Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History

Segmentary State Formation and the Ritual Control of Water under the Incas
Author(s): Peter Gose
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Jul., 1993), pp. 480-514
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Segmentary State Formation
and the Ritual Control of
Water Under the Incas
PETER GOSE

Universityof Lethbridge

There is a strangeand unacknowledgedparadoxin the historiographyof the

Incas. On the one hand, few would deny thattheirswas a typically theocratic
archaicstate, a divine kingship in which the Inca was thoughtto.be the son of
the Sun. On the other hand, the standarddescriptionsof Inca political struc-
turebarelymentionreligion and seem to assume a formalseparationbetween
state and cult.' I believe that these secularizingaccounts are misguided and
will show in this essay thatthe political structureof the pre-ColumbianAndes
took form primarily around a system of sacred ancestral relics and origin
points known generically as huacas. Each huaca defined a level of political
organizationthat might nest into units of a higher order or subdivide into
smallergroupings.Collectively they formeda segmentaryhierarchythattran-
scended the boundariesof local ethnic polities and provided the basis for
empires like that of the Incas. However, these huacas were also the focus of
local kinshiprelationsand agrarianfertilityrituals. The political structurethat
they articulatedthereforehad a built-in concern for the metaphysicalrepro-
duction of human, animal, and plant life. Political power in the pre-
ColumbianAndes was particularlyboundup with attemptsto controlthe flow
of water across the frontierof life and death, resultingin no clear distinction
between ritual and administration.
Since Frazer(1925 [1890]) and Hocart(1970 [1936]), anthropologistshave
recognized that political power and life-giving myths are commonly linked.
Althoughtheir concept of divine kingship could and should be appliedto the
Inca case, I will not attemptthathere. Rather,I intendto focus more narrowly
on the connection between ritual and administrationimplicit in the notion of
divine kingshipbut little developed outside the African literature(see Feeley-
Harik 1985). Thereare two main reasonswhy this affinitybetween ritualand
administrationhas not been exploredmore thoroughly.First, it is an anathema

1 Here I refer primarilyto Espinoza (1978), Moore (1958), and Murra(1958, 1980), although
it is importantto add thatRostworowski(1983) has begun to rethinkIncapolitical life in the light
of what we have learnedabout religion in the pre-ColumbianAndes duringthe last two decades.

0010-4175/93/3227-6142 $5.00 ? 1993 Society for ComparativeStudy of Society and History

480
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 481

to the rationalismand evolutionismthat have continuedto characterizepoliti-

cal anthropologysince the days of Frazerand Hocart. These authorssaw the
origins of the state in a long period of magically inspiredritualassociationfor
the common good, out of which the secularadministrationof the moder state
ultimatelyemerged. Howevereven an evolutionarylinkagebetween ritualand
rational administrationhas proved too close for the comfort of subsequent
theorists. Only recently have anthropologistsdirectly challenged the appli-
cability of rationalchoice models to politics in westernelectoraldemocracies
by arguingthat they are just as dependenton ritual as any archaicstate (see
Kertzer 1988). Second, ritual and administrationhave not often been con-
nected because a transcendentalbias, which takes ritual as a subspecies of
religion, and religion as world renunciation,pervadesmost academic studies
of religion. Thus, for example, when Geertz (1980) depicts the "theater
state" of nineteenth-centuryBali as an organizationprimarilydedicated to
staging royal rituals, he feels obliged to contrast his semiotic approachto
more traditionalconcerns with power and administration,as if the two were
necessarily opposed. In contrast, I aim here to show how religious notions
helped to create a cultural sense of what administrationand political power
were.
Although I will demonstratethe ritualbasis of Inca administration,I readily
admitthatthere are limits to any purelyreligious explanationof Inca imperial-
ism. As Conrad (1981) argues, the fact that each ruler founded a separate
corporatedescent group or panaca, and therefore did not inherit an estate
fromhis successor, createdpressurefor the constantexpansionof the tributary
base on which each succeeding royal estate could be founded. But since these
corporationsexisted primarilyto worship their foundingsovereign, therewas
a religious basis for the economic pressuresthey generated(Conrad1981: 17,
22). The religious dimension of Inca imperialismthereforecannot be treated
as a mere legitimation of underlyingeconomic motives. Probablythe Incas
(and their peculiarinheritancesystem) emerged undera religious regime that
had already articulatedan imperialistpolitical project that many polities be-
sides the Inca were eager to fulfill. By focusing on religion, then, I do not
intend to deny that the Inca state was an instrumentof class rule and social
controlon a scale withoutprecedentin the Andeanregion. The point is simply
that the state power of the Inca was not an end in itself but rathera means of
realizing a metaphysicalcontrol that was the common aspirationof most of
the fragmentedpolitical units that existed before the empire was formed.
One central metaphysicalissue motivating the rise of the Inca empire and
embodied in its political structurewas how to control a complex cycle that
linked death and the regenerationof life in Andean thought. Here human
deathwas thoughtto create sources of waterthatlay outside the boundariesof
the local political unit, such as Lake Titicaca and the Pacific Ocean. These
sources had to be coaxed or coerced into sending waterback to the local level
482 PETER GOSE

for agriculturalpurposes. If these distant places could be subject to imperial

control, then the complex cycle linking humandeathand agriculturalfertility
might be directly administered.As Zuidema (1978: 134) puts it:
The mountainson the horizonwereorganizedwithinan ever-expanding geographic
hierarchyof morepotentsourcesof water.Thehorizonbecamea politicalconceptto
the statewhichwantedto controlthe availabilityof water.Snow-capped
mountains,
especiallythosealongthecoast,andmountainlakeswereconsideredas the sourceof
riversof moreimmediateconcernand the waterof the formerwas believedto be
derivedfromtheoceanthatsurrounded andsupported theknownearth.Evenmilitary
andeconomicexpansionwereseen in termsof this ideology.
In this essay I hope to develop these perceptive observations into a more
systematic argumentby reconstructingthe ideological context in which con-
trol over water became a matterof such political concern.
That this need to control water was not strictly functional becomes clear
when we turnto the ecological and administrativefacts concerningirrigation
in the Andean area. Here a sharp dichotomy exists between coastal and
highlandsituations. The coastal situationis close to the classic preconditions
of the Wittfogel hypothesis: a climate with virtually no rainfall and large
populationsdependenton an intensively irrigatedagricultureinvolving exten-
sive canal systems sometimes linked major valleys together (Kosok 1965;
Ortloff et al. 1982; Eling 1986). It was long assumed that centralizedstates
administeredthese systems, and that this task may have included military
control of the highland watersheds of the rivers that fed them. However,
Netherly's work on the northernPeruviancoast suggests that canal adminis-
trationremained a largely local matter (1984: 229; cf. Leach 1961). In the
highlandsthemselves, local control of irrigationalso prevailed but against a
significantly differentnaturalbackground.Here irrigationhas primarilysup-
plemented naturalrainfall to extend the growing season of maize. In many
areas, maize, like potatoes and othertubers, sometimescan be grown entirely
on the basis of the availablerainfall. Thus, highlandagricultureis much less
dependenton irrigation.Canalsonly rarelyextend morethanten kilometersor
serve more than one community, so it has never been necessary for their
administrationto be more than the local matterit is today. Nonetheless, an
almost obsessive concern for the ritual control of water emerged in this
highland context of attenuatedfunctionalnecessity.
Because this need to control water was not a compelling naturalnecessity,
we should understandit at least in part as a human invention. Over three
millennia, Andean societies appearto have developed in ritual the working
assumption that they were incapable of controlling water, and hence their
agrarianlivelihood, from within their localized political boundaries. This
perceivedaquaticdependencyon an uncontrolledperipherymade the regional
polities of the Andes susceptible to, even complicit in, grandiose imperial
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 483

projects like that of the Inca. In this way, agrarianritualhelped generatethe

massive military and administrativeproject that was the Inca state.

PRE-COLUMBIAN POLITICAL STRUCTURE IN THE ANDES

The Inca empire fully exemplified our modem notion of the state as a govern-
ing and administrativeorgan that directedand regulatedthe workingsof civil
society from a position of partial autonomy. As an institution that arose
throughacts and threatsof conquest, the Inca state antagonisticallydifferenti-
ated itself from the rest of Andean society as a rulingentity that could impose
its will on a subject population. However, this standardview of the state
begins to change when we look into the details of its bureaucraticorganiza-
tion, and discover how the entire edifice was shaped and motivatedby agrar-
ian ritual.
Perhaps the most obvious manifestation of the Inca state as a distinct
administrativebody was the vast communicationsystem of roads, inns, and
fortressesit constructedthroughoutthe empire. The restrictionsthatthe Incas
placed on civilian travel show thatthey intendedto have this system facilitate
affairsof state in the provincesby allowing the rapidtransmissionof informa-
tion over long distances, and the movementof armies, tributaries,andtribute.
These road systems served as a jumping-off point for an even more minute
and pervasive gathering of census informationabout the local level by the
Inca state by taking censuses, which were the basis on which the empire
assessed tributaryobligations. Such censuses and obligations were recorded
in the multiple strandsof knotted wool that made up the quipu, the encoding
anddecoding of which were an importantspecialist task and the Inca adminis-
tration'sprimarymeans of informationstorage.
The tributesystem served by this infrastructurewas representedthroughthe
so-called decimal system, by which the populationwas organizedon the basis
of tribute-payinghouseholds into nesting units of 50, 100, 500, 1,000,
10,000, and 40,000. A curaca or elder oversaw each of these various units
and was responsible for ensuring that they carriedout tributaryduties. The
vast majorityof these curacas were apparentlydescendantsof the local lords
who had ruled over autonomous ethnic polities prior to the Inca conquest,
which have been characterizedas chiefdoms or kingdoms. The fundamental
social division within them was between a ruled peasantryand a hierarchyof
rulers with such titles as apu (lord), huamani (falcon), and mallku (condor).
Moore (1958) convincingly arguesthat these rulerswere a landedaristocracy,
whose political functionswere intimatelyboundup with their landholdings, a
situation in which propertyand sovereignty were tightly fused. Within this
rulinggroup, relationsof overlappingsovereigntyprevailedand affectedsuch
mattersas the allocation of labortributeprovidedby the peasantry.After they
were conquered by the Inca, these ethnic lords joined the imperial bureau-
484 PETER GOSE

cracy as curacas, where they exercised many of the same administrative

functions as they had when their provinces were still autonomouspolities.
The hereditarynature of these positions and their continuity from pre-Inca
times has led both Murra (1958: 31) and Moore (1958: 63) to dismiss the
decimal system as little more than a wishful attemptto standardizeand ratio-
nalize preexisting segmentarystructuresof the ethnic polities. The very fact
that subsequentresearch, beginning with Zuidema (1964), has reconstructed
non-decimalforms of local organizationfrom the historical record suggests
that Moore and Murrawere largely correct in arguingthat the Incas simply
used and reinforced the administrativestructuresthat they found in place.
Reportsthatthe decimal system was not instituteduntil the reign of TopaInca
furtherreinforcethe idea that it was a late and superficialdevelopment(Mur-
ua 1987 [1613]: 95). There is, however, limited evidence to suggest that the
Incas actually did attemptto reorganizelocal populationsto fit the decimal
model (Julien 1988). The fact that the Inca appointedgovernorsto supervise
and coordinatethe tributesystem at levels superiorto those administeredby
these ethnic lords suggests that this state was not wholly content to pursue a
non-interventionistpolicy of indirectrule in the provinces.
The most common non-decimal form of organizationfound in the ethnic
polities was a division of theirterritoryinto two halves labelledupper(hanan)
and lower (hurin). These divisions could exist at a level as minimal as the
moieties of a hamlet or expand to encompass the relationbetween mountain
peoples and coastal peoples within the Andean area as a whole (Zuidema
1962: 161). Because this dualist schema could be appliedat variousorganiza-
tional levels, it should be understood as a generative principle, in which
political organizationarose from a process of balancedopposition at increas-
ingly higher levels, creating a segmentary hierarchyof units. While sym-
metric in one sense, these divisions were hierarchicalin another, since the
representativesof the upper group outranked their lower counterpartson
ceremonial occasions (Matienzo 1967 [1567]: 20; Cobo 1956 [1653]: 112).
Furthermore,the curaca of the upper group would often act as the political
representativeof both groups considered as a unity (Matienzo 1967 [1567]:
20-1; Netherly 1984: 231), that is, at a higher segmentarylevel. Here the
curaca of the lower subdivision would serve as the helper (yanapaque) or
replacement(ranti) of the uppersubdivision'scuracawithin the largerpoliti-
cal unit. However, within their own respective moieties, each would have
theirown helperor replacement,as Rostworowskihas shown (1983: ch. 5). If
diarchywas the prevailingform of governmentin the pre-ColumbianAndes,
.as suggested by Zuidema (1964: 127), Duviols (1979a) and Rostworowski
(1983: chs. 5-6), we must nonetheless recognize its lopsided character.Be-
hind the appearanceof dual power lay a more familiar patternof delegated
power and hierarchy.
A less-common, but equally hierarchical,patternof politico-territorialor-
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 485

ganizationwas tripartite.Here the ethnic polity would be composed of three

territorialsubdivisions, their names denoting their respective ranks:superior
(collana), mid-point(chawpi, taypi or payan) and inferior(callao). Examples
of this sort of organizationcould be found in the ethnic polities aroundthe
continental divide in what is now southern Peru, such as the Collaguas,
Aymaraes,2Lucanas, Andamarcas,and Soras (Zuidema 1964: 81-2, 115-8;
Earls 1979: 78). The ruler of the polity as a whole was the highest ranking
curaca of the superior division. However, his replacementwas the highest
rankingcuraca of the inferior, not the mid-point, division (Zuidema 1964:
82). In this way, tripartitepolities maintainedthe asymmetricduality of high
and low described above. Conversely, even dualistic polities organizedtheir
armies along tripartitelines (see Rostworowski 1983: 115).
Such dual and tripartiteforms of organizationwere probablymore authen-
tic expressions of local Andean administrativeprinciplesthan the Inca deci-
mal system. Yet five- and ten-partterritorialorganizationswere also common
in the area aroundCuzco and might have derivedfrom these simplerdual and
tripartitestructures,as Zuidema suggests (1964: ch. 8). From these political
structures,it is only a small leap to the decimal system, so it is probably a
mistaketo draw any radicalcontrastbetween decimal and non-decimalforms
of organization.Beyond a certain numerologicalformality,what both had in
common was a hierarchical,segmentarycharacter,a structuralrelativitythat
allowed for collecting tributeand carryingout administrativetasks at a variety
of organizationallevels. Local organizationin the pre-ColumbianAndes was
hierarchical:The asymmetry between upper and lower groups at any one
segmentarylevel already implied the immanenceof the next ascending level
of the system. Structuralrelativity was a fundamentaltrait of this sort of
organization, and within it no absolute opposition between the central and
local was possible. Consequently,neitherof the extremepositions on the Inca
empire are tenable: It was more than a superficialoverlay on the preexisting
forms of local organization;but it did not attack the working principles of
"kinship-based"local societies proposed in the evolutionist scenario by Sil-
verblatt (1988) and Stern (1982). Some intergradingof local and imperial
political organizationis hardlysurprising,but it does challenge the notion that
the state as an organ needs to separateitself radically from civil society in
orderto govern.
What has given so many commentatorsthe impression that there was a
clean, formal break between the state and civil society in the pre-Columbian
Andes, ratherthan a segmentarygradationof the one into the other?The most
likely sources of this misconception are the blueprintsfor colonial govern-
2 Zuidema
mistakenly interpretsAymaraes as a four-partsystem by treating the town of
Yanacaas a territorialdivision comparableto Collana, Taypi, and Callao Aymaraes (1964:81,
99). This error could easily have been avoided if Zuidema had used pp. 1073-4 of Guaman
Poma's chronicle to interpretthe passage on p. 154.
486 PETER GOSE

ment written by such authoritiesas Matienzo (1967 [1567]: I, ch. 15) and
Polo (1916 [1571]), which assume a tripartitedivision in pre-Columbiantimes
between lands of the Inca, those of the Sun, and those of the local community
(ayllu). Without actually stating or arguing the point, these accounts imply
that underthe Incas, state, cult, and communityexisted as formally distinct
and autonomousinstitutions, each with the lands, rents, and incomes appro-
priate to its existence as a juridically separate entity. But in fact Spanish
common law and land tenure recognized state, church, and community as
distinctcorporateentities which therebyembodiedsecularprinciples.No such
patternis described by such chroniclers as Betanzos and Cieza, who wrote
while the Spanishstill practicedindirectrule throughthe curacasand were not
yet contemplating the administrative reform of Andean society. Indeed,
Moore (1958) and Rostworowski(1962) have shown that Andeanland tenure
had very little relationto this tripartitepattern.Rather,we must suspectthatas
the Spaniardspreparedto directly impose their institutionalforms on Andean
society, some found it convenient or necessary to project the kind of social
organizationthey wished to createback onto the Inca past.3In any case, state,
cult, and community were not separate institutions in the pre-Columbian
Andes, nor do they appearto have been conceptuallydistinguishedby Andean
people after more than a century of Spanish colonialism.
A fascinatingglimpse into seventeenth-centuryAndean land tenurecan be
found in the Cajatambodocuments that Duviols recently published (1986).
Here we find Noboa, an extirpatorof idolatry,repeatedlyaccusingthe natives
of tryingto hide cult lands from him on the pretextthat they are nothingmore
than comunidades y sap,is. However, much of the evidence he provided
suggests that the natives may not have operated with any clear distinction
between cult, community, and curaca land. This becomes particularlyclear
with regardto a certainfield called Vintinin the town of Mangas. One witness
identifies the field as belonging to the curaca, anotheras mainly for the idols
but sown in part by the curacas for their own benefit, and yet anotheras for
the curaca but also for the idols when the curaca keeps them. A fourth
identifies the field as community land administeredby the curacafor paying
tax (Duviols 1986: 373-9). Eitherwe join Noboa in assumingthatthe natives
were doing a badjob of lying here, or we must considerthe possibility thathe
was forcing them to account for their land tenure system through social
categories that did not apply. I suspect the latter. The Cajatambodocuments
show that the ayllus of the area were not only secular but also ceremonial
communal institutions. Each ayllu performedits own confessions, purifica-
tions, sacrifices and libationsfor its ancestralmummiesduringthe two major
ritualsof the year, the first before planting (pocoimita) and the second after
3 Note that this observation does not
apply to Sarmiento, an historiographerwho did not
attributeSpanish institutionalmorphology to Andean society despite his intimate involvement
with the Toledo reforms.
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 487

the harvest(caruamita).4Nearly all of the religious specialists who organized

these events were recruitedon the basis of an ayllu.5 In short, the ayllu was
the dominantorganizationalform of the local cults, which is probablywhy
Noboa's witnesses could not give a clear account of whether certain fields
belonged to the community, its leaders, or to the idols.
Noboa's attempt to distinguish between the ayllu's political authorities
(curacas, principales, camachicos) and its so-called ministers of idolatry
turnedout to be equally illusory. No formal separationof political and reli-
gious duties appearsto have existed among them, and most appearto have
carriedout both of the functions that Noboa presumedto have been separate.
For example, the camachicos were in chargeof collecting sacrificialcontribu-
tions from the ayllu, just as they collected labor tribute.6Some accountants
(quipu camayocs), who accompanied the camachicos on their rounds and
made note of the contributionsthey collected, also turnedout to be the priests
who presided over the sacrifices which followed (Duviols 1986: 374, 381).
Althoughthe camachicosregularlyexhortedtheirpeople to obey the ministers
of idolatryduringimportantrituals,7this does not mean thatthey did not have
ritual duties themselves. They ordered the removal of cadavers from the
sepulcher of the church to traditionalcave burial sites (Duviols 1986: 62),
designatedchildrento serve the ancestraldeities of their ayllu (Duviols 1986:
71, 74), and organized communal work on fields associated with ancestral
mummies(Duviols 1986: 80). Finally, Herando Hacas Poma, the most pow-
erful priest in the area, came from the ruling upper division, and had an
understudy(segundapersona), as did importantsecularrulers(Duviols 1986:
141-2).
Even the dual political and territorialstructuresof the pre-ColumbianAn-
des were fully integrated into local principles of community and religious
organization. Throughoutthe Andean highlands, people commonly associ-
ated the division between upperand lower groupswith the distinctionbetween
rulersand ruled and the division of laborbetween herdersand agriculturalists.
In the Cajatambodocuments, tillers were known as huari, after the tutelary
ancestorsin agriculture,and herdersas llacuaz, after a preferredtechniqueof
sacrificing camelids (Duviols 1986: 500). The llacuaces were said to be
foreign conquerorswho arrived more recently from Lake Titicaca, but the
huariswere representedas conqueredindigenouspeople,8 skilled in the artsof

4 See Duviols (1986: 53, 55-6, 60, 79, 144-5, 156-7, 169, 179, 280, 344).
5 See Duviols (1986: 55, 146-7, 165, 175, 207, 209, 216, 275-6, 285, 341, 346, 487-8,
489, 490-1, 492, 493-4, 495, 496, 498).
6 See Duviols (1986: 232, 234, 240, 244-5, 466).
7 See Duviols (1986: 125-6, 178, 191, 199, 221,
226-8, 276-7).
8 See Arriaga (1968 [1621]: 24, 117-8) and Duviols (1986: 11, 52, 55, 59, 60, 94, 120).
There are cases, however, where huari mummiesare describedas "los primerosconquistadoresy
fundadores"of a certainlocality (see Duviols 1986: 59, 224, 428), which suggests that conquest
is not exclusively associatedwith llacuaz groups. The historicalmutabilityof these distinctionsis
488 PETER GOSE

civilization, who settled their pastoraloverlordsinto a more sedentaryway of

life (Duviols 1986: 120). The historicalvalidity of these traditions,as well as
the degree to which all members of each group actually engaged in their
nominal occupation, may be dubious. Rather, the distinction between huari
and llacuaz operatedas a principle of segmentationin local ayllu systems, a
more concrete variantof the distinction between upper and lower moieties.
Sometimes the two moieties of a minimalayllu segment were distinguishedas
both huari and llacuaz,9 whereas others, whole ayllu segments, might be
labelled as one or the other.10In every case, the distinction between these
groupsrepresenteda principleof complementarityand balance in local social
structurethat was a key part of agrarianritual" and could be extended to
encompass dual organizationat the maximal level of the ethnic polity.
In short, there was no clear institutionaldistinctionamong state, cult, and
communityat the local end of the administrativecontinuumupon which the
Inca state rested. Seen from a local perspective, the Inca state had developed
as much from the bottom up as it had from the top down. In the following
section, I propose to show not only how ancestralshrines called huacas not
only lay at the center of local communityand religious organizationbut also
how they defined the segmentarypolitical organizationsupon which perched
the Inca state. Was this hierarchyof shrines distinct from, parallelto, or just
anotherfacet of the administrativestructuresdiscussed above? I will argue
that the huacas defined the entire political culturefrom which these adminis-
trative forms emerged.

THE HIERARCHY OF HUACAS

Santo Tomasgives the basic meaningof huaca as "templeof idols, or the idol
itself" (1951 [1560]: 279). The deities that inhabitedthese shrines and their
sacredrelics were indeed localized but not identicalto their primaryembodi-
mentsas the Spanishnotion of idolatrywould suggest. Rather,the deities who
lived and spoke throughthese shrines were considered to be ancestors who
founded descent groups (ayllus) that in turn sustained the deities through
sacrificialofferings. These huacas were describedas runapcdmac(creatorof
humanity)(Arriaga1968 [1621]: 213). Young childrenwere taken before the
huacas of their ayllu and given ancestralnames in returnfor sacrificialoffer-

well demonstratedin Noboa's visita to the town of Mangas, where by 1662, the Incas were
identifiedwith the lower social groupwho were said to have come from the Pacific. Opposingthe
Incas in a mock battle were other men dressed as Spaniards(Duviols 1986: 349-50), who may
well have been membersof the upperor llacuaz ruling group. Here the duality of high and low,
herderand tiller, ruler and ruled remains constant;but the particularhistorical identity of each
group is variable.
9 See Duviols (1986: 202-3, 245, 486-7, 489-90). Note that HernmndezPrincipe also de-
scribesan ayllu thatwas foundedby a llacuaz ancestorand a wari ancestress(Duviols 1986:495).
10 See Duviols (1986: 52, 59, 89-90, 343, 479-81, 488, 491, 497).
1 See Duviols (1986: 60, 140, 161, 173, 202-3, 278-9, 486).
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 489

ings, a process that establishedor acknowledgedthese relationsof descent.12

Typically these ancestors were dead rulers who in life had conquered new
territoriesor expanded the agriculturalfrontierthroughterracingand irriga-
tion (see Duviols 1978a, 1979a). These actions were consideredso exemplary
that the ruler who performed them would turn into stone and remain con-
nected to his kingdom as an ancestor-deitywho continued to provide his
people with life, agrarianfertility, and oracularadvice about the affairs of
state. In short, the huacas were the focus of an ancestor cult that simul-
taneously defined local community organization and an Andean notion of
divine kingship.
As exemplary ex-rulers who representedthe areas they had conqueredor
colonized, the huacas were nodes of political organizationthat could form
largernetworks. Not only did descent connect people to huacas, but it often
provided the idiom in which these shrines themselves were ranked in hier-
archies.13The result was a segmentary hierarchyof the sort familiar to us
from Evans-Pritchard'sfamous study of the Nuer (1940; cf. Platt 1986: 235-
6), in which each mythical ancestordefined a level of socio-political organi-
zationthatmight be furthersubdividedor nested into groupsof greatermagni-
tude accordingto the genealogical model. As Arriagawrote, "everydivision
and ayllu has a principalhuaca" (1968 [1621]: 202). The more we examine
these shrines, the clearertheircontributionto political segmentationbecomes.
The ayllus thatthese deities defined were not only cultic jurisdictionsbut also
quasi-administrativeunits. There was no Andean community separatefrom
religion and political organization.
A particularlyrelevantaspect or sub-categoryof huaca (as a broadgeneric
term for shrine or sacred object) was the dawning point (pacarina or
pacarisca). This was a mythical site, from which the founding ancestorsof
any segmentarylevel of political organizationwere said to have emerged into
this world from below ground:"andso they say that some came out of caves,
others from mountains, others from springs, others from lakes, and others
from the feet of trees."14Exotic and fanciful as these ideas of origin may
appear,they did much to define local settlementpatternsand political organi-
zation. Most towns of the pre-ColumbianAndes were namedafterthe princi-
pal huaca of their inhabitants(Avila 1966 [1598]: 264). We know from such
extirpatorsof idolatryas Arriaga(1969 [1621]: 202, 220) and Noboa (Duviols
1986: 423-4) that this multiplicity of origin points at the local level was a
major obstacle to Viceroy Toledo's settlement consolidation plan. Further-

12 See Albomoz (1967: 24), and Duviols (1986: 62, 74, 93, 96, 164, 194, 202, 466, 499).
13 See Arriaga (1981 [1621]: 231), Avila (1966 [1598]: 141), Duviols (1986: 89, 142, 169,
210, 396-7, 406, 444, 464, 479-80, 486, 494-9), and Rostworowski (1977: 202-4).
14 See Molina
(1916 [1571]: 6), also Albornoz (1967: 20), Betanzos (1987 [1551]: chs. 1-2),
Cobo (1956 [1653]: 151), Polo (1916 [1571]: 53-4), SantacruzPachacutiYamqui(1927 [1613]:
145), and Sarmiento(1942 [1572]: 106-7).
490 PETER GOSE

more, these origin points collectively formeda hierarchythatexpressedpoliti-

cal organization:"It must be understoodthat no division (parcialidad) of
natives was without this guaca paqarisca, no matterhow small or great the
division" (Albornoz 1967: 20; cf. Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 219-20). As particu-
lar geographicfeaturesrelatedto local settlement, these origin points proba-
bly were the most concrete markersof political organizationat the local and
regional level. Indeed, they were the only diacritical indicatorsof political
organizationat levels lower than the dual and tripartitedivisions of the ethnic
polity, althoughthese and higher levels of organizationwould also have their
correspondingorigin points. This nesting structureof origin points seems to
have extendeddown to a level as minuteas a householdand its sacredrelics. 5
In short, the system of origin points is probably the most comprehensive
expressionthatwe have of political structurein the pre-ColumbianAndes and
is likely the one most accessible to the average person as well. For these
reasons alone the origin points must be taken seriously as a fact of political
life in the pre-ColumbianAndes.
Because there was potentiallyan origin point or pacarinafor every organi-
zationallevel of the political structure,people could hold multiple and appar-
ently contradictorynotions of where their mythical origins lay (see Duviols
1973: 161-2), a result of their simultaneousmembershipin units of different
magnitude.Andeanorigin myths recounthow Viracochacreatedthe founding
ancestorsof all highlandpolities from clay or stone at Lake Titicaca, painting
in their various ethnic costumes, before sending them on their way via a
networkof undergroundcanals and passageways to the regions and localities
thatthey were to populate.16Duringthese subterranean journeysthe ancestors
might emerge above ground at several significant points, causing each to
become a pacarina(Duviols 1978a: 363). Sometimes these journeysextended
all the way throughthe segmentaryhierarchy,so that it was appropriateto
celebratean ancestralvoyage on the sea in an act as localized as rethatchinga
house (Duviols 1986: 336-7, 341-2). Political segmentationcould be under-
stood both in terms of these various ancestraloutcroppingsinto the above-
ground world of the living or through the bifurcationof the subterranean
passages and waterwaysthatconnectedthem.17Alternatively,some groupsof
llacuaz ruler-pastoralistswere said to have been transportedfrom Titicaca to
the local scene by means of a lightning bolt, not an undergroundjourney.
Similarly,the ethnic groupson the westernside of the continentaldivide often
described Pachacamac as the creator of humanity and the Pacific as their

15 See Arriaga (1968 [1621]: 203), Avila (1966 [1598]: 255), and Duviols (1986: 487-8).
'6See Betanzos (1987 [1551]: chs. 1-2), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 151), Duviols (1986: 210, 452),
Molina (1916 [1573]: 6), and Sarmiento(1942 [1572]: 106-7).
17 The
conceptualimportanceifpallqa, the bifurcationof flowing waterin Andeanculturehas
been stressed by Earls and Silverblatt(1978: 311-3). Fock (1981: 318) and Zuidema(1986:183)
relate it explicitly to political segmentation.
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 491

primalorigin point, from whence the journeysof theirancestorsled themonto

the coastal plains and into the highlandsby a series of stopoversthat became
politically significant points in the sacred geography.18
These origin myths explain an exotic featureof many ethnic polities in the
pre-ColumbianAndes: territorialdiscontiguity (cf. Rostworowski 1977: 204;
Duviols 1978a: 363). The pioneering work of Murra(1975: ch. 3), showed
that many of these polities did not consist of one continuousblock of territory
but formed an archipelago of widely scatteredterritories,often at different
elevations. Nonetheless, one island in the archipelagowas apparentlyalways
the core or true homeland of the polity and the rest, outliers. Murragives a
dubiousexplanationof this territorialpatternas the outgrowthof an "ideal"of
maximizingaccess to productsfrom differentecological zones (1975: 60). 9 If
therewas any ideal involving territorialdiscontiguity,it had to do with region-
al expansionism and colonization, as is particularlyclear in the Yauyos case
(Avila 1966 [1598]: 61-3). A bellicose ethnic groupcould express its regional
supremacyby passing throughthe territoryof neighboringpeoples and taking
land it wanted elsewhere. The myths describe the same kind of appropriation
when they recounthow the ancestorsjourneyedundergroundto colonize new
localities, in which they emerged, imposed themselves, and turnedinto stone.
Imperialismthus pervadedthe myths of origin, alliance, and conquest of the
Andean polities, even those whose territorieswere contiguous.
The unification of political segments, not just their differentiation,could
also be rationalizedthroughthese ancestralvoyages. For example, sometimes
the pacarinason a mythicaljourney were collapsed, as in the Recuay pacarina
of "YaroTiticaca" (Duviols 1986: 494). Here Yaro refers to a lake called
Cochacalla in the Upper Huallaga Valley, from which all of the llacuaces in
the Cajatambo-Chinchaycocha region tracedtheir origins (Duviols 1974-76:
288), and Titicaca refers to the lake from which their ancestorscame before
arriving at Yaro. Alternately, Titicaca and Yarocacawere invoked as a pair
(Duviols 1986: 150, 154), in which the regional pacarinais clearly modeled
on its maximalcounterpart.This mergingandjuxtapositionof pacarinascould
happen when a colonizing group transporteda piece of its original pacarina
into a new territoryand enshrined it on their newly traditionalizedpoint of
18 See Albornoz
(1967: 34), Avila (1966 [1598]: 113-5), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 150), Duviols
(1986: ch. 9), and Murua(1987 [1613]: 67).
19 Ecological maximizationdoes not provide a sufficientexplanationof the archipelagomod-
el, since tradecould have achieved the same effect. Whatwe have to accountfor is the preference
for colonization and direct control, which ecological maximization does not specify. Further-
more, archipelagopolities had outliers ecologically identical to the core territoryand thus must
have had other motives for territorialexpansion. An example is ancient Aymaraes, which had
colonists on the PampasRiver in what is now Ayacucho (see Isbell 1985 [1978]: 63-5). Accord-
ing to Silverblattand Earls, they were not mitmaqkunaassigned to the area by the Inca state but
appearinstead to have been an intrusive ruling group associated with lightning (1977: 100-1).
There are many possible explanations of this situation, but a conscious policy of maximizing
access to differentecological zones is not among them.
492 PETER GOSE

emergencethere (Alboroz 1967: 21). As a result, pacarinasat differentlevels

of the segmentary structurecould become rallying points in the constant
tension between political confederationand fission thatcharacterizedthe An-
des between Tiwanaku-Wariand Inca times.
Origin points for the higher segmentary levels of political organization,
typically from the confederation of ethnic polities upwards to the empire,
repeatedlytook the physical form of large bodies of water (Sherbondy1982:
4-5,17). Choclococha (Corn-CobLake) served as the pacarinafor the multi-
tude of localized polities that formed the Chanca confederacy.20Sherbondy
cites many othercases (1982: 11-2), but undoubtedlythe most importantwas
Lake Titicaca, which the Incas identified as their pacarinain anothercycle of
myths concerningtheirorigin. When the Incas claimed emergencefrom Lake
Titicaca, they were also assertingtheirpreeminenceamongthe Colla peoples,
whose unity had emerged in Tiwanaku times aroundthe focus of this lake
(Sherbondy1982: 17, 1992: 56-7). We have alreadyseen that in these myths
Viracocha created humanity at Lake Titicaca, and then disappearedtoward
the north and into the Pacific. Now the Pacific is also mentioned as the
pacarinaof the coastal polities (Avila 1966 [1598]: 27-9); Duviols 1986: 349,
352, 405-6), and as such, seems to connote the Incas' unity against the
highlandpolities, whose unity could be expressedthrougha notionof ultimate
origin from Lake Titicaca. In other words, Titicaca and the Pacific could be
seen as the two maximal pacarinas in the Andean area, encompassing all
others as dependent manifestations at lower segmentary levels (Millones
1971: 1/17, 1/36; Torero 1974: 110-1).
At the more localized levels of the political hierarchy,that is, from the
ethnic polity down into its constituentunits, pacarinastended to be dry cave
sites, naturalpoints of communication between this world and that below.
One example is the snow-capped mountain of Yaropajain the Cajatambo
region, from whose eight caves various huari groups originated (Duviols
1986: 55). Anotheris the cave of Sissim, named for the "head"of a group of
ayllus also called Sissim (Duviols 1986: 129-30). Perhapsthe most famous
pacarinaof this type was TamboToco (or Pacarictambo),the cave from which
the four Ayar brothersemerged in an alternatecycle of Inca origin myths. Not
only did the Incas claim this cave as theirparochialorigin point, but they also
saw it as the source of the seeds of domesticated plants (Betanzos 1987
[1551]: 20; Cobo 1968 [1653]: 62). The name ayar itself suggests a connec-
tion between the emergence of human and agriculturallife forms from these
caves, as it refers not only to the four brothersof Inca myth but to wild quinua
as well (Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]: 39; cf. Avila 1966 [1598]: 137).
Just as pacarinasin dry caves were origin points for agriculturallife and

20 See Alboroz (1967: 20), Cieza (1984 [1553]: 115, 187-8), GuamanPoma (1936 [1615]:

85), and Earls (1979: 58, 83).

 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 493

localized political divisions, so the more importantpacarinasin large bodies

of waterwere the origin points of llamas and alpacas21and representedhigher
levels of political organization. No doubt the fact that camelids are mobile,
whereas plants are sedentaryand rooted, also helped identify llacuaz herders
with the distant and inclusive and huari tillers with the local. This suggests
that the political hierarchycorrelatedwith a hierarchyof life forms, in which
pastoralismranked higher than agriculture,as is true for the moder Andes
(Gose 1986: ch. 7). By tracingtheir origins back to Lake Titicaca and identi-
fying themselves with this more encompassingpacarina,pastoralistsalso laid
claim to ascendancyin their local polities. Or conversely, because they ruled,
the llacuaz pastoralistswere seen as foreignersin the localities they inhabited
and were obliged to trace their origins (and those of their animals) from
pacarinasmore distant and aquatic than those of their localized agricultural
neighbors(Duviols 1986: 486, 495, 498). After all, we know that pastoralists
who also had pacarinasin the snowy peaks of the local mountainsbecause
they were deposited at the local level by a lightning bolt (Duviols 1986: 52,
94, 349) still stressed their distant origins nonetheless.
The distinction between llacuaz and huari was hierarchicaland not just
complementary.This hierarchybecomes particularlyclear when we returnto
the associationbetween pastoralistsand large sources of water. After all, this
waterwas not a purelypastoralresourcebut was neededby the agriculturalists
as well. Local agriculturistswere thoughtto control this waterup to a certain
point under the tutelage of their huari forebearers, who are constantly de-
scribed as creators of local springs and canal systems (Duviols 1986: 113,
121, 238, passim). But the water for these local springs always came from
more distant sources. In one case, a huari was said to have taken water for a
springfrom a lake some twenty leagues distantthroughan undergroundcanal
(Duviols 1986: 121). In another,two huariscompete to see who can createthe
most springs by urinating, and the one who ascended from the coast most
recently wins (Duviols 1986: 172). This suggests thatcontact with the Pacific
Ocean underwrote their ability to create water locally. Thus the ultimate
source of water lay beyond the scope of local political organization and
control. In the highlands, the thunderand lightning god, Libiac, was said to
distributerainfall unevenly from one locality to the next, depending on the
sacrifices he received.22As the offspringof Libiac, the llacuaces had to make
offerings for rainfallon behalf of their various localities (Duviols 1986: 245).
The foreign origins of the llacuaces in distant bodies of water furthercon-
firmedthem in the role of aquaticintermediaries.Thus, the aquaticpacarinas
of the pastoralists(especially Lake Titicaca)representednot only a distantand
hierarchicallysuperior level of organization to that achieved by the local

21 See Arriaga(1968 [1621]: 223), and Duviols (1974-76: 283, 1986: 488, 495, 498).
22 See Cobo (1956 [1653]: 161), Duviols (1986: 195), and Murua (1987 [1653]: 430-1).
494 PETER GOSE

polity but a resourceupon which its agriculturewas utterlydependent.Let us

further explore this perceived dependence of local agricultureon distant
sources of waterby locating it in a more encompassingcycle of death and the
regenerationof life that played a key role in the ideological synthesis of the
pacarinasystem.
Localized pacarinasin caves were not just points from which life forms
emerged into this world but were also humanburialsites, points of returnto
the underworld.Accordingto Huertas(1981: 61), Yaropaja,besides being the
site of eight cave pacarinas,was consideredto be an abode of the dead; and
we also know that Sissim was a burial cave, as well as origin point, for its
ayllu (Duviols 1986: 130). The extirpatorsof idolatryreportedfinding caves
replete with mummies, in exceptional cases up to two thousand (Duviols
1986: 50); and the multiplicityof burialsites in caves thatcan still be found in
Andean localities further attest to this connection. Agriculturalfields also
seem to have been commonly used as burial sites in pre-Columbiantimes
(Cobo 1956 [1653]: 273). ModernAndeancommonersoften unearthevidence
of such burials when cultivating pre-Columbianterraceswith foot-ploughs.
More formalized, stone-lined burial chambers (chullpas) also occur at the
surfaceof agriculturalfields in both terracedmaize-growinglands and unter-
raced fallow potato fields. In pre-Columbiantimes, the denizens of these
graves were thought of as huaris, original inhabitantsof the area who had
pioneeredits agriculturaltechniquesand watchedover the fields to safeguard
their crops (Duviols 1973: 160). This connection between the dead and agri-
culture is confirmed in the semantic field of the word mallqui in sixteenth-
centuryQuechua, which meant mummy,plantedthing, young plantreadyfor
transplanting, sapling, and fruit tree (Santo Tomas 1951 [1560]: 314;
Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]: 224). These were not mere homonyms, since
the Huarochirimanuscripttells us that the dead were resurrectedfive days
after they die, just as seeds sproutfive days after they are sown (Avila 1966
[1598]: 21). There was clearly some sense in which burialwas seen as an act
of planting and dried, mummifiedbodies as dormant,desiccated seeds (Val-
carcel 1980: 81). Both were treatedas life forms to be carefully retainedand
distributedacross the local landscape as an importantcomponentof its agri-
culturalfertility. But what made the dead dormantlike seeds was the lack of
water.The thirstof the dead is frequentlymentioned(Duviols 1986: 198, 217,
230), and all dealings with them called for copious libations of corn beer.
Thusthe preservationof the dead at the local level implied a loss of waterand
vitality that had to returnfor a renewal of life to take place.
Closely related to these localized, dry pacarinasites were stone monoliths
known as huancas, which have been particularlywell studied by PierreDu-
viols (1979b). Huancaswere thoughtto have been the petrifiedbodies of local
ancestors(usually huaris) who were responsible for the constructionof agri-
culturalinfrastructureat the local level, such as irrigationand terracingsys-
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 495

tems. They were also importantsites in local agriculturalcults, where sacri-

fices and libations were made at various points duringthe annualcycle. This
retentionof exemplary ancestors in a petrifiedform at the local level was an
extensionand intensificationof the ideas thatconnectedmummificationof the
dead and agriculture.Transformationinto stone was a more emphaticway of
renderingan exemplary ancestor imperishable.Local fertility cults revolved
around these huancas, which confirms the importance of conserving.and
distributingthe dead across the local landscapein folk theories of agriculture
in the pre-ColumbianAndes. But again, the very way in which these ances-
tors were preservedmade them dependentupon outside sources of water that
they themselves did not necessarily control.
Despite the impressive amountof energy that went into retainingthe dead
at the local level, there seems to have been a constant tendency for them to
slip away to higher segmentarylevels. Even local burialcaves might refer to
more distant points by bearing names like Yaro cocha (Duviols 1986: 119).
Sometimes, this tendency to disperse could be arrested at the maximal
pacarinaof the ethnic polity, such as Yaropaja,Pariacaca,or the mountainsof
Suparauraand Supayco in Aymaraes,23which were thoughtto be the site of
the upaimarca,the ultimateresting place of the dead. But thereseems to have
been no exact location for this upaimarca. Like the origin points, we are
dealing with a matter of segmentary degree. For example, Guaman Poma
describes how each of the four quartersof the Inca empire had a site upon
which its dead would converge (1936 [1615]: 278, 294). Other accounts
identify Titicaca and the Pacific as the ultimate location of the upaimarca.24
Thus the highest-rankingpacarinas acted not only as points of mythical
origin but also as majorcollecting points within their catchmentareasfor the
dead, whose returnenacted in reverse the mythical undergroundjourneys of
the foundingancestors(Santillan 1927 [1553]: 33). This equationof the abode
of the dead (upaimarca)with the point of ancestralemergence from the earth
(pacarina)is explicitly stated and reiteratedthroughoutthe Cajatambodocu-
ments.25Cieza describes how the Cavinasof Urcos believed that the souls of
their dead returned to their mythical origin point, a lake associated with

23 See
(Avila 1966 [1598]: 67, 155-7). Guaman Poma (1936 [1615]: 277) and Albornoz
(1967:28) mention Suparauraand Supayco as importanthuacas which received many sacrifices.
Today,they are still the highest ranking apus or mountainspirits in the modem PeruvianProv-
inces of Aymaraes and Antabamba(see Gose 1986: ch. 7). I surmise that both were identified
with the upaymarcaon linguistic grounds, since as Taylornotes, supa is cognate with upa (1980:
54-5), and both refer to the condition in which the dead are thoughtto exist in the afterlife, as we
will see below.
24 See
Arriaga(1968 [1621]: 220), Duviols (1986: 150, 200) and Sherbondy(1982: 8).
25 See Duviols
(1986: 150, 171, 200, 227, 268-9), also Arriaga, who equates the notion of
zamana with both the point of ancestralemergence, and the place where the dead come to rest
(1968 [1621]: 202, 216), The undergroundnatureof the upaimarcais furthersuggested by an
alternatetitle for the land of the dead: "interiorworld soul's abode"(ucu pacha supaypa uasin).
See GuamanPoma (1936 [1615]: 70).
496 PETER GOSE

Auzancata, the highest mountain in the Cuzco region (1984 [1553]: 122).
That the majoraquaticpacarinasshould exert an attractionon the dead is not
entirelysurprising,given theirdesiccatedcondition. Yet it is uncertainwheth-
er this waterwas seen as an exogenous element capableof sustainingor even
reconstitutingthe dead or as a byproductof the dryingprocess associatedwith
death itself. In either case, as Sherbondynotes, the distantabode of the dead
was always a source of waterin ancientAndeanthought(1982: 5). Thus at the
local level, therewas an emphasis on the desiccatedconservationof the dead;
whereas at the universal level, the productionof water was stressed. There
can be little doubt that these wet and dry poles of the hierarchyof pacarinas
reflect each other, such that desiccation at the minimal pole correspondsto
aquification at the maximal pole. Processions of desiccated mummies to
stimulate rainfall furtherexemplify this functionalrelation between wet and
dry (see Polo 1916 [1554]: 10). The agriculturalconnection is particularly
obvious here. At the local level, seed-like life forms are conserved in a
desiccated state, while water is lost to the maximal level, only to returnand
cause these seeds to germinate.
As with the mythical journeys of the ancestors, the returnof the dead to
their maximal pacarinasposes the initial problemof how they can be in two
places at once, that is, both conserved at the local level and lost to the
universal level. Several solutions to this problem are consistent with the
evidence. First, the process of deathmay itself have involved a polarizationof
the person into a dry and localized element on the one hand and a wet,
universalelement on the other. Second, certainmore exemplaryand powerful
dead may have remainedat the local level (throughmummificationor petri-
fication) to become poles of influence in their own right, while other, less
influential, members of their group returnedto more distant origin points.
Finally, there may have been a process of recycling at work whereby most of
the dead in a given locality would departfor the maximal pacarinas,only to
returnin a future reincarnation.26Quite probably all three of these models
were combined to differing degrees in differentlocalities.
To pursuethis question further,we must inquireinto what might be loosely
glossed as the soul concepts of the pre-ColumbianAndes. Predictably,here
we find one element, the camaquen, which was localized, and another,the
upani, which was mobile and attractedto universalcenters (Duviols 1978b:
136; Taylor 1980: 58). There is good reason to assume that the upaimarca,as
ultimateabode of the dead, took its name from the various upanis thatjour-
neyed to it. But the natureof these two concepts is far from straightforward.
Let us begin with the notion of camaquen.
As Taylornotes, camaquenwas a complex concept with threemainaspects,
which derived from the root ka, to exist (1974-76: 233-5, 1980: 58, 62n).

26 On reincarnationsee Avila (1966 [1598]: ch. 27), Cieza (1984 [1553]: 87, 122), Cobo (1956
[1653]: 154), and Santillan (1927 [1553]: 33).
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 497

First, camaquen designated an objectified spirit double, which was nothing

otherthan the huaca that gave a person life. A camaquencould take the form
of an anthropomorphicor zoomorphic image, an animal or even a huanca
(Duviols 1973: 164) but most commonly a mummy.27Always, the power
residing in the camaquen was ancestral in nature, linked to the political
authorityof the curacaon the one hand and the well-being of the groupon the
other (Duviols 1978b: 133-4). Ayllus and its segments were each defined by
a camaquen,which animatedmembersof these groupings(Taylor1980: 58).
Because the camaquenwas understoodas a self-replicatingsource of life, it
was occasionally equated with the concept of pacarina or dawning point
discussed earlier (Duviols 1978b: 139). Conversely, pacarinaswere some-
times addressedas camac or creatorof humanbeings (Arriaga 1968 [1621]:
220).
The second major aspect of the notion of camaquenwas the influence or
force that this double exercised over a person, who was then said to be
camasca (animatedor infused). The separatistsermonsattributedto the minis-
ters of idolatryin the Cajatambodocumentsconsistentlydwell on the idea that
the life and prosperityof the various ayllus came from their mummies and
camaquenes, not the Christian God. In particular,food, clothing, water,
fields, human health and fertility, and oracularadvice were attributedto the
camaquenes.28This confirms and broadens the idea of the camaquen as a
source of animation, linking it to notions of fertility and even property.The
influence of the camaquen was therefore binding and localizing, not just
vitalizing; and its intensity probablyranged from simple animation,through
possession (in the Andean oracle tradition), to outright command by the
double. Since the camaquencommonly was a mummifiedpolitical authority
or curaca, its influence on people was apparentlyunderstoodin termsof rule.
Indeed, the very action of the camaqueninvites such an analysis, as it was
best renderedthroughthe Quechua kamachiy:"to cause to exist" on strictly
analyticalgrounds, but in actual usage, "to command"(cf. Taylor 1974-76:
236), as in camachico, a common synonym of curaca.29Again, we see little
distinction made between political authorityand the metaphysicalreproduc-
tion of the ayllu.
27 In some cases the equation of mummy and camaquen is explicit (Duviols 1986: 68, 77,
280), but in many more it is implicit in how a mummy is describedas the progenitorof an ayllu
(Duviols 1986: 156, 174, 301, 396, 416, 480, 485). Here I assume that progenitoris understood
not just in the genealogical sense of apical ancestorbut as an ongoing force thatmanifestsitself in
each new generation.
28 See Duviols (1986: 69, 74, 76, 99, 100, 106, 145, 174, 282, 335, 343). By the same token,
the camaqueneswould send sickness to theirayllus, devourthem, or at the very least withholdthe
bounty of the fields from them should they neglect their sacrificial obligations to the dead (see
Duviols 1986: 76, 189, 196, 212, 221, 237, 275, 407).
29 See Arriaga(1968 [1621]: 243), Duviols (1986: 131, 178, 190-1, 199, 221, 226-7), and
GuamanPoma (1936 [1615]: 313, 328). Camachicomay have been synonymouswith camayoqin
the sense of lower-level administrator,e.g. quipu camachin (see Duviols 1986: 374). Nonethe-
less,- other passages make it clear that camachico was associated with the Spanish category of
manddn, one who gives orders (see Duviols 1986:190).
498 PETER GOSE

Third was the notion of the camaquenas the soul of an individualhuman

being (Duviols 1986: 67). The individualized soul was more commonly
thoughtto be embodiedin the heart(sonqo), and the camaquenwas primarily
understoodas the soul of the idol not of a person,30it inhabited. However,
because the soul of the idol animatedand directedparticularhuman lives, it
necessarily received some degree of individuation.The heart was probably
understoodas the locus of the double's influence in the animatedperson and
may even have been seen as an individualizedor replicated version of the
group's camaquen(Duviols 1986: 143-4). The heartof the person was also
said to journeyto the afterlife(Cieza 1984 [1553]: 149), where it would arrive
at the origin point of its social group and merge with its camaquen.Thus, not
only did the Incas claim to returnto the Sun upon death, but when mummify-
ing dead rulers,they actuallyremovedtheirheartsand storedthem in a drawer
in the golden image of Punchau(Mid-Day Sun), their tutelarydeity.31
Finally, the concept of upani, which denotes shadow or deaf and dumb
being, refers to the existential condition of the dead duringthe afterlife (Du-
viols 1978b: 143-4; Taylor 1980: 51-5). We have alreadyencounteredthese
notions in the designationof the land of the dead as the upaimarca(town of
the shadows or town of the deaf and dumb). Although the notion of upani
appearsto have been invokedprimarilyto describe souls in the state of death,
one accountdescribes how a sorcerersummonedthe upaniof a living victim
to pierce it with spines (Duviols 1986: 67-8). This suggests that upani might
have referredto a soul somehow dissociated from the body and in a state of
enfeeblement.The Incas also used the word opacuna (shadows) to designate
ritual baths in a river after confession, which were supposed to wash sins
away to the sea (Polo 1916 [1554]: 14). Here the root upa apparentlyrefersto
sins sloughed off and swept away by water. Both as spent soul and as sin, an
upaniwas shed from a more permanentsource of activity:It lacked the fixity
and regenerativecapacities of a camaquen and therefore tended to wander
(Duviols 1978b: 135-6). This notion may representa transitionfrom the heart
(sonqo) of a living person, as the individualized or replicated aspect of a
group'scamaquen,to the upanias a spent remnantor shadowof a life (Taylor
1980: 58).
In summary,several dimensionsof contrastdistinguishthe notion of cama-
quen from thatof upani. A camaquenwas a strong,exemplaryancestorwhose
materialremainswere preservedin the locality, whereasan upaniwas a weak
and insignificantshadow thatdriftedaway. The camaquenwas a repositoryof
group life and a guarantorof its reproduction, whereas the upani was a
remnantof an individual life lost to the group and its locality. A camaquen
remainedabove ground in a desiccated form, whereas an upani journeyed

30 See Cieza (1984 [1553]: 115, 149) and Duviols (1986: 201, 219, 242, 271).
31 See Betanzos (1987 [1551]: 128, 137, 145), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 106), and Levillier (1924:
345).
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 499

undergroundinto the aquatic interiorof the earth. Finally, a camaquennever

really died but continued to speak throughoracularmediums. If a camaquen
could not speak, it would be pronouncedmute (opa mudo) or done (atisca),
signaling the end of its careeras a deity.32By contrast,a defining traitof the
upani was its inability to speak, a sign of its mortality.
On death, the binding and animatinginfluence of the camaquenwas bro-
ken, leaving a decidedly defective entity, the shadowy deaf-mute upani,
which would begin its journey to the aquaticapex of the pacarinasystem. At
the local level, this representsa loss of control, not only over a replicatedlife
form, but also over the fluid that vitalized it (Duviols 1978b: 134). While I
doubtthat Duviols is right in extendingthe concept of upanito cover this lost
animation,33such vitality would indeed be released as water by the conver-
sion of a living person into an upani on death that it too would gravitate
towardthe maximal pacarinas.Some accounts suggest a reconstitutionof the
upani in such places as Lake Titicaca and a returnto the same or different
locality from which it had come (Santillan 1927 [1553]: 33; Cobo 1956
[1653]: 154). But other accounts suggest that despite its abundant'fields,the
upaimarcawas filling up with all the natives who died of epidemics in the
early colonial period (Duviols 1986: 171). Clearly no cyclical process of
reincarnationwas expected here, although the possibility of a pachacuti or
violent earthquakeremained, during which the worlds of the living and the
dead would be inverted. When the earth shook, people poured libations to
preventsuch a cataclysm(Cobo 1956 [1653]: 233). Abnormallyheavy rainfall
could also indicatethe onset of a pachacuti(Murua1987 [1613]: 313). Both of
these sets of data suggest again that the productionof fluids should be con-
fined primarilyto the land of the dead and not overwhelm the living, whose
strengthlay in their exemplary desiccated life forms. Even under stress, the
segmentarysystem of pacarinasattemptedto maintaina polaritybetween wet
and dry, universaland local, weak (upani)and strong(camaquen),which was
the basis of most ritual operationsconnected to it. Normally,the strong, like
the Inca mummiesmentionedabove, remainedat the local level andused their
drynessto bringwaterback to it. The weak, however, could not resist the pull
of large bodies of waterand succumbedto the inverse attractionof dry by wet.

32 See Duviols
(1986: 180), Albornoz (1967: 18, 37), and the analysis by Rostworowski
(1983: 11-12, 63).
33 This is
clearly based on the way Duviols equatesupani with the moder Andeanconcept of
dnimo, which along with its counter-conceptof alma, clearly shows the imprintof the Spanish
folk version of Aristotelianbiology. Whatis at stakehere is not just whetherDuviols has correctly
characterizedthe upani as the source of animationbut whetherthe ancientAndeansystem can be
understoodin termsof an oppositionbetween purevitality and life form in the first place. In order
to resolve the conflict of interpretationbetween Duviols (1978b: 136) on the one hand, andTaylor
(1980: 58) and Rostworowski(1983: 10-1, 95) on the other,over whetherit is upanior camaquen
thatembodies vital force, we will have to first workout how these concepts might functionwithin
the broaderoutlines of Andeanthought, specifically the cycle of deathand the regenerationof life
within which they are situated.
500 PETER GOSE

Death thus involved a complex allocation of differentparts of the person

and different sorts of people to different hierarchicallevels of the sacred
geography,making the presence of the dead at both local and universalpoles
quite natural.The cycle of death and renewalbegan with a process of separa-
tion, in which animationwas removed from a life form. On the one hand, this
was representedas desiccation in a way that prefiguredthe ultimatereturnof
waterin a specifically agriculturalregenerationof life. On the other,this cycle
was representedas a loss of political control, in which a ruling element, the
camaquen, was deprived of the animationembodied in its subordinaterepli-
cas, comparableto the state losing control over the labor of its tributaries.It
follows that there was a political dimension to the regenerativesynthesis that
surmountedthe separationof death, a dimensionthat specifically concerneda
renewed control over water as a source of vitality. The local levels of the
hierarchyof pacarinas seemingly provided seed, while the maximal levels
provided water, as part of a single, complete process, in which political
segmentationwas seen in terms of the metaphysicsof agriculture.
These soul concepts demonstratea close isomorphismand partialidentity
with the social division between huari and llacuaz. On the one hand, the
camaquen,like a huarisocial group, was thoughtto be tied to a given locality
and was the guarantorof its agriculturalprosperity.Indeed, the camaquenwas
often an ancestralmummy,who might himself have been a huarior founderof
the local socio-culturalorder.On the otherhand, the upani, like llacuazruling
groups, had a decided affinity for distantwaterylocations like Lake Titicaca,
which sat atop the hierarchy of pacarinas. Moreover, some held that the
llacuaces "were invisible and walked under the earth"(Duviols 1986: 119,
479), precisely the characteristicsof the upani as a shade returningto its
maximalorigin point along the subterraneanpassages pioneeredby its ances-
tors. Apparentlyit was appropriateto depict the uprooted,migratorylifestyle
of the Ilacuaceson the model of the upani'spostmortemperegrinations.Thus
there was a correspondenceand interpenetrationbetween these social and
spiritualdistinctions. However there was also an importantinversionwhen it
came to the crucial issue of power. Socially, the llacuaces were dominant;but
their spiritual counterpart,the upani, was weak. Although the huaris were
representedas subordinateagriculturalists,their ancestors not only had the
strengthto establish local orderbut to remainwithin it as camaquenes,exem-
plaryforms thatdirectedthe reproductionof grouplife. In the realmof death,
the llacuaces went undergroundand ceded their upperposition to the huaris,
whose crops and stone monoliths reachedupwardsout of the earth. Because
the cycle between life and death largely inverted the hierarchicalrelation
between huariand llacuaz groups, we can appreciatemore fully the perceived
necessity for socio-political dualism, as only in this way could the entire
process be controlled.
Initially,the llacuaces apparentlycontrolledwater from the perspectivesof
both life and death. As the uppersocial group,they controlledrainfall;and, as
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 501

a weak telluric presence, they returned to large bodies of water through

undergroundchannels. Conversely,huari groups were identifiedwith the hot
lowlands and the sun (Avila 1966 [1598]: 57; Duviols 1986: 175, 349). Even
when the huari groups assumed the upper position on death, they did so as
desiccated ancestors. Thus the highland deities typically won their mythical
battlesof rain againstfire with the lowland deities (Avila 1966 [1598]: ch. 8).
In otheraccounts, lowland groupsfinding themselves withoutwaterafterthey
were conqueredby highlandgroups could only regain access by surrendering
their most beautiful women (Avila 1966 [1598]: chs. 6, 30-31). The high-
landers'control of water was so complete that even Pachacamac,a lowland
deity with the power to destroy the universe by merely turninghis body, had
to send his people to implore highland deities for rain (Avila 1966 [1598]:
127-9).
Perhapsthe most concrete representationof the highland herders'control
over water was in their interpretationof the constellationof the llama, which
presidedover the December solstice and the rainy season in ancient Andean
myth and ritual (Zuidemaand Urton 1976: 67-8; Duviols 1974-76: 283). In
the Huarochirimanuscript, this constellation was called Yacana and was
identifiedas the double (cama quin) of the llama, which walked the night sky
and travelled under the earth's rivers when it dipped below the horizon. At
midnight when nobody was looking, the camaquendrankthe sea dry, thus
preventing the world from becoming inundated with water (Avila 1966
[1598]: 161, 31).34 This tradition explains why people saw llamas as the
guardiansof salt water springs in the highlands (Duviols 1974-76: 285).
Camelids also regulatedthe distributionof water in a more general sense. In
certainrain-makingrituals, men impersonatinglowlandershuntedwild cam-
elids high in the alpine zone (Avila 1966 [1598]: 79, 247), as though rain
could be inducedby puncturingthe bodies of these water-retainingbeasts and
forcing them to descend toward the coast.
The paradoxbehind this apparentlyunproblematiccontrol of water by the
highlandsis namely,thatthe sea was representedas the ultimatesourceof water
in this cosmological system,35even in LakeTiticaca, its highlandcounterpart.
Although some highland mediation (such as the llama) was necessary to
obtainthe sea's water, sometimes it was bypassed. Forexample, the people of
Chamasand Nanis prayeddirectly to the sea goddess, VrpaiVachac, for rain
(Duviols 1986: 406). The carving of Pariacacaand his sons for mullu shells
(Avila 1966 [1598]: 59, 135, passim) is anotherreminderof how the para-
mounthighlanddeities dependedon the sea for the waterthey distributed.All
highlandpeoples valued these shells as offerings, not just to majordeities but
primarilyfor local springs, to make them producewater(Murra1975: ch. 10).
34 Comparabletraditionshad Thunder,
tutelarydeity of the pastoralists,drawing water from
the Milky Way and distributingit on earth as rain (Cobo 1653: 160).
35 See Muria
(1987 [1613]: 422), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 161, 204), Huertas (1981: 83), and
Sherbondy(1982: 4, 1992: 61-2).
502 PETER GOSE

Andean people spoke of mullu shells as "daughtersof the sea" (Polo 1916
[1554]: 39) and clearly attributedto them the magicalpower to drawwaterup
from the Pacific and into the highlands. En route, this water was thoughtto
pass through a series of branching undergroundcanals and a hierarchyof
lakes on the surface of the landscape, a featureof Andean cosmology thor-
oughly documentedby Sherbondy(1982: 11, 1992: 57).36 Thus, the notion of
the sea as the ultimate source of water was clearly embodied in a variety of
ideas and practices in the pre-ColumbianAndes. How can we reconcile all
of this with the notion that pastoralistsfrom Lake Titicaca controlledwater?
The sun is an obvious place to begin. Thoughtto rise out of Titicacain the
east and set to the west in the Pacific, the sun thus united the two maximal
pacarinasof highlandand coastal peoples. By returningto LakeTiticacafrom
the Pacific at night, the sun might well have been thoughtto draw water up
throughthe undergroundcanals that connected the two, just as the constella-
tion of the llama was supposedto descend to the sea for drinkand climb back
up into the highlands under the rivers of this world. In this way, highland
control of water would be reconstitutedevery night, so that this water could
be dispersed during the day, when it flowed downhill into the sea, still its
ultimatecollecting point. Alternatively,the moon would performthis noctur-
nal task, which is why it was so commonly attributedcontrol over water in
ancient Andean thought (Carion Cachot 1955: 29). Such a diurnal cycle
allowed both for the idea that the highlands controlled the distributionof
water and that the Pacific Ocean was its ultimate source. Andean people
perceived this duality of aquatic accumulationpoints positively, as it pro-
moted a beneficial circulationof water. Thus, the same patternwas repeated
in microcosmin many localities, where a pairof springsor lakes were said to
control local rainfall.37

36 This
implies that the distribution of water in highlands areas was based on a kind of
pumpingaction which drew waterfrom partsbelow (see Earlsand Silverblatt1978: Figures 1-3).
A similar image of mountains riddled with vein-like undergroundcanals throughwhich water
flows uphill emerges from the ethnographicwork of Arguedas(1956: 242), Bastien (1978: 47,
171), and Fock (1981: 315). As Bastien (1978: 60) perceptivelynotes, just such a notion was
presentin an importantmotif of Tiwanakuiconography:the reservoiron the mountainpeak, an
archaeologicalfeaturethatcan be found in many areasof the southernPeruvianAndes. A slightly
more abstractexpression of the same notion can be found in the Andean concept of ushnu (see
Zuidema 1978, 1980): a verticaltube connectingthe base and the apex of a pyramidalshafttomb,
throughwhich libations for the dead may be pouredat the top, perhapsto primethe upwardflow
of waterfrom below. As importantreservoirsand distributionpoints for waterin Andeanthought
(see Sherbondy 1982: 7), mountains may well have been thought to incorporatethe essential
featuresof the pyramidalshaft-tomb, especially the ushnu or tube.
37 See Duviols (1986: 193-4, 469). A similardualitywas actively sought in waterdivinations
performedat funerals, where an evenly divided flow of water in a bifurcatedcanal was taken as
an auspicioussign (GuamanPoma 1936 [1615]: 297). By the same token, water was referredto
alternatelyas yaku and unu in hymns to the moon imploringit to end drought(GuamanPoma
1936 [1615]: 285), as if the distributionof watercould be facilitatedby attributinga dual natureto
it.
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 503

This scenario is interestingbecause it is able to incorporatethe empirical

facts of highlandagriculturewith a minimumof embarrassmentand yet derive
political conclusions from them which were not given on purely technical
grounds.On the one hand, the notion of the huarias a mummifiedor petrified
ancestorwho developed and taughtthe arts of agricultureneatly speaks to the
fact of local control and construction of irrigation facilities. On the other
hand, the idea that the local level did not contain the ultimatesource of water
within its own boundariesis equally correct in meteorologicalterms, even if
there is a poor fit between the latterand the Andeanetiology of waterin death.
This awareness that they were dependenton largerprocesses for rainfalland
irrigationwater led the Andean people to efface their de facto technological
control at the local level by developing an ideology that stressed the ultimate
lack of the local polity: its inability to reproduceitself in an isolated form.
Thus there arose a need for an empire that could overcome this lack through
direct cosmological control.
Appropriately,the most importanticon of this empire was the sun. By
rising in the east out of Lake Titicaca and setting into the Pacific in the west,
the sun united the dual hierarchyof pacarinasand the endless ethnic partic-
ularitiesthatthey entailed. For this reasonthe Incas had ritualspecialists from
forty-two different Andean nations in residence on the Island of the Sun in
Lake Titicaca, where they collectively formed the dominantupper division
supportedby the work of the lower indigenous population (MacCormack
1984: 45). The Incas also experimentedwith an image of the sun rising out of
the fountain in the plaza of Cuzco (Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 53; Segovia 1968
[1553]: 75), insteadof Lake Titicaca, or perhapsin additionto it. But the solar
synthesis of regional cults of the pre-ColumbianAndes remainedfirmly cen-
teredon the axis of LakeTiticaca and Pachacamacandcould thereforesurvive
the decapitationof the Inca state with its imperialsolar cult (Cock and Doyle
1979). The very notion of pacarina as a point of origin comes from the
Quechuapaqariy (to dawn) and thereforefrom the diurnalcycle of the sun.
The trajectoryof this cycle markedTiticaca as the point of emergence and
renewal and the Pacific as the point of death and reentry into the earth
(Huertas 1981: 70, 83). Indeed, there is evidence that the movement of the
sun was thoughtto transportthe dead to the abode of the afterlife (Cock and
Doyle 1979: 70) and that in at least some parts of the Andes, the sun's
movement was thought to lead to the dead's resurrectionor reincarnationas
well (Taylor1980: 53; Bastien 1978: 47, 171). Inevitablythis cycle defined by
the movement of the sun partly relativized and even underminedthe polarity
of lower and upper,death and rebirth,since each was constantlytransforming
into its opposite in a unified system.
But this did not neutralizethe fact water flows downhill, and thereforethat
the Pacific lowlands were still the dominantcollecting point for water in this
system. Clearly this continuedto pose a political problemfor highlandgroups
504 PETER GOSE

who wanted to predicate their rule on the cosmological control of water.

However, they were saved by an importantfact: The mullu or thorny oyster
shells so key to this hydrauliccycle were not immediatelyavailableto subju-
gated lowland peoples and could only be obtainedfrom the island of Puna on
the Pacific coast of Ecuadorand points to the north, that is, on the northern
marginsof the Andean culturearea (Marcos 1978). This meantthat access to
these shells was not simply a matterof lowness but also horizontaldistance, a
problematicconcept for sedentaryhuaripopulationsbut not the ruling llacuaz
groups, who specialized in overcoming throughconquest. Such a horizontal
expansion to bring the furthest reaches of the lowland sea under imperial
administrationwas of keen interest to the Incas, who wanted to dispel any
notion that they were dependenton lowland people for water. And once the
Incas placed these areas undertheir control, restrictionson road travelwould
restore a monopoly on horizontalmovement to the upper group.
At the height of Inca power, aroundthe end of the fifteenth century,their
empire apparentlybegan to impinge on the thornyoyster groundsof coastal
Ecuador.Marcosreportsthe presenceof ImperialCuzco artifactsin burialson
the island of La Plata and suggests that they representthe presence of special
emissaries who were trying to procure these shells directly from those who
dove for them (1978: 114). Rostworowskisuggests that the desire to directly
control the flow of shells to the south motivatedthe northerncampaign into
Ecuador and Colombia, which the Incas pursued at such cost immediately
before the Spanish conquest (1977: 128). Perhapsthe most strikingevidence
of this motive can be found in Tomebamba,the Incas' model city of the north,
where they constructed an opulent shell-shaped shrine called Mullucancha
(Thorny Oyster Enclosure), the walls of which were inlaid with gold and
mullu shells (Murua 1987 [1613]: 112). The Incas, notoriousfor their dislike
of commerce, were anxious to convert what had previously been relationsof
tradeinto those of tribute.Thus they could finally end theirdependenceon the
merchantsof the Chinchay confederacy on the central Peruviancoast, who
had long used their flotillas of reed and balsa wood rafts to act as intermedi-
aries in the shell tradebetween the Ecuadoreancoast and the southernAndean
highlands. Direct political control of the shell grounds would undercutthe
Chinchaymerchantsand turna relationbetween autonomouspolities into one
within the scope of the empire.
As Torero(1974) has brilliantlydemonstrated,the Chinchay wielded im-
mense influence in the Andean area because they controlled the shell trade.
Their principalhuacas were considered to be a wife and son of Pachacamac
(Rostworowski 1977: 106, 203), the paramountcoastal deity, whose shrine
was the hub of a vast commercial and pilgrimage network through which
shells were distributedinto the highlands. Some idea of Pachacamac'spower
can be gleaned from what he is alleged to have said following a requestby the
Inca for military help during the capacocha ritual:
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 505

Inca, Mid-Day Sun! As for me I didn't reply because I am a power who would shake
you and the whole world around you. It wouldn't be those enemies alone whom I
would destroy,but you as well. And the entire world would end with you. Thatis why
I've sat silent. (Avila 1991: 114)

Pachacamac was a noteworthy shrine as far back as A.D. 100, and by

Tiwamaku-Waritimes (A.D. 600-800), it drew pilgrims from Chile to Ecu-
dador. A constant flow of llama caravans connected it closely with the
Tiwanaku center near Lake Titicaca (Browman 1978: 331). This trade be-
tween Tiwanaku and Pachacamacprobablycreated the duality between Tit-
icaca and the Pacific as the maximal aquatic pacarinasof the Andean uni-
verse. Yet the ideological basis of the shell trade conserved a fundamental
asymmetry between these two centers expressed most profoundly in the
spread of the Chinchay dialect of Quechua into the highlands as a lingua
franca.Torero'snarrowlycommercialinterpretationof the spreadof Chinchay
Quechuamight well be supplementedby Rojas' emphasison religion (1980).
But his basic point-that long before the Inca's mission of civilization, Chin-
chay Quechuahad become a general language because of the shell trade, so
thatthe Incas had little choice but to adaptit as their imperiallanguage-still
stands (Torero 1974: 98). Indeed, only the shell trade makes it possible to
understandthe presence of the Chinchay dialect of Quechua in Ecuador, as
Torerorightly notes (1974: 127, 1985; see also Hartmann1979).
It is worthtaking a closer look at the notions of equivalenceinvolved in the
shell trade, given its massive culture-historicalimportance. Although the
chroniclersmaintainthat mullu were more valuable to Andean people than
gold, by Tiwanaku/Waritimes, they were mainly tradingcopper to coastal
peoples in returnfor shells.38 Some valleys on the northerncoast did have
copperdeposits (Ramirez 1986: 227), but therewas still greatdemandfor this
metal. Not only did coastal people regardcopper as more valuable than gold
or silver, they also used it to make miniaturenonfunctionalaxes of several
standardizedsizes (Holm 1967), which circulatedas far northas the Yucatan
peninsula in Mesoamerica (Diaz 1956 [1632]: 28) and may well have func-
tioned as a kind of currency.Thus the movement of shells into the Andean
system from the outside signified an influx of fluid vitality, and the outflow of
preciousmetals gave rise to a generalequivalentof the more properlymercan-
tile exchange system to the north of the Andean culture area. These two
spheres of exchange, one commercial and the other essentially religious,
complemented each other perfectly and thrived on the transformationof
meaningsthat formed the boundarybetween them. Let us furtherexplore this
process by establishing the meaning that precious metals had to Andean

38 See Sarmiento
(1942 [1572]: 249-50), Muria (1987 [1613]: 133), Paulsen (1974: 602-3),
and Rostworowski (1977: 118-21).
506 PETER GOSE

people and then tracingthe semiotic metamorphosisthat these metals under-

went on reaching the northerncoast.
Copperwas much more valuableon the coast thanin the Andeanhighlands.
Rostworowskisuggests that copper was associated in the highlandswith the
inferior status of callao, whereas gold was associated with the preeminent,
rulingstatusof collana, and silver with the intermediatestatusof payan(1983:
147). Nonetheless, Cobo mentions thatwhen the Inca, MaytaCapac, married
the daughterof the curacaof Collaguas, a highlandprovince overlookingthe
Pacific, "theIndiansof thatprovince made, in service to those kings, a house
all of copperin which to accommodatethemselves when they came to visit the
queen's relatives" (1956 [1653]: 70). While this echoes the prestige that
copperhad on the coast, the fact thatit was used to make a house sits less well
with the uses of copperthatprevailedthereand clearly connects with highland
usages, as we will see below. Elsewhere, in a more clearly highlandcontext,
Cobo reportsthat the mummy of the Inca Sinchi Roca was discovered "be-
tween copper bars and sowed with maguey fibre" (1956 [1653]: 68), which
suggests that copper was closely associated with the mallqui complex, in
which localized life forms emerge from underground.This accords very well
with the much betterdocumenteduses of gold and silver in highlandculture,
all of which seem to revolve aroundthe notion of an exemplaryor prototypical
life form (i.e., camaquen),of the sort worth preserving.
A conceptualaffiliationbetween precious metals and the foundingof local
orderin Andean culturearises from the famous myth in which Manco Capac
throwsa golden barto determinewhere the Incas should settle, thus founding
Cuzco. As Berthelotsuggests, this act of flinging the golden barconnotes the
solar and celestial origins of the Incas and their essentially downwardtrajec-
tory onto the local scene (1986: 80). However, when we look closer into
Andeanideas aboutthe natureof gold and silver, they were clearly thoughtto
take form undergroundand grow upwardstoward the sky, very much on an
agriculturalmodel (Berthelot 1986: 82). This upwardunfolding from an un-
dergroundsource locates us within the semantic field of mallqui and, more
generally, the localized pole of the hierarchyof pacarinas. This is further
developed by the notion that the bounty of the Inca's undergroundgallery
mines was controlledby particularlylarge and unusualnuggets or conglome-
ratesof the metal found there, which were called mamas (mothersor sources)
of the mine. Before going to work underground,minersoffered libationsand
blood sacrificesto these mamas, suggestingthatthey were probablylocatedat
the dry, local end of the spectrum.39More precisely, the value of the mamain
Andean thought was as an exemplary form that, like a camaquen, could
replicate, shape, and command its own substance. When we look into what

39 See Albornoz(1967: 18), Cobo (1956 [1653]: 166), Murua(1987 [1613]: 424), and Segovia
(1968 [1553]: 76).
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 507

camaquenesor personal doubles were made of, for example those described
by Cobo (1956 [1653]), stone and precious metals, particularlygold, are by
far the most common substances mentioned. The case of a particularCho-
queguanca reported by Berthelot (1986: 84) even suggests a certain inter-
changeabilityof the two substances, since choquerefersto gold and guanca to
the petrified ancestralmonoliths discussed earlier. While we are not inclined
to equatestone and precious metals, both seem to have been importantexpres-
sions of telluric order and power for the Incas.
Nonetheless, the Incas do seem to have used gold and silver to mark
themselves out from the run-of-the-millethnic polities and their deities and
rulers.Helms describesthe use of hammeredsheets of gold as a kind of siding
that covered the interiorof importantInca palaces and temples, concluding
that the nobility did not merely want to be surroundedby gold or associated
with it but felt themselves to be intrinsically and essentially golden (1981:
219-20). Nowhere was this sensibility more clearly manifest than in the
Temple of the Sun or Coricancha (Golden Enclosure), the epicenter of the
Empire, whose flawlessly constructedstone walls defined an inner chamber
that contained a comprehensive array of golden and silver replicas ranging
from trees, wild plants, birds and animals, throughagriculturalproductsand
camelids, to the membersof the imperialpantheon.40No doubtthe efficacy of
imperial ritual and its pretences of global control were predicatedupon the
possession of these commanding prototypesof gold and silver. Perhapsfor
this reasonAtahualpais said to have begged Pizarronot to breakor melt down
the gold and silver objects collected from the Templeof the Sun as his ransom
(Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 283). Similarly,Cieza writes thatgold and silver were
not supposed to leave Cuzco once they entered that city (1984 [1553]: 117,
162).
In sum, gold and silver were a particularlyelite expressionof the complex
and localized exemplary life forms associated with the notions of camaquen,
mallqui, and huanca in ancient Andean thought. GuamanPoma assigns the
discovery of native gold, native silver and copper to the bygone era of the
purunrunain a manner that furtheremphasizes their ancestralnature (1936
[1615]: 60). These precious metals representeda sacred and imperishable
ancestralsubstance which was entirely continuous with stone and dry mum-
mified flesh and, like them, was intimatelyconnected with regeneratingand
replicatinglife forms at the local level.41 Copper, a weaker and less valued
40 See Betanzos
(1987 [1551]: 99), Cieza (1984 [1553]: 177), Muria (1987 [1613]: 154-5,
443), P. Pizarro(1978 [1572: 92, 100-1), and Segovia (1968 [1553]: 75). Note that severalInca
queens were supposedto have kept a similarinventoryof living things in privateforests, gardens,
and menageries (Murua 1987 [1613]: 65, 73, 155). Betanzos also reportsthat when the yungas
were conquered,their seeds, fruit, and distinctive foods were broughtto Cuzco in triumph(1987
[1551]: 123). Clearly the accumulationof diverse life forms was a major Inca preoccupation.
41 Similar ideas
persist in moder Andean culture, in which there is a definite notion that all
life forms contain gold and silver as an intrinsicpartof their make-up (see Gose 1986: 188-9).
508 PETER GOSE

memberof the same complex, played the same subordinaterole in relationto

gold and silver as did the upaniin relationto the camaquen:thatof a weak and
derivativelife form drawnout of the local level towardthe ultimatesource of
water, the Pacific. However, in relation to ordinarymortals, copper was a
powerful ancestral substance still able to exert a powerful attractionon the
uprootedupanis of the dead. Thus, the copper tradedout of the Andes to the
Pacific acted as a low-gradecamaquen,drawingthe souls of dead commoners
with it.
The thorny oyster shells that circulated against copper had a similarly
ambivalentstatus as camaquenes. These "daughtersof the sea" were clearly
able to attractthe waters of the Pacific into the alien highlandsof the Andes,
but their subordinate,replicatedstatus was evident in the very fact that they
could be tradedso far away from theirplace of origin at the bottomof the sea.
Just as thornyoyster shells representeda vitality foreign and intrusiveinto the
dry ancestral landscape of the Andes, so copper was a scarce exogenous
money to the north, an exotic standardof value in a region which did not
produce its own metallicized ancestors.
From a highlandperspective, the waters at the edge of the world could be
enticed back in towardthe center only if they were to lose a certainamountof
metallic ancestralsubstanceto the peripheryof the system. This was a sacrifi-
cial exchange of ancestralorderfor alien vitality, an attemptto overcome and
regulate the fact of death itself. To the extent that rainfall and localized
sources of water, such as springs, did not fail, this sacrificialintegrationof the
dry and wet, the local and the distant, was perceived to actually work. When
it did not, resultingin drought,the Inca state would resortto child sacrifices,
or capacochas, which were often made directly to the sea, presumablyto
stimulate the production of rain (see Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 142). Alter-
natively, childrenwere interredlocally in subterraneanpots or cisterns, along
with precious metals.42In these sacrifices, the prematureending of a child's
life was supposed to create a localized accumulationof water in the cistern,
which would allow for the ritual control of rain (Duviols 1986: 59). By
sacrificing a child and interring it with precious metals, the local group
created something very much like a miniature upaimarca within its own
domain, a subterraneanenclosurewhich retainedthe souls of the weak and the
waterthatthey gave off. This manoeuvredisplays one of the strategiesengen-
dered by structuralrelativity within the pacarina system: When a distant
source of water failed, a new one could always be invented closer to home.
The child sacrificedas a capacochaenjoyed the statusof a deity with a cult but
was not considered an ancestral source of group life (see Duviols 1986: 59)

42 See Cobo (1956 [1653]: 201) and Duviols (1986: 169-70, 248, 473, 491, 493). Note that
the remains of Pachacuti Inca were also stored in a subterraneanpottery vat capped with the
ruler's golden statue (Betanzos 1987 [1551]: 149). This same emphasis on the containmentof
liquids and local order in the capacocha is also developed in the Justicia 413 document (Rost-
worowski 1988).
 SEGMENTARY STATE FORMATION, WATER CONTROL 509

because the drying requiredto become a camaquenwould defeat the entire

purposeof the sacrifice. Thus it was only possible to intervenein the hydrau-
lic cycle between the highlands and the Pacific by giving up more precious
metals and by further intensifying the sacrificial linkage between life and
death.

CONCLUSION

Underthe Incas, the administrationof water was probablymore developed as

ritual than it was at a purely utilitarian level. Yet the evidence we have
encounteredhere does not supportthe idea that Andeanhydraulicritualwas a
purely expressive practice. On the contrary,those who developed this elabo-
rate ritual complex undoubtedlythought it was a practicalway to manage a
scarce resource. But like all judgments of utility, this one was mediatedby a
specific culturalunderstandingof the world. Although these rituals aimed to
control the naturalworld, they unwittingly presupposedthe social order in
which they were enacted. Thus, the ability to attractwater by ritual means
was not separatefrom political power but apparentlyone of its centralmani-
festations. Finally, we must conclude that this hydraulicsystem was just as
much an administrativeas religious matterand broadensour concept of the
political as a result.
From the details of the foregoing account, we have seen that the pre-
Columbianpolitical structurein the Andes was segmentaryand that salient
units within it were associated with and even defined by various sorts of
shrines, particularlypacarinasor mythical origin points. Beyond expressing
political structure,those shrineswere involved in a complex agriculturalcycle
of death and the regenerationof life; and they ultimately fused the political
order with agriculturalmetaphysics. The result of this fusion was a political
preoccupationwith control over the ultimate sources of water, which lay
outside the boundariesof any regional political unit. Out of this preoccupa-
tion, imperial projects such as that of the Inca were born. But since the
ultimate source of water was thought to be the ocean, in which the Incas
thoughttheir world to be a mere island, albeit a centralone (GuamanPoma
1936 [1615]: 933-4; Avila 1966 [1598]: 127), there was in principleno limit
to the endless regress of the aquatic periphery to be controlled. Like all
imperialist projects, this one was by definition impossible to accomplish
definitively.
The irony of this situation was, as noted at the outset, that the coastal
peoples, whom highlandersimagined to control the distributionof water, in
fact lived on a desert and had to rely on water coming down out of the
highlands for their own much more developed technology for irrigation. In
strictlypragmaticterms, the coast was dependenton the highlandsfor water, a
fact that this ritual complex both acknowledges and inverts. But the agri-
cultural dimension of the process examined here was never anything more
than a metaphoricalvehicle of pre-Columbianpolitics. Before rehearsingthe
510 PETER GOSE

received platitudesabout the camera obscura effect of ideology, it would be

well to reviewjust what this agriculturalvehicle addedto the political process
of the pre-ColumbianAndes. By providing a powerful functional model for
political segmentation,the agriculturalprocess transcendedthe indifferenceof
an accurate structuralmodel and went on to provide something even more
fundamental:a motive for unification, a political project, and a reason to act.
Above all, the agriculturalmodel had the advantageof representingpre-
Columbianpolitical process in terms that were familiar and relevant to the
agriculturalpeasantry,who composed the vast majorityof the tributarypopu-
lation. To the extent that the peasantry subscribed to the agriculturalcults
mentionedhere, they became inexorablyinvolved in the wider political ram-
ifications. Just as the Inca state, in a more restrictedway, sought to ground
labortributein local traditionsof festive work (Murra1980: 98), so in a more
inclusive sense that state attemptedto make its own existence appear as a
necessaryor at least desirableconcomitantof agriculture.This brings us to a
more intractableproblem: To what extent did the ideology examined here
precedeand promotethe formationof the Inca state and to what extent did the
state shape this ideology? If we arejustified in tracingthe oppositionbetween
Titicacaand the Pacific as maximalpacarinasback to Tiwanakutimes, then it
is certainlymuch more plausible to treatthe expansioniststate of the Inca as
an outgrowth of a pre-existing religious ideology. But since there are also
reportsthatrebel groups felt obliged to oppose not only Inca governmentbut
also Inca religion (Cobo 1956 [1653]: 110), the culmination of the local
agriculturalcults in the imperialcult of the sun was not necessarilyautomatic.
Nonetheless, the sun and its cult were reconstructedfrom their local ground-
ing afterthe Inca state collapsed (Cock and Doyle 1979: 57, 65), even among
such ethnicgroupsas the Chanca,who had little reasonto regretthe demise of
the Inca. This demonstratesthat the local level had become thoroughlyim-
bued with imperial cosmology and could reproduceit under even the most
unfavorableconditions. The best conclusion is thereforethat the Inca state
was so remarkablyinfluentialin its shortlifespan only because it drew deeply
from the subterraneanideological currentsof an Andeancivilization that was
much longer in the making and found in them not only a justificationfor its
imperialprojectbut the means and motivationsfor embarkingon it in the first
place.

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