Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education

ISSN: 0159-6306 (Print) 1469-3739 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cdis20

Islamic education and the challenge of democratic

citizenship: a critical perspective

Najwan Saada & Zehavit Gross

To cite this article: Najwan Saada & Zehavit Gross (2016): Islamic education and the challenge
of democratic citizenship: a critical perspective, Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of
Education, DOI: 10.1080/01596306.2016.1191011

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2016.1191011

Published online: 24 May 2016.

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 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION, 2016
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2016.1191011

Islamic education and the challenge of democratic citizenship:

a critical perspective
Najwan Saadaa and Zehavit Grossb
a
Beit Berl College of Education, Kfar Saba, Israel; bSchool of Education, Bar Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
This article analyzes how concepts of liberal and progressive Islam, Critical religious education;
which have been developed in the political and theological teaching Islam; education
academic literature, may inform the curriculum of Islamic into religion; liberal Islamic
education; progressive
education and the practice of religious educators in Islamic schools
Islamic education; citizenship
in the US. We investigate the meaning of in-faith Islamic education
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education; Islam and

and how it can conform to the life in a democratic, multicultural, democracy
and multi-faith society. Liberal Islam challenges the transmission-
oriented and rigid interpretations of Islam and seeks to appreciate
and to contextualize the religious claims which are compatible with
ideals of reflective education, rational thinking, mutual respect, and
equal citizenship. It suggests that students become critical
‘consumers’ of Islam, its moral and civic purposes, and the cultural
politics of religious interrogations.

Introduction
One of the challenges that Muslims face in Western societies (US, Canada, and Europe) is to
preserve their particular identities, and at the same time to be engaged positively in the
cultural, social, and political life of these societies (Aslan, 2015; Halstead, 2003; Ramadan,
2004a; Saada, 2013). Living in a predominantly Christian, pluralistic, secular, and demo-
cratic countries requires an adaptation of Islam to help Muslim children develop their
own religious, national, modern, and democratic identities (Aslan, 2015). Issues such as
diversity, freedom of religion, national belonging, gender equality, and political partici-
pation challenge the conservative meanings of Islam (as it was developed in majority-
Muslim and non-democratic countries) demand an education which fits the democratic
and pluralistic life of Western societies. Aslan (2015) clarifies that living in a pluralistic
and secular society encourages Muslims to rethink their own religion so it fits the
demands of diverse and modern life.
Many scholars agree that Islam is not a monolithic religion and that Muslims across the
world may belong to different denominations and traditions (Saeed, 2006). Islam for many
Muslims is considered ‘their ideological worldview, comprising a set of beliefs, practices,
and values’ (Ali & Bagley, 2013, p. 22). Islamic education, like any other kind of education,
can be influenced by different ideologies and processes of secularization, modernization,
Islamization, and radicalization (Talbani, 1996). Broadly speaking, we can talk about a

CONTACT Najwan Saada saada.najwan@gmail.com

© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
 2 N. SAADA AND Z. GROSS

continuum of Islamic education with regarding to issues of democracy, modernity, and the
implementation of Islamic law (sharia), from Salafism,1 which informs the conservative and
fundamental Islamic education, to liberal Islam, which supports the critical and progressive
mode of Islamic education.
Salafism supports the literal and exclusivist interpretation of the Quran and the hadith2
(Ali & Leaman, 2008; Al-Jabri, 1996b). It rejects democracy arguing the God is the sovereign
and not the people (Abou El Fadl, 2007; Saeed, 2006; Tibi, 2012); it prefers the transmitted
over the rational exegesis of the religious text. On the other hand, liberal and progressive
Muslims (Eickelman, 2009; Kurzman, 1998; Moosa, 2003) argue that Islam is compatible
with democracy. They reject the monopoly over religious hermeneutics or the literal
interpretations of Islamic texts (Rahman, 1982), and support equal citizenship for all citi-
zens (Wright, 1996) and equal rights for women (Safi, 2003; Wadud, 1999). At the same
time it is recognized that ideas of liberal or progressive Islam are disputed within the
Islamic world. Different faith communities may construe these concepts based on their
theological background, interpretations of democratic values, their life conditions and
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experiences, and the sociopolitical and historical characteristics of their countries.

In the literature there is a growing critique of Islamic education in Western societies and
the extent to which they succeed in preparing Muslim students for democratic and plur-
alistic life (Cook, 1999; Halstead, 2004; Ramadan, 2004b; Saada, 2013). For instance, many
schools in the US apply Islamic curricula, which are borrowed from Muslim-majority
countries, rather than developing ones that are relevant to the multicultural, diverse,
and democratic societies in which they live (Ali & Bagley, 2013). These curricula do not
encourage students to think critically, to question ideas, to engage in debates (Cook,
1999) and they focus on rote learning such as reciting and memorizing chapters of the
Quran and the traditions of the prophet (Ramadan, 2004b). This Salafi religious education,
which dominates the Islamic world (mosques, madrasahs, and Muslim schools) today
(Sahin, 2013) limits the development of Muslim students’ religious and civic identities
because it relies on transmission-oriented and teacher-centered approaches of religious
education (Waghid & Smeyers, 2014) – fosters a monopoly over religious knowledge
and an uncritical approach to the contributions of ancestral jurists.
We argue in this article that Islamic education in the US which relies on fundamental or
the Salafi Islamic ideology is not appropriate for the life in democratic and multicultural
society because it believes that there is ‘only one correct school of interpretation of scrip-
ture, religion, and law’ (Hashemi, 2004, p. 166). Salafism is related to the movement of
Wahabism3 which rejects ambiguity, relativism, or theological innovations and emphasizes
cognitive rigidity, stability and order in facing the challenges and the dynamic circum-
stances of the modern life. Education based on Salafism may lead to extremism, con-
flict-ridden and intolerant ideas toward non-Muslims in the larger society (Merry, 2007).
In a recent review of Islamic education in the US, Grewal and Coolidge (2013) find that
‘there is no Islamic school in the United States that would identify itself with a pedagogi-
cally progressive philosophy’ (p. 252). Indeed, most of the writings on liberal and progress-
ive Islam have been developed from political or theological perspectives and there is no
direct connection to policies, practices, and pedagogies of Islamic education. In this article,
we draw upon the literature on progressive (Saeed, 2006; Safi, 2003) and liberal Islam
(Kurzman, 1998) in order to conceptualize an education which is more compatible with
life in democratic and pluralistic societies. In other words, we illuminate how liberal and
 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION 3

progressive Islam, which appreciates rational thinking known as ijtihad,4 and theological
innovations encourage some kind of Islamic intellectualism (Rahman, 1982, p. 1), providing
students with a critical understanding of religion, history, and politics. The following sec-
tions clarify the possible implications of a critical, liberal, and progressive paradigm of
Islamic education which promotes capacities of independent thinking, critical reflection,
rationalism, and moral reasoning (Gross, 2010).
We direct our analysis to Islamic education in the US because American society is very
diverse in terms of religions, cultures, and world views and because there is a controversy
about the possibilities and limits of Islamic education in this country and whether it iso-
lates or integrates Muslim students in the larger society (Haddad & Lummis, 1987;
Haddad, Senzai, & Smith, 2009; Niyozov & Pluim, 2009; Ramadan, 2004a). For instance,
critics of Islamic schools argue that the lack of religious pluralism in these schools prevents
‘the spirit of free debate and tolerance that are at the heart of liberal democracy’ (Haddad
et al., 2009, p. 13).
It is estimated that there are 250 full-time Islamic schools in the US (Grewal & Cool-
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idge, 2013). They serve 3200 Muslim students and identify with Sunni immigrant
mosque communities (Grewal & Coolidge, 2013). The majority of Islamic schools in the
US are elementary and middle schools and they teach the basic subjects (math,
science, and literature) as well as Islamic studies and Arab language (Berglund, 2015).
Islamic studies encompass the basic rituals of Islam, Islamic history, the moral teachings
of the Quran and the life story, story, deeds, and sayings of the prophet Muhammad
(Haddad et al., 2009).
Generally speaking, Islamic education in the US reflects the Islamic tradition of immi-
grant and local faith communities and they aim to inculcate a sense of personal and col-
lective identity based on the spiritual, ethical, and moral teachings of the Quran and
prophet Muhammad into their students (Ali & Bagley, 2013; Haddad et al., 2009; Halstead,
2004; Merry, 2007; Saada, 2013). This means that Islamic sharia5 (the moral and behavioral
elements of Islam as they are described by the Quran, sunna, and religion scholars) rep-
resent a crucial component in cultivating Muslim students’ identities (Halstead, 2004).
The sharia has always held a central place in Muslim life and Islamic thought. As God’s revealed
law to guide humanity on the proper path, it is meant to govern both individual and commu-
nal life, from matters of worship to commerce to warfare to family relationships. (Ali & Leaman,
2008, p. 122)

The sharia in many Islamic schools integrates Muslims’ ‘political, social, and economic
life as well as individual life into a single religious world view’ (Halstead, 2004, p. 524).
Also the implementation of sharia and how it informs Islamic education is influenced by
the tensions between conservative approaches as compared with liberal interpretations
of Islam and its place in the modern and public life (Ramadan, 2004a). Sharia, then,
becomes a major theme in the works of liberal Muslims and we view it as such in our
analysis. In the following sections we discuss some of the dispositions, skills, and
knowledge that Muslim students need to acquire in order to become informed and
active citizens of their own multicultural and multi-faith societies. First, we explain the
meanings of liberal and progressive Islam as they are clarified in the political and theolo-
gical literature.
 4 N. SAADA AND Z. GROSS

Definitions of liberal and progressive Islam

Ideas of liberal and progressive Islam in the literature focus basically on the implemen-
tations and interpretations of Islamic laws (sharia) and how they fit the dynamic life con-
ditions in Islamic and non-Islamic societies. In fact, liberal Islam promotes a rationale and
progressive mind in understanding and interpreting the religious text on issues such as
democracy, rights for women, rights for non-Muslims, freedom of thought, and the
meaning of progress (Kurzman, 1998). Hanafi (1995) argues that the interpretation of
any religious text cannot be separated from discourses of power or the sociopolitical com-
mitment of the interpreter. He adds that theology and producing religious knowledge
does not fit all times and places. Also, it may preserve the status quo for the benefit of
social, religious, and political elites in society.
According to Kurzman (1998), there are three modes of liberal Islam: the liberal sharia,
the silent sharia, and the interpreted sharia. Proponents of liberal sharia claim that liberal
positions have been articulated in earlier interpretations and practiced in Islamic history
(Khan, 1989; Kurzman, 1998). They avoided ‘the charge of inauthenticity by grounding
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liberal positions solidly in orthodox Islamic sources’ (Kurzman, 1998, p. 14). We refer to
this point later when we deal with the democratic ideals of Islam.
The silent sharia argues that God’s revelation does not cover all topics6 of human life
and there is room for Muslims to consider what works for them, based on their culture,
needs, available resources, and life conditions (Kurzman, 1998). The interpreted sharia
means that ‘sharia is divine but human interpretations are conflicting and fallible’
(Kurzman, 1998, p. 16). For instance, Zakaria (1988) and Masud (2009) show that ulama7
have debated many issues regarding the relationship between religion and politics.
What is important in interpreted sharia is that ulama’s interpretation of religion is not
sacred; it might be wrong, and can be open for debate and possible reinterpretation. In
this article, we integrate these three modes of liberalism and demonstrate how they
may inform progressive and critical Islamic education.
According to Safi (2003), there is no clear-cut definition of progressive Islam. It is highly
appropriate to talk about progressive Muslims. Progressive Muslims, he argues, believe
that ‘every human life, female and male, Muslim and non-Muslim, rich or poor, northern
or southern has exactly the same intrinsic worth’ (p. 3). They encourage Muslims to chal-
lenge structures of injustice that are built into Islamic thought (Safi, 2003). They hold a criti-
cal understanding of Islam which rejects oppression on the basis of gender, ethnicity, and
race. They condemn all kinds of violence against civilians ‘whether that violence comes
from a terrorist group or a nation-state’ (Safi, 2003, p. 12). Progressive Islam encourages
students to develop a sense of critical religiosity and the ability to examine their own reli-
gion; to recognize the diversity of Islamic traditions; and to seek justice through comparing
and contrasting a wide spectrum of religious interpretations. In short, it promotes an edu-
cational discourse which is compatible with ideals of human rights, social justice, democ-
racy, and pluralism.
Progressive and liberal Islamic education is supposed to help Muslims develop self-con-
sciousness and confident identities, that is, students who understand the meaning and the
implications of Islam as a universal and culturally sensitive religion. Progressive Islamic
education provides students with ‘an open and safe space to undertake a rigorous,
honest, and potentially difficult engagement with tradition, and yet remain hopeful that
 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION 5

conversation will lead to further action’ (Safi, 2003, p. 18). Progressive Islamic education
relies on critical thinking about religious knowledge, as well as taking part as active citizens
in achieving more justice in the larger society. This is explained further in the following
section.

Why teach Islam critically?

As we have mentioned earlier, Muslims in the US need to be able to convey the moral
message of Islam and to contribute to the public life in the larger society. Therefore,
they need to be able to translate their teachings into rationale and reasonable arguments.
In fact, it is important for Muslim students to discuss the moral teachings of Islam because
they are related to the meaning of good life, they might be controversial, and they may
have possible legislative implications in their society.
We argue that religious education which focuses basically on the doctrinal, ritual, and
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transcendental aspects of Islam is not sufficient from a citizenship education perspective

because it has to recognize the diversity of knowing and being and the equally competing
traditions in defining the common good through democratic deliberation (Taylor &
Gutmann, 1994). Religious Muslims, therefore, need to be able to explain why they
believe what they believe and to explain their moral teachings in a convincing and ration-
ale manner. Saada (2015) explains:
… if religious believers want their morals to be considered for democratic deliberation in a
secular society, they cannot just use the language of sin and salvation; they need, if possible,
to develop the language of reason and evidence, the language of here and now, and the
language of science. By science I mean a wide spectrum of science, such as natural science,
sociology, history, psychology, and philosophy. (p. 102)

Living in a democratic and liberal state puts the moral values and ethical guidelines of
religious minorities at stake. If religious individuals want to practice equal and full citizen-
ship in their societies they have, sometimes, to think about their religion (moral claims) as a
mean to an end (the common good of all citizens) and this, we argue, pushes religious
Muslims who want to become active citizens to rethink and perhaps rationalize their reli-
gious moral instructions and to make them reasonable and understandable to secular and
non-religious people.
Historically, Ibn Rushd,8 the twelfth-century Islamic philosopher, argues in Fasl al-Maqal
(The Decisive Treatise) (Jackson, 2006) that God does not provide humans with a moral
code which cannot be understood rationally. He argues for the need to use speculative
reasoning and philosophical thinking in learning and interpreting the intent of divine
laws in the Quran since not all people accept the moral teachings of religious texts as
truth (Lahmar, 2011, p. 48). Indeed, teaching the ethical code of Islam should be open
for discussion and debate through theological, philosophical, moral, and scientific reason-
ing. This kind of religious education, we believe, helps Muslim students to think of their
religion not as an end in itself but as a mean to achieve a better life for Muslims and
non-Muslims alike.
The argument above is compatible with education for democratic citizenship because it
encourages Muslim students to develop their own skills of reasoning and to take part, as
active citizens, in the cultivation of the public sphere of their country. From a religious
 6 N. SAADA AND Z. GROSS

perspective, it encourages an atmosphere of Islamic humanism (Rahman & Moosa, 2000)

which endorses contemporary and rational interpretation of the religious text. Therefore, it
tolerates Ikhtilaf (different opinions) and pluralism in Muslim communities. The purpose of
such deliberation in the classroom is not to achieve winners and losers but to let Muslim
students practice and improve their skills of moral reasoning and to prepare them for
active citizenship in a democratic society.
Teaching about Islam from a critical perspective is significant considering the fact that
many Muslim students in the US graduate from Islamic schools and move to public sec-
ondary schools. In these schools they are exposed to the multicultural and multi-faith
characteristics of the larger society, and they have sometimes to explain and perhaps
defend their moral and religious beliefs to peers, teachers, and staff. In fact, Muslim stu-
dents in elementary Islamic schools must be prepared to move to public high schools
that include, for instance, the concepts that –

(1) Islam is not a static religion, and Muslims have developed, throughout history, differ-
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ent traditions and schools of thought.

(2) They are able to use philosophical, scientific, and moral reasoning in order to justify
their moral and religious claims and to think how they may contribute to the well-
being of all citizens (Waghid, 2014).
(3) We are living in an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world where
ideas, ideologies, and people transfer across nations and cultures. Muslims, conse-
quently, should be able to explain their own religious and moral attitudes to other
Muslims, non-Muslims, and non-believers.
(4) It is reasonable for students to question the teachings of Islam and to continue defin-
ing and redefining their religious identities (Gross, 2012) by seeking more evidence
and solid arguments to support their understanding of Islam.

We admit that some of the points mentioned above, such as moral and philosophical
reasoning, might be less appropriate for children at the elementary level (first to sixth
grade) because students at this age are still at the very beginning of learning what
Islam is, how to practice it, and the moral code of their religion, and they may have not
yet developed the cognitive and intellectual skills to discuss abstract and moral issues
(Kohlberg, 1981).
Thiesen (2012) and Nord (1995) argue that we cannot teach students to become criti-
cal unless they have acquired some knowledge, and have developed some sense of
identity and commitment. However, we still believe that Islamic schools should
provide Muslim children the safe environment to discuss and rationalize the moral
teaching of Islam, why some behaviors in their society are haram or halal9 and to be
able to communicate respectfully and peacefully with non-believers or believers of
other religions.

The cultural politics of Islam and the diversity of religious knowing

According to Moosa (2003), Panjwani (2004), Shahrur (1990), and Talbi (1992), it is signifi-
cant to distinguish between the ethical ideals of Islam10 and the actual elucidations and
practices of these ideals throughout history. Noor (2002) explains:
 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION 7

… throughout the development of Islam there have been different schools of thoughts and
ideas, different approaches and interpretations of what Islam is and what it means … the
actual lived experience of Islam has always been culturally and historically specific and
bound by the immediate circumstances of its location in time and space. (p. 25)

Soroush argues in Wright (1996) that Muslims need to make a distinction between the
religious text, which is static, and the dynamic and context-related interpretations of it.
Rahman (1982), a leading scholar of Islamic modernism, suggests in Panjwani (2012) to
evaluate the historical Islam by relying on principles of rationality, egalitarianism,
freedom, justice, and social activism.
Drawing on these arguments means that Religion, as a system of knowledge, can be
used or misused for political purposes (Waghid, 2014). The idea of religious oppression
has had several manifestations in human history (Adams, 2007). There is enough evidence
that religion has been used, or misused, to initiate and justify bloody conflicts (Juergen-
smeyer, 2000). For instance, ‘the slaughters committed in biblical times by the Israelites,
the Crusades, the Inquisition, the witch craze, the current wave of Islamic violence [or vio-
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lence in the name of Islam]’ (Noddings, 2006, p. 274) are all examples of oppression in the
name of religion.
In addition, world history is full of examples of using religion to oppress people and to
cause ‘bigotry, persecution, intolerance and inter-faith conflicts and wars’ (White, 2004,
p. 162). Many people in places such as the Balkans, Northern Ireland, Kashmir, Indonesia,
Afghanistan, and most recently in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt (Waghid, 2014) suffer from bloody
conflicts based on a religious ideology. For that reason, it is important that Muslim stu-
dents understand religious knowledge as a historical and sociopolitical phenomenon
which can be influenced by the power relationships in a given time in Islamic history.
In other words, Muslim students may interrogate with their teachers the coalition
between Islamic religious authorities and political stakeholders in order to privilege
some groups and marginalize others. For instance, the status of caliphate11 as well as
the principles of shura and ijtihad have been misused by politicians or religious leaders
so that they can justify their rule, including the oppression of others who disagreed
with them on legal, political, or theological issues (Al-Jabri, 1996b; Bennett, 2005). Many
caliphs of Umayyad and the Abbasid dynasties used Islam in order to manipulate
people and to justify their regimes (Crone & Hinds, 1986).
In addition, many Salafis reject the idea of democratic rule assuming that the caliphate
is the only appropriate order in Muslim societies. However, a critical analysis of Islamic
sources (Al-Jabri, 1996b) shows that –

(1) The Quran and the sunna do not determine one legitimate way of choosing the
Muslim leader (after the death of prophet Muhammad) and this is open to Muslim
interpretations and ijtihad. Other scholars claim that caliphate is not the exclusive or
the only way of leading Muslim communities (Abd al-Raziq, 1998; Al-Awa, 1993; Al-
Jabri, 1996b) and that Muslims may choose what works for them based on their
needs and their circumstances.
(2) There is no a determination of time that a caliph can spend ruling the Muslim commu-
nity and this is open for ijtihad as well.
(3) Islamic sharia does not settle on the professional responsibilities of the caliph, and this
is open for discussion and multiple interpretations.
 8 N. SAADA AND Z. GROSS

This example demonstrates the meaning of the silent sharia in liberal Islamic thought.
Further analysis shows that abandoning the shura or the ‘democratic’ selection of Islamic
leader started when Mu’awiya ibn Abu s.ufyan (the second caliph from the Umayyad clan)
took over and the establishment of Jabris12 in Islam.
The justification of the military coup in Egypt in 2013 by a fatwa (religious edict) from Dr
Ali Juma’a – the higher religious and Islamic authority is another example of the use of
religious authorities for political purposes. This fatwa caused, in part, the killing of many
Egyptian citizens and the exclusion of Muslim Brotherhood as a legitimate party in Egyp-
tian politics. The rise of ISIS13 (The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) in the Middle East and its
terrifying killing of Muslims and non-Muslims in the name of God (Al-Yaqoubi, 2015) illu-
minate the use of Islam in order to gain power and to justify political agendas.
These examples highlight the significance of developing Muslim students’ critical
reading of the Islamic history, the relationship between politics, religion, and oppression,
and the role of religious authorities in their societies. That is, they need to ask questions
such as who speaks in the name of God, who claims the authority over religious interpret-
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ations, why, for whose benefit, and how this achieves or possibly violates ideals of
freedom, human rights, and democracy.

Exploring the democratic ideals of Islam

By returning to the concept of liberal sharia described earlier, liberal Muslims believe that
liberal attitudes are embedded in the divine commandments (Kurzman, 1998). Muslim stu-
dents and their teachers can investigate the liberal values and democratic ideals in Islamic
sources, and ways in which they contribute to achieving justice in the larger society. For
instance, the Quran encourages Muslims to care about the marginalized in society, such
as the poor, the orphan, the oppressed, travelers, and the hungry people (Al-Jabri,
1996a; Safi, 2003).
Unlike the Salafi conception of ijtihad, which is limited to religious scholars on contro-
versial issues, liberal Islam gives priority to lay people who can decide through public
deliberation what works for them and be accountable for their decisions. In this regard,
liberal Muslims are present-oriented citizens who believe more in the a’ql14 (rational think-
ing) and less in the naql (the transmitted knowledge and interpretations by early Muslim
scholars and commentators) in understanding Islam and its possible implications for
modern life. Waghid (2014) explains –
a liberal form of ijtihad occurs when the possibility exists for learners to begin to question,
debate, undermine – all those critical qualities necessary to articulate and practise a form of
Islam which not only aspires for change through the application of the rationale mind, but
also cultivates respect for persons through deliberative engagement (shura [consultation]).
(p. 330)

An example of a liberal and progressive form of ijtihad relates to the interpretation of

the meaning of jiihad in Islam (Shahrur, 2008). Shahrur deconstructs the meaning of jihad15
and concludes that jihad means, besides defending the homeland, a fight for freedom of
religion, expression, and consciousness for all human beings because free people are more
inclined to ask for and to achieve ideals of equity and equality. Jihad then is a noble resist-
ance to a perceived injustice that has occurred against Muslims and non-Muslims alike. By
 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION 9

the same token, religious terms such as ‘kufr (infidelity), shirk (associating partners with
God, i.e. polytheism, and bid`a (heretical innovation)’ (Safi, 2003) must be reconsidered
in order to reclaim a ‘compassionate, humane, selfless, generous, and kind etiquette
that has been a hallmark of refined manners in Muslim cultures’ (Safi, 2003, p. 13)
Unlike Salafism which views difference as a threat to the unity of Muslim societies (Al-
Sayyid, 2009; Haddad, 1995), liberal Muslims believe that diversity within Islam enriches
Islamic thought and reflects the cultural, political, and religious diversity in the Islamic
world. A careful reading of the Quran shows plenty of verses which respect differences and
pluralism (Ansary, 2009; Waghid, 2014). For instance, the verse 48, in Sura (chapter) 5 says –
Unto every one of you we have appointed a [different] law and way of life. And if God had so
willed, He could surely have made you all one single community: But [He willed it otherwise] in
order to test you by means of what He has vouchsafed unto you. Vie, then, with each other in
doing good work. Unto God you all must return; and then He will make you truly understand
that on which you were wont to differ.

This means that diversity in human life is a matter of fact; people should compete in
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doing good deeds, and no community should claim that they hold the ultimate truth
about the meaning of good life (Ansary, 2009). Waghid (2014) adds that verses such as
‘You are not one to compel them by force’ (Quran 50: 45); and ‘will you then compel
humankind against their will, to believe’ (Quran 10: 99); and ‘do not revile those other
than Allah whom they invoke, because they will revile Allah in ignorance out of spite
… thereafter, they will return to their Lord and he will inform them of what they have
done’ (Quran 6: 108); and ‘There is no compulsion in religion. The Right Way stands
clearly distinguished from the wrong. Hence he who rejects the evil ones and believes
in Allah has indeed taken hold of the firm, unbreakable handle. And Allah (Whom he
has held for support) is All-Hearing, All-Knowing’ (Quran 2: 255) highlight the people’s
freedom of religion and their right to believe or not believe in God. This assumes that
God is the judge and not Muslims or other human beings.
Moussali (2003) contends that Islamic political thought has produced, throughout
different periods of Islamic history, ‘doctrines compatible with western doctrines of
human rights, pluralism, and democracy’ (p. 288). For instance, applying the principle of
shura in selecting the caliphs16 ‘emphasizes that people have the right to control their pre-
sident and to advise him as well as to criticize him’ (Al-Alkim, 1993, pp. 81–83). In addition,
the verse ‘Human beings, we created you all from a male and a female, and made you into
nations and tribes so that you may know one another. Verily the noblest of you in the sight
of Allah is the most God-fearing of you. Surely Allah is All-Knowing, All-Aware’ (Quran 49:
12) means that God encourages human beings (and not only Muslims) to get to know each
other and respect each other’s differences in terms of nationality, race, color, language,
and gender. That is, Muslims are expected to recognize that all people belong to the
family of human beings and to condemn and prevent all kinds of prejudice and racism.
In addition, living in a democratic society requires Muslims to know some basic infor-
mation about the religious ‘other’ or ‘others’ in their local communities (Gross, 2011;
REDco, 2009). According to Moore (2010) –
one of the most troubling and urgent consequences of religious illiteracy is that it often fuels
prejudice and antagonism, thereby hindering efforts aimed at promoting respect for diversity,
peaceful co-existence, and cooperative endeavors in local, national, global arenas. (p. 5)
 10 N. SAADA AND Z. GROSS

Learning about other religions is significant because Muslims in the US, for instance,
share with non-Muslims the same space of living. They need to be able to communicate
their values and listen to religious and secular others in a respectful and dialogical way.
Historically, there were fluctuations in the relationship between Muslims and believers
of other religions, such as Christianity and Judaism. Panjwani (2014) explains –
The interpretations of founding texts and events mingled with the dynamics of theological,
social, and political developments, leading to a wide range of Muslim positions towards
other religions, in particular those of Jews and Christians. (p. 144)

Basically, we may find three attitudes on this regard (Panjwani, 2014): The exclusivist
position, represents the Salafi school of thought which believes that only Islam leads to
salvation; the inclusivist attitude, which asserts that Islam has the ‘right’ path for salvation
but this also includes ‘sincere outsiders who could not have recognized it as such’ (Khalil,
2012, p. 7); and the pluralist position, which argues that different religious traditions may
all lead to salvation. Liberal Muslims, we argue, tend not to judge non-Muslims this way
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and they hold a more pragmatic attitude which appreciates the non-Muslims’ good
deeds and their contribution to the common good.
Teachers of progressive and liberal Islamic education discuss with their students the
politics of Quranic interpretation, and how the treatment of religious others in Muslim
history ranged from ‘civic arrangements for peaceful co-existence to warfare, and from
mutual support to hostility’ (Panjwani, 2014, p. 143). For instance, students and teachers
may distinguish between verses related to the specific conditions of their revelation,
and those with a general ethical principle on how to treat non-Muslims in Muslim societies
(Nettler, 2002; Shahrur, 1990). For instance, the verse ‘Those who believe, and those who
are the Jews, and the Christians and the Sabians any who believe in Allah and the Last Day,
and work righteousness, shall have their reward with their Lord; on them shall be no fear,
nor shall they grieve’ (Quran 2:62) represents an inclusivist paradigm with a peaceful
message on the relationship between Muslims and believers of other religions.
Understanding the ethical–legal teachings of the Quran requires a thematic and con-
textualist analysis, rather than a literal one (Rahman, 1980; Wadud, 1999). In other
words, it is significant to understand ‘the historical context of the revelation at the
macro level, and then relating it to a particular need of the modern period’ (Saeed,
2006, p. 32). Also ‘practitioners argue that this approach can be useful today in dealing
with contemporary questions such as women’s rights, human rights, and ethical problems’
(Saeed, 2006, p. 31).
According to Panjwani (2014) the exclusivist discourse dominates the Quranic interpret-
ation of our time. Many conservative jurists believe, for instance, that Christians and Jews
are Ahl al Kitab17 (or Ahl dhimma18). Therefore they cannot be treated equally19 (Huwaidi,
1999). This orthodox interpretation of the text threatens values of human rights, democ-
racy, and equal citizenship. Instead, students and teachers can investigate the seven
degrees of openness to the religious other as they are described in Waardenburg’s
(1999) work, and how they are influenced by the politics of religious interpretation
during the pre-modern and contemporary periods of Islam.
Learning about the religious other in Islamic schools in the US aims to reduce the reli-
gious illiteracy among Muslim children, ‘to encourage mutual understanding, tolerance,
and respect’ (Halstead, 2003, p. 291) between Muslims and citizens who believe in
 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION 11

different cultural or religious values; to let them engage ‘in rational deliberation about
different cultural beliefs and values and different conceptions of the good life’ (Halstead,
2003, p. 291); and to help them navigate their religious identities (in their transition from
Islamic to public schools) and be able to engage in ethical discussion (Kunzman, 2006) with
their non-Muslim counterparts. Indeed,
as long as we derive our decisions through engaging with others, listening to what one
another has to say, and to offer our views – whether through dissent or agreement – on
the basis of having been included, we have acted democratically. (Waghid & Davids, 2014,
p. 344)

Unlike the past oriented hermeneutic of Islamic texts, liberal Islam rejects tendencies
toward backwardness in interpreting the religious text or calling upon modernity in the
name of the past (Kurzman, 1998). For instance, progressive and liberal Islamic education
encourages Muslim students to investigate the place of women in Islamic literature and
history and how it is silenced or excluded by male religious explanations through what
Hanlon (2002) describes as sexism by omission. Instead, progressive Muslims believe
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that reasoning is socially constructed and that religious statements, claimed by religion
scholars, ‘[are] not static, an end-state at which we arrive at once and for all’ (Moosa,
2003, p. 118). What is important then is to consider the implications of Islamic laws and
teachings as they are controversial, context-related, and culturally sensitive. Moosa
(2003) argues, in this regard, that each verse or cluster of verses in the Quran ‘attempts
to fulfill a larger social, ethical, or religious function’ (p. 123) and this means that revelation
is understood by a community of believers who read, listen, and recite the Quran based on
their experiences and these experiences become the ‘grounds for innovation, change, and
adaptation’ (p. 122). Moosa (2003) rightly concludes that ‘it is through different ways of
conceiving knowledge in all its complexity of time and space that people adhering to
this faith identify themselves as “Muslim”’(p. 114). Allowing the diversity of knowing
through critical thinking and moral reasoning help students develop their own religious
and modern identities.

Conclusion
The purpose of this article is to investigate the meaning of liberal and progressive Islam
and its possible implications in the field of education. Appling the perspectives of
liberal and progressive Islam in education encourages Muslim students to develop their
capacities of critical thinking, moral reasoning, and democratic deliberation. They learn
to recognize the politics of religious interpretations, to contextualize and to historicize
the Islamic knowledge, and how it might be affected by social, historical, and political
forces. At the same time we recognize that our analysis has its own limitations because
it does not answer questions such as –

. How teachers should deal with students who may question the existence of God and
whether He is omnipotent, omnipresent, and omniscient?
. How Islamic schools may deal with parents who may reject the concept of liberal Islam
or the exposure to other religions assuming that it leads to some kind of relativism or
abandoning the basic teachings and principles of Islam? Alexander (2015) explains
 12 N. SAADA AND Z. GROSS

‘sectoral schools … face concomitant dilemmas concerning how to foster robust affilia-
tion with particular faith communities while at the same time teaching respect for
alternative practices and opposing views’ (p. 233).
. To what extent should Islamic schools allow for moral autonomy or independent think-
ing and how does this challenge the very basic idea of Islamic schools and institutiona-
lized religion?
. One more limitation in implementing liberal Islamic education in the US relates to the
quality of teachers. According to Keyworth (2009), 49% of Islamic studies teachers are
not certified or do not have the required license for K-12 education. Dealing with the
topics discussed in this article requires not only knowledge of Islam and its teachings
but also committed and professional teachers.

These questions are important and require further research and discussion among
Islamic education scholars, community members, and teachers in Islamic schools. What
we have suggested, though, is that Muslims in Islamic schools recognize the moral and
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religious diversity of their own society and develop some kind of informed empathy
(Nord & Haynes, 1998) about the religious and non-religious others. Liberal and progress-
ive Islamic education promotes Muslim students to build up (besides knowing doctrine of
Islam, its five pillars20 and the basic teachings of the prophet Muhammad) a critical and
confident stance about the Islamic teachings so that they communicate their religion in
a convinced and deliberative manner.

Notes
1. Salafi is a person who claims to follow the salaf – pious ancestors who lived during the first
three generations of Islam after the time of the Prophet Muhammad (Saeed, 2006). Salafism
is a revivalist Islamization movement developed in Muslim countries as a traditionalist reaction
to modernity (Talbani, 1996).
2. The sayings and statements of Prophet Muhammad.
3. It is an Islamic and puritanical movement established by Muhammad ibn Àbdl-Wahhab during
the nineteenth century in the Arab peninsula. He wanted to purify Islam by focusing on poly-
theism (shirk), unity of God (tawhid), and discarding all kinds of innovation (bid`a). He believed
in the significance of returning to the pristine and ‘authentic’ Islam and was skeptical of phil-
osophy and rational reasoning (Saeed, 2006). His philosophy was adopted later as the basic
theology of Saudi Arabia (Ali & Leaman, 2008).
4. Independent legal reasoning (Ali & Leaman, 2008).
5. Sharia relies on the Quran, the sunna (the deeds and statements of the Prophet Muhammad),
and the fiqh (jurisprudence) (Ali & Leaman, 2008).
6. Such as chronic problems of poverty, political tyranny, failure of educational systems, unem-
ployment in Arab and Muslim countries.
7. A ‘class of scholars in the Islamic sciences who have traditionally comprised the intellectual
elite in the Muslim world’ (Ali & Leaman, 2008, p. 146).
8. He is known as Averroes (1126–1198) in Western thought. He was a medieval Muslim philo-
sopher and a jurist (Jackson, 2006).
9. It means what is allowed or forbidden in Islam in terms of behaviors.
10. It is assumed that these ideals were established during the life of Prophet Muhammad and his
four companions – the Rashidun (Rightly Guided) Caliphs (Moussali, 2003).
11. A system of ruling the Islamic world produced after the death of Prophet Muhammad (Ali &
Leaman, 2008).
 DISCOURSE: STUDIES IN THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF EDUCATION 13

12. It is a political philosophy in Islam which means that human beings do not have control over
their actions, as they are all predetermined by God (Saeed, 2006, p. 8).
13. A Salafi jihadi extremist and militant group led by Sunni Arabs who believe and work violently
on the re-establishment of caliphate-Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (Al-Yaqoubi, 2015)
14. The use of empirical, experiential and logical methods in producing the Islamic knowledge
(Niyozov, 2011).
15. Striving or exertion especially in the religious path or in holy war (Jackson, 2006).
16. This method was conducted in selecting the Rightly Guided Caliphs after the death of Prophet
Muhammad.
17. Followers of pre-Islamic monotheistic religions with some form of scripture believed to be of
divine origin which are mentioned in Quran: Jews, Christians (Ali & Leaman, 2008).
18. A term related to people of the book (Christians and Jews) living under the protection of the
Muslim state (Ali & Leaman, 2008).
19. For instance, they need to pay jizya (A tax specified in the Quran (9:29) to be paid by non-
Muslim males living under Muslim political control) (Huwaidi, 1999).
20. Muslims are required to believe and profess that there is no God but God and that Muhammad
is the messenger of God (Abou El Fadl, 2007), to perform five formal ritual prayers a day, to fast
during the Muslim month of Ramadan (siyam), almsgiving (zakat), and the pilgrimage (Hajj) to
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Mecca.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

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