^ is what makes the dominant ideology of moth-
erhood so powerful. They argue:
the only truly enlightened choice to make as a woman,
the one that proves, first, that you are a ‘real’ woman,
and second, that you are a decent, worthy one, is to
become a ‘mom’ and to bring to child rearing a combi-
nation of selflessness and professionalism that would
involve the cross cloning of Mother Teresa with Donna
Shalala. (Douglas and Michaels 2004, p. 5).
This public ideology of motherhood, then, mandates that
women not only become mothers, but that they approach
motherhood in a way that put their own needs low on the
priority list. Therefore, one could argue that gender equality
surrounding U.S. motherhood has not only stalled, but has
shifted into reverse. We should no longer be asking why wom-
en subscribe to intensive mothering ideologies or perfection-
istic parenting practices, but instead we should identify the
power of this ideology and how it affects all U.S. women.
The present study, grounded in feminist sociology (Garey
and Arendell 2001), is a step in this direction as we take into
account the ubiquitous pressure to be perfect for all U.S.
mothers, not just those who practice intensive mothering or
identify as perfectionist parents. Indeed, we ask: how do pub-
lic messages influence mothers’ psychological well-being,
even among women who do not subscribe to such ideologies?
Do mothers even need to Bbuy in^ to intensive motherhood or
perfectionistic parenting to be affected by its messages? This
approach contrasts with previous research in this body of work
because it broadens the discussion from the micro- to the
macro-level of analysis. By conceptualizing the issue in this
way, we can shift the lens of this body of work by re-
imagining idealized motherhood as a public social issue and
not a personal choice.
In summary, the present study builds on previous literature
by suggesting that women need not subscribe to perfectionis-
tic parenting or the strictures of intensive mothering in order to
experience the pressure to be perfect. In fact, we suggest that
all mothers are subject to the pressure to be the perfect mother,
which in turn, negatively impacts mothers’ psychological
well-being; specifically, self-efficacy, stress, and anxiety.
Literature Review
Despite numerous social changes (e.g., Gerson 2010; O'Reilly
2010) that have occurred in the U.S. since Freidan (1963) first
identified Bthe problem that has no name^ (p. 151), the image
of what it means to be a good mom has consistently been a
part of a prescribed performance of gender for women. That is,
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
researchers have established that although social changes have
afforded women agency in the public sphere, the same choices
are not necessarily available in the private domain, the home
(Douglas and Michaels 2004; Walzer 1998; Warner 2005;
Zelizer 1985). According to this mothering ideal: 1) the moth-
er must be the primary caregiver of children because men
cannot be relied upon for the duty; 2) child rearing logically
requires extensive time, energy, and material resources; and 3)
the children are priceless and incompatible with paid labor
(Hays 1996).
Studies done in the U.S. provide numerous examples of
how the dominant ideologies of motherhood affect women.
Newman and Henderson (2014) used interviews and partic-
ipant observations of women participating in a mothering
support group to demonstrate that the requirements of inten-
sive mothering set women up for failure, even those coming
from a privileged status. Indeed, women in this study were
unhappy with the strictures of intensive motherhood,
insomuch that they sought out a support group to deal with
the frustrations.
Similarly, Stone (2007) utilized interviews with highly suc-
cessful U.S. women who left the paid workforce to mother
full-time to demonstrate the inflexibility of contemporary so-
cial structures that prevent women from having it Ball.^ These
findings support Hays (1996) now classic articulation of the
cultural contradictions of motherhood whereby she identified
the effects of contemporary U.S. capitalist culture on most
families. She argues that in addition to feeling a constant pres-
sure to be an intensive mother, families need to have dual
incomes. Therefore, mothers are not immune from the social
pressures to be productive citizens who also contribute to the
economy. In addition, women are pressured to conform to the
seemingly ubiquitous ideology of perfect motherhood, despite
a general sense of dissatisfaction with it (Newman and
Henderson 2014). It is worth noting here that while this ide-
ology has been documented around the globe, the empirical
studies covered here are all based on U.S. samples, unless
otherwise stated.
Psychology of Motherhood
Researchers have long examined the psychological effects of
parenting on both mothers and fathers, suggesting that parent-
hood can be detrimental to mental health (Baumeister and
Vohs 2002). Specifically, parents have been found to experi-
ence increased stress (Nomaguchi and Milkie 2003), anxiety
(Warner 2005), guilt and shame (Guendouzi 2006; Liss et al.
2013) and depression (Evenson and Simon 2005). The major-
ity of research on parental self-efficacy, or the belief parents
hold about their capabilities to organize and execute a set of
tasks related to parenting a child, has examined the transition
to parenting (Cutrona and Troutman 1986; Gross et al. 1994;
Leahy-Warren et al. 2011; Teti and Gelfand 1991). This focus
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
on the transition to parenthood makes sense, because becom-
ing a parent can be associated with a major shift in one’s
beliefs about their abilities to be able to manage the new role.
It is no surprise, then, that this body of work has found that
low self-efficacy can be problematic for new parents (Gross
et al. 1994; Maciejewski et al. 2000). Particularly, new
mothers have been found to experience more self-doubt
(Wilkins 2006) and lower confidence (Moran et al. 2006),
both of which Bandura (2006) conceptualized as indicators
of low self-efficacy. Given the modern ideology of mother-
hood which perpetuates the pressure to be the perfect mother,
struggles with self-efficacy could last much longer than earlier
research has indicated. That is, do mothers continue to wrestle
with self-efficacy after the transition to parenthood is over?
Does the current ideology of motherhood exacerbate the ef-
fects of parenthood on self-efficacy beyond those first tenuous
few years as a new parent?
Another psychological consequence of modern mother-
hood – that scholars have argued is actually an inherent part
of motherhood – is guilt (Liss et al. 2013; Sutherland 2010).
Evolutionary psychologists Rotkirch and Janhunen (2009) ar-
gued that guilt Bfocuses on wrongful behavior, and is connect-
ed to a concern for others and how they are affected by one’s
behavior^ (p. 92). Therefore, when it comes to mothering,
guilt can emerge frequently as a result of the pressure to be
perfect and the perpetual feelings of inadequacy in attaining
perfection. Indeed, Rotkirch and Janhunen (2009) found in
their qualitative study of Finnish mothers that guilt was among
the most frequently mentioned feelings associated with moth-
erhood. Mothers in this study discussed the presence of neg-
ative feelings (e.g., anger, aggression) and how guilt was a
direct result of those feelings. Similarly, Liss et al. (2013)
found in their quantitative U.S.-based study of mothers that
an interaction existed between mothers’ self-discrepancy, the
perceived difference between one’s actual and ideal selves,
and fear of negative evaluation. That is, women who experi-
ence guilt and shame also fear negative evaluation from
others, and experience discrepant feelings between their
Bideal^ self as a mother and their Breal^ self. That is, guilt
and shame stem from the very hegemonic discourse of moth-
erhood that measures women against an unattainable, and
therefore problematic, ideal of perfection. Thus, for the pur-
poses of this study, we also ask how guilt is experienced by
modern mothers who feel unable to live up to both societal
and personal expectations.
Parenting Perfection
Researchers have examined the mental health effects of sub-
scribing to perfectionist standards. For example, Hewitt and
Flett (1991) used both clinical and non-clinical data samples
to define societal-oriented perfectionism as the belief that
others hold oneself to exceptionally high standards.
515
Similarly, Stoeber and Otto (2006) conducted a meta-
analysis of studies on perfectionism to define perfectionistic
behavior as occurring when one is highly concerned over
mistakes, has fear of negative evaluation from others, has
doubts about her/his actions, and has concern about parental
criticism. This type of perfectionism has been consistently
associated with negative outcomes like depression and re-
duced self-esteem in a wide variety of samples (Flett et al.
2005; Hewitt and Flett 1991; Powers et al. 2005). When ap-
plied to parenthood, researchers have demonstrated that per-
fectionist mothers and fathers are more likely than the average
parent to experience higher levels of anxiety, overprotection,
and have harsher interactions with their children (Flett et al.
2002; Randles et al. 2010). First-time mothers who subscribe
to perfectionistic parenting have also been found to experience
higher levels of anxiety as they transition to parenthood (Lee
et al. 2012).
While the link between perfectionistic standards and nega-
tive outcomes has been established, less is known about how
the dominant ideology of being a Bperfect mother^ affects
mothers’ psychological well-being. Research on working
mothers has argued that they utilize cognitive acrobatics in
order to manage the tension between employment and the
dominant mothering ideology (Johnston and Swanson
2007). Rizzo et al. (2013) found similar results whether
mothers work part-time, full-time, or stay at home. In a quan-
titative study of 181 women, they discovered that mothers
who subscribe to the intensive mothering ideology experience
lower life satisfaction.
Each of these studies highlights how internalizing the
Bmotherhood myth^ (the dominant discourse of motherhood)
is problematic for women, because they are subscribing to
unrealistic expectations. However, framing the issue in this
way overlooks the difficulty in rejecting the dominant dis-
course of motherhood. The present study, framed with a fem-
inist sociological imagination (Garey and Arendell 2001), ar-
gues that the pressure to be a perfect mother (which leads to
self-discrepancy, maternal guilt, and shame) is often inescap-
able, and particularly hard to reject for mothers. Indeed, the
following section details a phenomenon called mother-blame,
because mothers are held responsible for not only their own
well-being, but for their children’s as well.
Mother Blame: Connecting Macro and Micro
For several decades, scholars have noted the stressful, isolat-
ing, and anxiety producing nature of mothering (e.g., Arendell
2000; Boulton 1983; Oakley 1992; Ribbens 1994; Ross 1995;
Roxburgh 1997; Wolf 2001). One aspect of this work has
focused on mother-blame, which describes holding mothers
accountable for the actions, behavior, health and well-being of
their (even adult) children (Jackson and Mannix 2004; Rich
1976; Singh 2002, 2004). Mother-blame is a pervasive
516
mothering ideology that contains essentialized and idealized
notions of mother and mothering behaviors (O’Reilly 2001;
Chase and Rogers 2001; Ladd-Taylor and Umansky 1998). It
is this concept of mother-blame that illustrates the relationship
between macro-level discourses and micro-level psychologi-
cal well-being.
For example, Singh (2004) analyzed interviews with U.S.
mothers of boys with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
(ADHD) to demonstrate mothers’ feelings of inadequacy and
self-blame for their sons’ health; feelings that are reinforced
by interactions with other moms in public settings. In local,
every day encounters on the street and in restaurants, church,
shopping malls, movie theaters, and supermarkets, mothers
reported experiencing reproach and judgment from onlookers
witnessing their sons’ behavior (Singh 2004). Other research
using interviews with U.S. mothers (Jackson and Mannix
2004) suggests that mother-blaming is ever-present and a
powerful influence over moms’ feelings of adequacy and
worth. In particular, this line of research focused on mothers’
feelings of blame as experienced through formal health care
settings (e.g., nurses, pediatricians; Jackson and Mannix
2004).
This body of work on mother-blame begins the bridging of
psychosocial feelings of inadequacy and guilt as a result from
the hegemonic discourse of motherhood. These feelings are
developed and reinforced on several levels, both interperson-
ally (i.e., mother-to-mother) and more formally (i.e., health
care settings). However, researchers have not yet brought
these two approaches together to examine how macro-level
standards of perfection articulated in the ideologies of moth-
erhood may subject mothers to similar psychological feelings
regarding their self-worth, even if they do not subscribe fully
to its ideology.
The Price Women Pay, Even When They Are Not Buying It
This project attends to the reality that perceptions of failure in
an all-encompassing role like Bmother^ may actually contrib-
ute to adverse global psychological well-being. In other
words, what if mothers do not particularly believe in the ide-
ology of intensive motherhood, but are still influenced by it as
a part of the cultural ideology? As discussed above, the be-
havioral and psychological expectations of intensive mother-
ing are ongoing, and arguably inescapable at multiple levels.
We examine how these discourses and expectations may neg-
atively affect self-efficacy and potentially increase rates of
anxiety and stress.
This study extends the literature by utilizing what Garey
and Arendell (2001) identify as a feminist sociological imag-
ination. That is, Bour ideas about children and families are
historically and culturally situated^ (p. 293), which means that
we cannot understand individuals without measuring their
perceptions of and experiences with the dominant cultural
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
and historical discourses about motherhood. In doing so, we
take into account how the public discourses of motherhood
negatively affect mothers’ self-efficacy, and potentially in-
crease rates of anxiety and stress, even among mothers who
may not fully subscribe to the ideology. We also examine
guilt, defined as mothers’ negative evaluation of not fulfilling
their own expectations, and its relationship to stress, anxiety,
and self-efficacy.
In addition, given that prior research argues that the media
(Douglas and Michaels 2004) and subscribing to intensive
mothering beliefs (Rizzo et al. 2013) can lead to negative
psychological outcomes for mothers, the present study strate-
gically controlled for these variables first in the analysis. In
doing so, we keep the analysis focused on the broader moth-
ering ideology as opposed to the idea that women truly have a
choice in whether or not the intensive mothering ideologies
affect them. The analysis follows a feminist sociological
framework, which broadens the discussion away from insin-
uating that women can choose to not be affected by the media,
and that they can also choose to not subscribe to intensive
mothering ideologies. Instead, we argue that the cultural pres-
sure to be perfect and associated guilt for not meeting moth-
ering expectations are much more powerful indicators of mod-
ern mothers’ psychological well-being.
Therefore, the hypotheses guiding this project include:
H1: The pressure to be perfect is significantly associated
with lower levels of self-efficacy for contemporary
mothers, regardless of media influence and intensive
mothering beliefs.
H2: Guilt for not meeting parenting expectations is sig-
nificantly associated with lower levels of self-efficacy for
contemporary mothers, regardless of media influence and
intensive mothering beliefs.
H3: The pressure to be perfect is significantly associated
with an increase in stress for contemporary mothers, re-
gardless of media influence and intensive mothering
beliefs.
H4: Guilt for not meeting parenting expectations is sig-
nificantly associated with an increase in stress for con-
temporary mothers, regardless of media influence and
intensive mothering beliefs.
H5: The pressure to be perfect is significantly associated
with an increase in anxiety for contemporary mothers,
regardless of media influence and intensive mothering
beliefs.
H6: Guilt for not meeting parenting expectations is sig-
nificantly associated with an increase in anxiety for con-
temporary mothers, regardless of media influence and
intensive mothering beliefs.
These models will be tested using hierarchical regression,
wherein variables are entered into the regression model in
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526 517

Bblocks.^ This approach is designed to elucidate any specific Table 1 Demographics (N = 283)
and/or moderating effects any of the control variables have on Characteristics n %
the independent variables of interest. Therefore, Block 1 in-
cluded demographic variables, Block 2 included media con- Race/ethnicity
trol variables, and Block 3 included intensive mothering var- Non-Hispanic White 257 90.8
iables, and Block 4 included the pressure to be perfect and African American 3 1.0
guilt variables. These control variables are discussed below. Hispanic 45 15.9
Education
Some high school 1 .84
High school diploma/GED 36 12.7
Method Some college 14 4.9
Associate’s degree 28 9.9
Data were collected through online data collecting software Bachelor’s degree 118 41.6
once our study obtained Institutional Review Board approval. Master’s degree 53 18.7
A snowball sampling technique was used in this study, which Doctoral degree 28 9.9
means that the sample size snowballed, or grew, as partici- Marital Status
pants responded to the survey questions. Participants were Married or living with partner 254 89.7
invited, upon completion of the survey, to forward the link Divorced 14 4.9
to the survey on to mothers over the age of 18 who they Separated 3 1.0
thought would be interested in participating in the study. Single, never married 11 3.8
Therefore, the original database of personal contacts compiled Age
by the researchers, which consisted of 164 mothers over the 18–25 22 7.9
age of 18, resulted in a total sample of 283 mothers. 26–33 130 46.2
It is important to note that the majority of e-mail 34–40 93 32.9
addresses generated from the research team’s personal 41–47 23 8.2
contacts included women in the Midwest and West re-
Over 47 15 5.3
gions of the U.S. Participants were not given any incen-
Age of children
tives for filling out the survey or for forwarding it on to
< 1 year old 67 23.7
other mothers they knew. Although participants could
2–4 years old 178 62.9
send the link to women anywhere, the final sample in-
5–9 years old 101 35.7
cluded an overrepresentation of mothers from the West
10–15 years old 56 19.8
(45 %) and Midwest (29 %) regions in the U.S. The
16–20 years old 19 6.7
South (18 %) and Northeast (8 %) regions of the United
> 21 years old 17 6.0
States were represented, though in smaller proportions.
Employment Status
These categorizations were made based on the U.S.
Full-time 121 42.7
Census Bureau’s definitions of regions (BCensus
Part-time 70 24.7
Regions^ 2010).
Stay at home parent 65 22.9
The survey was open for approximately two weeks and, in
Number of children M = 1.82 SD = 1.11
total, we received 283 completed surveys. Respondents were
asked about their demographic background (i.e., age, Incomea M = 2.99 SD = 2.13
race/ethnicity, marital and work status, income, and highest (25,000–34,000)
education level). Respondents were also asked about their a
Range = 1 (below 25,000) to 8 (over 80,000)
media consumption, surveillance of their behavior, surveil-
lance of fellow mothers, and sources of their expectations
for parenting. The demographics for the sample (N = 283) Media Influence
are displayed in Table 1.
Based on the argument that the media is influential in perpet-
uating the hegemonic discourse of motherhood (Douglas and
Measures Michaels 2004), and that societal-oriented perfectionism im-
portant in understanding parental expectations and criticism,
Summary statistics for key study variables are found in we controlled for media influence to tease out the Bpublic^
Table 2. Both control variables and dependent variables are aspect of the pressure to be perfect. Media influence was mea-
described below. sured using seven separate types of media. Respondents were
518 Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526

Table 2 Means and standard deviations of key variables

Variable Mean Standard Deviation Range

Self-efficacy 4.78 1.28 1–7

Number of days stressed in past week 3.73 2.05 1–7
Anxiety level 2.99 1.99 1–7
Media Consumption 21.69 8.19 1–49
I am the best caregiver for my children. 6.01 1.37 1–7
I should attend to all of my child(ren)’s needs. 5.12 1.73 1–7
Motherhood is the most important role in my life. 6.16 1.26 1–7
I feel guilty for not meeting my expectations for parenting. 5.26 2.07 1–8
I feel pressure to be the perfect mother. 5.77 1.94 1–8

asked to Bindicate how influential each source of information
is when making decisions about purchases for child/ren.
Respondents answered on a Likert scale (0-not influential at
all, 7-very influential) for seven types of media: television
commercials, television news, parenting magazines, newspa-
pers, internet websites or blogs, radio and self-help books. The
Cronbach’s Alpha for the index was 0.82 (M = 21.69,
SD = 8.19).
considered acceptable for internal consistency (Nunnally and
Bernstein 1994; Bland and Altman 1997).
To measure stress, respondents were asked to indicate how
many days in the past week they felt stressed, on a scale of 1–
7. The anxiety measure used in this study asked respondents to
indicate how true (on a scale of 1–7) the following statement
is: BI have felt anxious or worried for no good reason^ in the
past 7 days.

Intensive Mothering & The Pressure To Be Perfect

The present study utilized three items, measured on a Likert
scale of 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), to measure
beliefs about intensive mothering. The statements were: (1) I
feel that I am the best person to be the primary caregiver for
my child/ren; (2) It is important for me to personally attend to
all of my child’s physical and emotional needs; (3)
Motherhood is the most important role of my life.
Based on previous research (Henderson et al. 2010), we
used two items to assess the existence of the pressure to be
perfect, on a 1–7 scale (1-strongly disagree, 7-strongly agree).
The first item asked respondents to react to the following
statement: BSometimes as moms, we feel pressured to be ‘per-
fect’ in our roles as mothers. How true is this for you?^
Responses ranged from 1 (not at all) to 8 (strongly agree).
The second item read: BI feel guilty when I cannot live up to
the expectations for my parenting that I set for myself.^
Dependent Variables
Four items made up the index for measuring self-efficacy,
based on Bandura (2006). The items used to measure this
construct, on a scale of 1–7, were: (1) BI have little control
over the things that happen to me^; (2) BI feel self-conscious^;
(3) BI feel inferior to others at the moment^; and (4) BI am
worried about what other people think of me.^ Higher scores
indicate higher levels of self-efficacy. The Cronbach’s Alpha
for the index was 0.71 (M = 4.78, SD = 1.28). In most psy-
chometric theory research, values between 0.70 to 0.90 are
Results
Table 2 presents the appropriate means, standard errors, and
ranges of the dependent and independent variables used in this
study. The means for the outcome variables, self-efficacy,
number of days stressed, and anxiety level, indicate that the
mothers in our sample report high levels of self-efficacy and
on average, experience moderate levels of stress and anxiety.
Average media influence scores are not as high as we expect-
ed, but the mothers in our sample score at the moderate or high
levels of agreement on the intensive mothering and pressure to
be perfect indicators.
Table 3 presents Pearson correlations for several of the key
variables used in the central analysis. As predicted, the bivar-
iate analyses show that the mothers’ self-efficacy scores were
lower if their media influence scores were high. This means
that for this group of mothers, their belief in their own ability
to achieve set goals is linked to their media consumption.
However, stress and anxiety levels were not related to media
influence. Further, correlations show that only one of the in-
tensive mothering hypotheses is supported. Self-efficacy is
lower if mothers agree that motherhood is their most impor-
tant role; consequently, simply believing in the intensive
mothering ideology does not lead to higher levels of stress
and anxiety. However, as expected, mothers who score higher
on the pressure to be perfect and guilt for not meeting parent-
ing expectations indicators, experience lower levels of self-
efficacy and higher levels of stress and anxiety. These specific
findings were most important as we tested the final set of
 Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526

Table 3 Correlation matrix for key variables (N = 283)

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15)

(1) Self-efficacy – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –
(2) Days stressed −.33*** – – – – – – – – – – – – – –
(3) Anxiety −.42*** .34*** – – – – – – – – – – – – –
(4) Age .09 .05 −.04 – – – – – – – – – – – –
(5) White −.05 −.04 .01 .01 – – – – – – – – – – –
(6) Education .20*** −.08 −14* .13* −.02 – – – – – – – – – –
(7) Work Full-time −.01 .09 −.04 .07 .15** .07 – – – – – – – – –
8) Work Part-time −.01 −.01 .04 −.03 .15** .03 −.49*** – – – – – – – –
(9) Married −.01 −.07 .06 −.12* .43*** .08 .13** .12* – – – – – – –
(10) Media Influence −.13* −.02 .10 .02 .03 −.11* .11* −.05 .04 – – – – – –
(11) I am best caregiver for my child(ren) −.02 −.10 .04 −.14* .01 −.18** −.22** .05 .01 −.06 – – – – –
(12) I should attend to all child(ren)’s needs −.08 −.06 .05 −.18** −.07 −.23*** −.08 .01 −.02 .09 .44*** – – – –
(13) Motherhood most important role −.15** −.01 .09 −.07 −.01 −.19** .08 −.06 −.02 .10 .34*** .37*** – – –
(14) Guilt for not meeting expectations −.43*** −.44*** .35*** −.02 −.09 −.01 .03 .03 −.05 .13* .03 .07 .18*** – –
15) Pressure to be perfect −.31*** .32*** .20*** −.09 .03 .10 −.07 .08 −.01 .07 .08 .05 .15* .53*** –

*p < .05,**p < .01, ***p < .001

519
520 Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526

hypotheses because we felt confident that the mothers’ psy-
chological well-being seemed most related to the pressure to
be perfect and experiencing maternal guilt.
Hierarchical linear regression was conducted in STATA
statistical software (2013). Hypothesis 1, which predicted that
the pressure to be perfect is significantly associated with lower
levels of self-efficacy for contemporary mothers, regardless of
media influence and intensive mothering beliefs, is supported
by the data. Hypothesis 2, which argued that mothers’ guilt for
not meeting parenting expectations is significantly associated
with lower levels of self-efficacy for contemporary mothers,
regardless of media influence and intensive mothering beliefs,
was also supported by the data. The models are described
below.
Results for the first set of hierarchical linear regres-
sion models predicting self-efficacy (Hypotheses 1 & 2)
are presented in Table 4. In Model 1, education was
significantly related to higher levels of self-efficacy
(p < 0.01). This finding persisted in Model 2
(p < 0.05), which controlled for media influence, as
well as in Model 3 (p < 0.05), which controlled for
intensive mothering beliefs. In Model 4, which controls
for the pressure to be perfect and guilt for not meeting
parenting expectations, the significant relationship be-
tween education and self-efficacy persists (p < 0.01);
women with higher levels of education have higher
levels of self-efficacy. On the other hand, mothers who
feel the pressure to be perfect (p < 0.01) and experience
guilt for not meeting their own parenting expectations
(p < 0.001) have lower levels of self-efficacy. For this
set of models, all but one of the F- Incremental tests are
statistically significant at the 0.05 alpha level. First,
adding media influence, F(6, 259) = 3.19, p = 0.04,
improves the ability to predict self-efficacy. However,
the intensive mothering variables, F(7, 256) = 3.19,
p = 0.07, do not improve the model. As hypothesized,
adding the pressure to be perfect variables, F(10,
254) = 30.52, p = 0.00, greatly improves the ability to
predict self-efficacy of the mothers in the study. In ad-
dition, no evidence of multicollinearity was found
(mean VIF = 1.24) in this set of models.
Hypothesis 3 predicted that the pressure to be perfect is
significantly associated with an increase in stress for contem-
porary mothers, regardless of media influence and intensive
mothering beliefs. Hypothesis 4 predicted that mother’s guilt
for not meeting parenting expectations is significantly

Table 4 Hierarchical linear regression predicting self-efficacy (N = 281)

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4

B (SE) β B (SE) β B (SE) β B (SE) Β

Age .04 .06 .05 .07 −.05 .07 .03 .04

(.04) (.04) (.04) (.04)
White −.18 −.04 −.15 −.03 −.18 −.04 −.18 −.04
(.28) (.28) (.28) (.26)
Education .15** .17 .14* .16 .12* .14 .17** .19
(.05) (.06) (.06) (.05)
Work full-time −.12 −.04 −.05 −.02 .01 .01 −.01 −.01
(.18) (.19) (.19) (.18)
Work part-time −.25 −.08 −.20 −.07 −.19 −.07 −.10 −.04
(.21) (.21) (.21) (.19)
Married .05 .01 −.02 −.01 −.01 −.01 −.19 −.05
(.25) (.26) (.26) (.24)
Media influence – – −.02 −.12 −.02 −.10 −.01 −.04
(.01) (.01) (.01)
Best caregiver for my children – – – – .06 .06 .05 .05
(.07) (.06)
I must attend to all of my children(s) needs – – – – −.03 −.04 −.01 −.02
(.05) (.05)
Motherhood most important role in life – – – – −.13 −.13 −.06 −.06
(.07) (.06)
Pressure to be perfect – – – – – – −.12** −.17
(.04)
Guilt for not meeting expectations – – – – – – −.20*** −.32
(.04)
R2 .05 .06 .08 .26
R2 Change .01 .02 .18***
df (6, 260) df (7, 259) df (10, 256) df (12, 254)

*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526 521

associated with an increase in for contemporary mothers, re-
gardless of media influence and intensive mothering beliefs.
Both hypotheses are supported by the data. The models are
described in detail below.
Results for the second set of regressions predicting stress
(Hypotheses 3 & 4) are presented in Table 5. In Model 1,
none of the demographic variables are significantly related
to higher levels of stress. Model 2, which controls for media
influence, also reveals no significant relationship between
stress and the control variables. Model 3 controls for inten-
sive parenting beliefs and again, shows no significant rela-
tionship to stress.
In Model 4, women with higher levels of education expe-
rience lower levels of stress. Similar to the models predicting
self-efficacy, both the pressure to be perfect (p < 0.01) and
guilt for not meeting parenting expectations (p < 0.001) are
significantly related to an increase in stress. Incremental R-
squared test results were not as strong in this set of models;
adding media influence, F(7, 257) = 0.81, p = 0.14, and inten-
sive mothering indicators, F(10, 254) = 0.48, p = 0.35, does
not improve the model. However, as hypothesized, the pres-
sure to be perfect variables significantly improves the ability
to predict stress, F(12, 252) = 37.53, p = 0.00, for the mothers
in this study. In addition, no evidence of multicollinearity was
found (mean VIF = 1.25) in this set of models.
Hypothesis 5 predicted that the pressure to be perfect is
significantly associated with an increase in anxiety for con-
temporary mothers, regardless of media influence and inten-
sive mothering beliefs. Hypothesis 6 predicted that mother’s
guilt for not meeting parenting expectations is significantly
associated with an increase in anxiety for contemporary
mothers, regardless of media influence and intensive mother-
ing beliefs. In this set of models, only Hypothesis 6 is sup-
ported by the data. The models are described in detail below.
Results for the third and final set of regression models
predicting anxiety (Hypotheses 5 & 6) are presented in
Table 6. In Model 1, lower education levels are significantly
related to an increase in anxiety (p < 0.05). This effect disap-
pears in Model 2, controlling for media influence. In Model 3,
which controls for intensive parenting beliefs, no control var-
iables emerge as significantly related to anxiety. In Model 4,
however, lower education levels are significantly related to an
increase in anxiety (p < 0.05), along with guilt for not meeting
parental expectations (p < 0.001). In addition, no evidence of
multicollinearity was found (mean VIF = 1.56) in this set of
models. Incremental R-squared tests reveal a similar pattern of

Table 5 Hierarchical linear regression predicting stress (N = 268)

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4

B (SE) β B (SE) β B (SE) β B (SE) β

Age .04 .03 .01 .01 −.01 −.01 .03 .03

(.07) (.07) (.07) (.07)
White −.51 −.07 −.42 −.06 −.46 −.06 −.49 −.07
(.44) (.45) (.45) (.40)
Education −.11 −.07 −.11 −.08 −.14 −.10 −.22** −.16
(.08) (.09) (.09) (.09)
Work full-time .46 .11 .50 .12 .45 .11 .51 .12
(.29) (.30) (.31) (.28)
Work part-time .51 .11 .67 .14 .64 .14 .52 .11
(.33) (.34) (.34) (.31)
Married −.38 −.06 −.40 −.06 −.40 −.06 −.09 −.01
(.40) (.41) (.41) (.37)
Media influence – – .01 .06 .01 .06 −.01 −.11
(.02) (.02) (.01)
Best caregiver for my children – – – – −.05 −.04 −.03 −.02
(.11) (.10)
I must attend to all of my children(s) needs – – – – −.08 −.07 −.10 −.09
(.08) (.08)
Motherhood most important role in life – – – – .03 .02 −.09 −.06
(.11) (.10)
Pressure to be perfect – – – – – – .20** .18
(.07)
Guilt for not meeting expectations – – – – – – .35*** .36
(.06)
R2 .03 .04 .04 .26
R2 Change .01 .01 .22***
df (6, 258) df (7, 257) df (10, 254) df (12, 252)

*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

522 Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526

Table 6 Hierarchical linear regression predicting anxiety (N = 271)

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4

B (SE) β B (SE) β B (SE) β B (SE) β

Age −.01 −.01 .01 .01 .01 .01 .02 .02

(.06) (.07) (.07) (.07)
White −.12 −.02 −.21 −.03 −.23 −.03 −.29 −.04
(.43) (.45) (.45) (.42)
Education −.19* −.14 −.15 −.11 −.13 −.09 −.17* −.13
(.08) (.09) (.09) (.09)
Work full-time −.09 −.02 −.21 −.05 −.22 −.06 −.28 −.07
(.28) (.30) (.31) (.29)
Work part-time .11 .02 .04 .01 .07 .01 −.07 −.02
(.32) (.33) (.34) (.32)
Married .26 .04 .20 .03 .19 .03 .42 .07
(.39) (.41) (.41) (.38)
Media influence – – .02 .07 .02 .07 .01 .02
(.02) (.02) (.01)
Best caregiver for my children – – – – .04 .03 .05 .03
(.11) (.10)
I must attend to all of my children(s) needs – – – – −.05 −.04 −.08 −.07
(.08) (.08)
Motherhood most important role in life – – – – .12 .07 .04 .03
(.11) (.10)
Pressure to be perfect – – – – – – .02 −.02
(.07)
Guilt for not meeting expectations – – – – – – .34*** .34
(.07)
R2 .04 .05 .05 .16
R2 Change .01 .01 .12***
df (6, 261) df (7, 260) df (10, 257) df (12, 255)

*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

results as earlier models; only adding the pressure to be perfect
variables significantly improves the ability to predict anxiety,
F(12, 255) = 18.47, p = 0.000, for mothers in this study.
Discussion
The purpose of the present study was to apply a feminist
perspective to the study of the public discourse of motherhood
to women’s private experiences of psychological well-being.
Using a feminist sociological imagination (Garey and
Arendell 2001), we analyzed how the public discourses of
motherhood affect women’s lived realities, connecting how
structural-level discourses (i.e., intensive motherhood) affect
even mothers who may not fully subscribe to the ideology.
Although the demands of parenthood can be exhausting for
both men and women, this feminist perspective allows us the
ability to understand the ways in which women are uniquely
impacted by the cultural constructions of motherhood as we
problematize the exhaustive demands of intensive mothering
in the U.S. (see Douglas and Michaels 2004; Hays 1996;
Warner 2005).
The present study provides a quantitative examination of
forces that previous researchers have argued contribute to the
hegemonic discourse of motherhood, such as the media
(Douglas and Michaels 2004), and intensive mothering beliefs
(Hays 1996; Rizzo et al. 2013; Warner 2005). We also extend
the examination of the pressure to be perfect beyond role-
specific (maternal) strain (Liss et al. 2013). Instead, we hy-
pothesized that even those who may not subscribe to the dom-
inant discourse of motherhood are subject to adverse psycho-
logical consequences. We hypothesized that mothers who ex-
perience the pressure to be perfect would have higher levels of
stress and anxiety, and lower levels of self-efficacy. Similarly,
we also hypothesized that mothers who experience guilt for
not meeting parenting expectations would have higher levels
of stress and anxiety, and lower levels of self-efficacy. The
data supported our hypotheses; mothers who feel the pressure
to be perfect and guilt for not meeting parenting expectations
have lower self-efficacy and higher levels of stress, and
mothers who feel guilty for not meeting parenting expecta-
tions experience higher levels of anxiety.
Results of this study support the notion that standards of
contemporary motherhood are inescapable; mothers are being
negatively affected by the presence of unattainable standards
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
of perfection regardless of their beliefs about intensive
mothering. Not only do our statistical models show a
significant relationship between stress, anxiety and
self-efficacy and guilt for not meeting expectations
(and the pressure to be perfect), but the increment
change in R2 is also significant in of our models once
we add these explanatory variables. The R2 increased
significantly between models for all three outcomes,
which indicates that neither the media nor women’s be-
liefs about intensive mothering has more explanatory
power than the pressure to be perfect and the guilt for
not meeting parenting expectations. These findings chal-
lenge previous literature, which has argued that women
who subscribe to the intensive mothering ideology
(Rizzo et al. 2013), perfectionistic parenting practices
(Flett et al. 2005; Lee et al. 2012; Powers et al. 2005;
Randles et al. 2010), or mother-blame (Jackson and
Mannix 2004; Rich 1976; Singh 2002, 2004) suffer ad-
verse consequences to their psychological well-being.
Instead, we suggest that the ideology of being the
Bperfect mother^ is inescapable; it is far-reaching and
negatively affects mothers who do not even buy into
it. These findings are important in many ways. First,
this work shifts the lens away from mothers who active-
ly subscribe to intensive mothering ideologies. In doing
so, this broadens the discussion away from the suppo-
sition that a woman’s choice to parent in a certain way is
detrimental. Instead, our results suggest that it does not
matter whether or not mothers believe in intensive moth-
ering; all mothers are subject to the pressure to be a per-
fect mother. By analyzing the issue in this way, we ac-
tively confront the oppression of women in families by
acknowledging that the modern ideology of motherhood
is pervasive. This grounds the discussion within a femi-
nist sociological perspective by acknowledging women’s
feelings of inadequacy in the role of mothers, and the
subsequent effects on stress, anxiety, and self-efficacy.
Therefore, the present study pays attention to how indi-
vidual lives intersect with the larger social, political, eco-
nomic, and historical contexts within which they are situ-
ated (Garey and Arendell 2001).
Second, this project accessed groups of mothers who were
both employed full-time, part-time, and those who stayed at
home to care for children full-time. The results of this research
suggest that the pressure to be the perfect mother is pervasive
enough to cut across employment status, media influence, or
beliefs about intensive mothering; in fact, the mothers in our
sample constituted a wider range of both employment status
and life course stage. While the majority of mothers in our
sample had very young children (younger than 4 years old),
the second highest age range of children was between 5 and
15 years old. Therefore, our sample included women with
very young children as well as women with older children.
523
These findings suggest that the experience of the pressure to
be perfect is widespread and not just experienced by mothers
of young children.
As noted above, many researchers and theorists have
expressed concerns over the high standards associated with
contemporary motherhood (Arendell 2000; Douglas and
Michaels 2004; Newman and Henderson 2014; Rizzo et al.
2013). In part, our findings confirm previous findings on the
negative psychological effects of perfectionist standards (Flett
et al. 2005; Hewitt and Flett 1991; Stoeber and Otto 2006).
For example, similar to Rizzo et al. (2013), our data demon-
strate how intensive mothering ideology can negatively im-
pact one’s life satisfaction. However, our study enhances this
knowledge by suggesting that on its own, the hegemonic dis-
course of motherhood – not the actual beliefs or practices
associated with the ideology – is detrimental to women. That
is, women who report simply feeling the pressure to be the
perfect mother, even if they do not internalize the myth, are at
risk of experiencing negative mental health outcomes like
stress, anxiety and decreased self-efficacy. These findings em-
pirically illustrate arguments made above regarding mother
blame (e.g., Singh 2004; Jackson and Mannix 2004) in that
these data link the macro-level discourses with micro-level
psychological outcomes.
A feminist sociological imagination allows us to link indi-
vidual processes within families with patterns in the larger
social world (Garey and Arendell 2001). Given that perspec-
tive, the findings of these analyses are problematic. In partic-
ular they indicate that the hegemonic discourse of motherhood
is far-reaching. Perhaps the strictures of intensive mothering
are no longer necessary to oppress women in their families;
women no longer have to believe that intensive mothering is
the only way to parent. Instead, the existence of the pressure to
be perfect seems to be infiltrating the ways in which women
view themselves. Additionally, the fact that mothers are
experiencing such high levels of the pressure to be perfect
(M = 5.77, SD = 1.94), and guilt (M = 5.26, SD = 2.07)
indicates that women are perhaps involved in a cycle of self-
blame for not meeting such high standards, which echoes
previous research (Henderson et al. 2010; Rizzo et al. 2013;
Rotkirch and Janhunen 2009).
Limitations
While our study presents many important findings to the
literature and theoretical underpinnings of the study of
motherhood, there are several limitations that need to be
addressed. First, though based on Hays (1996) work on inten-
sive mothering, the items used to capture these beliefs in this
study are limited. Two items could be categorized as
Bessentialist,^ according to Liss et al. (2013), which captures
mothers’ beliefs that they are uniquely qualified to care for
children (e.g., BI feel that I am the best person to be the
524
primary caregiver for my child/ren^ and BIt is important for
me to personally attend to all of my child’s physical and emo-
tional needs^). The other item (BMotherhood is the most im-
portant role of my life^), aligns with fulfillment items validat-
ed by Liss et al. (2013). The mothers in our study did not
answer an exhaustive intensive mothering questionnaire.
Therefore, results of this research can only explain the rela-
tionship between a few intensive mothering beliefs, as op-
posed to a thorough investigation of each construct and its
relationship to the pressure to be perfect.
Our measures of media influence are also limited.
The measures asked about each source of media when
mothers Bmake decisions about purchases.^ These items
were drawn from Douglas and Michaels (2004) argu-
ment that the media is the most powerful source of
the omnipresent pressure to be perfect. However, given
how rapidly technology changes, our items could over-
look the relationship between recent types of social me-
dia (e.g., twitter, Instagram, Facebook) and the influence
such instantaneous sources of information influence par-
ents in their decision-making processes.
Furthermore, our sample is not representative of all
mothers. Our snowball sample represents only White,
mostly married, upper-middle class, highly educated
mothers. In addition, the nature of the survey may have
attracted mothers who are more prone to experiencing
the pressures to be perfect and guilt associated with
unattainable mothering expectations; that is, they might
have been more likely to fill out a survey on something
that they are passionate about or are experiencing and
frustrated with. Also, the fact that our survey was online
automatically restricts the sample to mothers who have
access to internet and are technologically literate, which
inherently excludes mothers who are not and may re-
strict the sample to moms who are naturally high con-
sumers of internet media and rhetoric on motherhood or
parenting advice.
In addition, these data are cross-sectional, which
limits the causality that can be inferred from these re-
sults. Our data do not allow us to tease out whether or
not the pressure to be perfect leads to poorer psycho-
logical well-being or whether or not low psychological
well-being reinforces the pressure to be perfect and guilt
for not meeting parenting expectations.
In conclusion, this study contributes to the sociolog-
ical study of how women experience family life and
adds a dimension to our understanding of how macro-
level messages (e.g., the media’s influence) and micro-
level beliefs (e.g., intensive mothering) are related to
maternal mental health. It also adds to the existing body
of knowledge on the unattainable standards of perfec-
tion associated with modern motherhood and suggests
that even for women who do not conform to the
Sex Roles (2016) 74:512–526
standards of intensive mothering, the pressure to be
the perfect mother and associated guilt for not meeting
such high standards are alive and well.
Conflict of Interest The authors declare that they have no conflict of
interest.
Ethical Approval All procedures performed in studies involving hu-
man participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the
institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964
Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical
standards.
The authors of the study received IRB approval at their home institu-
tion before data collection and analysis.
Informed Consent Informed consent was obtained from all individual
participants included in the study.
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