The Image of Anicia Juliana in The Vienn PDF

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The Image of Anicia

Juliana in the Vienna
Dioscurides: Flattery
or Appropriation of
Imperial Imagery?
Bente Kiilerich
Published online: 06 Nov 2010.
To cite this article: Bente Kiilerich (2001) The Image of Anicia Juliana in
the Vienna Dioscurides: Flattery or Appropriation of Imperial Imagery?,
Symbolae Osloenses: Norwegian Journal of Greek and Latin Studies, 76:1,
169-190, DOI: 10.1080/003976701753388012
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Symbolae Osloenses 76, 2001
The Image of Anicia Juliana in the Vienna Dioscurides:

Flattery or Appropriation of Imperial Imagery?
Bente Kiilerich
The image of the princess Anicia Juliana on the dedication page of the Vienna
Dioscurides (ca. 512) is usually seen as a standard image of a learned lady. It

is argued here that it should be seen in a wider context, as an image of dynas-
tic ideology, associating Juliana with the ruler virtues sophia, phronesis and
megalopsychia.
The Vienna Dioscurides (ca. AD 512) is a large and lavishly illuminated sci-
entific codex, with nearly five hundred full-page illustrations of plants, herbs
and birds accompanying the texts of the treatises by Dioscurides, Nikander
and other scientists. 1 The frontispieces show a peacock (fol. 1v), the wise cen-
taur-physician Chiron with six pupils (fol. 2v), seven famous physicians (fol.
3v), Dioscurides’ discovery (heuresis) of the mandrake root (fol. 4v), followed
by his description of it with Epinoia (fol. 5v). On fol. 6v is the dedication
miniature with the image of the princess Anicia Juliana (463–527/8).2 With
its profusion of high quality illustrations, this early codex is by far the most
luxurious of all preserved Dioscurides manuscripts.3
The picture of the princess Anicia Juliana (Fig. 1) is often seen as a con-
ventional image of the lady’s intellectual and cultural interests, 4 the codicillar
1 De materia medica, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Vindobonensis,

Med. Gr. 1. The codex was sold in 1569 to the emperor Maximilian II by the son of the physi-
cian to Sultan Suleiman II; von Premerstein 1906; Buberl 1937, 1–62; Gerstinger 1970.
2 von Premerstein 1903; Spatharakis 1976, 145–148, g. 95; Weitzmann 1977, 60–61; Cutler
1994, 295, 298. The size of fol. 6v is ca 36,5 x 30,0 cm.
3 Dioscurides is preserved in Greek, Latin and Arabic manuscripts, Riddle 1984, Riddle 1985;
Toresella 1994. For illustrations, see further: Singer 1927.
4 Thus the historian Alexander Demandt 1989, 303, places Juliana among “intellektuelle
Frauen”; the art historian Lyn Rodley 1994, 104, states that the image “may be a somewhat
self-conscious reference to Anicia Juliana’s familiarity with classical learning”; while Carmelo
Capizzi 1968, 217, sees Juliana as a devout Christian and patron of the arts, but basically unin-
terested in politics: “sembra che Giuliana non ebbe doti o ambizioni spiccate per la politica”.
169
Ben te Kiilerich
Fig. 1: Anicia Juliana, Vienna Dioscurides, Codex Vindobonensis, Med.Gr. 1, folio

6v. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna. (after K. Weitzmann, Late Antique
and Early Christian Book Illumination, New York 1977, pl. 15).
170
The Im age of Anicia Juliana in the Vien n a Dioscurid es
diptych in her hand being understood simply as a sign of rank or learning.5 I

still argue that the dedication page of Anicia Juliana is an image of dynastic
ideology, associating Anicia Juliana with the ruler virtue sophia, and that it
should be seen in connection with the political situation around 512.6
The dedicatory image

While the four illuminations showing physicians are set within rectangular
frames of varying design, the dedicatory page has a golden cabled band frame
of two interlaced squares arranged to form an eight-pointed star enclosed

within a circle. This design, which is found in floor mosaics and in Coptic
textiles, as far as I am aware, is unparalleled in manuscript illuminations. 7
Each of the eight star points contains a gold letter of the name IO ULIANA on
a faded purple red ground. Around the octogonal outline of the inner picture
runs the dedication, a barely visible acrostic written in white on black:
IOU DOJAICI N ANACCA?
ON VRAT AI Cƒ A GA Y AI C P A C AIC
UMNOUCIN K AI DO JAZO UCIN
LALICAI GAR EIC PASA N GHN
I HCƒ H MEGALO C UXIA
ANIKHVRVN GENO C PELEIC
NAO N DE K UR IOU HGIRAC
ANV PROEKB ANTA KAI KALVC
Hail, oh princess, Honoratae extols and glori es you with all ne praises; for
Magnanimity (Megalopsychia) allows you to be mentioned over the entire
world. You belong to the family of the Anicii, and you have built a temple of
the Lord, raised high and beautiful.8
We may infer from the inscription that the codex was presented as a gift from
the people of Honoratae to Anicia Juliana in thanks to her for having built a
church in their town, on the Asiatic side of the Bosporus. The church seems
to have been built by 512, as Theophanes, while discussing the events of that
5 On sarcophagi women may hold either a roll or a codex, Deichmann 1967. The roll is also
an attribute of Ecclesia Docens, Recio Veganzones 1984.
6 The ideas expressed in this article were rst presented to a seminar at the Department of
Art History, University of Bergen. I am in particular grateful to Dr John Lowden, Courtauld
Institute for his comments and helpful suggestions.
7 At Antioch, the Soteria mosaic from the Bath of Apolausis is framed by two interlaced
squares, Levi 1947, pl. LXVIII. The motif is also found in House A, ibid. pl. XCVII. For the
shape see Schmidt-Colinet 1991 and Maguire 1994, 270.
8 Spatharakis 1976, 147; cf. von Premerstein 1903, 111.
171
Ben te Kiilerich
year, observes that Anicia Juliana had dedicated the church of the Theotokos
en tois Honoratais.9 The inscription further mentions the gens Anicia, one
of the richest and finest old Roman patrician families, to which Anicia be-
longed on her father Flavius Anicius Olybrius’ side.10
In the centre of the image Juliana is seated, dressed in a white tunic, a
wide-sleeved violet-purplish dalmatic and a golden striated diagonal dalmatic
lined in purple. On her head is a diadem-like headdress. In her left hand
she holds a closed codicillar diptych, while with her right she sprinkles gold
coins. She is flanked by two female figures in white tunics with golden cla-
viculi; one wears a blue-green, the other a red, palla. Both have golden dia-
dems. The lady on the right of the princess carries a heap of gold coins in
the fold of her dress, while her companion with her right hand points to a
large codex bound in red placed on her raised left knee. A chubby, golden-
haired putto hands Juliana an open codex with a red cover. A much smaller
female, entirely concealed in a white hooded cloak prostrates before Juliana.
In the spandrels between circle and star points some badly preserved putti
are engaged in various building activities, alluding to the building enterprise
mentioned in the dedication. Today these small scenes painted in grisaille on
blue ground are barely visible; to earlier viewers it was possible to make out
more clearly the painting of a facade, sawing and lifting of marble blocks,
and easel painting (see e.g. Buberl 1937, 28).
Inscriptions identify the figures flanking the princess as Megalopsychia
(Magnanimity, generosity, greatness of soul), to our left, and Phronesis
(Prudence, practical wisdom), to our right. The small, kneeling woman rep-
resents [Eu]cha[r]istia [ton] technon (Gratitude of the arts); while the putto
is inscribed Pothos tes philoktistou (the Desire to build, the Love of build-
ing, or rather the Desire of the building-loving woman).11 In one of the sev-
eral later hands which can be seen in the codex these names were repeated
in the field in minuscule lettering. On this occasion the central figure was
designated Sophia and the putto Pothos tes Sophias. It must be kept in mind,
then, that the word sophia was not part of the original nomenclature. I shall
argue, however, that sophia in all likelihood was part of the intended mean-
ing. The image thus symbolizes the notion of Generosity and Prudence as
the consorts of Wisdom, with Gratitude of the Arts and Love of the one fond
of Building paying their respects.
9 Theophanes, Chron. A.M. 6005; De Boor I, p. 157,3–158,1; Mango & Scott 1997, 238-242; cf.
Janin 1950, 486.
10 Novak 1979; Cracco Ruggini 1988.
11 The exact meaning has been discussed, see Buberl 1937, 29.
172
Intratextual references
Juliana received the Vienna Dioscurides in gratitude for her having acted as
a ktistes by founding a church of the Theotokos. The codex presented to her
by the putto is plausibly the dedication copy, the Vienna Dioscurides itself,
and thus an intratextual reference to the codex within the codex.12 The putto
with the codex embodies the pothos of the woman who is fond of building.
On behalf of the arts, Gratitude performs proskynesis in front of Juliana.
Golden coins are dropped to show that it is because of Juliana’s generosity
that the people of Honoratae were able to erect the church, megalopsychia
being a prerequisite of ktisis; it is because of this megalopsychia that gold
has now been recirculated and used to make this very book which is offered
to Juliana in return.13 The image concentrates on giving and receiving, on
exchange and reciprocity, Juliana being both donor (of the church) and re-
cipient (of the book). In addition there is an interplay of words and images,
as the dedicatory text enframing the main pictorial field alludes both to the
theme of wise generosity and to the secondary spandrel motifs showing the
sensible use of this money to build a church. Books are conspicuous attri-
butes or signifiers in the image: Juliana holds a codicillar diptych, Phronesis
has a large closed book, while the putto shows an open book, both of which
may refer to the Vienna Dioscurides. Before the princess there are two cases
with bookrolls.14
Imperial connotations
Not only did Juliana belong to the gens Anicia and had a father, Anicius
Olybrious, who had been emperor of the west for the short span of eight
months, but as the daughter of Placidia the younger, and granddaughter of
Licinia Eudoxia, the daughter of Theodosius II, Anicia Juliana on her moth-
er’s side could trace her line back to the great Theodosius, who because of in-
termarriages was both her great-great-grandfather and her great-great-great-
grandfather.15
12 The Carolingian Vivian Bible (Paris MS lat. 1) also contains the motif of the offerring
of a book, the Vivian Bible itself, to an enthroned gure (Charles the Bald), Lowden 1993,
216–220.
13 For the exchange of gifts the classic work remains Mauss 1950.
14 Also the pharmacologists’ frontispiece (fol. 3v) displays rolls and codices, symbolic of the
texts contained in the Vienna Dioscurides. Dioscurides (fol. 5v) is depicted writing his treatise,
while an artist is preparing the illuminations for his manuscript, i.e. this manuscript, again
making an intratextual point.
15 Capizzi 1968; Falla Castelfranchi 1991; Kaegi 1991.
173
Ben te Kiilerich
Anicia Juliana’s golden, striated diagonal dalmatic lined in purple is a sign

of rank derived from the male toga contabulata, which presents the woman
as femina consularis. The marble statuette of an empress in the Cabinet des
Medailles in Paris is dressed in similar fashion.16 Furthermore, the purple co-
lour obviously gives imperial associations. Anicia Juliana wears red pointed
shoes. At the imperial court, red shoes are worn by all the court ladies in
Theodora’s entourage at San Vitale, thus the shoes in themselves are not im-
perial. But on the tip of Juliana’s left foot appear to be a couple of pearls; if
so, the shoes may rather be compared with the pearl- and jewel-studded red
shoes of the emperor at San Vitale.
Fig. 2: Anicia Juliana (detail of above).
The princess’ headdress consists of a red (purple?) band bordered by pearls

and with a large central gold ornament; it is topped by a large jewel in the
shape of a fleur-de-lis (Figs. 2 and 3). There are slight remains of either drop
pearl earrings or pendulia (unfortunately, the state of preservation prevents
one from making out the details). 17 This headdress conforms to Delbrueck’s
description of the imperial diadem: “ein purpurnes Band mit Perlen und
Edelsteinen belegt, in der Mitte ein Stirnjuwel über dem ein Dreiblatt von
kolbenformigen Steinen steht” (Delbrueck 1929, 40). When Constantine in-
16L’Orange 1979, 82–84; Kiilerich 1993, 96–98, and g. 44.

17I had the opportunity to study the image at The Illustrated Classics exhibition at the Vatican
Library, in March 1997.
174
troduced the diadem, the band diadem was worn by the caesares and the
augustae, while those of metal were reserved for the augusti. A diadem with
a fleur-de-lis is a conspicuous insignia of an empress, perhaps Ariadne, on a
contemporary ivory diptych (Fig. 4).18 On the lost ivory leaf of the consul
Anthemius from 515, and on the consular diptychs of Anastasius of 517, there
are busts of empresses wearing this very type of diadem.19 A single or a series
of fleur-de-lis jewels remained a typical feature of Byzantine and Medieval
crowns.20
Christian emperors adopted the Roman genre figure of the putto, a crea-
ture well suited to serve as mediator and communicator between, for exam-
Fig. 3: Reconstruction of headdress (draw-

ing: Author).
ple, the earthly and the heavenly realms, or the ruler and the ruled. Although
putti obviously do not belong exclusively to imperial iconography, they soon
became a much favoured imperial stock motif: in the Constantinian ceiling
paintings from the palace at Trier pairs of putti play with orbs, sceptres and
imperial purple cloaks, in the mosaics of the Mausoleum of Constantina they
18 Florence, Bargello Museum, Volbach 1952, no. 51; Gaborit-Chopin 1988, 24–27.
19 Issued in Constantinople, Volbach 1952: Anthemius (year 515) no. 16, cf. the Anastasius dip-
tychs of 517, ibid., nos. 17–21.
20 L’Orange 1979, gs. 156–174; Koenen 1996.
175
Ben te Kiilerich
are in charge of wine-making, and on Theodosius’ missorium putti greet the

emperor with flowers and fruit.21
Taken on its own, the distribution of coins might be seen as an expression
simply of Juliana’s generosity, as when sparsio is performed by the personified
Megalopsychia in a floor mosaic at Antioch from 450–458, and by a lady on a
Fig. 4: Early Byzantine empress, ca. 500; ivory diptych.

Florenz, Museum of the Bargello (after W.F. Volbach, Elfen-
beinarbeiten der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters, 2nd
ed. Mainz 1952, pl. 13, no. 51).
sixth-century church floor at Kissufim, Israel.22 However, since the new con-
sul on his accession on new year’s day threw money to the crowds, the sprin-
kling of gold coins is closely linked to consular authority.23 Juliana’s only son,
Fl. Anicius Olybrius, was boy consul in 491, and her husband Fl. Areobindus
Dagalaifus, Anastasius’ magister militum of the East, held the consular of-
fice in 506.24 Since emperors served not infrequently as consuls—e.g. the
21 For putti in general, Stuveras 1964.

22 Antakya (Hatay) museum, no. 1016; Levi 1947, 337–345, pl. LXXVIb; Lassus 1969; Raeck
1992, 143f.; Ovadiah & Mucznik 1983, 275f; Cutler 1994, g. 5.
23 See, e.g. the representation of the consul on the sixth century oor mosaics from a villa at
Argos, Åkerström-Hougen 1974, g. 9.1.
24 PLRE 2, 1980, 143f. s.v. Areobindus. They were married in 478/79.
176
emperor Constantius II as depicted performing the sparsio in the Calendar

of 354—the imagery is pretentious. It may be worth noting that Justinian in
536 regulated the rite, reserving gold for imperial consuls (Nov. 105, proem).
So far the imagery is ambiguous, as certain aspects of Juliana’s garments
and her performance could be, but need not be, imperial. Still, when it
comes to enthronement and proskynesis, the message is less subtle. Juliana’s
elaborate backless seat with gryphon’s or lion’s heads and footstool is golden,
and decked with a soft cushion, the colour of faded imperial purple. The
seat with the animal protomae is not unlike the consular sella, as presented,
for instance, on some of Areobindus’s diptychs of 506.25 As late as the sixth

century, the official imperial seat was still the sella curulis decked with the
pulvinar and not a high-backed throne.26 In Byzantium the image of the en-
throned emperor, be it on a sella or a proper throne, was one of the most
typical ways of displaying imperial majesty and sovereignty. In fact, in most
ceremonial contexts the emperor was the only one who, on account of his
superior rank, was allowed to be seated; even the empress had to stand.27
Turning to the general composition it may be noted that a centrally seated
person with flanking standing companions adheres to a standard paradigm of
protagonist with complementary figures, used for emperor with dignitaries/
guards, Christ/Mary with angels, consul with Rome and Constantinople,
or King David between Sophia and Prophetia. 28 The interaction between
Anicia Juliana and the putto brings to mind the silver missorium of Juliana’s
famous ancestor, Theodosius I, with the stiffly seated frontal emperor hand-
ing a codicil to a high official. Although the movement there goes in only
one direction, from emperor to subject, the schema is essentially the same.29
The personification of Gratitude of the Arts performs the proskynesis,
prostrating herself face down before Juliana, and kissing her tiny red shoe.
Proskynesis can have different meanings, but whether it is taken as a sign of
gratitude, salutation, adoration or submission, the significant point is that
prostration is received not by any member of an imperial family, but by the
emperor only; and, on very special occasions, like the coronation, by the em-
press. 30 It is to the emperor that this veneration is to be addressed—later,
25 Volbach 1952, no. 8, pl. 4, Zürich, Landesmuseum; and no. 9, Besançon Museum.
26 Wanscher 1980, 121–190; Schäfer 1989.
27 Grabar 1936, 23 and passim; Treitinger 1956, 95f.; Francastel 1973; Kiilerich 1997, 146, 151.
28 Katzenellenbogen 1939, 28f. n. 6.
29 Kiilerich 1993, 19–26; Kiilerich 2000a.
30 Treitinger 1956, 84-94; Cutler 1975, 70: “Always it is to the basileus that this veneration is
addressed”, “in Byzantium ... a privilege reserved for the highest in the land”.
177
Ben te Kiilerich
it is in particular Christ, the Mother of God, and holy beings who receive
proskynesis.
Some of the iconographical elements are ambiguous and need not neces-
sarily be perceived as ‘imperial’. As a whole, however, the image of a dia-
demed woman dressed in purple and gold, seated on an imperial or consular
sella, distributing gold coins, and not least receiving full prostrated prosky-
nesis, would seem to indicate very special aspirations.
Ruler virtues: Megalopsychia, Phronesis and Sophia

An imperial reading of the visual image is supported by the verbal imagery.

The dedication associates Anicia Juliana with the virtue megalopsychia, which
allows her “to be mentioned over the entire world”. In the Nicomachean
Ethics, Aristotle had stressed the significance of greatness of soul and high-
mindedness (megalopsychia) (EN 1107b 22; 1123a 34): “Honour is the object
with which the great-souled are concerned” (1123b 23). “Greatness of soul
seems to be an ornament (kosmos) of the virtues (aretai)” (1124a). Thus in a
certain sense megalopsychia can be perceived as the greatest virtue.31
From the ideal megalopsychos prince par excellence Alexander the Great
onwards, Megalopsychia had become associated with the ruler and his virtus
(areté), as manifested not least in hunting (Patlagean 1992). The central me-
dallion in the pavement mosaic from Yacto-Antioch depicts an elegantly
dressed and finely bejewelled Megalopsychia in the act of throwing coins
(Fig. 5).32 Hunters occupy the field around her. In addition to displaying the
emperor’s strength and manliness, the hunt is an aspect of imperial renewal,
ananeosis (Maguire 1994, 191, 193). In the sixth century Malalas, in his por-
trayals of emperors, frequently uses the epithetos megalopsychos (Downey
1938, 356).
In the Vienna Dioscurides, Megalopsychia is paired with Phronesis, pru-
dence, or practical wisdom and understanding. According to Aristotle,
“Prudence is concerned with the affairs of men and the things that can be
deliberated” (EN 1141b 9ff ). “Prudence is a knowledge concerned with ac-
tion (praktike)” (1141b 16). One who works in politics should be prudent
(1140b 10f ). As politike and phronesis is the same quality, one might say that
“political wisdom is a special application of prudence” (1141b 23). Aristotle
maintains the importance of phronesis in government and affairs (EN 1140a
31 I follow Rackham’s translation in the LCL 1934, reprint 1994.

32 Antakya (Hatay) museum, no. 1016; Levi 1947, 337–345, pl. LXXVIb; Lassus 1969.
178
24; 1141b 23).33 In Politics he claims that phronesis “is the only virtue special
to the ruler” (Pol. 1277b 25-30). So, in Politics and the Nicomachean Ethics,
phronesis, in the sense of political or practical wisdom, is one of the most
honourable virtues. It is, however, inferior to another but related kind of wis-
dom, namely sophia (1143b 34; cf. Men. Rhet., 84–85).
Aristotle presents sophia and phronesis as the two intellectual virtues
Fig. 5: Megalopsychia, Yakto complex, Antioch, Antakya Museum (Photo:

author).
(1144a), and describes the relation between them thus: “One may be wise
(sophos) without being prudent (phronimos)” (1141b 5). According to the
philosopher, sophia is the most perfect kind of knowledge (episteme) (EN
1141a 9ff ). He defines sophia as a combination of intelligence (nous) and
knowledge (episteme) (1141a 19). The meaning of sophia ranges from secular
wisdom (in ancient Greece Phidias was said to be sophos) to an inner sophia
connected with religious feelings. 34
In early Byzantine society, sophos was foremost an epithet applied
to men—tellingly great men in Malalas’ chronography are so designated
(Ljubarskij 1992, 178). Like megalopsychia, sophia could be paired with the
33 See further discussions of the phronêsis concept in, e.g., Hüffmeier 1961; Aubenque 1962;
Eriksen 1976, 33–35, 113f., 142–145; Rabbås 1997, 21–33.
34 Gladigow 1965; Meyendorff 1959 and 1987.
179
Ben te Kiilerich
equally masculine and royal virtue areté (virtus). A painting in the Winter
baths at Gaza, described by John of Gaza, ca. 540 presented Sophia and Areté
helping Atlas to carry the disc of the Sun. Sophia could also be presented
as synthronos, companion, of the emperor, stressing again the importance
of this quality in a ruler (Kantorowicz 1953). In Byzantium a ruler’s wisdom
consisted of a combination of virtues like piety (pietas), literary wisdom, ju-
dicial wisdom (justitia) and practical wisdom such as building and ruling
well. Imperial sophia entails learnedness and wise ruling.35
In the frontispiece, Juliana carries a book, like Phronesis, and coins, like
Megalopsychia, thus incorporating both virtues. Only later was the word so-
phia inserted into the picture. However, just as Juliana is associated with the
virtues of Megalopsychia and Phronesis, the princess undoubtedly possessed
sophia, too. First, the emphasis on books in the image may be intended to
suggest wisdom. The volumen and later the codex had become standard at-
tributes of wisdom (sophia) and learning. Three hundred and fifty years af-
ter the Vienna Dioscurides, the almost illiterate emperor Basil I (867–86) in
the so-called new palace, the Kainourgion, had a mosaic made of his family,
where the boys held “codices of the divine commandments”, the girls “books
of the divine laws”, “to show that not only the male, but also the female
progeniture had been initiated into holy writ and shared in divine wisdom
(sophia) ... they partook of learning, sophia”36
Second, it was a standard rhetorical phrase to praise a female benefactor
assuming a male role as sophe: thus when the lady Scholastikia around 400
generously paid for the restoration of a bath building at Ephesos, the inscrip-
tion on the pedestal of her seated statue speaks of typon gynaikos eusebous
lian sophes (Börker & Merkelbach 1979, no. 453).
Third, and most important, Anicia Juliana’s sophia is specifically stressed
in connection with another of her building activities, namely that of the
Church of St. Polyeuktos, where her wisdom is claimed to match that of the
legendary king Solomon (see below).
In the Bible it is written that the Lord gave Solomon phronesis and much
sophia (I. Kings, IV,29). In the miniature, the presentation of Juliana as wise
and as a builder of temples may reflect the Biblical model of Solomon.37
35 Kalugila 1980. The emperor Leo VI was called Leo the Wise, see Tougher 1994.
36 Vita Basilii, in Theoph. Cont., 331–335; quotation from Tougher 1994, 175.
37 Anicia’s goldplated throne with gryphons’ heads might even appear as a faint echo of the
legendary throne of Solomon made of “ivory and overlaid with the best of gold”, 1 King,
10, 18–20. A throne called “the throne of Solomon” is said to have been among the booty
Belisarius brought with him from Carthage to Constantinople in 534, Proc., BV IV.9, 5–9.
Later this throne was standing in the Great Triclinos of the Magnaura, De Caer., 566–67
Reiske.
180
There may even be an additional Solomonic reference in the subject matter

of the codex. Solomon was famous for his great knowledge of the natural
world: “He spoke of trees, from the cedar in Lebanon even to the hyssop
which comes out through the wall. He spoke also of beasts and of birds and
of reptiles, and of fishes” (I. Kings, IV, 33). In Jewish tradition, going back at
least to Josephus, it was said that God had given Solomon the power to cure,
and to drive out demons.
Anicia Juliana—builder of churches

In the frontispiece Anicia Juliana is presented as philoktistes, a patron of the

arts and a builder of churches. In addition to the church mentioned in the
manuscript, that of the Virgin en tois Honoratais, her name turns up in con-
nection with several churches in Constantinople: one was the church of St.
Euphemia en tois Olybriou, built by her grandmother the empress Licinia
Eudoxia, and decorated (kosmesis) by Juliana’s mother Placidia the younger
(Anth.Pal. I, 12); she may also have been involved in the funding of the
church of St. Stephen not far from her finest building, St. Polyeuktos. 38 The
church of the martyr Polyeuktos was erected in the area of Constantinianae
(or Theodosianae), the part of Constantinople where Juliana had her palace,
ta Ioulianes (Harrison 1986 and 1989). A smaller church for Polyeuktos had
been founded there by her great-grandmother, the empress Aelia Eudocia,
the wife of Theodosius II. Juliana thus follows in the footsteps of her impe-
rial grand- and great-grandmothers: to build a church meant to behave like a
Theodosian empress. 39
In the present context the inscription formerly placed in the nave of St.
Polyeuktos is of much interest. As recognized by Cyril Mango and Ihor
Sevcenko this fragmentary inscription that praises Juliana in florid rhetoric is
preserved in full in the Palatine Anthology (I, 10, 1-76):
“What choir is sufficient to sing the work of Juliana, who, after Constantine,
embellisher of his Rome, after the holy golden light of Theodosius, and after
the royal descent from so many forebears, accomplished in a few years a work
worthy of her family, and more than worthy? She alone has conquered time,
38For her building activity, Mango & Sevcenko 1961; Capizzi 1977.
39 Brubaker 1997, 56, stresses the importance of the matronage chain. Although these great
female ancestors undoubtedly served as models to Juliana, I believe the Anician front would
rather see her as a ‘new Constantine’ than as a ‘new Helena’. For female rulers taking male role
models a later example is queen Tamar of Georgia (1184–1213), who was a new Constantine, a
David, a Solomon and an Alexander, see Eastmond 1994.
181
Ben te Kiilerich
and surpassed the wisdom (sophia) of renowned Solomon, raising a temple

to receive God” (Anth. Gr. I, 10, 42–49).40
The emperors singled out here by name are the founder of Constantinople
himself and Theodosius. Both the Constantinian and the Theodosian houses
raised monuments to Holy Wisdom: the first Hagia Sophia dedicated by
Constantius II in 360, in later legends was credited to Constantine, the
second Hagia Sophia was built by the younger Theodosius, Juliana’s great-
grandfather.41 By building a church on a grand scale, not as a conventional
basilica but as a domed structure with six large exedrae and a gallery, not
to mention columns inlaid with coloured glass and amethysts, and finely
carved decoration, Juliana surpassed, or at least was claimed to surpass, the
sophia of Solomon, not to mention the Sophia churches of her ancestors.
In 565, Corippus, speaking of Justinian’s Hagia Sophia, states that “Wisdom
(Sapientia) certainly made it worthy of Sophia: it began a beautiful temple
and made it solid and strong. It began and completed it and ornamented it
with gifts. Let the description of Solomon’s temple now be stilled” (Laud.
iust. IV, 280–283) (Cameron 1976).
As the ideal king, the wise ruler, the great judge, and a builder of temples,
Solomon served as a role model for many earthly rulers: also Constantine,
law-giver and builder of churches, was hailed the most peaceful Solomon
(Tougher 1994, 172). Anicia Juliana being hailed as a new Constantine, a
new Theodosius, even as a new Solomon, one cannot but agree with Martin
Harrison, who found that the lines of the Palatine Anthology read like a po-
litical manifesto and that the building of St. Polyeuktos was an imperial and
dynastic statement (Harrison 1986, 420). Harrison further proposed that the
church of Polyeuktos was “modelled” on the holy temple of Jerusalem and
that Juliana was staging herself as a new Solomon.42
Among the sumptuous decoration of this magnificent church are sculp-
tures of frontal peacocks with their tails spread out (like the illumination on
fol. 1 in the Vienna codex), remains of at least one eagle, reliefs with vine, and
others with paired cornucopiae. There was also an image showing the bap-
tism of Constantine (which unfortunately cannot be reconstructed from the
scattered tesserae found on the ground) (Milner 1994). From St. Polyeuktos
40 Mango & Sevcenko 1961; Harrison 1986, 7; 117–19; Milner 1994.

41 For the pre-Justinianic phases of Hagia Sophia, see Dagron 1974, 388–401, discussing the
sources, and Mainstone 1988, 129-143, for the architecture. Socrates, II. xliii, for the year 360
speaks of “the Great Church called Sophia”, cf. Mainstone, 132, and we may reasonably assume
that also in its rst phase the megale ekklesia was dedicated to sophia.
42 Harrison 1983 and 1986, 410f.; Milner 1994 proposes that Polyeuktos was modelled on the
temple of Ezekiel, more than on that of Solomon.
182
stem also the beautifully sculpted “pilastri acritani” brought to Venice as part
of the booty in 1204.
Like the image in the codex, the iconography of the church is ambiva-
lent, in as much as it could be, but need not be, imperial. The peacock on
the one hand is a symbol of paradise and immortality, on the other hand
it was the bird of Juno, and the bird of the empress.43 Peacock feathers ap-
pear frequently in imperial triumphal contexts, e.g. crowning the helmet of
Constantine on the Ticinum medallion struck in 315 in connection with the
emperor’s victory over Maxentius, topping the helmet of either Theodosius
or Justinian on a lost equestrian statue (preserved in a drawing in Budapest),

and crowning Justinian’s helmet on a likewise lost gold medallion.44
As a symbol of the prosperity and fecundity of the empire, the cornucopia
played an important part in Roman and Byzantine ruler iconography: a pair
of crossed cornucopias framing an imperial eagle accompanies imperial por-
traits on a Julio-Claudian cameo; a cornucopia is held by Tellus/Abundantia
on the missorium of Theodosius; and crossed cornucopias with the imperial
eagle figure abundantly in the mosaics of San Vitale at Ravenna.45 One
of Juliana’s husband Areobindus’ consular diptychs of 506 presents an imag-
ery of abundance otherwise unattested on consular ivories: each panel has
two paired cornucopias from which ivy is growing. Below the cornucopia
is a large basket overflowing with the fruits of the year, indicating regenera-
tion, ananeosis (Fig. 6) (Volbach 1952, no. 14). Originally associated with
Dionysos, the ivy for long had been a symbol of victory and triumph.46 The
abundance of the earth and the richness of the crop were guaranteed by the
emperor, and the concept of ananeosis was an imperial virtue.47
The precise chronology of St. Polyeuktos is of particular interest in our
context. According to Gregory of Tours, Justinian had asked Anicia Juliana
to make a contribution to the public treasure. In reply to this, Juliana had
her gold cast into plaques affixed to the roofs of Polyeuktos, and then invited
Justinian to the church and told him he could do what he wanted with the
gold.48 This happened in 527/28. It is significant that Justinian soon came to
43 Toynbee 1973, 251f.; Reimbold 1983; Sodini 1998.

44 Ticinum: RIC VII, 61ff, no. 36; Weitzmann 1979, no. 57; Justinian medallion: ibid. no. 44;
equestrian statue: Sande 1987.
45 Richter 1971, 108, g. 516; Maguire 1987, 76–80.
46 For instance, on Constantine’s triumphal wagon in the Ingressus Augusti relief on the
Arch of Constantine, L’Orange 1939, pl. 12a. The guards on Theodosius’ obelisk base in Con-
stantinople wear torques with ivy leaf pendant, Kiilerich 1998a, g. 42.
47 Maguire 1987, 74-80; Kiilerich 1998b, 26–28.
48 De gloria martyrum; PL 71, 793–95; Mango & Sevcenko 1961, 245.
183
Ben te Kiilerich
Fig. 6: Areobindus diptych leaf, year 506, Lucca, Domarchiv (after

Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, pl. 4, no. 14).
184
allow churches to be built only by the emperor himself or with public money
(Proc., Aed. I. 8,5). Since the Palatine Anthology, or rather a scholion on the
epigram, states that the church took three years to build, the years 524–527
have generally been assumed to be the period of construction (Harrison 1986,
111f.). But construction work of this lavish church may have been long under
way. In fact, according to the indictions on the brick stamps, clustering in
two groups, foundations may have been laid as early as 507/511, and the su-
perstructure (for which the absence of Areobindus’ name gives a terminus
post quem of 512) may have been under construction between 517/8 and
520/1.49 Although brick stamps do not indicate specific fifteen-year intervals,

the important point is that an earlier date than 524 for Polyeuktos is quite
possible. If this church was projected as early as the Vienna Dioscurides—for
which 512 may be taken as a possible ad quem—the latter may be seen in a
wider context: as but one of many visual statements in what could have been
a political move in the troubled period around 512.
The events of 512

In 512/513 there was a riot against Anastasius, and an Orthodox faction
proclaimed emperor Anicia Juliana’s husband, Areobindus. Theophanes
Confessor relates the incident and the circumstances leading up to it:
The monophysite emperor Anastasius, who refused to accept the Synod of
Chalcedon, had ordered an anti-orthodox addition to the Trishagion, and
had the bishop Timothy ordain through a memorandum to all the churches
in Constantinople that the Trishagion be recited with the addition. Some
did so out of fear; others sang another psalm. “A great disturbance took
place, many houses were burned, and there were thousands of murders, while
the crowd jeered Anastasius and called for another emperor.”50 According to
Malalas (Chron. 407) it was Areobindus who was proclaimed. Areobindus,
however, resisted the raising to the purple, and fled; he may have died not
long after, as no more is heard of him.
Conclusion
The image in the Vienna Dioscurides presents Anicia Juliana in purple and
gold, with imperial diadem, enthroned like an emperor, distributing gold
coins like an emperor and receiving proskynesis, as if she were an emperor.
The dedication image flatters Juliana with sophia, phronesis and megalopsy-
49 Bardill 1994; Fowden 1994, 275.

50 Theophanes Conf., AM 6005; transl. by C. Mango and R. Scott, 1997, 238–242.
185
Ben te Kiilerich
chia, three male virtues closely associated with ruler authority. The building
and adornment of churches formed part of an emperor’s duties, and through
these activities Juliana is further associated with the imperial concepts of kti-
sis, ananeosis and kosmesis: foundation, renewal, adornment. 51 Anicia Juliana
is staged as a generous patron of the arts and founder of churches—as the
inscription to St Polyeuktos has it: a new Constantine, a new Theodosius,
a new Solomon. It must be concluded that the Vienna Dioscurides frontis-
piece is not the innocent image of an “intellectual lady”, but that of a prin-
cess with imperial aspirations.
Some of the more interesting questions concern commissioner, decision-

maker and intended audience. According to the text interwoven in the im-
age, the book was a gift to Anicia Juliana from the people of Honoratae. So
Juliana was not, at least officially, the patron, but the recipient of the manu-
script. The image in the book was not an official image or a broad public
statement like St. Polyeuktos, visible to all; it was made for a much smaller
audience, for more intimate viewing by Anicia Juliana and her family and
friends. The political message of the image, therefore, was going to her. The
question is: was she knowing or innocent. Was this Juliana’s self-image, dis-
closing her aspirations to the throne—either for herself or through her hus-
band—or was this a visual statement of a certain party? Was the projected
image of Juliana as ruler merely wishful thinking, or could it have come true?
Considering that it was probably made in the troubled years around 512,
when her husband Areobindus was offered the crown, it is a fact that at least
one orthodox faction dissatisfied with Anastasius wanted a change in rule.
Whoever made the decisions about the image put into it as much as possible
of imperial flattery. In addition, it may contain a concealed political move.
To read the picture as that of a modest, if generous, woman totally lacking
in ambitions is to underestimate the intentions of the image maker as well as
Juliana’s potential. The dedication image in the Vienna Dioscurides clearly
shows that Juliana either had plenty of ambition, or that others were ambi-
tious on her behalf.
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The Image of Anicia Juliana in the Vienna Dioscurides:

Dioscurides (ca. 512) is usually seen as a standard image of a learned lady. It

1 De materia medica, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Vindobonensis,

Fig. 1: Anicia Juliana, Vienna Dioscurides, Codex Vindobonensis, Med.Gr. 1, folio

diptych in her hand being understood simply as a sign of rank or learning.5 I

The dedicatory image

of two interlaced squares arranged to form an eight-pointed star enclosed

Anicia Juliana’s golden, striated diagonal dalmatic lined in purple is a sign

shoes of the emperor at San Vitale.

Fig. 2: Anicia Juliana (detail of above).

The princess’ headdress consists of a red (purple?) band bordered by pearls

16L’Orange 1979, 82–84; Kiilerich 1993, 96–98, and  g. 44.

Fig. 3: Reconstruction of headdress (draw-

are in charge of wine-making, and on Theodosius’ missorium putti greet the

Fig. 4: Early Byzantine empress, ca. 500; ivory diptych.

21 For putti in general, Stuveras 1964.

emperor Constantius II as depicted performing the sparsio in the Calendar

for instance, on some of Areobindus’s diptychs of 506.25 As late as the sixth

28 Katzenellenbogen 1939, 28f. n. 6.

29 Kiilerich 1993, 19–26; Kiilerich 2000a.

Ruler virtues: Megalopsychia, Phronesis and Sophia

An imperial reading of the visual image is supported by the verbal imagery.

31 I follow Rackham’s translation in the LCL 1934, reprint 1994.

Fig. 5: Megalopsychia, Yakto complex, Antioch, Antakya Museum (Photo:

There may even be an additional Solomonic reference in the subject matter

Anicia Juliana—builder of churches

In the frontispiece Anicia Juliana is presented as philoktistes, a patron of the

and surpassed the wisdom (sophia) of renowned Solomon, raising a temple

40 Mango & Sevcenko 1961; Harrison 1986, 7; 117–19; Milner 1994.

or Justinian on a lost equestrian statue (preserved in a drawing in Budapest),

43 Toynbee 1973, 251f.; Reimbold 1983; Sodini 1998.

48 De gloria martyrum; PL 71, 793–95; Mango & Sevcenko 1961, 245.

Fig. 6: Areobindus diptych leaf, year 506, Lucca, Domarchiv (after

520/1.49 Although brick stamps do not indicate specific fifteen-year intervals,

The events of 512

49 Bardill 1994; Fowden 1994, 275.

Some of the more interesting questions concern commissioner, decision-

51 Mathew 1963, 86; Maguire 1987, 44–55.

ser. 2, X), Rome.

Mauss, M. 1950: Essai sur le don, Paris.

Recueil d’hommages à Henri Stern, Paris, 273–280.

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16L’Orange 1979, 82–84; Kiilerich 1993, 96–98, and g. 44.