The Roman Sarcophagi of Siscia

Arheol. rad. raspr. 17 (2013), str.
181-226
Branka Migotti: The Roman Sarcophagi of Siscia
Branka Migotti
THE ROMAN SARCOPHAGI OF SISCIA*

Branka Migotti, PhD UDK 904:726.829(398Siscia)
Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti Received: 16. 02. 2012.
Odsjek za arheologiju Accepted: 21. 05. 2013.
Ulica Ante Kovačića 5
HR – 10000 Zagreb
E-mail: branka.migotti@gmail.com
This paper brings a catalogue of the sarcophagi and ash-chests from Sisak
(Roman Siscia) in Pannonia Superior, based on the structural typology. All
known and accessible pieces have been comprised, amounting to 20 chests and
2 individual lids, which can today be found in Zagreb and Sisak. This paper
aims at putting the sarcophagi and ash-chests of Siscia in the context of the
production of and trade in marble and stone monuments in Pannonia and the
neighbouring areas. The discussion is focused on the following subject matters:
the state of research, typology, chronology, social context, iconography, wor-
kshop affiliations, production, influences and trade routs. Although based on a
limited sample, the production of sarcophagi in Siscia proves as extremely vari-
egated in terms of typology and iconography, revealing, most of all, home pro-
duction based on local traditions and a blend of influence from the well-known
workshop in the neighbouring areas: North Italy, Noricum and Poetovio, and
possibly Rome, Aquincum, and Salona.
Key words: Siscia, sarcophagus, ash-chest, marble, stone, workshop (Ključne
riječi: Siscia, sarkofag, kamena urna, mramor, kamen, radionica)
I. INTRODUCTION
In spite of the fact that only sarcophagi figured in the Colloquium title, stone ash-
chests (urnae cinerariae) have also been included in this overview. This was done in
view of the identical shape and tectonics, which at times makes it impossible to tell
an urn from a child sarcophagus.1 The sarcophagi and urns of Siscia have never been
discussed either as a whole or as an individual subject matter. Only those in the Ar-
chaeological Museum in Zagreb were published at the beginning of the 19th century
* This is the integral version of the paper read at the international colloquium Roman Sarcophagi
in Pannonia and Upper Moesia, held at Ljubljana on the 10th and 11th March 2005. Its shortened ver-
sion has been published in Croatian (Migotti 2007a).
1
Cermanović 1965, 89; Djurić 2001a, 117-120; Perkić 2002, 117. Some discriminating features (e. g.
the thickness of bottom, which is customarily quite substantial in urns) do exist generally, but
cannot be taken at face value and are not always dependable; cf. Migotti 2005a, 344.
181
Arheol. rad. raspr. 17 (2013), str. 181-226
by J. Brunšmid, as part of a compendium of all stone monuments from the Museum.2

Later on, they were included in various syntheses, or were addressed as individual
monuments in a number of papers which happen to be either incomplete, or have be-
come obsolete in the meantime. For all these reasons the sarcophagi of Siscia need to
be updated and placed into the wider context of the production of and trade in marble
and funerary stones in Pannonia.3
I was able to identify altogether 20 complete or partly preserved sarcophagi with
or without lids, and 2 further individual lids from Siscia. Even more pieces can be
hypothesised, based on personal communications and data from the archives or se-
condary literature, but they are not traceable on the ground. There is only one marble
piece (II.3.1.); the remainder are of various kinds of limestone.4 Five of them are now
in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, and the others are in Sisak, in the open in
various places, or in the premises of the Town Museum. The majority stem from the
east cemetery, and the remainder from the south-west, while a sarcophagus lid has
recently been found in the rescue excavations in the area of the north cemetery (Fig.
1). Typologically, the sarcophagi of Siscia are quite diversified and can be classified in
7 groups and/or subgroups on structural basis: 1. architectonic; 2. moulded (truhen, a
cassapanca) with no inner division; 3. moulded with a tripartite division of the front
(Poetovian type); 4. framed with a tripartite division of the front; 5. with a moulded
inscription table and plane lateral fields; 6. with a tabula ansata; 7. completely plain
(Fig. 2). The catalogue entries are organised along the following scheme: 1. generali-
ties (circumstances of the find, present whereabouts, kind of stone, measurements);
2. description (shape, iconography, inscription) with optional comments; 3. dating; 4.
literature. Each group of sarcophagi also contains a comment on the typology and,
accordingly, on the origin of the shape and its transmission to Siscia (origins of the
type)5; the same applies to single sarcophagi II.1.1. and II.6.1., since they figure as in-
dividual groups.
2
Brunšmid 1909.
3
Of quite a number of works considering Siscian sarcophagi, only the most important syntheses
are brought here: Cermanović 1965; Dautova-Ruševljan 1983; Burkowsky 1996; Burkowsky 2000;
Buzov 2002; Migotti 2007a.
4
The work on the precise determination of local stones in the wider Pannonian area, initiated
and organised by Bojan Djurić, has been in progress (Djurić 2008; Djurić 2010; Djurić and Müller
2009; Djurić, Müller, and Filipović 2010). Therefore, a mention of only a broad determination, i.
e. limestone, meets the needs of the conception of this paper.
5
Hypotheses about the concrete ways of the transmission of such influences will preferably be
avoided, as there is no knowing how many imported sarcophagi did reach Siscia, but never
came to light or were destroyed long ago without leaving any record.
182
II. CATALOGUE
II.1. Architectonic6 sarcophagi

Introduction. The only sarcophagus of this type (CIL III 3974) was found toget-
her with 3 other pieces (CIL III 3073, 3981, 3992) of discrete typological groups in
the south-west cemetery at the beginning of the 19th century. All of them were built
in a continuous line in the foot of a private house in Sisak, which still holds them
today7(Fig. 3). A short introduction relative to the specific circumstances of this find
is needed here. In spite of the various shapes, all of these sarcophagi share the same
topographical-sociological context: the findspot and the fact that two of them belon-
ged to Siscian augustales; the reminder might have belonged to their relatives or cli-
ents. While the historian Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić was able to read the epitaphs in their
entirety in 1864, and Theodor Mommsen could allegedly only see the first three lines,
the inscriptions as given in the CIL seem to be complete. In view of this, and as a non-
epigraphist, I will here bring the inscriptions as given in the CIL,8 with no attempt at
additional emendations, and with the reading either from the CIL, or, if non-existent,
from other literature.
II.1.1. The sarcophagus of Pontius Lupus (Fig. 4)

SW cemetery; chance find at the beginning of the 19th c.; built in a house in Sisak;
limestone; measurements9: L 205 cm, 71.5 cm, W 68 cm.
Description. The front contains a moulded inscription table and two lateral roun-
ded niches featuring each a mourning winged Eros with head bowed, leaning on a
reversed torch pulled through a small wreath, holding the torch with one hand and
the wreath with the other, and with the legs crossed. They are shown in the guise
of young boys with rounded faces and typical wavy hair topped by a knot. The Ero-
tes are rendered fairly skilfully and with a natural look about them, particularly as
concerns the hair, and with some (not perfect, though) proportion and volume. The
architectural setting of the front comprises two arched triple-band niches, which rest
6
The term was finally introduced by H. Gabelmann (1973, 39 ff.) and was accepted widely, al-
though not unanimously. F. Rebecchi (1977, 110, n. 10) for instance considered this term to be
inadequate and be better replaced by the syntagm a pilastri angolari, while P. Kranz (1977), fol-
lowing Gerhart Rodenwalt, used the term Säulensarkophagen.
7
AIJ, no. 238; Burkowsky 1996, 69; Vuković 1994, 80-81; Buzov 2002, 176-177. Until recently, the
sarcophagi were visible in only half of their height, and have always been published as such.
However, the reconstruction of the building in 2009 left them disclosed in their full height.
8
This holds for all the inscriptions in the present article.
9
Abbreviations used: L (length), H (height), W (width), TB (thickness of bottom, missing in cases
where the lid prevents access to the inner measurements), AMZ (The Archaeological Museum
in Zagreb); GMS (The Town Museum of Sisak).
183
on pilasters featuring two wide and deep vertical flutes in the upper half and several
superimposed rows of scales in the lower. The pilasters rest on the bases reduced to
the shape of two superimposed bands, and are topped by Tuscan capitals shaped
similarly as the bases, with the bands each possibly containing a line of vertical relief
rectangles, as can be seen on the restored left-hand capital. The spandrels were each
taken by an elongated triangular receptacle sprouting three tendrils; after the resto-
ration, however, the left spandrel has been left empty of tendrils.
The inscription (CIL III 3974) runs: D(is) M(anibus) / Pontio Lupo aug(ustali) col(oniae)
/ Sisciae scribae municipii Faus(tiniani) /Pontia Victorina soror / 5et domina crescens ad ? DFF
P (?)
[To the Spirits of the Departed. To Pontius Lupus, augustalis of the colony of Siscia
and scribe of the municipium Faustinianum, Pontia Victorina his sister and a mistress
who grew towards…? (had this monument made).]
Lupus’ and his sister’s origin was certainly western or autochthonous, and their
patron was of North-Italian stock. The name Lupus was very widespread in His-
pania, while that of Victorinus/a was particularly characteristic of northern Gallia,
Germania and Pannonia.10
The short sides of the sarcophagus are built in a continuous line to the left and
right of its front. Each of them holds a relief of a Dioscurus wearing a starred pileus
and a fastened cloak, leading a horse by the reins with one hand and lifting up a stan-
dard in the other; the weight of the body rests on one leg while the other is slightly
bent and is shown in perspective. The quality and stylistic traits of the execution are
about the same as in the Erotes; the movements of both the men and horses are vivid
and natural, as is the execution of the cloaks in the men and tails and manes in the
horses. Both figures are composed in mirror image, that is, as if flanking a central
scene. This obviously comes from the depiction of the Dioscuri as flanking central fi-
gures or scenes on frieze or columnar sarcophagi, which is their canonical position in
the iconography of Roman funerary art.11 The moulding of the short sides is slightly
mismatched with that of the front.
The iconographic peculiarity of the motifs on the short sides lies in the fact that
instead of the weapons the youths each carries a standard of the vexillum type. A
scrupulous analysis of this picture reveals its association with the imperial cult, in-
dicating therefore the owner’s priestly office and social status.12 Such attitude indeed
10
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz 2000, 39 (Lupus), 153 (Pontius/a); Lőrinz 2002, 168-169 (Victo-
rina).
11
Migotti 2005b, 280.
12
Migotti 2005b, 281-282. The short sides of North-Italian sarcophagi are also customarily re-
served for a symbolic display of the social position of the deceased, while connotations of the
their profession or daily-life scenes are much rarer. Cf. Gabelmann 1973, 161, 185.
184
befits an augustalis, that is, most probably a libertus with some social expectations and
a considerable wealth. On the other hand, the question is why Pontius Lupus, although
presumably a rich man, did not care to purchase a marble sarcophagus.13 Possibly
the idea of the worth of a marble grave monument, which has often been recorded
in grave inscriptions throughout the Roman world,14 did not take root before the in-
flux of Poetovian marble production into Siscia. This, then, would imply a somew-
hat unexpected possibility that such production reached the municipium Andautonia
much earlier than Siscia.15
Dating. On account of exclusively epigraphic traits, J. Šašel dated this peace to the
2nd century. This is because it lacks the title colonia Septimia, which otherwise figures
in the inscription of one of the contiguous sarcophagi. The latter (II.2.1.) was, for the
same reason, dated by Šašel to the 3rd century.16 However, the onomastic data (duo
and tria nomina respectively) points rather to the reverse dating, revealing thereby
a precarious nature of the chronological value of epigraphic-onomastic arguments,
if taken in isolation, i. e., without the artistic analysis and context.17 This piece, then,
should be most probably dated to the first half of the 3rd century, on account of the
onomastic traits, the shape of the receptacle, the stylistic-iconographical features of
its reliefs, as well as their motifs. While the Erotes are an impersonal subject-matter,
the motif of the Dioscuri bears on the religious activity and social status of the dece-
ased, bringing it closer to personal themes, otherwise fully represented by portraits
of the deceased. The “personal” attitude is considered to be later in terms of relative
chronology.18 Stylistically, the frontal stance of the Dioscuri, while at the same time
both the human and animal figures are executed skilfully and with good proportion,
could be the result of the general emphasis on the frontal view in artistic renderings,
which comes to the fore particularly in Severan art.19 The figures of the mourning
Erotes, shown as young rather than older boys (the so-called baby-Erotes), do not
contest such dating.20
13
It has been suggested that limestone sarcophagi in Dalmatia were used by the moderately rich
class of customers (Cambi 2010, 45) and the same should be expected for Pannonia.
14
Gabelmann 1977, 204, n. 25; Cambi 2010, 17.
15
As is witnessed by a marble stele from Andautonia from the beginning of the 2nd century:
Rendić-Miočević 2013.
16
Šašel 1974, 715.
17
Cf. Migotti 2005b, 279.
18
Gabelmann 1973, 52-56, 121-130. The relevance of this knowledge to the Norico-Pannonian ma-
terial is, however, questionable, that is, not yet finally researched.
19
Kastelic 1998, 28-29; Kleiner 1992, 353; Pochmarski 1984, 255, 272; Pochmarski 1986, 255-257.
20
According to E. Pochmarski, the boyish type is in terms of relative chronology later than the
baby type. Yet, both types appear alternately during the 1st half of the 3rd century. Cf. Pochmar-
185
Literature: AIJ, no. 238; Burkowsky 1996, 69; Vuković 1994, 80-81; Buzov 2002, 176-
177; Migotti 2007a, 10.
The origin of the type. The origin of this type of sarcophagus is to be looked for
in the North-Italian regions of Aquileia-Veneto and/or Ravenna, as it has not been
established in Poetovio, while Salona is not a likely source in this case.21 However, the
given piece, if compared to the North-Italian stock, reveals some peculiarities. Firstly,
as far as my knowledge goes, the nearest parallels are represented by only 3 North-
Italian pieces, which, however, differ in the shape of the inscription field, while the
corner elements are in two cases columns and in one pilasters.22 Secondly, the Siscian
type is not comprised in the typological scheme as devised by H. Gabelmann and G.
Koch, respectively23 (Fig. 5). In terms of the corner elements, the nearest to the Siscian
example are types III.3. and III.4., both missing the corner columns / pilasters of the
lateral arches, with the arches leaning un-organically on the separate corner columns
or pilasters (the so-called Eckpilaster type). On the other hand, the type featuring late-
ral arched niches and the inscription field free of architectural design (type II) takes
a canonical architectonic form of northern-Italian sarcophagi, that is, with separate
corner pilasters in addition to those of the arched niches. In such cases the corner pi-
lasters are as a rule plain.24 In the Siscian example, vertically fluted outer pilasters of
the lateral arches take the role of the corner pilasters as given in the canonical archi-
tectonic scheme outside of North Italy, which makes the main difference between the
sarcophagus of Pontius Lupus and its speculative North-Italian prototypes. On the
other hand, arched corner pilasters are typical of the City of Rome production, which
is also true of the Tuscan capitals.25 On the basis of such affiliations, it can tentatively
ski 1984, 26; Pochmarski 2001, 201; Tiussi 2002, 67. See also Cambi 1960, 67-68. It should, however,
be noted that the differentiation between the two types is not always straightforward, and not
only due to the misleading and provisional nature of the artistic record, but also owing to the
fact that there is an intermediary age category between those of the babies and grown-up boys.
The difficulty in the differentiation is here perhaps best reflected in sarcophagus II.3.4., since
the Erotes have child-like plump cheeks, but their bodies seem to be slightly elongated, more in
the manner of older boys. In his recent work on Dalmatian sarcophagi, N. Cambi (2010, 47-51)
seems to ignore the possibility of dating on the basis of Erotes’ age.
21
See the discussion in chapter III.2.
22
Gabelmann 1973, Taf. 8: 2 (Grado: columns, the inscription table decorated with side volutes);
Taf. 9: 1 (Trieste: pilasters, gabled inscription field); Taf. 10: 2 (Grado: columns, tabula ansata).
23
Gabelmann 1973, Plate: Typen der architektonischen Sarkophage, between pages 20 and 41;
Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 284, Abb. 5.
24
Two contrary examples that I know of, both stemming from Modena and both featuring fluted
corner pilasters, are of different types in that the first lacks the lateral niches (Gabelmann 1973,
Taf. 25: 1), while the second features the inscription table in the shape of an aedicule (Gabel-
mann 1973, Taf. 41: 2).
25
Kranz 1977, 356-357 (Tuscan capitals), 365-367 (arched corner pilasters).
186
be presumed that the impetus for the Siscian piece came as a blend of simultaneous
influences from both Rome and North Italy.26 At this stage, however, it is not possible
to state with any certainty whether such influenced carved out their way into Pa-
nnonia directly or through the mediation of Norican workshops. Although unique
among the Siscian stock, the sarcophagus in question is in terms of the iconography
connected to several other pieces through the motif of Erotes.
II.2. Moulded sarcophagi27 with no inner division

II.2.1. The sarcophagus of Marcus Mulvius Narcissus (Fig. 6)
SW cemetery; chance find at the beginning of the 19th c.; built in a house in Sisak;
limestone; measurements: L 196 cm, H 70 cm.
Description. The whole area of the moulded front is taken by the inscription field,
holding the following inscription (CIL III 3973):
D(is) M(anibus) / M(arco) Mulvio Narcisso [an](norum) LX et M(arco) / Mulvio Narcissi-
ano an(norum) XXVI aug(ustali) / col(oniae) Sept(imiae) Sisc(iae) / 5Mulvia Furnia(?) marit[o]
et fil(io) carissim(is) v(iva) f(ecit)
[To the spirits of the departed. To sixty-year old Marcus Mulvius Narcissus and
twenty-six-year old Marcus Mulvius Narcissianus, augustalis of the colonia Septimia
Siscia, Mulvia Furnia (?) made (this monument), while still alive, for her dearest hu-
sband and son.]
As transpires from the CIL, the second name (tentatively read also as Rufina) of
the dedicator is not clear. The patron of the Mulvii from this inscription was North-
Italian, while their (secure or supposed) cognomina reveal their most probable auto-
chthonous origin.28
Dating. The epithet colonia Septimia in the epitaph dates this piece to 193-211 (po-
ssibly 194-211), i. e., to the reign of Septimius Severus.29
177; Migotti 2007a, 11.
26
In the 1980s G. Koch (1982, 272) did not know of any import from the city of Rome to Pannonia.
Nevertheless, this theme is still completely un-researched; some import and also imitation can-
not therefore be finally excluded. N. Cambi (2002, 264-266, fig. 425) has ascribed a sarcophagus’
fragment from Sisak, possibly featuring Christ’s head, to a City-of-Rome workshop.
27
Truhen and a cassapanca type in German and Italian respectively: Gabelmann 1973, 15, passim;
Rebecchi 1977, 134-137; Rebecchi 1978, 240-243; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 73.
28
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz 1999, 156 (Furnia); Lőrinz 2000, 90 (Mulvius/a), 95 (Narcissus,
Narcissianus); Lőrinz 2002, 33-34 (Rufina).
29
Hoti 1992, 145.
187
II.2.2. The ash-chest of Gaius Sempronius Severus (Fig. 7)

Findspot uncertain30; chance find around 1800, AMZ; limestone; L 95 cm, H 51
cm, W 65 cm, TB 27 cm; lid and part of the left-hand corner missing, the inscription
quite worn out.
Description. Within the simply moulded table the inscription (CIL 3972) runs:
G(aio) Sempro(nio) Severo cor/nicul(ario) leg(ionis) XIIII G(eminae) (annorum) XXXXI / Iulia
Florentina con/iugi carissimo viva / 5fec(it)
[To her dearest husband Gaius Sempronius Severus, cornicularius of the Fourteenth
legion Gemina, who died at 41, his wife Iulia Florentina had (this monument) made
while still alive.]
Both deceased were of the western or autochthonous origin. The general greatest
spread of the names mentioned is the following: Sempronius in Hispania, Severus in
Hispania and Italia, Iulia all over the Empire, Florentina in Pannonia.31
Dating. Possibly mid-3rd c., on account of the front’s complete identity in shape
with an inscription to the emperor Marcus Antonius Gordianus Pius from Daruvar /
Aquae Balissae (AIJ, no. 586).
Literature: Buzov 2002, 186 (with further reading); Migotti 2007a, 11-12.
II.2.3. A sarcophagus or ash-chest (Fig. 8a, b)

Probably SW cemetery; time of discovery unknown; placed in the courtyard of a
private house in the vicinity of the cemetery area (Strossmayerova Street); limestone;
L 180 cm, H 63 cm; W 85 cm, TB 29 cm; lid missing, some damage to the sides and the
lower portion of the body.
Description. Flat edge, a groove cut through one of the sides for the purpose of re-
use. The piece is placed awkwardly behind a tree, and is covered in crust, preventing
a secure identification of the type. Nevertheless, traces of a grooved moulding at both
ends on the front (?) seem to be discernible beyond doubt (Fig. 8b), leaving a lateral
flat band 12 cm wide at each side.
Dating: turn of the 2nd and 3rd centuries.
Literature: Migotti 2007a, 12.
The origin of the type. The model for this type of sarcophagus should have come to
Siscia direct from North Italy, as no intermediaries from Poetovio or Salona are known.
Even in North Italy the type with no inner division is less frequent than other forms of
30
It was first spotted by the historian Petar Katančić in 1800 at an unspecified place near the river
Sava: AIJ, no. 263.
31
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz 1999, 201-206 (Iulia), 148 (Florentina); Lőrinz 2002, 64 (Sempro-
nius), 76-78 (Severus).
188
moulded sarcophagi.32 Therefore, the possibility of at least indirect influence of the City
of Rome, particularly in the light of the fact that some such traits can be discerned in
sarcophagi II.1.1. and II.3.3., cannot be altogether dismissed.33 Typologically, piece 2.2.
figures as a simplified version of 2.1., which is particularly interesting in view of the
similarity of the former with an imperial inscription table. Both pieces are therefore
directly or indirectly associated with securely established chronology. Further, they
point to the fact that not only gravestones shared similar tectonic features between
themselves, but they also shared such features with monuments of different use. The
above-described sarcophagus’ front could have originated independently in various
places through an imitation of the form of tituli and stelae of the similar structure.34
II.3. Tripartite sarcophagi with the moulded inscription field and lateral niches
arched by Norico-Pannonian volutes (Poetovian type)
II.3.1. The sarcophagus of Romania N(a)evia (Fig. 9)
E cemetery; chance find in 1882; AMZ; Alpine marble; L 203 cm, H 70 cm, W 101
cm, TB 18 cm; lid missing; various damage and cracks at places.
Description. The inscription is placed within the central panel on the front, while
in the niches two standing figures are shown. In the left-hand one is a young woman
dressed in toga, with a huge scroll in her left hand and a roundish object, probably a
fruit, in the right. The youth in the right-hand niche is clad in belted tunic and is we-
aring short boots. He has a skillet in the highly raised right hand while grasping with
the left hand at a towel thrown over his shoulder. The figures as described provide
a peculiar and unique iconography of the otherwise widespread motif of servants,
with the servant girl shown possibly in the guise of her mistress, a senatorial lady.
The inscription (CIL III 10852) goes:
[D(is) M(anibus) ?] / Romania N(a)evia clari/ssima femina viva / fecit sibi memoriam /
5
pr(a)ecurrentibus Cletio / Romuliano et Aur(elio) / Calemero
[To the spirits of the departed (?). Romania Naevia, a most distinguished woman,
had a sarcophagus made for herself while still alive, Cletius Romulianus and Aureli-
us Calemerus having deceased before her.]
The problem of the identity of the two men mentioned in the inscription cannot
be finally resolved; they could have been Romania Naevia’s late husbands or sons
from two individual fathers, or two persons involved with her through some legal
32
Gabelmann 1973, Taf. 52, Taf. 53; Rebecchi 1978, Tav. B IV/3.
33
The workshops of Rome did produce moulded sarcophagi (Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 37, no.
4), but it should be noted that pieces from Rome are much shorter and more elongated than is
supposed for the Siscian example.
34
For such grave monuments in Pannonia see Schober 1923, 16 ff.
189
matters; the first-mentioned possibility seems to be the nearest guess. While the na-
mes Romania, Naevia and Romulianus show western origin (Italian, Gaulic or Dal-
matian), the names Cletius and Calemerus point to oriental origin, though probably
not immediate, of their bearers. Also to be noted is the fact that the nomen Aurelius
is in Pannonia (with Dalmatia immediately following) more widespread than in any
other Roman province, and is at the same time more frequent than any other name
in this province. The greatest frequencies of the names mentioned are as follows: Ro-
mania in Italia and Gallia, Naevia in Italia and Dalmatia, Romulianus in Pannonia,
while Cletius and Calemerus are rare occasions in the West.35 From the sociological
point of view, the fact that the sarcophagus was made of marble matches the social
position and, by extension, the wealth of the owner.
Dating. On the basis of palaeography and onomastics, as well as physiognomies
and hairstyles, the sarcophagus should be dated 250-270. It was reported that the
coins of the emperors Valerian and Aurelian, comprising the period from 253 to 275,
were found in the immediate vicinity of the sarcophagus.
Literature: Migotti 2001; Migotti 2007b.
II.3.2. The sarcophagus of Septumia Marcella (Fig. 10)

SW cemetery; chance find at the beginning of the 19th c., built in a house in Sisak;
limestone; measurements: L 200 cm, preserved H 57 cm, probable H 62 cm.
Description. The niches by the inscription field each feature a mourning Eros simi-
lar to those in II.1.1. The inscription (CIL III 3992) runs:
D(is) M(anibus) / Septumiae Marcell(a)e / qv(a)e vixit ann(os) XX Cassia / Candida fili(a)
e karissi(mae)
[To the spirits of the departed. To Septumia Marcella, who lived 20 years, Cassia
Candida (made this monument) to her dearest daughter.]
The names recorded in the epitaph reveal a mixed origin, Italian, northern and
autochthonous, based on the following frequencies of appearance: Marcella and Ca-
ssia in Italia, Septimia in Pannonia (particularly characteristic), Candida in northern
Gallia, Germania, Noricum and Pannonia.36
Dating. Probably the 1st half of the 3rd c. on account of the similarity of the motif
on II.1.1. and II.3.3., but with somewhat later epigraphic traits (vocalised diphthong ae
> e) and the formula qui vixit annos.
35
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz and Redő 1994, 238 (Aurelius); Lőrinz 1999, 22 (Calemerus),
64 (Cletius); Lőrinz 2000, 94 (Naevia); Lőrinz 2002, 31 (Romania, Romulianus). See also Migotti
2001, 65-68.
36
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz 1999, 30-31 (Candida), 41 (Cassia); Lőrinz 2000, 53 (Marcella);
Lőrinz 2002, 69-70 (Septimia).
190
177; Migotti 2007a, 13-14.
II.3.3. A sarcophagus with the motif of Erotes (Fig. 11)

Most probably Siscia;37 chance find prior to 1926; AMZ; limestone; chest: L 225 cm,
H 89 cm, W 104; lid: L 232 cm, H 37 cm, W 116 cm; reliefs quite worn out. The lid has
been placed onto the chest to fit the front line, while its back wall remained sticking
out by 18 cm; the left half of the lid’s back, as well as the acroterion, was consequently
cut (or it just fell off?) to fit the line of the chest, but the rest remained intact.
Description. Gabled lid with corner acroteria, a 17-cm-wide levelling along the
entire length of the ridge. The niches left and right of the empty inscription field
feature two child-Erotes in mirror image and in the same guise.38 Each is shown in a
wide stride, supporting a basket on one shoulder and holding a roundish object in the
other, lowered arm. Only one of the wings in each Eros is depicted, and the objects in
their hands are not discernible in themselves. However, on the analogies with some
Roman, North-Italian, and Norico-Pannonian gravestones, these figures can securely
be established as personifications of autumn, with a basket full of grapes on the sho-
ulder and a single grape in the other hand.39 In Norico-Pannonian funerary art sea-
son-genii are more widespread than season-Erotes, and are preferably depicted in an
iconography derived from the dancing satyr. In terms of relative chronology, Erotes
are considered to be earlier then genii.40 Generally, in the Norico-Pannonian artistic
circle the motif of season-Erotes derives rather from the city-of-Rome sarcophagi re-
pertoire, than from the Asia-Minor types, the latter otherwise figuring as the main
37
The arrival in the AMZ of a sarcophagus from Sisak in 1926 is recorded in the Sisak archive in
the AMZ, but with no description. On the other hand, the sarcophagus in question is the only
one in the AMZ whose findspot and time of arrival has so far been considered as unknown.
This set of data then makes a plausible match.
38
If all four season personifications are depicted, they are nearly always rendered with discrimi-
nating diagnostic attributes, which, however, are not strictly canonized. On the other hand, if
only two personifications are presented, they usually share the same iconography: Koch ad
Sichtermann 1982, 220-222. It has been hypothesised that in such examples the type of Erotes
reveal the season during which the death occurred. Cf. Kranz 1977, 362.
39
Customarily, hares or birds killed in hunt are shown, and not grapes. Nevertheless, comparison
with the identical reliefs on two sarcophagi from Grado (Gabelmann 1973, Taf. 8: 2) and Rome
(now in Zürich: Kranz 1977, 351, Taf. 157/2) helps to interpret the motifs on the piece from Sisak.
On the basket as a common attribute of autumn see Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 220; Kranz
1986, 208; Kastelic 1998, 398. Curiously, on some sarcophagi from Brigetio, Erotes by the tabula
ansata each carries a grape in the hand not busy with the tabula: Pochmarski 2001, 206. The alle-
gory of summer also supports a basket, yet not with grapes, but corn-ears: Kastelic 1998, 106-107,
fig. 153.
40
Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 220; Kranz 1986, 208-209, 232-234; Kastelic 1998, 398-407.
191
source for the North-Italian production.41 Allegories of seasons feature on several

Poetovian funerary stones, and on even more of them in the territory of Noricum.42
Curiously enough, all of them differ (more or less) iconographically from the Siscian
piece, whose only exact parallel seems to be found on a sarcophagus from Grado.43
Dating: 1st half of the 3rd c.
II.3.4. A sarcophagus or ash-chest44 with the motif of Erotes (Fig. 12)

E cemetery; rescue excavations in the 1950s; Sisak – Kaptol; limestone; L 225 cm,
H 90 cm, W 125 cm, TB 55 cm; lid missing, cracked and damaged at places.
Description. The empty inscription field is flanked by two lateral niches featuring
each a winged mourning Eros with legs crossed, leaning on a reversed torch. They
differ somewhat from such motifs on II.1.1 and II. 3.2.
Dating: 1st half of the 3rd c.
Literature: Burkowsky 1996, 75; Burkowsky 2000, 78, no. 30; Buzov 2002, 75; Migotti
2007a, 15.
II.3.5. The ash-chest of Marcus Aurelius Glabrio (Fig. 13)

SW cemetery; chance find in 1804; AMZ; limestone; chest: L 143 cm, H 58 cm, W
77 cm; lid: L 1.68 m, H 0.31 m, W 0.90 m; cracked and damaged at places, secondarily
pierced through the left-hand short side for the purpose of reuse.
Description. Gabled lid with corner acroteria, made of very porous limestone,
mismatches the chest in both the stone and measurements. The niches by the inscri-
bed table each features a standing portrait of one of the deceased couple. The left
niche holds a figure of a lady dressed in peculiar combination of a long-sleeved tunic,
mantle (palla) and a narrow folded scarf of contabulatio type, hinting probably to the
social or religious status. She is holding a scroll in her left hand, pointing to it with the
right. The man in the right-hand niche is dressed in a belted tunic and fastened cloak,
and is also holding a scroll and pointing to it. The left-hand short side features two
Erotes holding a huge shell, through which a hole is pierced for reuse, while in the
right-hand short side two Erotes supporting a garland are depicted. The latter motif is
quite common, but the former is unique in Norico-Pannonian funerary iconography.
41
Kranz 1977, 363.
42
For Poetovio see Kastelic 1998, 399-401, sl. 149, 150 and Djurić 2001, 48, 57, fig. 7, and for Noricum,
Kastelic 1998, 403-408, fig. 152-153, and Piccottini 1984, 45, Taf. 21/349, 350.
43
Gabelmann 1973, Taf. 8: 2.
44
A substantial size of this piece speaks in favour of a sarcophagus, while the thickness of the
bottom rather befits an ash-chest.
192
The inscription (CIL III 3970) runs:

M(arcus) Aurel(ius) Glabrio / vet(eranus) leg(ionis) XIV G(eminae) ex b(ene)f(iciario) /
co(n)s(ularis) vivus sibi et / Septimiae Matronae / 5 coniugi fecit
[Marcus Aurelius Glabrio, veteran of the XIV Gemina, a former beneficiarius con-
sularis, while still alive made (this monument) for himself and his wife Septimia Ma-
trona.]
The married couple were both probably Pannonians of the western origin. The
Aurellii and Septimii were the most widespread family names in Pannonia, while the
cognomen Glabrio was generally rare, and Matrona was fairly typical of Pannonia.45
It can be hypothesised that Glabrio chose to settle in Siscia after spending there his
career as a beneficiarius.
Dating. The piece should, on account of the epigraphy, onomastics and physio-
gnomies/coiffures be dated to the 230s-260s, although the dating is problematic on
account of the peculiar style of the lady’s coiffure, and a time-gap between her and
her husband’s hairstyles.
Literature: Migotti 2005a (with further reading).
The origin of the type. This type clearly belongs to the well-defined and morpho-
logically and iconographically homogenous body of sarcophagi and ash-chests typi-
cal of the Norico-Pannonian region, whose centre of production was Poetovio. They
were recognised and described a long time ago, but have only recently been com-
prehensively studied and re-considered in keeping with the updated knowledge of
Norico-Pannonian production of and trade in marble funerary stones.46 In trying to
establish the presumed import of Poetovian marbles to Sicia, it is essential to bear in
mind that so far only one marble piece has been found there – the sarcophagus of
Romania Naevia; the remainder are of various limestones. The marble piece could
have been transported to Siscia either completely finished, or as a half-product, with
only the structural scheme executed. Judging from a quite individual treatment of the
otherwise common motif, the suggestion for local finalisation is very probable. The
Siscian pieces of this type belong to the sub-type characterised by the lateral fields le-
velled, while pieces with protruding lateral fields seem to be more numerous in Poe-
tovio.47 At this stage of research there is no secure manner to establish the exact ways
and scope of the Poetovian export to Siscia or its influence on the Siscian production.
Nevertheless, it seems that the Siscian workshop(s), while adopting (one of) the given
shapes, exercised at times individuality in the field of iconography.
45
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz 1999, 167 (Glabrio); Lőrinz 2000, 66 (Matrona); Lőrinz 2002,
69-70. See also Migotti 2005a, 348-349.
46
Djurić 2001; Djurić 2001a.
47
Djurić 2001, 48; Djurić 2005, 79.
193
II.4. Framed48 sarcophagi with a tripartite division of the front

II.4.1. A child sarcophagus with the motif of peltae (Fig. 14)
Probably Siscia; chance find in the19th c.; AMZ; limestone; chest: L 128 cm, H 51
cm, W 65 cm, TB 14 cm with a 3-cm-thick end bolster; lid: L 134 cm, H 27 cm, W 67
cm; lower edge of the chest damaged, lid cracked, part of its back with the middle
acroterion restored.
Description. The gable lid is tiled and moulded, with the corner acroteria half-ro-
unded and the middle ones three-quarter-rounded. A 9-cm-high stone “cushion” was
reported at the right-hand bottom, but is now inaccessible for inspection. The front is
taken by a slightly lowered inscriptionless table featuring a simple frame, flanked on
both sides by rectangular fields, each filled with a realistically depicted pelta, execu-
ted in linear grooving.
Dating. Probably the 3rd or the 4th c.
Literature: Brunšmid 1909, 269; AIJ, no. 580; Cermanović 1965, 99, no. 16; Vikić-Be-
lančić 1978, 597, fig. 11; Migotti 2007a, 16.
The origin of the type. This type figures as a sub-type or a slightly simplified versi-
on of the North-Italian (or Poetovian) moulded sarcophagi with the tripartite division
of the front, lacking, however, frontal moulding. Furthermore, the lateral fields are
narrower than in the moulded sarcophagi. North-Italian moulded sarcophagi com-
prise, among others, the variant whose inscription field was flanked by two elonga-
ted double volutes, which seems to have been more widespread in Ravenna than the
Aquileia-Veneto region.49 Such shape of the ansae has been proposed as the origin
for the motif of peltae, as very typical for the given type of sarcophagi in northern
provinces.50 The peltae there are either elongated so as to remind of the volutes they
allegedly derived from, or can assume their common form, i. e., the imitation of the
Amazon shield, such as on the piece from Sisak.51 A North-Italian model for the motif
in question would have some bearing on the chronology of the northern sarcophagi,
since its first appearance has been dated to 210-240.52 Unfortunately, the transformati-
on of the given motif as suggested is not convincing enough from the purely formal
point of view. The motif of peltae most probably had reached the northern provinces,
48
This term is used to differentiate between the proper moulding, i. e., one architecturally de-
rived, and the plain band frame of the chest, which leaves the impression of being rather a
residue of the space left free of the inscription, than a proper frame.
49
Rebecchi 1977, 139.
50
Rebecchi 1977, 139.
51
Spiess 1988, 395, Abb. 7, 274-275, n. 138, 305, Abb. 56; Rebecchi 1977, 138-142; Rebecchi 1978, Tav.
B/IV 2; Ertel, Palágyi, and Redő 1999, T. 26/5A.
52
Rebecchi 1977, 135, fig. 1.
194
Pannonia included, even before the spread of sarcophagi, and in the already well-de-
fined, ubiquitous, and typical naturalistic form.53
The shape of the lid of the given sarcophagus is the only of the kind from the
territory of southern Pannonia, and is also absent from North Italy, Poetovio, and Sa-
lona. On the other hand, a variant of such lid54 is known in northern provinces, while
its fairly exact counterparts are quite widespread in northern Pannonia. Although
quite a lot of approximately paralleled pieces have been registered in the territory of
Brigetio,55 most significant are sarcophagi from Aquincum, as some of them closely
match the specimen from Siscia in terms of both the shape of the lid and the motif of
peltae on the chest.56 It remains an open question whether the impulse for the produc-
tion of northern tripartite moulded sarcophagi came direct from North Italy, or via
Poetovio. The former hypothesis seems to be more founded, as the only two known
specimens from Poetovio are of a very elongated form (type II). Besides, both are
unfinished pieces, so it there is no knowing what motifs they would have borne.57
This of sarcophagus is also at home in Salona, lacking, however, the motif of peltae.58
On the other hand, the form of the lid seems to be a peculiar northern- Pannonian
invention.
II.5. Sarcophagi with a moulded inscription table and narrow, plain lateral fields
II.5.1. The sarcophagus of Aelia Matrona (Fig. 15)
SW cemetery; chance find at the beginning of the 19th c.; walled in a house in Si-
sak; limestone; measurements: L 203.5 cm, H 71 cm.
Description. The inscription (CIL III 3992) goes: D(is) M(anibus) v(iva) f(ecit) / Aelia [P
?]ublii filia Matro/na sibi et suis.
[To the spirits of the departed. Aelia Matrona, daughter of Publius, made (this
monument) for herself and her family while still alive.]
53
Nagy 1928, 94-95; Spiess 1988, 274-275, n. 138. Curiously, there is a dedication panel from Net-
tleham, England, which is nearly identical in both the tectonics and the motif employed on the
front of the sarcophagus from Sisak: Huskinson 1994, no. 91.
54
With rectangular acroteria intended for the portraits of the deceased: Spiess 1988, 265.
55
Barkóczi and Mócsy 1976, nos. 521, 529, 535, 595, and 602; Barkóczi and Soproni 1983, nos. 707
and 712. Here also the half-rounded acroteria are intended for the portraits of the deceased.
56
Nagy 1928, particularly figs. 24 and 26, also without portraits. Stone determination would cer-
tainly be crucial in this case.
57
Djurić 2001, 55, Fig. 2. On the other hand, although the motif of peltae has so far not been iden-
tified in Poetovio, it is perhaps significant that it occurs on a sarcophagus from Regensburg,
belonging to Poetovian type II: Spiess 1988, 302-303, Abb. 50.
58
Cambi 2005, 90-93, figs. 130-132.
195
If the reading Publii in the second line is correct, the owner of the grave could
perhaps have been the daughter of Publius Aelius Iulianus from the epitaph of Aure-
lia Veneria (II.5.2.), based on the names and the fact that both receptacles were most
probably found close to each other. Judging from the onomastic data, the family must
have been of the autochthonous origin.59
Dating: 2nd half of the 2nd c. - 1st half of the 3rd c.
Literature: AIJ, 238; Burkowsky 1996, 69; Vuković 1994, 80-81; Buzov 2002, 176-177;
Migotti 2007a, 17.
II.5.2. An ash-chest (?) of Aurelia Veneria (Fig. 16)

SW cemetery; chance find prior to 1867; until recently reported to have been used
as a bench in front of a private house in Sisak, today still in the same place, but with
only the bottom and several letters of the inscription preserved within the moulded
inscription table; limestone; L 175 cm, preserved H/TB 42 cm, W 87 cm; lid missing.
Description. Only the lower portion (42 cm) of the front exists, showing a simple
groove moulding of the inscription field and 32-cm-wide plain lateral fields. Only
three letters (dro) of the next to last line of the epitaph are visible; the abbreviated
formula v(ivus) f(ecit) in the last line is not discernible any more. The inscription, re-
corded in CIL III (10858), runs:
Aurel(iae)Veneriae ob hon(orem) / et flore(m) iuventu[tis] subit(a) / morte occupatae
mi(= mihi ?) pient(issimae) / virgini P(ublius) Ael(ius) Iulianu[s] / 5 ex num(ero) colleg(ii)
dendro(phorum) / [v(ivus) f(ecit)]
[This monument) was set up by Publius Aelius Iulianus, member of the asso-
ciation of worshippers of Cybele, while still alive, in honour of a most pious virgin
Aurelia Veneria, who had been taken by a sudden death.]
The inscription is important in mentioning the brotherhood of tree-bearers (colle-
gium dendrophorum) as a witness to the cult of Magna Mater in Siscia. Onomastically,
both nomina reveal the imperial origin of citizenship: the dendrophorus was a descen-
dant of a person enfranchised by the Aelii, while the deceased, i. e., her father/patron,
was awarded citizenship by the Aurelii. Interestingly, both names were widespread
in Pannonia more than in any other western province. On the other hand, the cogno-
men Iulianus is hardly diagnostic of origin, due to its overall spread; Veneria was a
particularly popular cognomen in Dalmatia.60
59
For the onomastic data see Lőrinz and Redő 1994, 33 (Aelia); Lőrinz 2000, 66 (Matrona), 238
(Aurelius); Lőrinz 1999, the relevant notes within entries II.5.2. (Aelius) and II.3.5.
60
For the onomastic data see the previous note (Aelius), and also Lőrinz and Redő 1994, 238 (Au-
relia); Lőrinz 1999, 199 (Iulianus); Lőrinz 2002, 153-154 (Veneria).
196
Dating. On account of the imperial gentilicia and the onomastic formulae probably
the 2nd half of the 2nd c./1st half of the 3rd c.
Literature: AIJ, no. 239; Burkowsky 1996, 70, n. 13; Buzov 2002, 177-178; Migotti
2007a, 17.
II.5.3. An inscribed ash-chest (?) (Fig. 17)
SW cemetery; unspecified time; GMS; limestone; chest: L 160 cm, H 67 cm, W 87
cm, TB 37 cm; lid: L 130 cm, H 36 cm, W 67 cm; chest slightly damaged at the upper
edge of the inscription table; portion of the right-hand part of the lid missing.
Description. Gabled lid, with some 20-cm-wide flattening on the ridge, possibly
re-worked from a piece of different use. Within the fairly elaborated moulding of the
inscription table, the inscription spreads on the whole surface, remaining, however,
illegible. The lateral fields are a little wider than in II.5.1.
Dating. Possibly as II.5.1. (on typological grounds), or later.
Literature: Burkowsky 1996, 78, fig. 10 (misnamed as fig. 7); Burkowsky 2000, 77, no.
27; Buzov 2002, 185, Fig. 13; Migotti 2007a, 18.
The origin of the type. There is a slight difficulty in defining this type, first of all on
account of the lack of homogeneity, as it comprises two specimens with lateral fields of
various width. The first (5.1.) has such fields wide enough to allow for the proper tripar-
tite division of the front. In the second (5.2.) the lateral fields are too narrow to fit within
the tripartite scheme in the proper sense of the word61, and too wide to be interpreted
as a mere frame to the inscription table. Nevertheless, the former still figures as the
prototype for the latter, while as a group they give the impression of being a simplified
version of type II.4., or, ultimately, of North Italian tripartite moulded sarcophagi. This
is perhaps further bolstered by the fact that among the quite widespread type II.4. in
the northern provinces, there also sometimes appear sarcophagi with plain, unframed
lateral fields.62 On the other hand, a quite early sarcophagus (late 1st - early 2nd c.) of such
shape stems from Salona, rendering the question of the origin of this type in Pannonia
a little more complicated than appears at the first glance.63
II.6. Sarcophagi with the tabula ansata

II.6.1. The Sarcophagus of Severilla (Fig. 18)
E cemetery; chance find prior to 1551; AMZ; limestone; chest: L 227 cm, H 120 cm,
W 146 cm; lid: L 239 cm, H 55 cm, W 145 cm; cracked in places, with a hole in the rear
of the lid.
61
That is, capable of holding a depiction.
62
Spiess 1988, 308-310, Abb. 67-68.
63
Cambi 2005, 84, fig. 121.
197
Description. Gabled and tiled lid with corner acroteria, a 7-cm-wide flattening along
the entire length of the ridge. The central part of the front, framed by a narrow flat
border, is taken by an inscribed table, itself framed by a border of cable, and featuring
two very small trapezoidal ansae. In each of them a chi-ho is roughly carved. The fiel-
ds left and right of the inscription table each bears a motif of a vase sprouting vines,
grapes and wheat-ears, while vine tendrils, birds and animals fill the rest of the free
space. The workmanship is rather course, and the motifs are rendered schematically.
The inscription (CIL III 3996) goes:
Huic arca inest Seve/rilla famula Chri(sti) quae / vixit cum viro novem / continuis annis
cuius / post obitum Marcellianus se / 5 dem hanc videtur conlocasse meri/tus.
[This is the chest of Severilla, a servant of Christ, who had lived with her husband
for nine continuous years, and for whom after hear death the obliged husband Mar-
cellianus provided the resting place.]
As transpires from both the depiction and inscription, this is the only blatantly
Christian sarcophagus from Siscia, and also the latest in the chronological sequence.
The names Severilla and Marcellianus are typical of late Roman onomastics and qu-
ite frequent in northern provinces.64
Dating. R. Koch brought up the possibility that the inscription was later than the
relief decoration,65 but this has no justification in either the composition of the motif
or in the different levels of the two surfaces. A similar opinion was probably shared
by J. Kastelic, who dated the sarcophagus to the end of the 3rd c.66 It should, however,
be dated to after 313, but probably not much later. This is on account of a bucolic mo-
tif appropriate for the 3rd century and quite inconspicuous chi-rhos within the ansae,
which seem to be deliberately adjusted to such conception from the start. In spite of
such late date, the type of the lid with five oblong tiles to a side is in terms of the re-
lative chronology earlier than that covered with a lot of smaller, half-rounded tiles.67
In this case, however, such detail indicates the adherence to tradition, rather than
establishing chronology (see also II.8.2.).
Literature: Migotti 1997, 39-42 (with further reading); Migotti 2007a, 19.
The origin of the type. The sarcophagus in question should be particularly rewar-
ding for this discussion, as it possesses a complete body, as well as a depiction and an
inscription. On the other hand, it counts among the unique sarcophagi that appear
here and there in the Roman world, evading straightforward typological classificati-
64
Migotti 1997, 40.
65
Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 329.
66
Kastelic 1998, 259.
67
Gabelmann 1973, 93, 99.
198
on.68 The tabula ansata is a common feature of funerary stones everywhere, while the
neat tripartite division of the sarcophagus’ front, with an indispensable inscription,
is typical of the North-Italian workshops. However, the combination of the tabula an-
sata and bucolic motifs is not very frequent.69 Basically, this piece should be classified
among the North-Italian architectonic sarcophagi with the tripartite division of the
front and with a tabula ansata, but it is neither of the architectonic, nor the moulded
type in the strict meaning of these words, nor does it have exactly the tripartite front.
The most unusual detail of its iconography is its relief depiction, which fills the entire
space free of inscription, leaving the impression that the surface, conceived from the
start as completely covered by relief decoration, was subsequently, although still wi-
thin the initial conception, “reworked” by the inscription table.70 There is no parallel
for such decorative conception on sarcophagi of either North-Italy or Poetovio. Two
possibilities for the interpretation of this phenomenon appear as plausible: either the
impulse came from somewhere other than North Italy or Pannonia, or the inspirati-
on was found within the local stock of the funerary decorative repertoire. In the first
case Salona comes to mind for two reasons. Firstly, at the turn of the 3rd and 4th cen-
turies Erotes flanking the tabula ansata were replaced with figures of shepards, repre-
senting a bucolic atmosphere.71 Secondly, in Salona, where the sarcophagus with the
tabula ansata was a standard type from the 3rd century, the free space on the front was
from the start often filled with floral motifs.72 It should also be observed that some
blend with Dalmatian forms has been spotted in the production of the south-west
Pannonian stelae.73 Nevertheless, it is still more likely that the source of inspiration
for type II.6. derives from the local tradition of funerary art, particularly stelae and/
or tituli with the inscription field surrounded by floral motifs, predominantly vines
and ivy.74
68
Cf. Gabelmann 1977, 81; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 288.
69
Witness, for instance, a sarcophagus from Amasya: Koch and Sichtermann 1982, no. 55, 549.
Interestingly, in the huge corpus of the Roman sarcophagi, those with bucolic motifs (aside from
the Attic production featuring Erotes) most frequently appear as unparalleled: Migotti 1996,
144, notes 76 and 77.
70
A similar procedure is obvious in a piece from Torcello. It was conceived as a frieze sarcopha-
gus, but was added a tabula ansata, which artificially broke a line of striding Erotes: Gabelmann
1973, 23, Taf. 3/1.
71
Cambi 2002, 145.
72
Cambi 1994, 77-78; Cambi 2005, 134-135.
73
Cambi 2002, 154.
74
Especially revealing in this respect is a stele from the territory of Brigetio, with a rather massive
tabula ansata featuring two small ansae surrounded by ivy leafs, grapes and dolphins: Barkóczi
and Soproni 1981, 114-115, no. 746.
199
II.7. Troughs (plain sarcophagi/ash chests)

II.7.1. A lidded sarcophagus (Fig. 19)
E cemetery; rescue excavations in the 1950s; GMS; limestone; chest: L 203 cm, H
53 cm, W 80 cm, TB 14 cm; lid: L 130 cm, H 30 cm, W 80 cm.
Description: Elongated chest damaged at one end, with flat edge. Around two-
thirds of the gabled lid with the corner acroteria is preserved. The acroteria possibly
hold a volute-like motif, which, however, is not clearly discernible and can also be a
misinterpretation of rough workmanship or damage to the stone.
Dating: Given the lack of reliable diagnostic features for dating this group, the
issue of chronology will be touched upon in sub-title The origins of the type.
Literature: Burkowsky 2000, 77, no. 28; Migotti 2007a, 19.
II.7.2. A sarcophagus chest (Fig. 20)

H 53 cm, W 81 cm, TB 14 cm; lid missing, chest completely preserved.
Description: Elongated chest with flat edge.

E cemetery; rescue excavations in the 1950s; GMS; limestone; L 198 cm, H 58 cm,
W 82 cm, TB 14 cm; lid missing, the major part of one of the long and one of the short
sides missing; heavy cracks on the preserved surface.
Description: Elongated chest with flat edge.

H 51 cm, W 81 cm, TB 14 cm; lid missing, as well as parts of both long sides and one
entire short side.
Description: Very elongated chest with flat edge.
Literature: Burkowsky 2000, 78, no. 31; Migotti 2007a, 20-21.
II.7.5. A sarcophagus bottom (Fig. 23)

E cemetery; rescue excavations in the 1950s; Sisak – Kaptol; limestone; L 199 cm, H
37 cm, W 101 cm, TB 14 cm; only the bottom is preserved, and insignificant portions
of the front, back and sides, to a maximum height as given.
Literature: Burkowsky 2000, 78-79, no. 34; Migotti 2007a, 21.
200
II.7.6. An ash-chest (?) (Fig. 24)

Probably E cemetery; found at an unspecified time as reused in the area of the E
cemetery; Sisak – Kaptol; limestone; L 158 cm, H 70 cm, W 89 cm, TB 34 cm; lid mi-
ssing, chest completely preserved, cracks at places.
Description: Receptacle less elongated than the previous ones, with flanged edge.
The origins of the type. This type is characterised by the lack of any additional fea-
tures to the through, such as the inscription table, moulding, or frame. Only 6 (pos-
sbly 7 if II.2.3. is added) receptacles, fully or partially preserved, have been comprised
here. Nevertheless, there exist quite a number of pieces (mostly parts of bottoms) of
such receptacles both at the Kaptol (Museum premises) and around the town. Also,
according to some information (personal communications, as well as data from the
literature and the AMZ archive), more such pieces can be presumed.
All of these sarcophagi stem from the east cemetery. There is no knowing about
the original position of yet another plain sarcophagus, whose finding was recorded
in the AMZ archive. Its present whereabouts unfortunately escape me; it was pos-
sibly found in the same area as the others.75 In view of this, a suggestion was put
forward that all these pieces were unused receptacles eventually found in the area of
a stonemason’s workshop situated within the cemetery.76 This could have been so, but
given the inadequate knowledge of the finding circumstances, that is, whether or not
the receptacles held bones, it is equally possible that these sarcophagi indeed were
used in the state as found.77 In any case, it seems obvious that their use, and possibly
also production, was related with the east cemetery.
All of these sarcophagi are of limestone, making their local production obvious,
although this assumption so far rests on purely circumstantial evidence: no stone
characterisation has been done yet.78 An attempt to date the very elongated pieces
(practically all of them with measurements preserved, except no.7.6.) based on their
measurements (ratio between length and height 4:1, slightly less in no. 7.3.) would
75
It was found during construction works in 1947 in the east part of Sisak, but at quite a distance
from any of the cemeteries. Interestingly, the depth of the findspot was 1.40 m, and only the
lower half was preserved, which means that this was its probable place of reuse already in
antiquity.
76
Burkowsky 2000, 78.
77
Burials in unfinished pieces is quite a common occurrence in the Roman world. See Gabelmann
1973, 182; Migotti 1996, 142, n. 66.
78
It would be most important to establish if the stone for their manufacture was sourced from
the quarries in the Kordun area (downstream the River Kupa south of Siscia), which otherwise
incontestably yielded limestone for the production of some of Siscian stone pieces: Perkić 2002,
117-118; Migotti 2005a, 345.
201
suggest an early chronology, i. e. end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century.79
This criterion disregarded, the date would readily span the 3rd and 4th centuries. In-
terestingly, the only receptacle (7.6.) with different measurements, i. e. with the ratio
between length and height slightly more than 2:1, is the only one featuring a thick
bottom and flanged edge. The thickness of its bottom possibly points to a different
use, namely as an ash chest. It transpires from all the above that these finds deserve
further research in their own right.
II.8.1. Sarcophagi lids
II.8.1. A gabled lid (Fig. 25)

Probably SW cemetery; unspecified time; Sisak – Kaptol; limestone; L 73 cm, H 51
cm, W 112 cm; around one third of the piece is preserved.
Description. Plain, pitched lid with corner sub-triangular acroteria and a 5-cm-wi-
de levelling along the peak.
Literature: Burkowsky 2000, 79; Migotti 2007a, 22-23.
II.8.2. A gabled and tiled lid (Fig. 26)

N cemetery; found in 2004 during the building works in advance of the archaeo-
logical excavation at the site of Sveti Kvirin (Saint Quirinus), in the area of the Roman
cemetery immediately outside the north town gate80; Sisak – Sveti Kvirin; limestone;
L 235 cm, H 143 cm, W 123 cm.
Description. Pitched lid with a 4.5-5 cm wide levelling along the whole length of
the ridge and 4 corner acroteria of a slightly irregular quarter-round form. Each side of
the roof features 9 elongated vertical rows of tiles of the same width (19 cm), divided
by 8 rows of narrow (9 cm) imbrices. At one end the shape of the piece is blurred by a
residual cover of modern mortared bricks.
79
See n. 84.
80
The precise findspot and circumstances are not recorded, as the discovery was not witnessed
by an archaeologist. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the piece was built into the modern
courtyard wall of the nursery school there; this must have happened in the 1960s. The lid then
was most certainly found in the vicinity.
202
III. DISCUSSION
III. 1. Iconography, dating, social components
The iconography applied to the Siscian sarcophagi can be grouped in two cate-
gories. The first comprises standard motifs such as mourning Erotes81 or Erotes with
the garland,82 and portraits of the deceased, always shown as full figures. The second
group is distinguished by rare and quite individual motifs, such as on the sarcop-
hagi/ash chests of Romania Naevia (a clarissima femina in toga, II.3.1.), Pontius Lupus
(the Dioscuri bearing standards, II.1.1.), Marcus Aurelius Glabrio (Erotes with a shell,
II.3.5.) and Severilla (bucolic scene in combination with the tabula ansata, II.6.1.). Al-
though at this stage of the knowledge of Pannonian sarcophagi it is not safe to set the
standards for defining the common versus exceptional, the motifs in the second group
will most probably remain in the minority. They should accordingly be ascribed to
either an individual inspiration of the local sculptor, or, even more probably, to the
social or religious conceptions of the commissioner.
The time span of the Siscian sarcophagi covers the period from presumably the
end of the 2nd century to the 1st half of the 4th century. Admittedly, dating is generally
one of the weakest points of the knowledge of this material; it was here based on the
combination of various aspects (structure, epigraphy, sculpture, context) whenever
possible. One of the criteria was the so-called impersonal/personal aspects of the
iconography used. The former is reflected in the “neutral” motifs, such as Erotes,
and the latter in the introduction of the deceased’s portraits, a phenomenon which
took over from the Severan period both in Rome and North Italy.83 Throughout, no
considerable time lag behind North Italy or Poetovio in terms of the appearance of
forms or motifs is to be expected, particularly given that some features could have
been introduced to Siscia direct from Italy (see below).84 The height of sarcophagi
can further be indicative of chronology, their shapes growing in time from very low
and elongated receptacles towards those considerably higher. Accordingly, the ratio
81
Innumerable throughout the Roman world (Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 207), but in the given
scheme typical of the North-Italian workshops, particularly Aquileia (Gabelmann 1973, 64
ff.). This motif is also widespread in Pannonia (Dautova-Ruševljan 1983, 98-99; Djurić 2001, 48;
Djurić 2001a 119). In Dalmatia mourning Erotes are more numerous than those with the tabula
or a garland: Cambi 1994, 77, 82; Cambi 2010, 47-51.
82
This motif, too, is widespread, although less than the previous one. In North Italy, particularly
Ravenna, it is customarily placed on the short sides of sarcophagi: Gabelmann 1973, 128-130.
83
Gabelmann 1973, 69, passim; Rebecchi 1977, 117-122; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 256. This is
valid for North Italy and probably the Norico-Pannonian area, while it seems that in Dalmatia
mourning Erotes figure predominantly on the architectonic sarcophagi throughout the 3rd cen-
tury: Cambi 1994, 76-88, 129, fig. 42; Cambi 2010, 49, 65, 69.
84
On the problem of the anticipated time lag behind the main centres as concerns the artistic
phenomena in Noricum and Pannonia, see Migotti 2005, 350.
203
between the length and height of approximately 4:1 is typical of early specimens of
Roman sarcophagi in various areas, while the approximate scale 3:1 or less takes over
from the beginning of the 3rd century.85 The majority of the Siscian receptacles (II.2.1.,
II.3.1., II.3.2., II.3.3., II.3.4., II.4.1., II.5., and II.6.1., 2 specimens of type II.7.), reveal the la-
tter scale either closely or approximately. The ash-chests and child-sarcophagi (II.2.2.,
II.3.5., II.4.1., II.5.3.) range from 1:1.9 to 1:2.5, but they are not indicative in this respect.
Curiously, the majority of the receptacles of type II.7. reveal the scale of 4:1, or slightly
less, which perhaps points to an earlier date of their manufacture, that is, the turn of
the 2nd and 3rd centuries.
Social aspects are best studied through the material (stone or marble) used, in-
scriptions and sculpture, preferably through a combination of more or all of these fe-
atures. The kind of stone and quality of execution should reflect the material wealth,
while the choice of themes and the inscription are significant of the social position in
the narrow sense of the word. Luckily, the only marble sarcophagus (II.3.1.) is inscri-
bed, so the combination of the quality material and the senatorial status is confirmed.
The same choice of material would be expected from the Siscian augustales (II.1.1,
II.2.1.), as they belonged in one of the richest social categories in a Roman town; yet
their sarcophagi are limestone. The reasons probably lie elsewhere, not in the social
realm (see the Catalogue). On the other hand, the iconography of the short sides of
Pontius Lupus’ sarcophagus (II.1.1.) does not reveal the owner’s material wealth di-
rectly, but through a show of his social and religious status based on his possessions,
with an additional hint of Pontius’ individualistic personality. The same applies to
Romania Naevia, who chose a peculiar iconography most probably in order to point
out her senatorial position. If the two soldier monuments are compared, the impres-
sion can be gained of a better well-being of the veteran, and a beneficiarius consularis
at that (II.3.5.), than the active cornicularius (II.5.1.). This can be due to the fact that
beneficiarii generally earned more money than cornicularii. On the other hand, in this
particular case the veteran also had more time to amass his property.
The earliest sarcophagi in North Italy, as well as in Rome, belong to the social ca-
tegory of liberti, which has been attributed to their oriental ethnic origin, indicated by
names.86 Curiously enough, the first sarcophagi in Siscia (II.1.1., II.2.1.) seem to belong
to the same class of people. If this is not a mere coincidence, and since the names of
the Siscian augustales (probably freedmen) are purely western, this phenomenon sho-
uld be explained differently, and preferably against a social background. The inhu-
mation was namely in the early period of the Empire associative of noble Republican
85
The fact is quite often noticed by authors, but appears to be under-used as a dating criterion.
Cf. Gabelmann 1973, 52, 55, 263-264; Koch and Sichtermann 1982, 256, 369; Pochmarski 1986, 255;
Djurić 2001, 47-48; Tiussi 2002, 82.
86
Gabelmann 1973, 8-9.
204
traditions. Accordingly, it would not come as a surprise if an augustalis wanted to be

distinguished in such way.
III.2. Workshops, trade routes, models/influences

In the general scheme of the production of funerary (and other) monuments, both
the trade in marbles and the origin of motifs have been envisaged as circulating from
North Italy (the Aquileia-Veneto and Ravenna regions) toward the north-eastern pro-
vinces, Noricum and Pannonia included.87 The subsequent route started in Poetovio
and the East Alpine region, heading towards Pannonia and Moesia.88 The position of
Dalmatia in this context is not clear-cut (see below).
The North-Italian sarcophagi can be classified in two main groups: architectonic
and moulded, both including a number of sub-variants. The most emblematic trait
of all of them but one group (the moulded sarcophagi with the entire front taken by
the inscription) is the tripartite scheme of the front, composed of the inscription table
(simple rectangle, tabula ansata, gabled or arched aedicule) and the lateral fields (plain
spaces, moulded rectangles, aediculae).89
In the relatively small Siscian corpus, both main classes of North-Italian sarcop-
hagi are represented, as well as a number of sub-variants, which are here treated
as individual groups. The only marble sarcophagus was most probably imported to
Siscia (II.3.1.). The marble has not been characterised, but the typology of the piece
reveals its Poetovian origin; it must have reached Siscia in a half-worked shape to
be finished there. This presumption is mostly based on the unique and individual
iconography, while such interpretation is further reinforced by the fact that the local
limestone pieces from Siscia, made on the Poetovian models, are in no way inferior
to marble sarcophagi, either that of Romania Naevia or those found in Poetovio or
its wider area.90 In other words, the sarcophagus of Romania Naevia does not stand
out in the artistic quality among the remainder of the Siscian production. The lack
of a more substantial body of imported Poetovian marbles in Siscia, if it is not only
accidental, could perhaps be due to the lack of a direct water route. Indeed, at least
one Siscian marble, a 3rd century stele91, reveals a conspicuous affiliation to the Celeia
87
Gabelmann 1973, 30; Piccottini 1976; Gabelmann 1977, 234, 244; Fitz 1980, 326; Koch and Sichter-
mann 1982, 332, passim; Spiess 1988, 271-272; Kastelic 1998, 29, passim.
88
Djurić 2001, 50; Djurić 2005.
89
Gabelmann 1973, 15 ff.; Gabelmann 1977, 204-205, 220-221; Rebecchi 1977; Rebecchi 1978, Tav. A, Tav. B).
90
Marble pieces were always copied in stone, but as a rule to an inferior quality: Gabelmann 1973,
81; Rebecchi 1978, 208, passim. For a different opinion on the possibility to diagnose workshops
based, among others, on unique iconographies and the quality of work see Gabelmann 1973,
185-189 and Rebecchi 1977, 150.
91
Gregl and Migotti 2000, 136. J. Kastelic (1988, 180) vaguely refers to the relationship of the Sis-
cian stone production with the area comprising the western stretch of the Sava valley.
205
production, which most probably found its way to Siscia by using the Sava River
route. There is no doubt about waterways as a highly preferable means of transport
throughout history, particularly for heavy cargoes such as huge stone blocs. Never-
theless, the land roads are not to be underestimated in this respect, particularly when
shorter distances are involved. On balance, the scope and directions of the import of
Alpine marbles to Siscia still remain an open question.
As already observed, all Siscian grave receptacles but one were made of various
limestones. Only one Siscian piece (II.3.5) has been determined microscopically, whi-
ch revealed the origin of stone in the territory of the Lika and Kordun, some 100 km
as the crow flies southwest of Sisak. Remains of a lively Roman quarrying have been
identified there some thirty years ago, and additionally proved in more recent resear-
ch, which makes this region the most plausible resource area for the Siscian Roman
stones.92 Significantly, some pieces have been found in the riverbeds, establishing the
water courses of the rivers Korana, Mrežnica, and Kupa as the routes connecting tho-
se quarries with Siscia.93 Although it would be tempting to assume that all limestone
pieces were locally produced, such a presumption is challenged by ash-chest II.4.1.,
which seems to have been imported from northern Pannonia. In this case, however, it
remains obscure why a customer living in a town with a developed stonecutting and
available stones, such as Siscia, would have wanted to go into a considerable expanse
to purchase a limestone sarcophagus from quite a distance. If this was still the case,
the routes of such transport obviously ran along the Danube and Sava Rivers.
As transpires from all the above, the crucial issue concerning the place of Siscia
in the context of the production and trade of marble sarcophagi in Pannonia remains
obscure due to the insufficient knowledge of the total number of imported pieces.
Admittedly, the starting point for such discussion is lacking. In view of that, it is only
possible to consider the nature and direction of the influences exerted on the Sisican
production by the outstanding workshops in its wider surroundings: Aquileia and
Ravenna in North Italy, Virunum and Poetovio on the Drava River (the former in
Noricum and the latter in Pannonia on the border with Noricum), north-Pannonian
area, notably Aquincum, possibly Salona in Dalmatia, and even the City of Rome. All
of these areas, i. e. towns, feature the same types as found in Siscia. A direct North-
Italian influence (with some features pointing even to Rome herself) can be presumed
for the only architectonic sarcophagus (II.1.1.), given that it is the leading type in the
Aquileia-Veneto region, while it has not so far been discovered either in Noricum or
Pannonia as a whole. A possible role of Salona, although not very likely, still needs to
be considered here. So far some 30 fragments of architectonic sarcophagi have been
92
Migotti 2005a, 345.
93
Perkić 2002, 117.
206
identified in Dalmatia, mostly Salona.94 While H. Gabelmann considered this produc-

tion as an echo of North-Italian impulses, N. Cambi put forward the hypothesis that
such production was in the Adriatic incited from the East, to develop independently
in its three workshop centres (Aquileia, Ravenna, and Salona), with a presumed prio-
rity of any of them remaining obscured.95 The mediation of Salona in the appearance
of this type in Siscia is not likely in view of the chronology. The architectonic sarcop-
hagi namely first appear in Salona at the beginning of the 3rd century, reaching the
peak of production only at the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries. Furthermore, the Sis-
cian sub-type has not been identified in Salona.96 On the other hand, a Salonitan im-
petus for the manufacture of type II.4. cannot be altogether dismissed. Once a direct
North-Italian influence on the Siscian stone production established as quite possible,
prototypes for individual traits can be presumed as stemming from both Aquileia
(the shape of Pontius Lupus’ sarcophagus, the motif of the mourning Erotes)97 and
Ravenna (Erotes with the garland, pilasters as found on Pontius Lupus’ sarcophagus,
the affinity for the moulded sarcophagi).98 Since the Aquielian traits appear to be
more conspicuous, this town can be perceived also as a possible transmitter of the
“Ravenna artistic styles”. Nevertheless, direct connections with Ravenna cannot be
finally dismissed, given that some veterans, after having served in the Ravenna fleet,
were settled in Siscia.99 As already noted, at this stage there is no knowing if any mar-
ble piece produced in North Italy ever reached Siscia. What we have here is possibly
only an indirect transmission of artistic influences.
A slight initial impetus for the production of sarcophagi II.4. and II.5. is to be en-
visaged either in North Italy, or in Virunum and Poetovio, on account of the vicinity
of marble quarries, or even Salona (see the Catalogue here). However, on account of
the only vague reminiscence of type II.4. on the Italian moulded prototypes, the
Pannonian pieces should rather be considered as ultimately a local feature, particu-
larly in view of the peculiar lids matching them. This should, by extension, be valid
for type II.5., in spite of its apparent Salonitan prototype. Similar circumstances can
be presumed for type II.6. Its Salonitan sources cannot be completely rejected, but a
local origin inspired by the Pannonian stock of the funerary decorative repertoire is
still more likely. On the other hand, as many as three types (II.1.1., II.2.3., II.3.3.) of
94
Cambi 2010, 57-61.
95
Gabelmann 1973, 4; Gabelmann 1977, 234. N. Cambi (1994, 78, 88) brought attention to the dif-
ferent physiognomies of the three workshops (Erotes being the only motif in common) and the
lack of trade between them.
96
Cambi 1994, 129, fig. 42.
97
Cf. Gabelmann 1973, 57, 42-48.
98
Cf. Gabelmann 1973, 92-93, Taf. 25, 102-103, Taf. 41, 128-130, 187.
99
Zaninović 1981, 203.
207
the Siscian sarcophagi reveal possible influences from the City of Rome workshops,
which amounts to a quantity worthy of further investigation.
In short, the Siscian corpus of sarcophagi and ash-chests, although not very sub-
stantial at this stage, strikes us as quite diversified in formal and iconographic terms.
This production can therefore best be defined as a blend of the Poetovian import and
influences from North Italy, Virunum / Poetovio, and possibly Rome and Salona, and
with some quite pronounced local, i. e., Pannonian features, as befits a crossroads
town and a provincial capital.
Acknowledgements
For edifying discussions of the material I am indebted to Bojan Djurić and Bar-
bara Nadbath, while my special thanks go to Zdenko Burkowsky of the Sisak Town
Museum, for his generous and time-consuming help in inspecting and identifying
individual pieces situated in various places around Sisak. I would also like to thank
the management of the AMZ and Mrs. Tanja Lolić for the permission to publish pi-
eces nos. II.3.3. and II.8.2. Mrs. Lolić further obliged me with the information on the
finding circumstances of piece II.8.2., while Zoran Wiewegh kindly let me use his
map of Siscia (fig. 2).
Sažetak
Rimski sarkofazi Siscije
Daje se kataloški pregled kamenih sanduka (sarkofaga i urni) iz Siscije, temeljen na tipo-
loškom razvrstavanju. Obuhvaćeni su svi poznati i dostupni spomenici (ukupno 20 sanduka
i 2 samostalna poklopca), koji se danas nalaze u Sisku i Zagrebu. Svrha rasprave jest staviti
navedenu građu u kontekst novijih saznanja o izradi i trgovini mramornim i kamenim izrađe-
vinama u Panoniji. Rasprava uključuje sljedeće pod-teme: stanje istraženosti, tipologiju, kro-
nologiju, društveni kontekst, ikonografiju, radioničke utjecaje, proizvodnju i putove trgovanja.
Premda je uzorak ograničen, izrada sarkofaga u Sisciji iskazuje se kao tipološki i ikonografski
izrazito raznorodna, svjedočeći o razvijenoj kamenoklesarskoj proizvodnji, te domaćoj tradi-
ciji i primanju utjecaja iz svih važnijih radioničkih središta u susjednim krajevima: sjeverne
Italije, Norika i Petovione, a moguće posredno i Rima, Akvinka te Salone.
MUSEUM ABBREVIATIONS / KRATICE MUZEJA
AMZ Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu / The Archaeological Museum in Zagreb

GMS Gradski muzej Sisak / The Town Museum Sisak
208
LITERATURE / LITERATURA
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Fig. 1. Map of Siscia with cemeteries. Courtesy of Z. Wiewegh.
213
Fig. 2. Typological scheme of the Siscian sarcophagi. Drawing: M. Galić.
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Fig. 3. View of sarcophagi II.1.1, II.2.1. and II.3.2. in situ. Photo: M. Jambrović.
Fig. 4. Sarcophagus II.1.1. Photo: M. Jambrović.
Fig. 5. Part of the typological scheme

of architectonic sarcophagi
(after Gabelmann 1973).
215
Fig. 7a. Ash-chest II.2.2: 7a – front (after AIJ, no. 568),
Fig. 7b – present position in the AMZ. Photo: T. Leleković.
216
Fig. 8a. Ash chest (?) II.2.3;
8b – detail of the front (?). Photo: T. Leleković.
Fig. 9. Sarcophagus II.3.1. Photo: T. Leleković.
217
Fig. 12. Sarcophagus or ash-chest II.3.4. Photo: T. Leleković.
218
Fig. 13a
Fig. 13. Ash-chest II.3.5, front and sides. Photo: T. Leleković.
Sl. 13b
219
Fig. 13c
Fig. 14.
Fig. 14. Sarcophagus or ash-chest II.4.1. Photo: T. Leleković.
220
Fig. 16. Ash-chest (?) II.5.2. Photo: T. Leleković.
221
222
223
224
Fig. 25. Sarcophagus lid II.8.1. Photo: T. Leleković.
225
Fig. 26. Sarcophagus lid II.8.2. Photo: T. Leleković.
226
Kratice
KRATICE / ABBREVIATIONS
AA Archaeologia Austriaca, Wien

AAAd Antichità Altoadriatiche, Aquileia
AAntH Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae, Budapest
AArH Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest
AB Archaeologia Bulgarica, Sofia
AE L´Année épigraphique, Paris
AEM Archäeologisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Österreich-Ungarn, Wien
AI Archaeologia Iugoslavica, Beograd
AIJ Viktor Hoffiller, Balduin Saria (Hrsg.), Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien, Heft 1:
Noricum und Pannonia Superior, Zagreb, 1938
AJA American Journal of Archaeology, Boston
AJPhA American Journal of Physical Anthropology
AK Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt, Mainz am Rhein
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang in der Römiche Welt, Berlin, New York
Antaeus Antaeus. Communicationes ex Instituto Archaeologico Academiae Scientiarum
Hungaricae, Budapest
AP Arheološki pregled, Beograd-Ljubljana
AR Alba Regia, Székesféhervár
ArchÉrt Archaeologiai Értesitő, Budapest
ARR Arheološki radovi i rasprave, Zagreb
AV Arheološki vestnik, Ljubljana
BAR British Archaeological Reports, Oxford
BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, Athènes, Paris
BD Bullettino di storia e archeologia dalmata, Split
BHV Bonner Hefte zur Vorgeschichte, Bonn
BJ Bonner Jahrbücher, Bonn
BollClass Bollettino dei Classici, Roma
BRGK Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission, Frankfurt am Main
Britannia A Journal of Romano-British and Kindred Studies, London
BVb Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter, München
CAH Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge
CAntr Collegium Antropologicum, Zagreb
CAP Cahiers Archéologiques de Picardie, Amiens
CIG Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum, auctoritate et impensis Academiae litterarum
Regiae Borussicae, edidit Augustus Boeckhius Academiae socius, Berolini
CIL Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, consilio et auctoritate Academiae Litterarum
Regiae Borussicae editum, Berolini
357
Kratice
CIRh Corpus inscriptionum Rhenanarum, consilio et auctoritate Societatis

antiquariorum Rhenanae edidit Guilelmus Brambach, Elberfeldae 1868
CJ The Classical Journal, Monmouth, Il
CQ The Classical Quarterly, Cambridge, UK
CR The Classical Review, London, New York
CSIR Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani
CW The Classical World, New York
DAG Dissertationes Archaeologicae Gandenses, Brugge
Diadora Diadora, glasilo Arheološkog muzeja u Zadru, Zadar
Ditt. OGI W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae, Leipzig
Ditt. Syll. W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, Leipzig
DjANUBiH Djela Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo
DjSANU Djela Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti, Beograd
EHR The English Historical Review, Oxford
FA Folia Archaeologica, Budapest
FABT Funde und Ausgrabungen im Bezirk Trier (aus der Arbeit des Rheinischen
Landesmuseums Trier), Trier
FGrH F. Jacoby (izd.), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Berlin-Leiden
FHG C. Müller et al. (izd.), Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, Paris
FÖ Fundberichte aus Österreich, Wien
Gallia Gallia. Fouilles et Monuments Archéologiques en France Métropolitaine, Paris
GDV Germanische Denkmäler der Völkerwanderungszeit, Serie B, Berlin-Stuttgart
Germania Germania. Anzeiger der Römisch-germanischen Kommission des Deutschen
archäologischen Instituts, Berlin-Mainz am Rhein
GGM C. Müller, Geographi Graeci minores, Paris
GGMS Godišnjak Gradskog muzeja Sisak, Sisak
Glas SKA Glas Srpske kraljevske akademije, Beograd
GodCBI Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, Sarajevo
GPV Gesellschaft Pro Vindonissa, Jahresbericht, Brugg
GZM Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo
HAG Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak, Zagreb
HAnt Histria Antiqua, Pula
HArch Histria archaeologica, Pula
HB Human biology, Detroit
Historia Historia. Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Wiesbaden
Homo Homo. Journal of Comparatrive Human Biology, München
IG Inscriptiones Graecae, Berlin
IJO International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, New York
ILChV Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae veteres (ed. F. Diehl), Dublin-Zürich, 1970
ILJug A. et J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia repertae et editae sunt, I (1963), II
(1978), III (1986), Ljubljana
358
Kratice
Inscr. It. Inscriptiones Italiae, Academiae italicae consociatae ediderunt, Roma

Instrumentum Instrumentum. Bulletin du Groupe de travail européen sur l’artisanat et les
productions manufacturées dans l’antiquité, Montagnac
It. Ant. Itinerarium Antonini Augusti et Hierosolymitanum, ex libris manu scriptis
ediderunt G. Parthey et M. Pinder, Berolini, impensis Friderici Nicolai,
MDCCCXLVIII
IzdHAD Izdanja Hrvatskog arheološkog društva, razni gradovi
JAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Münster
JGPV Jahresbericht der Gesellschaft Pro Vindonissa, Brugg
JHI Journal of the History of Ideas, Philadelphia, Pa
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies, London
JÖIW Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Instituts in Wien, Wien
JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology, Ann Arbor, Mi
JRGZM Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz, Mainz
KJ Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Köln
KM Katalogi in monografije, Ljubljana
LCL The Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press, Cambridge-London
MAI Mitteilungen des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Budapest
MBV Materialhefte für bayerischen Vorgeschichte, Reihe A – Fundinventare und
Ausgrabungsbefunde, München
MBVF Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, München
MEFRA Mélanges de l’École française de Rome: Antiquité, Roma
MiChA Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archäologie, Wien
Mnemosyne Mnemosyne. A Journal of Classical Studies, Leiden
MPKÖAW Mitteilungen der prähistorischen Kommission der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Wien
Numizmatičar Numizmatičar. Narodni muzej i Srpsko numizmatičko društvo, Beograd
OA Opuscula archaeologica, Zagreb
ObHAD Obavijesti Hrvatskog arheološkog društva, Zagreb
OZ Osječki zbornik, Osijek
Padusa Padusa. Bollettino del Centro Polesano di studi storici, archeologici ed etnografici, Pisa-
Roma
PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome, London
PIAZ Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, Zagreb
PJZ Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i
Hercegovine, Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja, Sarajevo
PWRE Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart
PZ Požeški zbornik, Požega
Quellen Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie, Berlin
RFFZd Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Zadar
359
Kratice
RIB Roman Inscriptions of Britain (ur. R. G. Collingwood i R. P. Wright), Oxford, 1965

RIU Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns, Budapest
RM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung, Roma
RÖ Römisches Österreich, Wien
RVM Radovi Vojvođanskih muzeja, Novi Sad
SHP Starohrvatska prosvjeta, Split
SJ Saalburg Jahrbuch, Berlin, Mainz am Rhein
SM Studi medievali. Rivista della Fondazione Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo,
Spoleto
SZ Senjski zbornik, Senj
TAM Tituli Asiae Minoris, Wien
TZ Trierer Zeitschrift, Trier
VAHD (VAPD) Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku (Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest
dalmatinsku), Split
VAMZ Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, Zagreb
VHAD Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheološkoga društva, Zagreb
Vivarium Vivarium. A Journal for Medieval and Early-Modern Philosophy and Intellectual Life
of the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Leiden
WMBH Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und Hercegovina, Wien
VMPK Vjesnik Muzeja Požeške kotline, Požega
ZM Zalai Múzeum, Zalaegerszeg
ZMĐ Zbornik Muzeja Đakovštine, Đakovo
ZONF Zeitschrift für Ortsnamenforschung, München, Berlin
ZSNMA Zborník Slovenského Národného Múzea – Archeológia, Bratislava
ZSNMH Zborník Slovenského Národného Múzea - Historia, Bratislava
ŽA Živa antika, Skopje
Arheološki radovi i rasprave, 17 (2013.)

Nakladnik: Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb
Za nakladnika: akademik Pavao Rudan, glavni tajnik
Grafički urednik: Ranko Muhek
Lektorica: Alka Domić Kunić
Naklada: 300 primjeraka
Tisak: Tiskara Zelina d.d.
Arheološki radovi i rasprave izlaze povremeno.
Tiskanje dovršeno u prosincu 2013.
360

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Arheol. rad. raspr. 17 (2013), str.

THE ROMAN SARCOPHAGI OF SISCIA*

by J. Brunšmid, as part of a compendium of all stone monuments from the Museum.2

II.1. Architectonic6 sarcophagi

II.1.1. The sarcophagus of Pontius Lupus (Fig. 4)

II.2. Moulded sarcophagi27 with no inner division

II.2.2. The ash-chest of Gaius Sempronius Severus (Fig. 7)

II.2.3. A sarcophagus or ash-chest (Fig. 8a, b)

II.3.2. The sarcophagus of Septumia Marcella (Fig. 10)

II.3.3. A sarcophagus with the motif of Erotes (Fig. 11)

source for the North-Italian production.41 Allegories of seasons feature on several

II.3.4. A sarcophagus or ash-chest44 with the motif of Erotes (Fig. 12)

II.3.5. The ash-chest of Marcus Aurelius Glabrio (Fig. 13)

The inscription (CIL III 3970) runs:

II.4. Framed48 sarcophagi with a tripartite division of the front

II.5.2. An ash-chest (?) of Aurelia Veneria (Fig. 16)

II.6. Sarcophagi with the tabula ansata

II.7. Troughs (plain sarcophagi/ash chests)

II.7.2. A sarcophagus chest (Fig. 20)

II.7.3. A sarcophagus chest (Fig. 21)

II.7.4. A sarcophagus chest (Fig. 22)

II.7.5. A sarcophagus bottom (Fig. 23)

II.7.6. An ash-chest (?) (Fig. 24)

II.8.1. Sarcophagi lids

II.8.1. A gabled lid (Fig. 25)

II.8.2. A gabled and tiled lid (Fig. 26)

traditions. Accordingly, it would not come as a surprise if an augustalis wanted to be

III.2. Workshops, trade routes, models/influences

identified in Dalmatia, mostly Salona.94 While H. Gabelmann considered this produc-

Rimski sarkofazi Siscije

MUSEUM ABBREVIATIONS / KRATICE MUZEJA

AMZ Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu / The Archaeological Museum in Zagreb

Venezia Giulia, Volume I (Studi e ricerche sulla Gallia Cisalpina 15),

Fig. 1. Map of Siscia with cemeteries. Courtesy of Z. Wiewegh.

Fig. 2. Typological scheme of the Siscian sarcophagi. Drawing: M. Galić.

Fig. 4. Sarcophagus II.1.1. Photo: M. Jambrović.

Fig. 5. Part of the typological scheme

Fig. 6. Sarcophagus II.2.1. Photo: M. Jambrović.

Fig. 7a. Ash-chest II.2.2: 7a – front (after AIJ, no. 568),

Fig. 7b – present position in the AMZ. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 8a. Ash chest (?) II.2.3;

8b – detail of the front (?). Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 9. Sarcophagus II.3.1. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 10. Sarcophagus II.3.2. Photo: M. Jambrović.

Fig. 11. Sarcophagus II.3.3. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 12. Sarcophagus or ash-chest II.3.4. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 13. Ash-chest II.3.5, front and sides. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 14. Sarcophagus or ash-chest II.4.1. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 15. Sarcophagus II.5.1. Photo: M. Jambrović.

Fig. 16. Ash-chest (?) II.5.2. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 17. Ash-chest (?) II.5.3. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 18. Sarcophagus II.6.1. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 19. Sarcophagus II.7.1. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 20. Sarcophagus II.7.2. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 21. Sarcophagus II.7.3. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 22. Sarcophagus II.7.4. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 23. Sarcophagus II.7.5. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 24. Ash-chest (?) II.7.6. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 25. Sarcophagus lid II.8.1. Photo: T. Leleković.

Fig. 26. Sarcophagus lid II.8.2. Photo: T. Leleković.

AA Archaeologia Austriaca, Wien

CIRh Corpus inscriptionum Rhenanarum, consilio et auctoritate Societatis

Inscr. It. Inscriptiones Italiae, Academiae italicae consociatae ediderunt, Roma