Duen Phen - Joker Performance - Grow. M.L - 1995

Duen Phen: Joker Performance in the Nightclubs of Bangkok
Author(s): Mary L. Grow

Source: Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Autumn, 1995), pp. 326-352
Published by: University of Hawai'i Press on behalf of Association for Asian Performance
(AAP) of the Association for Theatre in Higher Education (ATHE)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1124113
Accessed: 23-05-2020 06:50 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Association for Asian Performance (AAP) of the Association for Theatre in Higher
Education (ATHE), University of Hawai'i Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
preserve and extend access to Asian Theatre Journal
This content downloaded from 103.18.0.17 on Sat, 23 May 2020 06:50:54 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Duen Phen: Joker Performance in the
Nightclubs of Bangkok
Mary L. Grow
Mary L. Grow, whose article grows out of field research conducted in the late 1980s,
discusses the itinerant groups of Thai comedians called 'jokers" who perform nightly at
Bangok's working-class nightclubs in musically accompanied, largely improvised, satir-
ical sketches that mingle traditional cultural constructs and stories with contemporary
references. She focuses on the Duen Phen troupe, whose work comically comments on
social, economic, and political Thai and international issues. Two of Duen Phen's rou-
tines, "Saiyasaat" ("Magic") and "Snow White in Thailand," are closely examined.
The article concludes with commentary on 'joker" comic performance techniques, char-
acter types, female impersonation, sexual humor, music, and audience interaction.
Mary L. Grow, who teaches at the University of Wisconsin, has researched numerous
Thai performance genres. She is currently preparing a manuscript focusing on the rit-
ual clowning of lakhon chatri performers.
Like traveling Thai poets of a bygone era, comedians of the

joker performance (kansadaeng talok) stalk the streets of Bangkok in
search of an audience. Speeding along boulevards and winding back
alleys in cars crammed full of costumes, makeup, props, and musical
instruments, they drive to coffeehouses and massage parlors where
they negotiate with club owners for a performance slot. On a busy
night they secure between five to ten contracts at different clubs
throughout the city. At each place they briefly consult with the club
owner and then select the story and character roles they will perform.
If another troupe has just presented a routine before their arrival, they
must create new comic material that will entertain patrons who stay for
a second show. The comedians apply their makeup and hastily pull on
their costumes in adjacent parking lots bathed by neon light. (See
COLOR PLATE 3.) As they walk toward the club, glimpses of their new
characters are mirrored in the windows of parked cars lining the
street. In a thirty-minute comic routine, they recreate a slice of life and
shape it to the absurd. After accepting their cash payment, the troupe
hurries off to the next club where their preparations begin again. Such
Asian TheatreJournal, Vol. 12, no. 2 (Fall 1995). ?1995 by University of Hawai'i Press. All rights reserved.
PLATE 1. The Peking opera Chalk Circle, directed by Hu Zhifeng, with Hu as the
heroine, on May 6, 1992, at the Dongpo Theatre, under the auspices of the Zhe-
jiang Provincial Peking Opera Troupe, for the Ninth Arts Festival Week in Hang-
zhou, China. (Photo: Courtesy of Xu Bailin)
PLATE 2. The Peking opera Chalk Circle, directed by Hu Zhifeng, with Hu as the
heroine. (Photo: Courtesy of Chen Mu)
PLATE 3. Comedians
apply makeup and cos-

tumes in a nightclub
parking lot: Bangkok,
November 1987. (Photo:
Mary L. Grow)
PLATE 4. Snow White

mimics television com-
mercials while the
Announcer looks on:
Bangkok, December
1987. (Photo: Mary L.
Grow)
PLATE 5. Snow White and the Prince have an intimate
exchange while her rejected Lover complains to the audi-
ence about his loneliness: Bangkok, January 1988. (Photo:
Mary L. Grow)
PLATE 6. Comedian Long Duen Phen portrays a female role in a nightclub per-
formance: Bangkok, March 1987. (Photo: Mary I. Grow)
PLATE 7. An audience member requests a song from Daeng Diproom. Bangkok,

December 1987. (Photo: Mary L. Grow)
COMIC PERFORMANCE IN BANGKOK 327
FIGURE 6. A comedian playing a female role com-

pletes his makeup and costume preparation in a
nightclub parking lot: Bangkok, November 1987.
(Photo: Mary L. Grow)
a profession not only requires creativity, but the harried pace demands
amazing stamina. This pace is routinely kept by several hundred come-
dians who perform until the nightlife of Bangkok collapses into the
dawn.
The Joker Performance

The joker performance is a form of urban entertainment popu-
lar in Bangkok clubs frequented by the working class. The genre
derives its inspiration from traditional and popular Thai culture, and
its routines rely heavily on comic improvisation and audience interac-
328 Grow
tion. Scenarios typically feature familiar folktales composed of seem-

ingly incongruous and surprising elements that subvert the audience's
expectations. In an evening's entertainment comedians portray Thai
mythic heroes tethering their elephants to pursue villains on a
Kawasaki-or Han Solo rescuing a princess from the Chao Phraya
River moments after she is seduced and betrayed by Mohamar Kadaffi.
By lacing scenarios with current events and situations-and, moreover,
by encouraging audience members to participate-comedians explore
new ways of performing stories that have been a part of Thai cultural
heritage for centuries.
Like most forms of improvised comedy, the joker performance
is at the forefront of popular Thai culture. The genre's very survival
demands that comedians keep pace with the moment. Performers
unable to reflect upon contemporary events relevant to the audience
and to generate humor from these events cannot make a successful
career out on the nightclub circuit. Comedians attribute much of their
popularity to the ways in which they incorporate everyday issues, both
mundane and sensational, into their comic routines. In this sense the
joker performance is part of an emergent culture in which Raymond
Williams (1973, 3) sees "new meanings and values, new practices, new
significances and experiences... continually being created." Because
humor is rooted in a culture's value system (see, for example, Bergson
1911; Douglas 1968; Freud 1960), it has the potential to reflect change
in the sociocultural system. In some instances it may even stimulate or
direct change, particularly at the subconscious level. Nightclub perfor-
mances featuring zany, unpredictable characters not only arouse
laughter from audience participants and encourage them to have a
good time; in a more subtle manner, these performances invite them
to explore the inconsistencies and growing ambiguities of everyday
existence. While this existence is linked to the immediate circum-
stances of day-to-day living, its underlying structure is often roote
the past, where it remains part of Thai "residual culture"; that is
"experiences, meanings, and values which cannot be verified or
not be expressed in terms of the dominant culture, [but] are nev
less lived and practiced on the basis of the residue-cultural as
social-of some previous social formation" (Williams 1973, 1
Comedians who play the Thai joker performance skillfully com
themes and images belonging to both the emergent and the re
culture, and they often juxtapose one against the other, thereby
ing ridiculous and imaginative scenarios. This style of nightclub
edy not only provides insight into those structures of though
belief that remain constant through time, but it also highlights
in the Thai sociocultural system.
FIGURE 7. In a performance at the Gold Sweet Cafe, comedians playfully

recreate the hazards of making a call from a public telephone: Bangkok, De-
cember 1987. (Photo: Mary L. Grow)
My interest in the joker performance began in 1986 following a

chance encounter with Duen Phen,1 a troupe of comedians I met out-
side the Gold Sweet Caf6, a club located along the back streets of
Bangkok's thriving garment district known as Pratunam. I was in Thai-
land to research comic performance and had already established a
fieldsite in Phetchaburi province, a three-hour bus ride away.
Although I continued to work in the countryside for almost two years,
researching comedy in Thai ritual performance (see Grow 1991), I fre-
quently returned to Bangkok to gather library materials and, more-
over, to keep in touch with Duen Phen and other comedians playing
the joker performance. I was continually impressed by Duen Phen's
creative attempt to reflect upon and ridicule social, economic, and
political issues in Thailand and the international community. During
the two years I accompanied the troupe in and out of clubs like
the Gold Sweet Cafe, the Can Can Palace, and the Tick Toc Shop, I
watched them cultivate a loyal following among audience members
and club owners. Their fans repeatedly told me that Duen Phen's
comic material gave voice to their everyday concerns. Their comedy
often involved issues of class conflict, broken love, economic hardship
and the hope for something better to come. I realized that here in the
nightlife of Bangkok was an emergent social commentary inspired and
330 Grow
framed by the traditional performance genres I had observed in the

countryside, yet it was also shaped and reshaped by the influences of
an ever-changing and increasingly global urban lifestyle characteristic
of Bangkok.
Here I want to focus on two comic routines performed by Duen
Phen: "Saiyasaat" ("Magic") and "Snow White in Thailand." Although I
attended approximately a hundred of their performances and saw a
wide variety of comic material, I selected these routines because they
were inspired by events particularly relevant in Thailand today,
because I think they are typical of Duen Phen's performance style, and
because both comic routines were especially popular with the audi-
ence. Ethnographic and historical data are interwoven throughout to
explain why this genre has taken its unique form and, moreover, why
comic troupes like Duen Phen have become so popular with the work-
ing class frequenting the clubs of Bangkok.
"Saiyasaat": A Typical Routine

The routine known as "Saiyasaat" was performed at the Phop
Suk (Meet Happiness) Cafe on November 4, 1987. It featured four
characters: an Announcer, a Spirit Medium, a Country Bumpkin, and
a Child, each played by members of Duen Phen. A drummer and ranat
player provided musical accompaniment.2
The action begins when the Spirit Medium, costumed in a flow-
ing cape, enters through the audience and joins the Announcer
onstage. The Medium then begins to speak, rattling off an impressive
list of his accomplishments, including levitation, fire eating, and men-
tal telepathy. Accompanying this monologue Duen Phen's musicians
play melodies that suggest the arrival of an Indian snake charmer. The
Medium is soon visited by a Country Bumpkin who wants to win the
lottery. This new character wears a checkered phakhaoma and a pair of
rubber thongs, typical attire of an upcountry peasant.3 His bare chest
appears hollow as the performer sucks in his breath and hunches his
shoulders. In an effort to impress this client, the Medium chants man-
tras of gibberish while grandly striding to and fro. Finally he turns to
the audience and shouts:
I am a great master, a practiced ascetic, an indestructible force i

universe. All people love me, all people venerate me, all people
to me for advice. Stop your drinking! Stop your romancing! Watch m
powers unfold.
Several of the audience members respond with applause, while

jeer and hiss.
The Medium then challenges everyone to witness his skill in

mental telepathy, adding that his expertise far surpasses the monetary
fee humbly offered by his ignorant client. He selects a Child seated in
the audience to assist in his demonstration. After fussing a bit, the
Child is dragged to center stage by the Announcer, where he stands
staring blankly at the audience and picking his nose. Finally he steals a
fearful glance at the Medium and begins to whine. The Medium
orders the boy to stop, pushes him into a chair, and then drapes an
enormous cloth over him. Muffled sniffles and sighs can be heard as
the Child resigns himself to the task at hand.
The Medium then walks among the audience members and
stops at a patron's table. He selects a glass of beer, holds it up for every-
one to see, and asks the Child to identify the object. Onstage the
Child, still covered by the cloth, responds with the correct answer.
Overwhelmed by the Medium's impressive display of power, the Coun-
try Bumpkin falls to his knees and gestures with a wai.4 Triumphantly
the Medium moves to several other tables where the "miracle" is suc-
cessfully repeated with a variety of items. Audience members who i
tially expressed skepticism at the Medium's skill now shout words
praise. Turning to the Announcer, the Country Bumpkin remarks:
This man is a great master! He has great power. With his help I am
sure to win the lottery. I will stake my entire life savings on whatever
number he selects.
Gloating with pride over his success, the Medium continues the dem
onstration, but this time he capitalizes on his fame and solicits mone
from converted audience members. Suddenly the room is filled wit
people waving banknotes and urging the Medium to come to the
tables. Calculating the situation, he goes to a group offering a large
reward. The Medium quickly selects an item from their table, holds
up, and asks the Child onstage to identify it. After a few moments
silence the Child blurts out a response. It is incorrect. Grabbin
another item, the Medium demands a repeat. But again the Child
response is wrong. The Country Bumpkin, now suspicious of a scam
quickly runs to the chair and snatches away the cloth covering the
Child-exposing the Medium's planted accomplice, the Child, who
puzzling over a sheet of paper that apparently does not list the last
items held by the Medium. Realizing the jig is up, the Medium dashe
for an exit. A drumroll accents the punchline and the show is over.
Behind all these shenanigans lies trenchant social commentary
directed at Thai spirit mediums. In October 1987 the State Lotter
Bureau faced a serious crisis of credibility when it was discovered tha
six of the seven wheels used in the previous month's drawing were
332 Grow
rigged. (For details see Bangkok Post, October 6, 1987.) As this scandal
hit the Thai news media it created an uproar throughout the country,
for many people had invested fortunes in the lottery hoping to beat the
odds with a lucky number. Not only was the nation's confidence in the
State Lottery Bureau shaken; so too was the reputation of spirit medi-
ums who claimed to assist their patrons in selecting winning numbers.
Through the years Thai people have devised elaborate strategies
for selecting lottery numbers. Informants told me that some people go
to the forest at night where they seek out auspicious trees and then
scratch the bark, light a match, and instantly find a number revealed.
Others count the legs of the family furniture to compile lucky combi-
nations; still others wait for a dream to identify a series of numbers.
Many people, both in Bangkok and upcountry, consult spirit mediums
to obtain winning numbers. Consulting spirit mediums is an ancient
Thai tradition. (See, for example, Irvine 1984; Tambiah 1970; Terwiel
1975.) Individuals and families typically seek advice for a variety of mat-
ters concerning business transactions, family affairs, health issues, and
so forth. In a trance state mediums communicate with the spirit world
and obtain solutions to a patron's problems. Fees in the way of cash or
gifts are rendered for the service. Today many new spirit cults are flour-
ishing to meet an even greater demand for advice created by the
national lottery. Magazines dedicated to promoting this practice fea-
ture articles each month about popular new mediums who provide
unique strategies for determining winning number combinations. (See
Phlangthep, a popular magazine available at Thai newspaper stands.)
While members of Duen Phen jokingly refer to the lottery as
"Thailand's national pastime," they too are eager to purchase lottery
tickets in hopes of winning substantial cash. They are skeptical of spirit
mediums who claim supernatural powers, however, and openly resent
those who extort money from the poor and naive. Kii Simakok of
Duen Phen explains: "Spirit mediums are only playing a clever perfor-
mance. They often take advantage of people in desperate circum-
stances by taking money from those who need answers to their
problems. Our performance demonstrates how cunning these practi-
tioners are" (November 6, 1987).
Duen Phen's role as critic and social commentator is best
understood in relation to audience members seeking this
comic entertainment. The joker performance is popular in the
ous nightlife sector of Bangkok, where it is enjoyed by a variety
ple, primarily Thai, who work hard for a daily wage yet are neve
able to improve their standard of living. Construction worke
drivers, blue-collar employees, hustlers, and call girls typically fr
the joker performance. Many audience members, as well as th
dians themselves, have come to the urban center of Bangkok from the
rural countryside in search of new economic opportunities. Compared
to the low wages or even underemployment of the rural areas, most
workers have in fact increased their financial earnings. At the same
time, however, these people are also compelled to spend most of their
wages just to keep pace with the high cost of urban living. Moreover,
some of them are seduced by the consumerism that is now part of
Bangkok life and gamble or spend their meager earnings on a wide
variety of luxury goods.
Today, more than ever, people in Thailand are engaged in a
transnational world that is influenced by an economic and communi-
cations network controlled by Western and Japanese superpowers. In
urban centers, particularly Bangkok, mass media advertising on bill-
boards, TV, newspapers, magazines, and radio offer a new variety of
products and manufactured goods to the consumer. Halo shampoo,
Sony video recorders, Coca-Cola, Fuji film, Mercedes, Oil of Olay, and
Toshiba dominate an extensive list. This advertising not only promotes
tangible items for sale but simultaneously promises wealth, beauty, and
status to the prospective buyer. Together with a flourishing and heavily
Western-influenced film, video, and popular music industry, these
commodities encourage consumerism thus promoting a lifestyle
contradictory to traditional Thai values. Influenced for centuries by
Buddhist philosophy, this traditional value system has encouraged
moderation, nonviolence, sexual modesty, and the eventual elimina-
tion of desire (Sivaraksa 1986).
Duen Phen's "Saiyasaat" performance openly challenges the
authority and validity of spirit mediums claiming to have the power to
materialize the desires of their clients. By focusing on the popular
Thai lottery, the comedians playfully suggest that the desire for
increased wealth and a good life is defined by this new consumerism.
As Duen Phen exposes the illicit activities of a spirit medium, the
troupe members not only voice their skepticism regarding the role
such charlatans play in Thai society, but they also poignantly demon-
strate how spirit mediums have become victims themselves through
their delusions of power and manipulation.
Thus comic inspiration for Duen Phen's "Saiyasaat" perfor-
mance was drawn from current events-in particular, the scandal that
shook conventional faith in the legitimacy of the lottery and the rela-
tionship between spirit mediums and their clients. Furthermore, the
comedians explored the struggle between existing and emerging value
systems, as well as the vulnerability of people experiencing social, eco-
nomic, and political change. In "Saiyasaat" Duen Phen exposes the
internal conflicts of Thai society for its themes and social commentary.
334 Grow
Events that shape and reflect a dynamic Thai worldview are the target
of comedic expose. And in their performance of "Snow White in Thai-
land," Duen Phen continues to explore the increasingly transnational
character of Thai urban life.
"Snow White in Thailand"
This routine, performed at the Valentine Massage Parlor o

December 14, 1987, featured four characters: an Announcer, a Lover
Prince, and Snow White. A drummer and ranat player provided mus
cal accompaniment.
The stage lights come up as musicians play Thai classical melo
dies evoking images of an ancient and golden era. A performer slow
dances to center stage wearing a sequined tunic and plumed hea
band-the standard dress of a folk opera hero. After announcing him
self to be both a prince of great merit and a practiced ascetic,
solicits a beer from an audience member. Since the beer is too warm to
drink, he asks a waitress to "bag it." (Taking food home in plastic bags
is standard procedure for carry-out among Thai restaurants and street
vendors.) Pursuing his heroic quest to save the world from evil, he con-
tinues hisjourney, exiting through the audience.
The action now focuses on a maiden in a twentieth-century
evening gown who gracefully dances across the stage acknowledging
compliments from audience members. Standing center stage she
grabs the bodice of her gown and jerks it down to her navel, exposing
a naked male torso. The audience howls! She quickly restores the bod-
ice to its original position and then pantomimes picking fruit from a
tree. As the "maiden" tells her story, the audience discovers she is not a
character from an ancient Thai kingdom at all but Snow White-a
modern version of Walt Disney's cartoon heroine. Harvesting an imag-
inary orchard, she mimics some well-known television commercials
(see COLOR PLATE 4):
This pomegranate is fresh-just like Oil of Olay. It will leave my face

smooth without a wrinkle.
She sashays to another tree and plucks a fruit:
This pomegranate is fragrant-just like Lux soap. It will leave my body

smelling like a rose.
As she approaches another tree the Announcer interrupts, telling her

to get back to the story of Snow White. She flashes a flirtatious smile to
an admiring man seated at a nearby table, and then accepts the ciga-
rette the gentleman hands her. She curtsies and places it behind her
ear, explaining she will smoke it later in the car after the performance.
Nodding to the Announcer, she continues her story by telling every-
one she is depressed. She has been waiting in the garden for her Lover
since early morning and he still has not arrived. Lonely and rejected,
she sings a song lamenting her condition. But instead of singing a tra
ditional melody appropriate to a Thai folk opera heroine, Snow White
belts out the popular rock tune "Bok Ma Leey Rew" (Say It Quickly)-
and to the shock of her audience, she changes the lyrics to include the
words "ok ma leey rew" ("climax quickly"). With each chorus of "Ok m
ley, ok ma leey, "she acts out the song's sexual message by panting and
rhythmically grinding her hips. The Announcer quickly interrupts her
outrageous display by bringing her Lover to the garden.
Having anticipated this Lover as handsome and virile, the audi-
ence laughs in disbelief as a spindly, effeminate youth enters. Instead
of welcoming her partner, Snow White scolds him for neglecting her
and berates his appearance:
How can you be my lover when you are so skinny? You're supposed to
be strong!
Lifting his cape to expose a naked chest, the Lover counts his ribs.
Snow White continues her verbal abuse by sharing her lover's financia
status with the audience:
This man has no money, he can't even buy a bowl of noodles at the
Victory Monument!5
Responding to her insult, the Lover sheepishly steps back, dodging th

verbal assault.
He then threatens to cast a spell on Snow White that will reduce

her spiteful remarks to gibberish. Sweeping his cape over them both,
he locks her in a lustful embrace. The Announcer quickly censors
their intimacy by reminding the couple they are not alone. Snow
White finally struggles free from her lover, and glancing at her wrist,
she discovers her watch is missing. Pointing to her bare arm, she
begins to howl-at which the Lover quickly produces her watch from
his back pocket and hands it over. Believing he has cleverly outsmarted
Snow White, he turns and smiles at the audience. But his expression
soon changes to alarm as he discovers his wallet is missing. As he
laments his loss, Snow White retrieves the wallet from her bosom and
returns it to him.
336 Grow
The Lover then exits shouting a prophecy that Snow White will
speak gibberish when the clock strikes twelve. The countdown begins.
At twelve Snow White is frantically blurting nonsense. Attempting to
translate her dialogue, the Announcer engages in wordplay of sexual
punning. Frustrated, Snow White gathers her imaginary pomegranates
and exits through the audience.
Onstage the Prince enters the garden. He tells the audience he
has vanquished evil in the kingdom, but unfortunately has not found a
maiden to praise his valor. He is lonely. Hoping to attract an admirer
he sings "Don't You Ever Let Me Down," an American song currently
on Thai pop charts. Gripping the microphone he delivers a passionate
imitation of TomJones. His vocal chords throb as he sings a few stanzas
in English. Then, uncertain of the correct lyrics, he substitutes Thai
that sounds like English, exaggerating the nasal and throaty quality of
the language. He unbuttons his tunic, exposing a string of Buddhist
amulets, and concludes the rendition by dropping to his knees
exhausted.
Attracted by this love song, Snow White drifts through the audi-
ence searching for the Prince. As they meet onstage the Prince
clutches his heart. He rubs his eyes, as if blinded by her beauty, and
then interrupts the action to ask the Announcer to help him remove a
gnat from his left eye. Believing Snow White is overwhelmed with shy-
ness, he coaxes her to speak: "Ah, this maiden has white skin soft
enough to touch." He caresses her arm. Snow White blushes.
"Her nose is straight enough to tweak." He pulls her nose. Snow
White coyly turns aside.
"Her lips are sweet enough to kiss." He places a finger on her
mouth. Snow White purses her lips.
"Her breasts are round enough to squeeze."
He grabs her breasts. Snow White violently slaps his hand, blurt-
ing out an objection in gibberish. The Prince jumps away from her in
surprise and turns to the Announcer asking, "Is she crazy? I am a prince.
I can't love a maiden like this! What's more-her breath smells!" The
Announcer reminds him that fairytale princes have magical power. A
kiss will restore Snow White's speech. (See COLOR PLATE 5.)
After a passionate embrace with the Prince, Snow White discov-
ers her speech is restored. She thanks her admirer. Wanting to encour-
age further conversation, the Prince begins to speak-but now, his
sentences are gibberish! Shocked, Snow White quickly escapes
through the audience, abandoning the hero stranded center stage and
blurting in distress.
A drumroll accents the punchline and the show is over.
TWISTING A TRADITIONAL THAI GENRE
"Snow White in Thailand" is framed by the mythic world of the

likay folk opera. This frame acts as an interpretive context within wh
messages are communicated and apprehended according to est
lished guidelines shared by all participants (Bateson 1972, 222). Lik
a form of farcical drama familiar to most Thai, is especially popu
with the working class. (See, for example, Brandon 1967; Smithie
1971; and Virulrak 1980.) All four comedians in Duen Phen have pe
formed likay, and all are skillful in adapting their stories and com
characters to the likay performance style. Likay features at least f
FIGURE 8. Daeng Diproom strikes a villain's pose

offstage: Bangkok, November 1987. (Photo: Mary
L. Grow)
338 Grow
characters: a hero, a heroine, a villain, and a joker. Heroes typically

embark on epic journeys during which they encounter villains, clever
rogues, and demons who masquerade as beautiful women. They often
fight elaborate battles and are victorious. Throughout likay perfor-
mances, heroes demonstrate their male prowess by wooing any
maiden they choose. Heroines are beautiful, and in likay scenarios
their beauty is often attributed to fair skin.6 They are gentle, virtuous,
and loyal, even to the most unfaithful lover. Jokers usually assist heroes
and heroines in fulfilling their goals. But they are also extremely busy
matchmaking, setting traps for villains, and communicating witty rep-
artee to the audience.
As a form of folk performance that derives much of its popula

from a fast-moving story, glamorous costumes, and farcical humor (V
ulrak 1980, 79), likay has been criticized by the Thai upper classes as
ing to meet the aesthetic standards of lakhon ram, the esteemed class
dance-drama that captures the elegance and grace of the Thai co
Despite this criticism, likay has continued through the years and
lished itself as an extremely popular form of folk theatre (Viru
1990). While likay performers are known to recite verse extempo
ously and engage in spontaneous comic action, the characters, par
larly the hero, heroine, and villain, are well defined and us
portrayed according to the stereotypes mentioned earlier. Gener
epic stories attempt to capture the classical and golden era of Tha
and are told with the expectation that happiness and prosperity
come to the appropriate characters at the conclusion of a perform
By accenting their joker performance with music, dance,
costumes characteristic of likay, Duen Phen encourages the audi
to anticipate that both the story and the character roles will de
according to a likay model. Yet as the action progresses it bec
obvious that the story is not really following likay. As a model, "
White in Thailand" is subverted when the character roles of both the
hero and heroine are drastically distorted and performers generally
act in unpredictable and outrageous ways. The actors continually do
this while the Announcer, who acts as a kind of straight man, attempts
to direct their behavior according to recognized likay standards
Appearances prove deceptive as these characters cast aside conven
tional roles and become jokers licensed to twist and restructure a folk
tale that initially seemed familiar but now takes a totally unexpecte
turn. Through their interactions with one another and the audience
the comedians introduce a wide range of contemporary images and
experiences normally foreign to the traditional likay theatre. Duen
Phen juxtaposes conventionally experience with shocking antics they
seem to devise whenever they please. As they combine rock and rol
classical dance, TV commercials, sexual joking, and exaggerated

mime, the comedians construct an alternative and expanded world
that encourages new ideas and experiences. Duen Phen offers the
audience another perspective on an otherwise serious and constrained
everyday world. These new dimensions of ideology and behavior play-
fully challenge the limited nature of the orthodox in Thai society.8 Th
comedians not only subvert traditional likay, they also challenge a vari
ety of cultural forms that frame artistic creativity.
SATIRIZING THE FARANG TOURIST
Performances of "Snow White in Thailand" were extremely

popular with nightclub audiences. People not only laughed their way
through the story but were especially eager to interact with the per-
formers by shouting comments to encourage comic improvisation. On
many occasions audience members spontaneously joined the onstage
activity to flirt with Snow White and compete with others for her atten-
tion. Loyal fans and club owners usually praised the troupe for their
characterization of Disney's fairytale heroine. They not only felt the
rendition was funny because Snow White challenged norms of Thai
social behavior, but they also enjoyed Duen Phen's jab at the farang
("foreigner," most notably the Western caucasian). My interviews with
audience members revealed that this comic routine reflects sentiments
many working-class people maintain toward Westerners, particularly
American tourists. Sentiments are double-edged. While Americans are
admired for their independent lifestyle and wealth, they are resented
for their assertive behavior and general stinginess. In nightclubs fre-
quented by the working class, American tourists are often the topic of
conversation and opinions are ambivalent.
Members of Duen Phen, who express similar feelings both
onstage and offstage, believe that this current preoccupation with the
farangis related to the Thai government's 1987 "Welcome to Thailand"
tourist promotion campaign. This campaign was designed to stimulate
the Thai economy by encouraging Westerners and Japanese to spend
their money at tourist sites and local markets. With the arrival of each
Boeing 747 from abroad, the Thai government claimed that vast
amounts of cash circulated throughout the country. But those benefit-
ing most were the wealthy Thai entrepreneurs who owned first-class
hotels, restaurants, beach resorts, exclusive massage parlors, tour agen-
cies, and government-financed modes of transportation. Amidst infla-
tion, increasing unemployment, and rising expectations, the Thai
working class, particularly the people I interviewed in the nightclubs
of Pratunam, did not experience the economic advancement the tour-
ist campaign promised. Patrons at the Gold Sweet Cafe sarcastically
340 Grow
questioned how they could become wealthy by simply providing foreign

visitors with a taxi ride about town, a call girl for the evening, an imita-
tion Rolex, or a plastic bag of freshly cut mangoes. Vendors in local
markets discussed the awkward situation of selling merchandise to
flaxen-haired beauties who chose to beat the heat and humidity by dis-
carding their bras. AIDS not only became a household word, but the
disease forced several Bangkok massage parlors to ban Western clien-
tele.9 Six new gay bars opened in Bangkok at the peak of the tourist
season. Thus the Thai working class was hustling the farang tourists
while resenting their presence in the community.
Duen Phen's leader, Daeng Diproom, repeatedly asked me to
teach him English phrases because he thought it would enhance the
troupe's chances of being hired in clubs frequented by farang tourists.
Many of these clubs maintained a thriving business and the entertain-
ers, mostly singers adept at mimicking American pop, took home sub-
stantial tips each night. During the two years of my fieldwork, I taught
the troupe key phrases such as: "Where do you come from?", "What is
the name of your girlfriend?", and "Please give me one hundred baht."
Eventually Duen Phen developed a reputation throughout the clubs of
Pratunam for using more English in their comedy act than any other
troupe playing the joker performance circuit. Despite their efforts,
Duen Phen could not perform exclusively in English and therefore
could not compete for a performance slot in the tourist hotels and
clubs catering to farang clientele. Gradually the troupe's enthusiasm to
play for "big money" diminished as they realized comic improvisation
in English was far more difficult than they had ever imagined. Along
with this realization came feelings of resentment, too, for the troupe
remained excluded from a more lucrative income.
Thus Daeng Diproom created "Snow White in Thailand,"
comic routine that expresses the frustration toward tourists that t
performers and their audiences share. By using the Disney cartoon
character of Snow White and placing her in a scenario framed by t
likay folk opera, Duen Phen initially captures the traits of a perfect he
oine. As the action progresses and sexual joking becomes part of t
comic improvisation, however, she begins to demonstrate scandalo
behavior that destroys the heroine stereotype. While singing a risq
parody and panting for a sexual encounter, Snow White not only vi
lates all the standards of the traditional likay make-believe world, b
she also subverts the childlike innocence associated with Walt Disne
cartoon fairy tale. What began as the essence of purity sudden
becomes vulgar. In this routine, then, Duen Phen boldly presents a c
icature of the farang by exaggerating behavioral characteristics th
often associate with the American tourist. Though caricaturing foreign-
ers is a basis for generating ethnic humor, at a more abstract level it also
provides performers and spectators alike with a sense of their collective
self-perceived, apprehended, and interpreted in relationship to the
non-Thai. From this reflexive perspective, fear of social and spiritual
degradation is expressed in the figure of Snow White: she is a metaphor
for Thai urban society increasingly violated by outside elements with
the potential to corrupt the idealized Thai worldview and aesthetic.
While Snow White is typically recognized as a heroine in Thai-
land, Duen Phen's characterization suggests a demon often featured in
Thai literature and classical dance-drama.'0 This demon hides her true
identity by transforming herself into a beautiful woman who entices,
captures, and finally devours an unsuspecting male admirer. The decep-
tive nature of appearances is a dominant theme in Buddhist philosophy,
and such stories convey this didactic message (Grow 1994, 49-51).
Although Duen Phen's story and characterization of Snow White pro-
vide the audience with bawdy entertainment, the comedians also play
on traditional themes and values, even in the nightclubs of Bangkok.
Duen Phen's Performance Techniques

Thus far I have presented two of Duen Phen's popular comic
routines and analyzed the sociocultural contexts from which they
FIGURE 9. Comedians costumed as schoolchildren take a moment to jest with

their "teacher": Bangkok, January 1988. (Photo: Mary L. Grow)
342 Grow
emerged. In this final section I want to explore several performance

techniques and devices these comedians use not only to convey their
messages but, more important, to make people laugh.
THE ORDERING OF CHAOS
At first glance, Duen Phen's performances appear haphazard

One moment performers are mauling each other onstage, the n
they are accepting cigarettes from members of the audience. Just
story seems to get under way, characters deviate from the plot a
recite TV commercials that have nothing to do with the issue at ha
Performers not only jump from one topic to another but seem
thrive on creating a zany environment.
While Duen Phen's performances appear chaotic and unco
ventional, they are in reality carefully constructed and orchestra
events. As a team of four comics working closely together the trou
uses a performance strategy that has been part of Thai comedy f
years. It requires one performer to play the announcer, who throu
the course of the routine acts as a straight man. This male charac
usually dresses in ordinary street clothes and mediates between th
other onstage performers and the audience through narration
commentary. He also keeps track of the time and keeps the plot m
ing by returning performers and audience members to the story d
ing extemporaneous exchanges. The remaining three performe
assume specific character types, usually hero, heroine, and villain.
of these roles are laced with comic elements.
The early development of this performance technique in Thai-
land remains obscure, but the evidence suggests that sometime
between the 1880s and the turn of the century performers portrayed
these comic roles in the Bangkok casinos (Virulrak 1980, 43-44). By
combining particularly popular comic routines derived from the
genres of yikay, suat kharuat, and sipsong phasa, forerunners of the cur-
rent likay folk opera, performers developed short dramatic comedies.
Collectively these routines became known as yikay sipsong phasa and
featured ethnic parodies of numerous foreign nationalities." Each
routine included four characters: a punch man or straight man, a
female foreigner, and two chorus members who played multiple roles
such as villain, servant, and so forth (Virulrak 1980, 44-51).12 Like
their predecessors, the members of Duen Phen portray a variety of
comic character types ranging from the bawdy and slapstick to the sub-
tle and sarcastic. Buffoons, lechers, gays, naive children, prima don-
nas, starving ascetics, drunks, absentminded scholars, and deformed
beggars are just a few of Duen Phen's popular comic types. This list is
by no means definitive, since each evening the performers develop
other characters and explore new comic types. Even in the course of a
single performance a character might suddenly shift from one type to
another. While a performer may play various character types to dem-
onstrate his acting skills, he is also careful not to duplicate the efforts
of his fellow performers. In this way members of the troupe work col
lectively to texture the overall performance with diverse and innova-
tive dialogue as well as comic action.13
In the routine "Snow White in Thailand," Duen Phen features
three comic types: the effeminate lover, the slightly dim-witted macho
hero, and the demanding and extremely clever heroine. Nu Daeng, who
plays the Lover, considers his characterization a parody of the krathoei
(homosexual). He minces across the stage waving his hands effemi-
nately and may even suck another male character's thumb occasionally
to emphasize the character's sexual orientation. Nu Daeng often takes
comic advantage of his small and spindly body; he enjoys shocking the
audience by exposing his bony chest or extending a hairy leg.
Daeng Diproom plays the Prince, a hero who first captures
Snow White's interest but then falls victim to her clever manipulation.
On the one hand, this character portrays archetypical heroic behavior:
winning a cosmic battle, wooing a maiden with a love song, even seduc-
ing her in a lovely garden. On the other hand, Daeng Diproom's ren-
dition exaggerates the ideal virile male character by portraying a vain
prince so preoccupied with his masculine image that he is duped by
Snow White's final trick. In his performance Daeng frequently experi-
ments with the Thai language. He not only plays with vocabulary by
switching the order of compound words to create puns or ridiculous
gibberish, he also impersonates international celebrities who speak or
sing in foreign languages. With no formal study, Daeng is a master in
the phrasing and intonation of several languages, a skill he learned by
listening to the international pop charts on the radio, watching for-
eign TV programs, and taking note of the conversations of foreigners.
Daeng comments: "When I play the hero in 'Snow White' I try new
techniques with language because this demonstrates that the character
is worldly. People usually think someone who communicates in
another language is intelligent. But this hero isn't smart enough to
realize that even though Snow White is beautiful, she is also clever and
dangerous" (April 18, 1987).
PLAYING WITH OPPOSITIONS
Female impersonation, len phuying, is a significant featu

Duen Phen's joker performance.14 While this is not the place t
sider its historical development in Thailand, this art form was
established during the Ayuthaya era (1351-1776) (Rutnin 198
344 Grow
Female impersonation was not only performed in the courtly masked

dance-dramas of khon, but it was often the focus of bawdy and comic
scenarios in lakhon nok, a form of dance-drama that entertained both
the aristocracy and the common people. In these dramatic forms male
and female characters (all played by men) engaged in slapstick, witty
repartee, parodies, and sexual joking. Such antics became a standard
part of Thai comedy and are particularly evident in Duen Phen's joker
performance. (See COLOR PLATE 6.) Although women play many
female characters in Thai theatre today, one rarely finds them perform-
ing in nightclubs on the joker performance circuit. Female imperson-
ation is the established norm. Indeed, many comedians and audience
members express a preference for female impersonators over female
actors. Daeng Diproom explains: "If a performer is a good female
impersonator the audience will like him a lot. But if his performance is
mediocre the audience will not be interested. When we use female
impersonation we are able to make many sexual jokes, and they
considered funny by the audience. If a real woman were used, ev
would think such joking was obscene and very vulgar" (April 17,
Joker performances are frequently laced with elements of
prise that are risque and even shocking. As comedians imp
humorous dialogue and action, they create a story that is exagg
and amplified for effect, thereby entering realms that Mary D
calls "dangerous and unsettling" (Douglas 1966). Sexual joking is
of this process-particularly exchanges between male and f
comic characters. Because sexual joking is titillating, sensationa
often unpredictable, it heightens the engaging and entertaining
ity of a comic routine.
In "Snow White in Thailand," comedian Long Duen Phen p
the heroine. Initially he creates a feminine illusion. His male b
visually transformed into the female through makeup, hair pr
tion, and costume. As he silently dances across the stage, he n
captures the attention of the audience with his exotic masquera
successfully evokes Snow White's beauty and ultrafeminine beh
Just as the audience finally "believes" Snow White has arrived,
pulls down his padded bodice and exposes his naked male chest.
sudden disillusionment is typical of Long's performance and is a
followed by a gleeful smile to mock stunned admirers.
Humor, then, is created at the very moment the unity o
feminine illusion is shattered by Long's subversive gesture, sh
the audience members that they have been aroused, seduced
finally deceived. Long conveys a poignant message about the d
tion of appearances. While female impersonation plays with jux
tions of reality and illusion, inside and outside, male and fema
comic punchline is created when the relationships between such juxta-

positions are explored. At this moment, oppositions merge and give
rise to the "grotesque body" (Bakhtin 1986) combination that audi-
ences find both hilarious and nonthreatening. The grotesque body is
an essential component of Duen Phen's sexual joking and allows the
female impersonator to explore topics usually considered inappropri-
ate. Sexual insults, physical abuse, and uncontrollable passion are only
funny if a bizarre or otherwise marginal character "takes the fall"-
that is, bears the brunt of various forms of denigrating treatment.
Throughout the performance the female impersonator shifts
between gender categories creating a Snow White who combines para-
doxical imagery. This character not only reflects and contributes to dis-
orderly behavior but ultimately underscores the correctness of the
normal Thai social order. Audiences are amused, embarrassed, and
physically shaken by a confrontation that compels them to examine
social norms otherwise accepted as truths. Barbara Babcock maintains
that the "clown or trickster or transvestite never demands that we
reject totally the orders of our sociocultural worlds ... rather

remind us of the arbitrary condition of imposing order on o
ronment and experience, even while they enable us to see cert
tures of that order more clearly simply because they have turned
out" (Babcock 1978, 29). While Duen Phen's performance style
versive because it manipulates and challenges the sociocultura
it also encourages the audience to balance the extraordinary a
normative range of experiences and to resurrect for itself a
order and social awareness of the theatrical chaos.
THE ROLE OF MUSIC
Humorous characterizations, shocking gestures, and tongue-

cheek criticisms are underscored by the musical accompaniment
Duen Phen's drummer and ranat player. The musicians not only
to establish the pace of a routine by punctuating comic action w
variety of rhythms; they also enhance each comedian's performan
playing melodies that evoke specific moods or images. Melo
accompanying the action are taken from the extensive repertoi
lakhon ram, Thai classical dance-drama.15 If a character suddenly
pears or is physically transformed, the musicians play phleng r
piece most Thai associate with the lakhon ram and recognize
appropriate signal for this action. Melodies to evoke specific chara
izations are derived from the phleng ok phasa, the songs of foreign l
guages. Originally developed in the sipsongphasa, these songs are
musical impressions of the Chinese, Malay, Javanese, farang, and
nationalities or ethnicities. (See Meyers-Moro 1993, 70-81, for a
346 Grow
cussion of the sipsong phasa.) In Duen Phen's "Saiyasaat" routine, the

musicians accompany the Spirit Medium's entrance with the phleng
khaek (song of Indian air), evoking an exotic mood to correspond with
the comedian's characterization. Although "Snow White in Thailand"
features a farang heroine, the musicians substitute the expected phleng
farang (song of the Western air) with a popular Thai rock and roll
selection that has been influenced by American popular music.16
These timely adaptations complement the dramatic action and are just
a few of the many inventive ways Duen Phen's musicians playfully
manipulate traditional musical forms.
INTERACTING WITH THE AUDIENCE
A relationship between the performer and his audience is criti

cal in the shaping of comic improvisation. Duen Phen's performance
are never the same because they depend entirely on the compositio
and cooperation of an ever-changing audience. Performers never u
a script, but invent new stories every night. In this way, dramatic con-
tent is emergent and continuously influenced by its immediate perfor-
mance context. People may respond to a comic routine by shouting
remarks that steer an episode in an unexpected direction. If a song
requested, Duen Phen must not only incorporate it into their com
FIGURE 10. Comedians engage in slapstick encouraged by Duen Phen

Announcer, center stage; musicians in the background play ranat and drum
Bangkok, December 1987. (Photo: Mary L. Grow)
action-the comedians are also expected to sing a rendition the audi-

ence will like. Spectators usually present the comedians with 100-baht
notes if their request for a particular song is granted. (See COLOR
PLATE 7.) Thus comedians can enhance their earnings while also culti-
vating a loyal following among audience members.
Clearly the performers must please their audiences. The very
purpose of a nightclub act is to entertain. The laughter of everyone
present, including the performers, provides a means to gauge the suc-
cess or failure of comic material. If the audience does not seem to
express interest in the performance, the troupe will switch to s
thing intriguing and outrageous. Nightclub owners are only intere
in hiring troupes that make their patrons happy, encourage them
spend money, and keep them coming back for more. This is not to
that Duen Phen only responds to the immediate pressures of
managers and nightclub patrons. As comedians they experience t
mendous enjoyment from their antics. Breakdancing, sword fight
singing riddles while miming a motorcycle race-all this is fun. Co
dians frequently express their love for the joker performance and
fess their desire to make a career on the nightclub circuit. T
enthusiasm, rooted in the spontaneous and creative nature of
genre, seems to outweigh the disadvantages of a hectic and econo
cally precarious lifestyle. Long Duen Phen comments:
The joker performance is my favorite because I have the freedom

play any character and any style of drama. If you are a likay perform
or a lakhon performer, you must follow the traditions and styles
these forms. If I am a joker in the nightclub I can be flexible. I
play any role, imitate any style. I can play a different show eve
time-lakhon, likay, ngiu,17 Cinderella, Superman, Barbarella. I am
restricted. It's more fun and never boring. [March 25, 1987]
A Nexus of Past, Present, and Future

Comedians playing the fast-paced comic routines of the jok
performance evoke a variety of characters, images, and experien
that reflect upon Bangkok's rapidly changing sociocultural lands
Although comedians such as Duen Phen continually update t
comic material, they often use performance techniques that have
part of Thai theatre for many years. Their comic routines present
ative and innovative perspectives toward life through exaggerated
subversive behavior that is humorous yet sometimes morally unacc
able to audiences. In this way they both support and subvert a tr
tional stance deeply rooted in Thai culture. Comedians playing
348 Grow
joker performance develop unique and innovative ways of combining,

juxtaposing, and interchanging themes and images that have through
the course of history played a significant part in shaping Thailand's
cultural heritage. The joker performance is a nexus where multiple
voices of past, present, and future are expressed. "Saiyasaat" and
"Snow White in Thailand" are not only entertaining stories that pro-
voke laughter. They are also social commentaries relevant to the lives
of their audiences. In these popular nightclub routines comedians
playfully expose the hidden struggles, shams, and sexual desires
beneath the veneer of proper Thai behavior. Thus audiences are
taught to confront themselves through laughter.
NOTES
I am grateful to the Asian Cultural Council and the Fulbright-Ha

Dissertation Abroad Program for generously funding my research in
I thank Professors Phillip B. Zarrilli and Katherine A. Bowie of th
of Wisconsin for their valuable comments, suggestions, and enthu
port. In addition, I thank Scott Sester who helped me to meet Due
encouraged me to establish part-time residence in Bangkok's wo
sector of Pratunam. Portions of this article were presented to the ann
ing of the Popular Culture Association, St. Louis, Missouri, April 5
1. Members of Duen Phen include comedians Daeng Diproom
Duen Phen, Kii Simakok, and Paw Sawchingcha. Musicians accomp
comic action include Biak Ranakhrun and Luern Runtawin. In November
1987, Kii and Paw left Duen Phen to form comedy troupes of their own.
were replaced by Nu Daeng and Yo Yai.
2. A ranat is a xylophone with yellow bamboo or hardwood keys.
keys are strung over a wooden, troughlike body standing on a small ped
The player performs with a pair of padded beaters.
3. A phakhaoma is a rectangular cotton cloth worn as a lower garm
by men, particularly in the Thai countryside. This cloth can also be wor
turban, shawl, or bathing garment.
4. A wai is the traditional Thai greeting in which the palms of bo
hands are placed together. In this situation the Country Bumpkin is perf
ing a krap, a prostration usually reserved to show great respect.
5. The average price of noodles sold at Bangkok food stalls is 25 b
($1). At the Victory Monument, however, noodles are only 10 baht, the c
est price in town.
6. In Thai dance-drama, skin color is a key marker of feminine beauty
the lighter the complexion, the more beautiful. During costume prepar
actresses spend a great deal of time applying layers of white powder to achi
a milky complexion. In Thai poetry a beautiful woman's face is often
pared to the full moon (that is, round and white).
7. While lakhon ram (dance-drama proper) is a category covering a

wide range of Thai performance genres, here I am primarily interested in
two. Lakhon nai or lakhon nang nai is a form of classical dance-drama tradition-
ally performed exclusively for the king by women associated with the inne
court (Fai Nai); this dance style is slow, elegant, and refined. Lakhon nok is
form of dance-drama traditionally performed only by men outside the roya
court. While the dance-drama was inspired by the hand gestures and dance
steps of the lakhon nai, humor and comic improvisation are the outstanding
characteristics of lakhon nok.
8. In his analysis of comedy, James Feidleman (1939, 200-201) states:

"Comedy leads to dissatisfaction and the overthrow of all reigning theories
and practices in favor of those less limited. It thus works against current cus-
toms and institutions; hence its inherently revolutionary nature.... Far bet-
ter to stress the fact that however much value any actual situation may have,
it is prevented from having more only by its limitations.... Comedy, then,
criticizes the finite for not being infinite."
9. The most notable of these massage parlors was the Cleopatra,
located on New Phetchaburi Road. For details of the Cleopatra's closing see
Molly Yong's Bangkok Post article of October 1, 1987. By early 1988 only ten
cases of AIDS were reported by Thai health officials. These cases were limited
to gay men thought to have contracted the disease from foreigners. This posi-
tion-associating the AIDS problem with foreign male tourists and other mar-
ginal populations (intravenous drug users and female prostitutes)-changed
drastically in the fall of 1989 as case numbers increased and governmental
and private responses to the epidemic were obliged to identify patterns of
HIV transmission in the general Thai population. For more information
about the early years of Thailand's AIDS epidemic see Muecke (1990).
10. The works of the celebrated poet Sunthon Phu are an excellent
example. In English, see the story of "Phra Aphaimani" (Prem Chaya 1959),
which features a typical Thai female demon.
11. During the Ayuthaya era (1351-1776) many foreign nationalities
came to Thailand. These were collectively called sipsongphasa (the twelve for-
eign languages) and included the following: ciin (Chinese), phama (Bur-
mese), khamen (Cambodian), mon, lao (Laotian), yuan (Vietnamese), kha (hill
people along the Thai-Burma border), nakhon (people from the ancient trib-
utary state of Nakhon Sri Thammarat), khaek (Indians, Malay, Javanese, Cey-
lonese, and Arabians), ngieo (people of the Shan state in northern Burma),
and farang (Caucasians).
12. For details see Surapone Virulrak's study (1980) focusing on likay.
Virulrak's historical account of this farcical dance-drama provides consider-
able insight into the development of Thai comic performance.
13. The ideal number of actors that can work together creatively
seems to be four. On occasion Duen Phen added extra performers to their
troupe to help out unemployed friends working the nightclub circuit. These
additions not only disrupted the troupe's collective sense of timing, a critical
feature in comic performance, but, more often than not, created confusion
350 Grow
onstage. Eventually the extra performers were discarded and the troupe
returned to four characters. Surapone Virulrak, who has conducted research
on Thai comic performance, has confirmed my suspicion that four character
types are considered the best combination for collective comic improvisation.
They are usually hero, heroine, villain, and straight man.
14. I use the term "female impersonator" because it conveys the art of a
man playing a female role on stage and is therefore compatible with the Thai
term len phuying (literally, "to play a woman"). Comedians who play the joker
performance make a clear distinction between the female impersonator and
the transvestite. A female impersonator only performs a female role in a theatri-
cal performance and is not interested in projecting the cross-gender phenome-
non for any other purpose. The transvestite, however, is considered an active
participant in the Thai gay community. While transvestites may also be perform-
ers, they usually project a female image both onstage and offstage. The word
krathoei refers to the transvestite, a slang term that literally translates as "queer."
The krathoei is not usually featured in the joker performance but is more likely
to be part of the lip-synch shows now popular in the resort town of Pattaya.
15. The musical selections associated with Thai classical dance-drama
are part of a larger repertoire known as na phat. The na phat includes two t
three hundred pieces used for dance-drama and various rituals. For an
extended discussion of the complete na phat repertoire see Wong (1991, 171
218).
16. These musical forms are an excellent example of what Erving
Goffman (1974) calls "keying"-a signal that a particular action, sentiment,
or message is being performed.
17. Ngiu is a form of folk opera brought to Thailand from the south-
ern provinces of China. Troupes perform stories focusing on the military
exploits and court intrigues of ancient times. Many performances are stage
in the Chinese-Thai communities during new year celebrations as part of an
extended spirit offering.
REFERENCES
Babcock, Barbara. 1978.

"Introduction." In B. Babcock, ed., The Reversible World: Symbo
sion in Art and Society. Ithaca and London: Cornell University P
Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1986.
Rabelais and His World. Translated by H.Iswolsky. Cambrid
Press.
Bateson, Gregory. 1972.

"A Theory of Play and Fantasy." In G. Bateson, ed., Steps to an Ecology of
Mind. St. Albans: Paladin. First published 1955.
Bergson, Henri. 1911.
Laughter: An Essay on the Meaning of the Comic. New York: Macmillan.
Brandon, James R. 1967.

Theatre in Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Douglas, Mary. 1966.
Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Danger and Taboo. London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul.
.1968.
"The Social Control of Cognition: Some Factors in Joke Percepti

Man 3: 361-376.
Feidleman, James. 1939.
In Praise of Comedy: A Study in Its Theory and Practice. London: George
Allen.
Freud, Sigmund. 1960.

Jokes and Their Relationship to the Unconscious. Translated byJ. Strachey.
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Goffman, Erving. 1974.
Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. New York:
Harper Colophon.
Grow, Mary L. 1991.
"Laughter for Spirits-a Vow Fulfilled: The Comic Performance of
Thailand's Lakhon Chatri Dance-Drama." Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Wisconsin, Madison.
.1994.
"Dancing the Past and Present: Lakhon Chatri Performers from

chaburi Province." In 1994 Festival of American Folklife. Washin
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Irvine, Walter. 1984.
"Decline of Village Spirit Cults and Growth of Urban Spirit Mediu
ship: The Persistence of Spirit Beliefs, the Position of Women an
Modernization." Mankind 14: 315-324.
Meyers-Moro, Pamela. 1993.
Thai Music and Musicians in Contemporary Bangkok. Berkeley: Center
for South and Southeast Asia Studies, University of California.
Muecke, Marjorie A. 1990.
"The AIDS Prevention Dilemma in Thailand." Asian and Pacific Popu-
lation Forum 4(4): 1-8, 21-27.
Prem Chaya (Prince Prem Purachatra). 1959.
Phra Aphaimani. Bangkok: Chatra Books.
Rutnin, Mattani M. 1983.
Transformation of the Thai Concepts of Aesthetics. Thai Khadi Research
Institute, Paper 13. Bangkok: Thammasat University.
Sivaraksa, S. 1986.
A Buddhist Vision for Renewing Society. Bangkok: Tienwan.
Smithies, Michael. 1971.
"Likay: A Note on the Origin, Form, and Future of Siamese Folk
Opera." Journal of the Siam Society 60: 169-181.
352 Grow
Tambiah, S.J. 1970.

Buddhism and the Spirits Cults in North-East Thailand. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Terwiel, B.J. 1975.
Monks and Magic: An Analysis of Religious Ceremonies in Central Thailand.
Bangkok: Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies and B.J. Terwiel.
Virulrak, Surapone. 1980.
"Likay: A Popular Theatre in Thailand." Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Hawaii.
.1990.
"Theatre in Thailand Today." Asian Theatre Journal 7 (1): 95-104

Williams, Raymond. 1973.
"Base and Superstructure in Marxist Culture Today." New Left
82: 3-16.
Wong, Deborah A. 1991.
"The Empowered Teacher: Ritual, Performance, and Epistemology in
Contemporary Bangkok." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan.
Yong, Molly. 1987.
"Massage Parlour Slaps Ban on Westerners." Bangkok Post, October 1.

Duen Phen - Joker Performance - Grow. M.L - 1995

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Duen Phen - Joker Performance - Grow. M.L - 1995

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Duen Phen: Joker Performance in the Nightclubs of Bangkok

Author(s): Mary L. Grow

Like traveling Thai poets of a bygone era, comedians of the

apply makeup and cos-

PLATE 4. Snow White

PLATE 7. An audience member requests a song from Daeng Diproom. Bangkok,

FIGURE 6. A comedian playing a female role com-

The Joker Performance

tion. Scenarios typically feature familiar folktales composed of seem-

FIGURE 7. In a performance at the Gold Sweet Cafe, comedians playfully

My interest in the joker performance began in 1986 following a

framed by the traditional performance genres I had observed in the

"Saiyasaat": A Typical Routine

I am a great master, a practiced ascetic, an indestructible force i

Several of the audience members respond with applause, while

The Medium then challenges everyone to witness his skill in

"Snow White in Thailand"

This routine, performed at the Valentine Massage Parlor o

This pomegranate is fresh-just like Oil of Olay. It will leave my face

She sashays to another tree and plucks a fruit:

This pomegranate is fragrant-just like Lux soap. It will leave my body

As she approaches another tree the Announcer interrupts, telling her

Responding to her insult, the Lover sheepishly steps back, dodging th

He then threatens to cast a spell on Snow White that will reduce

TWISTING A TRADITIONAL THAI GENRE

"Snow White in Thailand" is framed by the mythic world of the

FIGURE 8. Daeng Diproom strikes a villain's pose

characters: a hero, a heroine, a villain, and a joker. Heroes typically

As a form of folk performance that derives much of its popula

classical dance, TV commercials, sexual joking, and exaggerated

SATIRIZING THE FARANG TOURIST

Performances of "Snow White in Thailand" were extremely

questioned how they could become wealthy by simply providing foreign

Duen Phen's Performance Techniques

FIGURE 9. Comedians costumed as schoolchildren take a moment to jest with

emerged. In this final section I want to explore several performance

THE ORDERING OF CHAOS

At first glance, Duen Phen's performances appear haphazard

PLAYING WITH OPPOSITIONS

Female impersonation, len phuying, is a significant featu

Female impersonation was not only performed in the courtly masked

comic punchline is created when the relationships between such juxta-

reject totally the orders of our sociocultural worlds ... rather

THE ROLE OF MUSIC

Humorous characterizations, shocking gestures, and tongue-

cussion of the sipsong phasa.) In Duen Phen's "Saiyasaat" routine, the

INTERACTING WITH THE AUDIENCE

A relationship between the performer and his audience is criti

FIGURE 10. Comedians engage in slapstick encouraged by Duen Phen

action-the comedians are also expected to sing a rendition the audi-

The joker performance is my favorite because I have the freedom

A Nexus of Past, Present, and Future

joker performance develop unique and innovative ways of combining,

I am grateful to the Asian Cultural Council and the Fulbright-Ha

7. While lakhon ram (dance-drama proper) is a category covering a

8. In his analysis of comedy, James Feidleman (1939, 200-201) states:

Babcock, Barbara. 1978.

Bateson, Gregory. 1972.

Brandon, James R. 1967.

"The Social Control of Cognition: Some Factors in Joke Percepti

Freud, Sigmund. 1960.

"Dancing the Past and Present: Lakhon Chatri Performers from

Tambiah, S.J. 1970.