Sutton Hoo Helmet

Sutton Hoo helmet
The Sutton Hoo helmet is a decorated and ornate Anglo-

Saxon helmet found during a 1939 excavation of the
Sutton Hoo helmet
Sutton Hoo ship-burial. It was buried around 625 and is
widely believed to have belonged to King Rædwald of
East Anglia; its elaborate decoration may have given it a
secondary function akin to a crown. The helmet was both
a functional piece of armour that would have offered
considerable protection if ever used in warfare, and a
decorative, prestigious piece of extravagant metalwork. It
is described as "the most iconic object" from "one of the
most spectacular archaeological discoveries ever made,"
and perhaps the most important known Anglo-Saxon
artefact.[1][2]
The visage contains eyebrows, a nose, and moustache,

creating the image of a man joined by a dragon's head to
become a soaring dragon with outstretched wings. It has
become a symbol of the Early Middle Ages and "of
Archaeology in general."[3] It was excavated as hundreds
of rusted fragments, and was first displayed following an
initial reconstruction in 1945–46, and then in its present
form after a second reconstruction in 1970–71.
The helmet and the other artefacts from the site were
determined to be the property of Edith Pretty, owner of the
land on which they were found. She donated them to the Latest reconstruction (built 1970–1971) of the
British Museum,[4][5] where the helmet is on permanent Sutton Hoo helmet
display in Room 41. Material Iron, bronze, tin, gold,
silver, garnets
Weight 2.5 kg (5.5 lb) (estimated)
Contents Discovered 1939
Background Sutton Hoo, Suffolk
52.08934°N 1.33806°E
Owner
Rædwald Discovered by Charles Phillips
Date Present location British Museum, London
Regalia Registration 1939,1010.93 (http://www.b
Syncretism ritishmuseum.org/research/
Others collection_online/collection_
Description object_details.aspx?objectI
Construction d=86159&partId=1)
Dragon motifs
Design 1: Dancing warriors
Design 2: Rider and fallen warrior
Design 3: Unidentified figural scene
Design 4: Larger interlace
Design 5: Smaller interlace
Function
Context and parallels
Helmets
Anglo-Saxon
Scandinavian
Roman
Beowulf
Discovery
First reconstruction
Reception and criticism
Re-excavations at Sutton Hoo, 1965–70
Current reconstruction
Cultural impact
Errors
Royal Armouries replica
In popular culture
Notes
References
Bibliography
Other helmets
Anglo-Saxon
Benty Grange
Coppergate
Shorwell
Staffordshire
Wollaston
Other
Scandinavian
Gamla Uppsala
Gotland
Valsgärde
Vendel
Other
Roman
External links
Photographs
Second reconstruction
Background
The helmet was buried among other regalia and instruments of power
as part of a furnished ship-burial, probably dating from the early
seventh century. The ship had been hauled from the nearby river up
the hill and lowered into a prepared trench. Inside this, the helmet was
wrapped in cloths and placed to the left of the head of the body.[6][7]
An oval mound was constructed around the ship.[8] Long afterwards,
the chamber roof collapsed violently under the weight of the mound,
compressing the ship's contents into a seam of earth.[9]
The ship impression during the 1939
It is thought that the helmet was shattered either by the collapse of the excavation
burial chamber or by the force of another object falling on it. The fact
that the helmet had shattered meant that it was possible to reconstruct
it. Had the helmet been crushed before the iron had fully oxidised, leaving it still pliant, the helmet would have
been squashed,[10][11][12] leaving it in a distorted shape similar to the Vendel[13] and Valsgärde[14] helmets.[15]
Owner
Attempts to identify the person buried in the ship-burial have persisted since virtually the moment the grave
was unearthed.[16][17] The preferred candidate, with some exceptions when the burial was thought to have
taken place later,[18][19] has been Rædwald;[20] his kingdom, East Anglia, is believed to have had its seat at
Rendlesham, 41 ⁄4 miles (6.8 kilometres) upriver from Sutton Hoo.[21][22] The case for Rædwald, by no means
conclusive, rests on the dating of the burial, the abundance of wealth and items identified as regalia, and,
befitting a king who kept two altars, the presence of both Christian and pagan influences.[23][24][20]
Rædwald
What scant information is known about King Rædwald of East Anglia, according to the Anglo-Saxon
historian Simon Keynes, could fit "on the back of the proverbial postage stamp."[20] Almost all that is
recorded comes from the eighth-century Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum by the Benedictine monk
Bede,[25] leaving knowledge of Rædwald's life, already poorly recorded, at the mercy of such things as
differing interpretations of Ecclesiastical Latin syntax.[26] Bede writes that Rædwald was the son of Tytila and
grandson of Wuffa, from whom the East Anglian Wuffingas dynasty derived its name.[20] In their respective
works Flores Historiarum and Chronica Majora, the thirteenth-century historians Roger of Wendover and
Matthew Paris appear to place Tytila's death, and Rædwald's presumed concurrent succession to the throne, in
599,[note 1] yet as reasonable as this date sounds, these historians' demonstrated difficulty with even ninth-
century dates leaves ample room for doubt.[27][28]
Rædwald would have at least ascended to power by 616, around when Bede records him as raising an army
on behalf of Edwin of Northumbria and defeating Æthelfrith in a battle on the east bank of the River Idle.[29]
According to Bede, Rædwald had almost accepted a bribe from Æthelfrith to turn Edwin over, before
Rædwald's wife persuaded him to value friendship and honour over treasure.[29][30] After the ensuing battle,
during which Bede says Rædwald's son Rægenhere was slain,[30] Rædwald's power was probably significant
enough to merit his inclusion in a list of seven kings said by Bede to have established rule over all of England
south of the River Humber, termed an imperium;[note 2] the ninth-century Anglo-Saxon Chronicle expanded
Bede's list to eight and applied the term bretwalda or brytenwalda,[41] literally "ruler of Britain" or "ruler of the
Britains".[42][43][note 3]
Bede records Rædwald converting to Christianity while on a trip to Kent, only to be dissuaded by his wife
upon his return; afterwards he kept a temple with two altars, one pagan and one Christian.[20][30][46] In the
likely event that this was during Æthelberht's rule of Kent, it would have been sometime before Æthelberht's
death around 618.[30][46] Rædwald's own death can be conservatively dated between 616 and 633 if using
Bede,[29] whose own dates are not unquestioned.[47] Anything more specific relies on questionable post-
Conquest sources.[29] Roger of Wendover claims without attribution that Rædwald died in 624.[29] The
twelfth-century Liber Eliensis places the death of Rædwald's son Eorpwald, who had by then succeeded his
father, in 627, meaning Rædwald would have died before then.[29] If relying solely on Bede, all that can be
said is that Rædwald died sometime between his circa 616 defeat of Æthelfrith along the River Idle, and 633,
when Edwin, who after Rædwald died converted Eorpwald to Christianity, died.[29]
Date
A precise date for the Sutton Hoo burial is needed for any credible attempt to identify its honoree.[48] Thirty-
seven gold Merovingian coins found alongside the other objects offer the most objective means of dating the
burial.[49] The coins—in addition to three blanks, and two small ingots—were found in a purse,[50] and are
themselves objects of considerable interest.[51][note 4] Until 1960,[65] and largely on the basis of numismatic
chronologies established during the 19th century,[66] the Sutton Hoo coins were generally dated to 650–660
AD.[67][68][69] With this range the burial was variously attributed to such monarchs as Æthelhere, Anna,
Æthelwald, Sigeberht, and Ecgric, all of whom ruled and died in or around the given period.[70][71][72]
The proposed range of years, and accordingly the regal attributions, was modified by later studies that took the
specific gravity of some 700 Merovingian gold coins,[73] which with some predictability were minted with
decreasing purity over time, to estimate the date of a coin based on the fineness of its gold.[74] This analysis
suggests that the latest coins in the purse were minted between 613 and 635 AD, and most likely closer to the
beginning of this range than the end.[75][76][77] The range is a tentative terminus post quem for the burial,
before which it may not have taken place; sometime later, perhaps after a period of years, the coins were
collected and buried.[78] These dates are generally consistent, but not exclusive, with Rædwald.[79]
Regalia
The presence of items identified as regalia has been used to support the idea that the burial commemorates a
king.[80] Some jewelry likely had significance beyond its richness.[81] The shoulder-clasps suggest a
ceremonial outfit.[82][83] The weight of the great gold buckle is comparable to the price paid in recompense for
the death of a nobleman; its wearer thus wore the price of a nobleman's life on his belt, a display of impunity
that could be associated with few others besides a king.[81][84] The helmet displays both wealth and power,
with a modification to the sinister eyebrow subtly linking the wearer to the one-eyed god Odin.[85] Two other
items, a "wand" and a whetstone, exhibit no practical purpose, but may have been perceived as instruments of
power.[86] The so-called wand or rod, surviving only as a 96 mm (3.8 in) gold and garnet strip with a ring at
the top, associated mountings, and traces of organic matter that may have been wood, ivory, or bone, has no
discernible use but as a symbol of office.[87] On the other hand, the whetstone is theoretically functional as a
sharpening stone, but exhibits no evidence of such use.[88] Its delicate ornamentation, including a carved head
with a modified eye that parallels the possible allusion to Odin on the helmet,[89] suggests that it too was a
ceremonial object, and it has been tentatively identified as a sceptre.[90][note 5]
Syncretism
Further evidence for the burial's association with Rædwald has been adduced from the presence of items with
both Christian and pagan significance.[94] The burial is in most respects emphatically pagan; as a ship-burial, it
is the manifestation of a pagan practice predating the Gregorian reintroduction of Christianity into Britain, and
may have served as an implicit rejection of the encroaching Frankish Christianity.[95][96] Three groups of
items, however, have clear Christian influences: two scabbard bosses, ten silver bowls, and two silver
spoons.[97] The bowls and scabbard bosses each display crosses, the former with chasing and the latter with
cloisonné.[98][99] The spoons are even more closely associated with the Catholic Church, inscribed as they are
with the names ΠΑΥΛΟΣ (Paulos) and ΣΑΥΛΟΣ (Saulos)—or perhaps both ΠΑΥΛΟΣ, as the first letter of the
latter inscription may have been made in error[100]—and are each preceded by a cross. Even if not baptismal
spoons, Saul being Paul the Apostle's pre-conversion name—a theory which has been linked to Rædwald's
conversion at Kent[101][102]—they are unmistakably associated with Christianity.[103][104]
Others
Rædwald may be the easiest name to attach to the Sutton Hoo ship-burial, but for all the attempts to do so,
these arguments have been made with more vigor than persuasiveness.[25] The desire to link a burial with a
known name, and a famous one, outstrips the evidence.[105][106] The burial is certainly a commemorative
display of both wealth and power, but does not necessarily memorialise Rædwald, or a king;[107][108]
theoretically, the ship-burial could have even been a votive offering.[109] The case for Rædwald depends
heavily on the dating of the coins, yet the current dating is only precise within two decades,[79] and
Merovingian coin chronologies have shifted before.[109]
The case for Rædwald depends on the assumption that modern conceptions of Middle Age wealth and power
are accurate. The wealth of the Sutton Hoo ship-burial is astonishing because there are no contemporaneous
parallels,[110] but the lack of parallels could be a quirk of survival just as much as it could be an indicator of
Rædwald's wealth. Many other Anglo-Saxon barrows have been plowed over or looted,[111] and so just as
little is known about contemporary kingliness, little is known about contemporary kingly graves;[112][113][114]
if there was any special significance to the items termed regalia, it could have been religious instead of kingly
significance, and if anything of kingly graves is known, it is that the graves of even the mere wealthy
contained riches that any king would be happy to own.[115][116] Distinguishing between graves of chieftains,
regents, kings, and status-seeking arrivistes is difficult.[117] When Mul of Kent, the brother of King Cædwalla
of Wessex was killed in 687, the price paid in recompense was equivalent to a king's weregild.[118] If the lives
of a king and his brother were equal, their graves might be equally hard to tell apart.[119][120]
Rædwald thus remains a possible but uncertain identification.[105][121] As the British Museum's former
director Sir David M. Wilson wrote, while Rædwald may have been buried at Sutton Hoo, "the little word
may should be brought into any identification of Rædwald. After all it may or even might be Sigeberht who
died in the early 630s, or it might be his illegitimate brother if he had one (and most people did), or any other
great man of East Anglia from 610 to 650."[47]
Description
The Sutton Hoo helmet, weighing an estimated 2.5 kg (5.5 lb),[122] was made of iron and covered with
decorated sheets of tinned bronze.[123][124] Fluted strips of moulding divided the exterior into panels, each of
which was stamped with one of five designs.[125][124] Two depict figural scenes, another two zoophormic
interlaced patterns; a fifth pattern, known only from seven small fragments and incapable of restoration, is only
known to occur once on an otherwise symmetrical helmet and may have been used to replace a damaged
panel.[126][127] The existence of these five designs has been generally understood since the first
reconstruction, published in 1947.[128][note 7] The succeeding three decades gave rise to an increased
understanding of the designs and their parallels in contemporary imagery, allowing possible reconstructions of
the full panels to be advanced, and through the second reconstruction
their locations on the surface of the helmet to be
redetermined.[127][135][136][137] As referred to below, the designs are
numbered according to Rupert Bruce-Mitford's 1978 work.[127]
Construction
The core of the helmet was constructed of iron and consisted of a cap
from which hung a face mask and cheek and neck guards.[123][138]
Replica helmet showing designs 1, 2,
The cap was beaten into shape from a single piece of
4 and 5, located (1) above the
metal.[139][note 8] On either side of it were hung iron cheek eyebrows and on the cheek guard,
guards,[142][143] deep enough to protect the entire side of the (2) on the skull cap, (4) on the cheek
face,[144] and curved inward both vertically and horizontally.[145] guard[note 6] and skull cap, and (5) on
Two hinges per side, possibly made of leather, supported these the face mask
pieces,[146] allowing them to be pulled flush with the face mask and
fully enclose the face.[144] A neck guard was attached to the back of
the cap and made of two overlapping pieces: a shorter piece set inside the cap, over which attached a "broad
fan-like portion" extending downwards, "straight from top to bottom but curved laterally to follow the line of
the neck."[147] The inset portion afforded the neck guard extra movement, and like the cheek guards was
attached to the cap by leather hinges.[147] Finally, the face mask was riveted to the cap on both sides and
above the nose.[148] Two cutouts served as eye openings,[149] while a third opened into the hollow of the
overlaid nose, thereby facilitating access to the two nostril-like holes underneath; though small, these holes
would have been among the few sources of fresh air for the wearer.[150]
Atop the foundational layer of iron were placed decorative sheets of tinned bronze.[123][151] These sheets,
divided into five figural or zoomorphic designs,[126][127] were manufactured by the pressblech
process.[152][153][154] Preformed dies similar to the Torslunda plates[155] were covered with thin metal which,
through applied force, took up the design underneath;[156][157] identical designs could thus be mass-produced
from the same die, allowing for their repeated use on the helmet and other objects.[152][note 9] Fluted strips of
white alloyed moulding—possibly of tin and copper, and possibly swaged[125][162]—divided the designs into
framed panels, held to the helmet by bronze rivets.[125][151] The two strips running from front to back
alongside the crest were gilded.[163][164] The edges of the helmet were further protected by U-shaped brass
tubing, fastened by swaged bronze clips[123][165] and themselves further holding in place the pressblech
panels that shared edges with the helmet.[166]
A final layer of adornments added to the helmet a crest, eyebrows, nose and mouth piece, and three dragon
heads. A hollow iron crest ran across the top of the cap and terminated at front and back.[142][139] It was made
of D-sectioned tubing[142][139] and consisted of two parts, an inverted U-shaped piece into the bottom of
which a flat strip was placed.[141] As no traces of solder remain, the crest may have been either forged or
shrunk on to the cap.[167] From either end of the crest extended an iron tang, to each of which was riveted a
gilded dragon head.[168] That on the front was made of cast bronze, while the one on the rear was made of
another alloy, and has now mostly degraded into tin oxide.[169] A third dragon head, cast in bronze, faced
upwards on the front of the helmet and broke the plane between face mask and cap;[170] its neck rested on the
face mask, while under its eyes it was held to the cap by a large rivet shank.[171] To either side of the neck
projected a hollow cast bronze eyebrow, into each of which was inlaid parallel silver wires.[172][173][174][175]
Terminal boar heads were gilded, as were the undersides of the eyebrows,[176] where individual bronze cells
held square garnets.[177][173][174] The eyebrows were riveted on, both to the cap at their outer ends and to the
tang of a nose and mouth piece which extended upwards underneath the neck of the dragon head.[178] This
tang was itself riveted to the cap,[179] one of five attachment points for the cast bronze[180] nose and mouth
piece.[181] Both sides of the nose featured "two small round projecting plates,"[182] connected by fluted and
swaged strips, and concealing rivets.[183] An inlaid strip of wire extended the length of the nasal ridge, next to
which the "background was punched down" and filled with niello or another metallic inlay,[184] leaving
"triangles in relief" that were silvered.[180] A tracer (a "rather blunt chisel . . . used chiefly for outlining"[185])
was used to provide a grooved border on each side.[180] Running horizontally aside the nasal bridge were
three punched circles per side, inlaid with silver and possibly surrounded by niello.[180] Beneath these circles,
also running horizontally from the center of the nose to its sides were chased[180] "alternate rows of plain
flutings and billeted strips which run obliquely between the central strip and a billeted lower edge."[150] This
same pattern is repeated in vertical fashion on the moustache.[180][186] The curve along the bevelled lower lip,
in turn, repeats the circled pattern used on the nasal bridge.[187][188] Excepting the portions covered by the
eyebrows and dragon head,[149] or adorned with silver or niello,[note 10] the nose and mouth piece was heavily
gilded,[180][186] which is suggested by the presence of mercury to have been done with the fire-gilding
method.[184]
Breaking the symmetry of the helmet are subtle differences in the two eyebrows, and in the methods employed
to fashion the cloisonné garnets. The dexter and sinister eyebrows, though at first glance identical, may have
been "manufactured in different ways while being intended to look essentially the same."[192] The dexter
brow is approximately 5 millimeters shorter than the sinister, and contained 43 rather than 46 inlaid silver wires
and one or two fewer garnets.[193][note 11] Gilding on the dexter eyebrow was "reddish in colour" against the
"yellowish" hue of the sinister,[195] while the latter contains both trace amounts of mercury and a tin corrosion
product which are absent from its counterpart. Moreover, while the individual bronze cells into which the
garnets are set, both on the dexter brow and on three of the four remaining dragon eyes, are underlain by small
pieces of "hatched gold foil,"[177][193] those on the sinister side, and the sinister eye of the upper dragon head,
have no such backing.[196] The gold backing served to reflect light back through the garnets, increasing their
lustre and deepening their colour.[197] Where this backing was missing on the sinister eyebrow and one dragon
eye, the luminosity of the garnets would be "substantially dimmed" by direct placement against the
bronze.[198]
Dragon motifs
Three dragon heads are represented on the helmet. Two bronze-gilt

dragon heads feature on either end of the iron crest running from the
front to the rear of the skull cap.[141] The third sits at the junction
between the two eyebrows, facing upward and given fuller form by
the eyebrows, nose and moustache to create the impression of a
dragon in flight.[193] The dragon soars upwards, its garnet-lined
wings perhaps meant to convey a fiery contrail,[199] and in the
dramatic focal point of the helmet, bares its teeth at the snake-like
dragon flying town the crest.[200]
The winged dragon motif from the
To the extent that the helmet is jewelled, such decoration is largely front of the helmet, with eyebrows for
wings and the nose and mouth piece
confined to the elements associated with the dragons.[201] Convex
for body and tail
garnets sunk into the heads give the dragons red eyes.[172][202] The
eyebrows are likewise inlaid with square garnets on their under edges,
continuing outwards on each side to where they terminate in gilded
boars' heads;[177][173][174][203] in addition to their secondary decorative function as wings, the eyebrows may
therefore take on a tertiary form as boars' bodies.[204] The subtle differences between the eyebrows, the
sinister of which lacks the gold foil backing employed on the dexter, may suggest an allusion to the one-eyed
god Odin;[205] seen in low light, with the garnets of only one eye reflecting light, the helmet may have itself
seemed to have only one eye.[206][note 12]
More gold covers the eyebrows, nose and mouth piece, and dragon heads, as it does the two fluted strips that
flank the crest.[170] The crest and eyebrows are further inlaid with silver wires.[209][210][211][212] Combined
with the silvery colour of the tinned bronze, the effect was "an object of burnished silvery metal, set in a
trelliswork of gold, surmounted by a crest of massive silver, and embellished with gilded ornaments, garnets
and niello—in its way a magnificent thing and one of the outstanding masterpieces of barbaric art."[213]
Design 1: Dancing warriors
The dancing warriors scene is known from six fragments and occurs
four times on the helmet.[214] It appears on the two panels
immediately above the eyebrows, accounting for five of the
fragments. The sixth fragment is placed in the middle row of the
dexter cheek guard, on the panel closest to the face mask;[214][215] the
generally symmetrical nature of the helmet implies the design's
position on the opposite side as well.[130][216][217] None of the six
pieces shows both warriors, although the "key fragment" depicts their
crossed wrists.[218][219] A full reconstruction of the scene was
inferred after the first reconstruction, when Rupert Bruce-Mitford Design 1, with elements known from
spent six weeks in Sweden and was shown a nearly identical design fragments in silver, and
on the then unpublished Valsgärde 7 reconstructed elements in gold
helmet. [129][220][221][222][223][224][225]
Design 1 pictures two men "in civilian or ceremonial dress"[219]

perhaps engaged in a spear or sword dance[226][227] "associated with
the cult of Odin, the war-god."[228][229] Their outer hands each hold
two spears, pointed towards their feet,[218] while their crossed hands
grip swords.[129] The depiction suggests "intricate measures,"
"rhythm," and an "elasticity of . . . dance steps."[230] Their trailing
outer legs and curved hips imply movement towards each
other,[231][232] and they may be in the climax of the dance.[232] The
prevalence of dance scenes with a "similarity of the presentation of
the scheme of movement" in contemporary Scandinavian and
One of the four Torslunda plates, Northern art suggests that ritual dances "were well-known
showing a horned figure similar to phenomena."[233] Sword dances in particular were recorded among
those in design 1. His missing right the Germanic tribes as early as the first century AD, when Tacitus
eye suggests that he is Odin. [note 13] wrote of "[n]aked youths who practice the sport bound in the dance
amid swords and lances," a "spectacle" which was "always
performed at every gathering."[234][235][230] Whatever the meaning
conveyed by the Sutton Hoo example, the "ritual dance was evidently no freak of fashion confined to a
particular epoch, but was practised for centuries in a more or less unchanged form."[236]
While many contemporary designs portray ritual dances,[237] at least three examples show scenes
exceptionally similar to that on the Sutton Hoo helmet and contribute to the understanding of the depicted
sword dance. The same design—identical but for a different type of spears held in hand,[238] a different
pattern of dress,[239] and a lack of crossed spears behind the two men[226]—is found on the Valsgärde 7
helmet, while a small fragment of stamped foil from the eastern mound at Gamla Uppsala is "so close in every
respect to the corresponding warrior on the Sutton Hoo helmet as to appear at first glance to be from the same
die," and may even have been "cut by the same man."[240] The third similar design is one of the four
Torslunda plates,[241] discovered in Öland, Sweden, in 1870.[242] This plate, which is complete and depicts a
figure with the same attributes as on design 1, suggests the association of the men in the Sutton Hoo example
with "the cult of Odin."[228][229] The Torslunda figure is missing an eye, which laser scanning revealed to
have been removed by a "sharp cut, probably in the original model used for the mould."[243] Odin too lost an
eye, thus evidencing the identification of the Torslunda figure as him, and the Sutton Hoo figures as devotees
of him.[228][229][243]
Design 2: Rider and fallen warrior
Eight fragments and representations comprise all known instances of

the second design,[244] It is thought to have originally appeared
twelve times on the helmet,[245] although this assumes that the
unidentified third design, which occupies one of the twelve panels,
was a replacement for a damaged panel.[246] Assuming so, the pattern
occupied eight spaces on the lowest row of the skull cap (i.e., all but
the two showing design 1), and two panels, one atop the other rising
towards the crest, in the centre of each side.[247][248][249] All panels
showing design 2 appear to have been struck from the same die.[250]
The horse and rider thus move in a clockwise direction around the
helmet, facing towards the rear of the helmet on the dexter side, and
towards the front on the sinister side.[250] The Pliezhausen bracteate shows a
scene nearly identical to design 2.
As of the substantial sections of design 2 are missing, significantly
from the "central area,"[251] reconstruction relies in part on
continental versions of the same scene.[252] In particular, similar scenes are seen on the Valsgärde 7[253] and
8[254] helmets, the Vendel 1 helmet,[246] and on the Pliezhausen bracteate.[255] The latter piece, in particular,
is both complete and nearly identical to the Sutton Hoo design.[256][257] Although a mirror image, and lacking
in certain details depicted in design 2 such as the sword carried by the rider and the scabbard worn by the
fallen warrior,[258][259] it suggests other details such as the small shield held by the kneeling figure.[260]
Design 2 shows a mounted warrior, spear held overhead, trampling an enemy on the ground.[261] The latter
leans upwards and, grasping the reins in his left hand, uses his right hand to thrust a sword into the chest of the
horse.[261] Atop the horse's rump kneels a "diminutive human, or at least anthropomorphic figure."[261] The
figure is stylistically similar to the horseman. Its arms and legs are positioned identically, and, together with the
rider, it clutches the spear with its right hand.[261]
The iconography underlying design 2 is unknown. It may derive from Roman models,[262][263][264] which
frequently depicted images of warriors trampling vanquished enemies.[265] The subsequent development of
the design, which has been found in England, Sweden, and Germany, suggests that it carried a unique
meaning broadly understood in Germanic tradition.[259] Whereas the Roman examples show riders in
moments of unqualified victory,[266] in Germanic representations the scene is ambiguous.[254] The symbolism
is unclear,[267][268] and elements of victory are combined with elements of defeat:[269][259] the rider directs his
spear straight forward at an invisible enemy, not down at the visible enemy on the ground; though the enemy is
trampled, the rider's horse is dealt a fatal wound; and a small and possibly divine figure hovers behind the
rider, its body taking the form of a victorious swastika[note 14] while it seemingly guides the spear.[270] An
overarching theme of the design may therefore be that of fate.[271][259] In this understanding the divine figure,
possibly Odin, guides the warrior in battle, but does not completely free him from the deadly threats he
faces.[271] The gods are themselves subject to the whims of fate, and can provide only limited help against the
rider's enemies.[272]
Design 3: Unidentified figural scene

Seven small fragments suggest a third figural scene somewhere on the
Sutton Hoo helmet. They are nevertheless too small and ambiguous to
allow for the reconstruction of the scene.[134] Its presence is
suggested "not more than four times, and perhaps only once";[246]
because other fragments demonstrate the occurrence of design 1[273]
or design 2[274] on all seven available panels on the sinister side of the
helmet, and on the forwardmost two panels on the dexter side (in
addition to on the highest dexter panel), placement of design 3 "must
have occurred towards the rear of the helmet"[246] on the dexter side.
That which remains of design 3 may suggest that a "variant rider

scene" was employed to fix damage to a design 2 panel,[246] similar The seven unidentified fragments
to how a unique pressblech design on the Valsgärde 6 helmet was
likely used in repair.[275] Fragment (a) for example shows groups of
parallel raised lines running in correspondence "with changes of angle or direction in the modelled surface,
which on the analogy of the Sutton Hoo and other rider scenes in Vendel art, strongly suggest the body of a
horse."[276] Though smaller, fragment (d) shows similar patterns and suggests a similar interpretation.[246]
Fragment (b), meanwhile, shows "two concentric raised lines two millimetres apart," and "appears to be a
segment of the rim of a shield which would be of the same diameter as that held by the rider in design 2."[277]
The theory of design 3 as a replacement panel gains some support from damage towards the back of the
helmet, but is contradicted by the placement of fragment (c). The crest, complete for 25.5 cm (10.0 in) from
front to back, is missing 2 cm (0.79 in) above the rear dragon head.[278] This head is itself mostly missing, and
is absent from the 1945–46 reconstruction.[279][280][281] These missing portions are offered by Bruce-Mitford
as a possible indication that the helmet at one time suffered damage necessitating the restoration of at least one
design 2 panel with a new equestrian scene.[282] This theory does not explain why the rear crest and dragon
head would not have been themselves repaired, however, and it is not helped by fragment (c). This fragment is
an edge piece placed in the 1970–71 reconstruction on the dexter rear of the helmet at the bottom left of a
panel where either design 2 or design 3 is expected, yet is "an isolated element quite out of context with any
other surviving fragment and with what appears to be the subject matter of the design 3 panel."[277] Bruce-
Mitford suggests that as it is an edge piece it may have originally been a scrap placed under another piece to
fill a gap, for it is "otherwise inexplicable."[277][note 15]
Design 4: Larger interlace
Occurring on the cheek guards, the neck guard and the skull cap,[249]
the larger interlace pattern was capable of a complete
reconstruction.[284] Unlike the two identified figural scenes, partial
die impressions of design 4 were used in addition to full die
impressions.[284] Blank spaces on the skull cap and neck guard,
devoid of decorative designs, allowed for impressions of design 4
that are nearly or entirely complete.[285] On the cheek guards, by
contrast, which are irregularly shaped and fully decorated, the
interlace designs appear in partial, and sometimes sideways,
fashion.[286]
Design 4 depicts a single animal, or quadruped, in ribbon style, and

has a billeted border on all sides.[287] The head of the animal is
located in the upper center of the panel.[288] The eye is defined by
two circles; the rest of the head, comprising two separate but
intertwined ribbons, surrounds it.[288] A third ribbon, representing
the jaws and mouth, is beneath the head.[288] On the left it begins as
a small billeted ribbon that descends into a pellet-filled twist, passes
under itself, and emerges as a larger billeted ribbon.[288] Circling
counterclockwise, it passes over and then under a separate ribbon that
represents the body, under it again, then over and under one of the
ribbons representing the head.[288] It emerges as a second pellet-filled
twist, again forms a billeted ribbon, and terminates in a shape
resembling a foot.[287] A fourth ribbon, forming the animal's neck,
starts from the head and travels downwards, under and over a ribbon
forming a limb, and terminating in a pellet-filled twist, at the bottom
right corner, representing the front hip.[288] Two limbs leave from the hip.[288] One immediately terminates in
the border; the second travels upwards as a billeted ribbon, under and over the neck, and ends in another hip
("illogically", per Bruce-Mitford).[288] Another short limb, filled with pellets, emerges from this hip and
terminates in a foot.[288] The animal's body, meanwhile, is formed by another billeted ribbon that connects the
front hip in the lower right, with the rear hip, in the top left.[288] From right to left it travels under, under, and
over the jaws and mouth, under a billeted ribbon representing legs, and then connects to the rear hip.[288] The
rear hip, like the front hip, is connected to two limbs.[288] One is a small, pellet-filled twist.[288] The other
travels downwards as a billeted ribbon to the bottom left corner, where it terminates in another hip that
connects to a pellet-filled limb, and then a foot.[288]
The design is representative of what Bernhard Salin termed "Design II" Germanic animal ornament.[289]
Design 5: Smaller interlace
The smaller interlace pattern covered the face mask, was used
prominently on the neck guard, and filled in several empty spaces on
the cheek guards.[284] It is a zoomorphic design, like the larger
interlace, and shows "two animals, upside down and reversed in Design 5
relation to each other, whose backward-turning heads lie towards the
centre of the panel."[289]
Function
The Sutton Hoo helmet was both a functional piece of battle equipment and a symbol of its owner's power and
prestige. It would have offered considerable protection if ever used in battle,[290] and as the richest known
Anglo-Saxon helmet, indicated its owner's status.[291] As it is older than the man with whom it was buried, the
helmet may have been an heirloom,[292][282] symbolic of the ceremonies of its owner's life and
death;[293][294][295] it may further be a progenitor of crowns, known in Europe since around the twelfth
century,[296][297] indicating both a leader's right to rule and his connection with the gods.[85]
Whether or not the helmet was ever worn in battle is unknown, but though delicately ornamented, it would
have done the job well.[290] Other than leaving spaces to allow movement of the shoulders and arms, the
helmet leaves its wearer's head entirely protected,[279] and unlike any other known helmet of its general type,
it has a face mask, one-piece cap, and solid neck guard.[298] The iron and silver crest would have helped
deflect the force of falling blows,[299][300][301] and holes underneath the nose would have created a breathable
—if stifling[302]—environment within.[303] If two suppositions are to be taken as true—that damage to the
back of the helmet occurred before the burial,[304] and that Raedwald is properly identified as the helmet's
owner—then the helmet can be at least described as one that saw some degree of use during its lifetime, and
that was owned by a person who saw battle.[305]
Beyond its functional purpose, the Sutton Hoo helmet would have
served to convey the high status of its owner. Little more than an iron
cap, such as the helmets from Shorwell and Wollaston,[306][307][308]
would be needed if one only sought to protect one's head.[309][310]
Yet helmets were objects of prestige in Anglo-Saxon England, as
indicated by archaeological, literary, and historical evidence.[311]
Helmets are relatively common in Beowulf, an Anglo-Saxon poem
focused on royals and their aristocratic milieu,[312][313][314] but rarely
found today; only six are currently known, despite the excavation of
thousands of graves from the period.[315][316][317] Much as this could
reflect poor rates of artefact survival, or even recognition—the
Shorwell helmet was at first misidentified as a "fragmentary iron
vessel",[318] the Wollaston helmet as a bucket,[319] and a plain
Roman helmet from Burgh Castle as "cauldron fragments"[320]—the
extreme scarcity suggests that helmets were never deposited in great With a brow band, nose-to-nape
numbers, and signified the importance of those wearing them.[317] band, and lateral bands, the twelfth-
century crown of Saint Stephen has
That the Sutton Hoo helmet was likely around 100 years old when a similar basic construction to some
buried suggests that it may have been an heirloom, a sample from the Anglo-Saxon helmets.
royal treasury passed down from another generation.[292][282][321]
The same suggestion has been made for the shield from the burial, as
both it and the helmet are objects with distinct Swedish influence.[322][323][324][325] The importance of
heirloom items is well documented in poetry;[326] every sword of note in Beowulf, from Hrunting to Nægling,
has such a history,[327] and the poem's hero, whose own pyre is stacked with helmets,[328] uses his dying
words to bestow upon his follower Wiglaf a gold collar, byrnie, and gilded helmet.[329][330] The passing of the
helmet, from warrior to warrior and then to the ground, would have been symbolic of the larger ceremony of
the passing of titles and power,[293][294] and the final elegy for the man buried in the mound.[295]
The helmet easily outstrips all other known examples in terms of richness.[331][332][291] It is uniquely from a
presumed royal burial,[331] at a time when the monarchy was defined by the helmet and the sword.[333][334]
Helmets, perhaps because they were worn by rulers so frequently, may have come to be identified as
crowns.[317][335] Though many intermediate stages in the typological and functional evolution are yet
unknown,[336] the earliest European crowns that survive, such as the turn-of-the-millennium crown of Saint
Stephen and of Constance of Aragon, share the same basic construction of many helmets, including the
Coppergate example, contemporaneous with the one from Sutton Hoo: a brow band, a nose-to-nape band, and
lateral bands.[297] A divine right to rule, or at least a connection between gods and leader—also seen on earlier
Roman helmets, which sometimes represented Roman gods[337]—may have been implied by the alteration to
the sinister eyebrow on the Sutton Hoo helmet; the one-eyed appearance could only have been visible in low
light, such as when its wearer was in a hall, the seat of the king's power.[85]
Context and parallels

Unique in many respects, the Sutton Hoo helmet is nevertheless inextricably linked to its Anglo-Saxon and
Scandinavian contexts. It is one of only six known Anglo-Saxon helmets, along with those found at Benty
Grange, Coppergate, Wollaston, Shorwell and Staffordshire,[316] yet is closer in character to those from
Vendel and Valsgärde.[338] At the same time, the helmet shares "consistent and intimate" parallels with those
characterised in the Anglo-Saxon epic Beowulf,[339] and, like the Sutton Hoo ship-burial as a whole,[340] has
had a profound impact on modern understandings of the poem.[341]
Helmets
Within the corpus of sixth and seventh century helmets, the Sutton Hoo helmet is broadly classified as a
"crested helmet,"[342][343] distinct from the continental spangenhelm[344][345] and lamellenhelm.[346][347] 50
helmets are so classified,[342][348][note 16] although barely more than a dozen can be reconstructed[354] and a
few are so degraded that they are not indisputably from helmets.[350][343] Excepting an outlier fragment found
in Kiev;[355] all crested helmets originate from England or Scandinavia.[356][357]
Of the crested helmets the Sutton Hoo helmet belongs to the Vendel and Valsgärde class, which themselves
derive from the Roman infantry and cavalry helmets of the fourth and fifth century Constantinian
workshops.[358] Helmets were found in graves 1, 12 and 14 at Vendel (in addition to partial helmets in graves
10 and 11), and in graves 5, 6, 7 and 8 at Valsgärde.[240] The Sutton Hoo example shares similarities in
design, yet "is richer and of higher quality" than its Scandinavian analogues;[359] its differences may reflect its
manufacture for someone of higher social status, or its closer temporal proximity to the antecedent Roman
helmets.[360]
Helmet Location Completeness References
/?
England: Sutton Hoo,
Sutton Hoo Helmet
Suffolk
Coppergate England: York Helmet
Benty Grange England: Derbyshire Helmet
England: Wollaston, [361][362][363][364][365][366][367][368][369][370]

Wollaston Helmet
Northamptonshire
Staffordshire England: Staffordshire Helmet [371][372][373]
Guilden England: Guilden [374][375][376][377][378][379][380]

Fragment (boar)
Morden Morden, Cambridgeshire
England: Caenby, [381][382][383][384][385][386][387][343][378][388]
Caenby ? Fragment (foil)
Lincolnshire
England: Rempstone, [389][378][379]
Rempstone Fragment (crest)
Nottinghamshire
England: Asthall, [390][391][392][386][393][343][394][395]
Asthall ? Fragments (foil)
Oxfordshire
England: Icklingham, [396][348][378][379]
Icklingham Fragment (crest)
Suffolk
England: Horncastle, [397][398]
Horncastle Fragment (crest)
Lincolnshire
Fragment [399][400][401][402][403][387][404][405]
Tjele Denmark: Tjele, Jutland
(eyebrows/nose)
Denmark: Gevninge, [406][407][408][409]
Gevninge Fragment (eye)
Lejre, Sjælland
Norway: Norderhov, [410][359][411][412][413][414][415]
Gjermundbu Helmet
Buskerud
Norway: Øvre Stabu, [416][359][417][350][348]
Øvre Stabu ? Fragment (crest)
Toten, Oppland
Norway: By, Løten, [418][417][348]
By Fragment
Hedmarken
Vestre Norway: Vestre Englaug, [419][420][421][422][418][417][348]
Fragment
Englaug Løten, Hedmarken
Norway: Nes, Kvelde, [423][421][417][348]
Nes Fragment
Vestfold
Lackalänga Sweden Fragment
Sweden: Unknown
Sweden location (possibly Fragment (crest) [424][425][426][427]
central)
Sweden: Askeby,
Solberga
Östergötland
Sweden: Gamleby,
Gunnerstad Fragments
Småland
Sweden: Prästgården, [336][425][343][428]
Prästgården Fragments (crest)
Timrå, Medelpad
Vendel I Sweden: Vendel, Helmet
Uppland
Sweden: Vendel, Fragments [429][430][431][426][432][350][343]
Vendel X
Uppland (crest/camail)
Sweden: Vendel, [433][434][421][435][426][436][350][427]
Vendel XI Fragments
Uppland
Sweden: Vendel,
Vendel XII Helmet
Uppland
Sweden: Vendel,
Vendel XIV Helmet
Uppland
Sweden: Valsgärde,
Valsgärde 5 Helmet
Uppland
Sweden: Valsgärde,
Valsgärde 6 Helmet
Uppland
Sweden: Valsgärde,
Valsgärde 7 Helmet
Uppland
Sweden: Valsgärde,
Valsgärde 8 Helmet
Uppland
Gamla Sweden: Gamla Uppsala, [437][438][439][440][441][442][343][443]
Fragments (foil)
Uppsala Uppland
Ultuna Sweden: Ultuna, Uppland Helmet
Sweden: Vaksala, [444][445]

Vaksala Fragments
Uppland
Sweden: Vallentuna, [446][425][343]
Vallentuna Fragments
Uppland
Sweden: Landshammar,
Landshammar Fragments
Spelvik, Södermanland
Sweden: Lokrume, [447][448][449][450][451][425][452][453][454][455][456]
Lokrume Fragment
Gotland
Sweden: Högbro Broe, [457][458][459][460][461][462][450][425][463]
Broe Fragments
Halla, Gotland
Sweden: Endrebacke,
Gotland (3) Fragment
Endre, Gotland
Sweden:
Gotland (4) Barshaldershed, Fragment (crest?) [464][460][465][426][240][442][466]
Grötlingbo, Gotland
Fragments [467][468][469][470][471][414][466][472]
Hellvi Sweden: Hellvi, Gotland
(eyebrow)
Sweden: Unknown,
Gotland (6) Fragment
Gotland
Sweden: Hallbjens, Lau, [473][468][474][426][240][442][466]
Gotland (7) Fragments
Gotland
Sweden: Unknown, [475][468][476][240][442][466]
Gotland (8) ? Fragment (crest)
Gotland
Sweden: Grötlingbo(?), [477][468][478][240][442][466]
Gotland
Sweden: Gudings, [479][468][480][240][442][466]
Vallstena, Gotland
Sweden: Kvie and [481][468][482][240][442][466]
Allekiva, Endre, Gotland
Uppåkra Sweden: Uppåkra, Fragment [483][484][485][486][407][487][488]
Scania (eyebrow/boars)
Fragment [489][490]
Desjatinna Ukraine: Kiev
(eyebrows/nose)
Anglo-Saxon
Benty Grange Shorwell Copperg Wollasto Staffordshire

ate n
Although the Staffordshire helmet, currently undergoing research and reconstruction, may prove to be more
closely related, the four other known Anglo-Saxon helmets share only minor details in decoration and few
similarities in construction with the example from Sutton Hoo. In construction its cheek guards and crest link it
to its Anglo-Saxon contemporaries, yet it remains the only helmet to have a face mask, fixed neck guard, or
cap raised from a single piece of metal. Decoratively it is linked by its elaborate eyebrows, boar motifs, and
wire inlays, but is unparalleled in its extensive ornamentation and pressblech patterns. The similarities likely
reflect "a set of traditional decorative motifs which are more or less stable over a long period of time";[491] the
differences may simply highlight the disparity between royal and patrician helmets, or may indicate that the
Sutton Hoo helmet was more a product of its Roman progenitors than its Anglo-Saxon counterparts.[360]
The primary structural similarity between the Sutton Hoo and other Anglo-Saxon helmets lies in the presence
of cheek guards, a feature shared by the Coppergate, Wollaston and Staffordshire helmets,[492][493][319][494]
yet generally missing from their Scandinavian counterparts.[298] The construction of the Sutton Hoo helmet is
otherwise largely distinguished from all other Anglo-Saxon examples. Its cap is unique in having been raised
from a single piece of iron.[495] The caps of the other helmets were each composed of at least eight pieces. On
the iron Coppergate, Shorwell and Wollaston helmets, a brow band was joined by a nose-to-nape band, two
lateral bands, and four infill plates,[496][497][498][499][319] while the Benty Grange helmet was constructed
from both iron and horn.[500][501] A brow band was joined both by nose-to-nape and ear-to-ear bands and by
four strips subdividing the resultant quadrants into eighths.[502] Eight pieces of horn infilled the eight open
spaces, with the eight joins each covered by an additional strip of horn.[500] The Sutton Hoo helmet is the only
known Anglo-Saxon helmet to have either a face mark or a fixed neck guard;[298] the Coppergate and Benty
Grange helmets, the only others to have any surviving form of neck protection,[note 17] used camail and horn,
respectively,[506][507][508] and together with the Wollaston helmet protected the face by use of nose-to-nape
bands elongated to form nasals.[509][510][511][308]
The decorative similarities between the Sutton Hoo helmet and its Anglo-Saxon contemporaries are peripheral,
if not substantial. The helmets from Wollaston and Shorwell were designed for use rather than
display;[377][306] the latter was almost entirely utilitarian, while the former, "a sparsely decorated 'fighting
helmet,'"[308] contained only a boar crest and sets of incised lines along its bands as decoration.[512][513] Its
boar crest finds parallel with that atop the Benty Grange helmet,[514] the eyes on which are made of garnets
"set in gold sockets edged with filigree wire . . . and having hollow gold shanks . . . which were sunk into a
hole" in the head.[515] Though superficially similar to the garnets and wire inlays on the Sutton Hoo helmet,
the techniques employed to combine garnet, gold and filigree work are of a higher complexity more indicative
of Germanic work.[515] A helmet sharing more distinct similarities with the Sutton Hoo example is the one
from Coppergate. It features a crest and eyebrows, both hatched[516][517] in a manner that may reflect
"reminiscences or imitations of actual wire inlays"[518][519] akin to those on the Sutton Hoo helmet.[520] The
eyebrows and crests on both helmets further terminate in animal heads, though in a less intricate manner on the
Coppergate helmet,[521] where they take a more two-dimensional form. These similarities are likely indicative
of "a set of traditional decorative motifs which are more or less stable over a long period of rime," rather than
of a significant relationship between the two helmets.[491] Compared with the "almost austere brass against
iron of the Coppergate helmet," the Sutton Hoo helmet, covered in tinned pressblech designs and further
adorned with garnets, gilding, and inlaid silver wires, radiates "a rich polychromatic effect."[491] Its
appearance is substantially more similar to the Staffordshire helmet, which, while still undergoing
conservation, has "a pair of cheek pieces cast with intricate gilded interlaced designs along with a possible
gold crest and associated terminals."[522] Like the Sutton Hoo helmet it was covered in pressblech foils,[523]
including a horseman and warrior motif so similar to design 3 as to have been initially taken for the same
design.[373]
Scandinavian
Vendel 1 Vendel 12 Vendel Valsgärde 5 Valsgärde 6 Valsgärd Ultuna

14 e8
Gjermundbu Gamla
Uppsal
a
fragme
nt
Significant differences in the construction of the Sutton Hoo and Scandinavian helmets belie significant
similarities in their designs. The Scandinavian helmets that are capable of restoration were constructed more
simply than the Sutton Hoo helmet. None has a face mask,[298] solid neck guard,[524] or cap made from one
piece of metal,[298] and only two have distinct cheek guards.[298][525] The neck guards "seem without
exception to have [been] either iron strips or protective mail curtains."[526] The helmets from Ultuna, Vendel
14 and Valsgärde 5 all used iron strips as neck protection; five strips hung from the rear of the Vendel
14[527][528] and Valsgärde 5[529] brow bands,[530][531] and though only two strips survive from the Ultuna
helmet,[532][533] others would have hung alongside them.[534] Camail was used on the remaining helmets,
from Valsgärde 6,[535][536][526][537] 7[538][539][537] and 8,[526][537] and from Vendel 1[540][541][535][537] and
12.[542][543][538][526][537] Fragmentary remains from Vendel 10[538][526] and 11,[544] and from
Solberga,[426][537] likewise suggest camail. In terms of cheek protection, only two helmets had something
other than continuations of the camail or iron strips used to protect the neck.[298][525] The Vendel 14 helmet
had cheek guards, but of "a differing version well forward on the face" of those on the Sutton Hoo
helmet.[298] Though not fully reconstructable,[545] fragments from the Broe helmet suggest a configuration
similar to those on the Vendel 14 helmet.[546] Finally, the widely varying caps on each Scandinavian helmet all
share one feature: None is similar to the cap on the Sutton Hoo helmet.[298] The basic form of the helmets
from Vendel, Valsgärde, Ultuna and Broe all started with a brow band and nose-to-nape band. The Ultuna
helmet had its sides filled in with latticed iron strips,[547][548] while each side on the Valsgärde 8 helmet was
filled in with six parallel strips running from the brow band to the nose-to-nape brand.[549][550] The remaining
four helmets—excepting those from Vendel 1 and 10,[551] and Broe,[552] which are too fragmentary to
determine their exact construction—all employed two lateral bands and sectional infills. The Vendel 14 helmet
had eight infill plates, one rectangular and one triangular per quadrant;[553][554][555] that from Valsgärde 7
helmet used four infill plates, one for each quadrant;[556][550] the one from Valsgärde 6 also used identical
infills for each quadrant, but with "elaborate"[557] Y-shaped iron strips creating a latticed effect;[558][550] and
the Valsgärde 5 example filled in the back two quadrants with latticed iron strips, and the front two quadrants
each with a rectangular section of lattice work and a triangular plate.[559][560]
The decorative and iconographic similarities between the Sutton Hoo and Scandinavian helmets are
remarkable; they are so pronounced as to have helped in the reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo helmet's own
imagery, and to have fostered the idea that the helmet was made in Sweden, not Anglo-Saxon England. Its
ornate crest and eyebrows are paralleled by the Scandinavian designs, some of which replicate or imitate its
silver wire inlays; garnets adorn the helmets from Sutton Hoo and Valsgärde 7; and the pressblech designs
covering the Sutton Hoo and Scandinavian helmets are both ubiquitous and iconographically intertwined.
Although the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian helmets almost universally have crests, hence their general
classification as "crested helmets,"[561][351] the wire inlays in the Sutton Hoo crest find their closest parallel in
the "Veldel-type helmet-crests in which such wire-inlay patterns are imitated in casting or engraving."[518][519]
Thus the crests from the Vendel 1[562][540][563][541][564][518][300] and 12[542][563][565] helmets both have
chevrons mimicking the Sutton Hoo inlays, as does the Ultuna helmet[563] and all those from Valsgärde—as
well as fragments from Vendel 11[566][563][567][568] and from central Sweden.[568] The eyebrows of
Scandinavian helmets are yet more closely linked, for those on the Broe helmet[459][460][461] are inlaid with
silver wires,[471][472] while the Lokrume helmet fragment is either inlaid or overlaid with
silver.[447][569][570][471] Even those eyebrows without silver tend to be ornate. The Valsgärde 8,[571] Vendel
1[540][541] and Vendel 10[542][565] eyebrows have chevrons following the same pattern as their crests, and
though it lacks such an elaborate crest,[572][573] the Vendel 14 helmet likewise has sets of parallel lines
engraved longitudinally into the eyebrows;[574][554] the lone eyebrow found at Hellvi is similarly
decorated.[467][468][469][471][472] Those that lack chevrons—singular finds from
Uppåkra [483][484][485][486][487][488] and Gevninge [406][575][409] in addition to the helmets from Valsgärde 5,
6,[576] and 7[577]—are still highly decorated, with the garnet-encrusted Valsgärde 7 eyebrows being the only
known parallel to those from Sutton Hoo.[577]
In all these decorative respects, two Scandinavian helmets, from Valsgärde 7 and Gamla Uppsala, are uniquely
similar to the Sutton Hoo example.[578] The Valsgärde 7 crest has a "cast chevron ornament";[539] the helmet
"is 'jeweled', like the Sutton Hoo helmet, but showing a greater use of garnets";[579] and it contains figural and
interlace pressblech patterns, including versions of the two figural designs used on the Sutton Hoo helmet.[579]
Unlike on the Sutton Hoo helmet, the Valsgärde 7 rider and fallen warrior design was made with two dies, so
that those on both dexter and sinister sides are seen moving towards the front, and they contain some "differing
and additional elements."[579] The Valsgärde 7 version of the dancing warriors design, however, contains
"only [one] major iconographic difference," the absence of two crossed spears behind the two men.[226] The
scenes are so similar that it was only with the Valsgärde 7 design in hand that the Sutton Hoo design could be
reconstructed.[129][222][223][225] The Gamla Uppsala version of this scene is even more similar. It was at first
thought to have been struck from the same die,[580][240] and required precise measurement of the original
fragments to prove otherwise.[581] Though the angles of the forearms and between the spears are slightly
different, the Gamla Uppsala fragment nonetheless provides "the closest possible parallel" to the Sutton Hoo
design.[218] Taken as a whole, the Valsgärde 7 helmet serves "better than any of the other helmets of its type to
make explicit the East Scandinavian context of the Sutton Hoo helmet."[539] Its differences, perhaps, are
explained by the fact that it was in the grave of a "yeoman-farmer," not royalty.[220] "Royal graves strictly
contemporary with [it] have not yet been excavated in Sweden, but no doubt the helmets and shields such
graves contained would be nearer in quality to the examples from Sutton Hoo."[220] It is for this reason that
the Gamla Uppsala fragment is particularly interesting;[298][582] coming from a Swedish royal cremation and
with "the dies seemingly cut by the same hand,"[298] the helmet may originally have been similar to the Sutton
Hoo helmet.[218]
Roman
Berkasovo 1 Deurne Emesa Ribchester Augsburg- Witcham

Pfersee Gravel
Whatever its Anglo-Saxon or Scandinavian origins, the Sutton Hoo helmet is descended from the Roman
helmets of the fourth and fifth century Constantinian workshops.[583] Its construction—featuring a distinctive
crest, solid cap and neck and cheek guards, face mask, and leather lining—bears clear similarities to these
earlier helmets.[584] Numerous examples have a crest similar to that on the Sutton Hoo helmet, such as those
from Deurne, Concești, Augsburg-Pfersee, and Augst, and the Berkasovo 1 and 2 and Intercisa 2 and 4
helmets.[585] Meanwhile, the one-piece cap underneath, unique in this respect among the Anglo-Saxon and
Scandinavian helmets,[495] represents the end of a Greek and Roman technique.[586] Primarily used in first
and second century helmets of the early Roman Empire[587][588] before being replaced by helmets with a
bipartite construction[589]—hence the role of the crest in holding the two halves together[590]—the practice is
thought to have finally been forgotten around 500 AD.[586][591] The solid iron cheek guards of the Sutton
Hoo helmet, likewise, derive from the Constantinian style, and is marked by cutouts towards the back.[583]
The current reconstruction partly assumes the Roman influence of the cheek guards; Roman practice
reinforced the belief that leather hinges were employed,[592] while the sinister and dexter cheek guards were
swapped after an expert on arms and armour suggested that the cutouts should be at the back.[593] The neck
guard similarly assumes leather hinges,[594][note 18] and with its solid iron construction—like the one-piece
cap, unique among Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian helmets[596]—is even more closely aligned with the
Roman examples,[597] if longer than was typical.[598] The Witcham Gravel helmet from the first century
AD[599][600] has such a broad and deep neck guard,[601] and solid projecting guards are found on the Deurne
and Berkasovo 2 helmets.[602] Another feature of the Sutton Hoo helmet unparalleled by its contemporaries—
its face mask[298]—is matched by Roman examples.[603] Among others the Ribchester helmet from the turn of
the first century AD,[604] and the Emesa helmet from the early first century AD,[605][606][note 19] each include
an anthropomorphic face mask; the latter is more similar to the Sutton Hoo helmet,[603] being affixed to the
cap by a single hinge rather than entirely surrounding the face.[610][611][603] Finally, the suggestion of a
leather lining in the Sutton Hoo helmet, largely unsupported by positive evidence[612] other than the odd
texture of the interior of the helmet,[613][614][590] gained further traction by the prevalence of similar linings in
late Roman helmets.[615][616][note 20]
Several of the decorative aspects of the Sutton Hoo helmet, particularly its white appearance, inlaid garnets,
and prominent rivets, also derive from Roman practice.[584] Its tinned surface compares with the Berkasovo 1
and 2 helmets and those from Concești, Augsburg-Pfersee, and Deurne.[584][620] The Berkasovo 1 and
Budapest helmets are further adorned with precious or semi-precious stones, a possible origin for the garnets
on the Sutton Hoo and Valsgärde 7 helmets.[621] Finally, the prominent rivets seen on some of the crested
helmets, such as those from Valsgärde 8 and Sutton Hoo, may have been inspired by the similar decorative
effect achieved by the rivets on Roman helmets like the Berkasovo 2 and Duerne examples.[622]
Beowulf
Understandings of the Sutton Hoo ship-burial and Beowulf have been intertwined ever since the 1939
discovery of the former. "By the late 1950s, Beowulf and Sutton Hoo were so inseparable that, in study after
study, the appearance of one inevitably and automatically evoked the other. If Beowulf came on stage first,
Sutton Hoo was swiftly brought in to illustrate how closely seventh-century reality resembled what the poet
depicted; if Sutton Hoo performed first, Beowulf followed close behind to give voice to the former's dumb
evidence."[623] Although "each monument sheds light on the other,"[624] the connection between the two "has
almost certainly been made too specific."[625] Yet "[h]elmets are described in greater detail than any other item
of war-equipment in the poem,"[626] and some specific connections can be drawn. The boar imagery, crest and
visor all find parallels in Beowulf, as does the helmet's gleaming white and jeweled appearance. Though the
Sutton Hoo helmet cannot be said to fully mirror any one helmet in Beowulf, the many isolated similarities help
ensure that "despite the limited archaeological evidence no feature of the poetic descriptions is inexplicable and
without archaeological parallel."[627]
Helmets with boar motifs are mentioned five times in

Beowulf,[628][629][630][631] and fall into two categories: those with
freestanding boars and those without.[632][633][634] As Beowulf and
his fourteen men disembark their ship and are led to see King
Hrothgar, they leave the boat anchored in the water:
Gewiton him þa feran, So they went on their way.

flota stille bad, The ship rode the water,
seomode on sale broad-beamed, bound by
sidfæþmed scip, its hawser
oa ancre fæst. Eoforlic and anchored fast. Boar- The Benty Grange helmet exhibits
scionon shapes flashed the other style of boar motif
ofer hleorbergan above their cheek-guards, mentioned in Beowulf
gehroden golde, the brightly forged
fah ond fyrheard, work of goldsmiths,
ferhwearde heold watching over
guþmod grimmon.[635] those stern-faced men.[636]
Such boar-shapes may have been like those on the Sutton Hoo helmet, terminating at the ends of the eyebrows
and looking out over the cheek guards.[632][173][174] Beowulf himself dons a helmet "set around with boar
images"[637] (besette swin-licum[638]) before his fight with Grendel's mother; further described as "the white
helmet . . . enhanced by treasure" (ac se hwita helm . . . since geweorðad[639]), a similar description could
have been applied to the tinned Sutton Hoo example.[173][640][641][618][642] (The two helmets would not have
been identical, however; Beowulf's was further described as "encircled in lordly links"[643]—befongen frea-
wrasnum[644]—a possible reference to the type of chain mail on the Valsgärde 6 and 8 helmets that provided
neck and face protection.[645][646]) The other style of boar adornment, mentioned three times in the poem,[647]
appears to refer to helmets with a freestanding boar atop the crest.[648][633][634] When Hrothgar laments the
death of his close friend Æschere, he recalls how Æschere was "my right hand man when the ranks clashed
and our boar-crests had to take a battering in the line of action."[649][650] These crests were probably more
similar to those on the Benty Grange and Wollaston helmets,[648][633][634] a detached boar found in Guilden
Morden,[374][375][376] and those seen in contemporary imagery on the Vendel 1 and Valsgärde 7 helmets and
on the Torslunda plates.[651][652]
Alongside the boar imagery on the eyebrows, the silver inlays of the
crest on the Sutton Hoo helmet find linguistic support in Beowulf. The
helmet presented to Beowulf as a "victory gift" following his defeat of
Grendel is described with identical features:
no he þære feohgyfte It was hardly a shame to

for sceotendum be showered with such
scamigan ðorfte. gifts
Ne gefrægn ic in front of the hall-troops.
freondlicor feower There haven't been many The crest of the Vendel 1 helmet
madmas moments, I am sure, when contains "reminiscences or
golde gegyrede men exchanged imitations of actual wire
gummanna fela four such treasures at so inlays,"[518][519] the wirum bewunden
in ealobence oðrum friendly a sitting. found on the helmets of Beowulf and
gesellan. An embossed ridge, a Sutton Hoo.
Ymb þæs helmes hrof band lapped with wire
heafodbeorge arched over the helmet:
wirum bewunden wala head-protection
utan heold, to keep the keen-ground
þæt him fela laf frecne cutting edge
ne meahton from damaging it when
scurheard sceþðan, danger threatened
þonne scyldfreca and the man was battling
ongean gramum behind his shield.[654]
gangan scolde.[653]
This portion of the poem was thought "probably corrupt" until the helmet was discovered, with the suggestion
that "the scribe himself does not appear to have understood it";[655] the meaning of "the notorious wala,"[341]
in particular, was only guessed at.[299][656][note 21] The term is generally used in Old English to refer to a ridge
of land, not the crest of a helmet;[666] metaphorically termed wala in the poem, the crest is furthermore wirum
bewunden, literally "bound with wires."[667][668][301] It therefore parallels the silver inlays along the crest of
the Sutton Hoo helmet.[299][669] Such a crest would, as described in Beowulf, provide protection from a falling
sword. "A quick turn of the head as the blow fell would enable the wearer to take it across the 'comb' and
avoid its falling parallel with the comb and splitting the cap."[518][300] The discovery has led many Old
English dictionaries to define wala within the "immediate context" of Beowulf, including as a "ridge or comb
inlaid with wires running on top of helmet from front to back," although doing so "iron[s] out the figurative
language" intended in the poem.[666] The specific meaning of the term as used within the poem is nevertheless
explicated by the Sutton Hoo helmet, in turn "illustrat[ing] the intimacy of the relationship between the
archaeological material in the Sutton Hoo grave and the Beowulf poem."[518][670]
A final parallel between the Sutton Hoo helmet and those in Beowulf is the presence of face masks, a feature
which makes the former unique among its Anglo-Saxon and East Scandinavian counterparts.[671][280][298]
The uniqueness may reflect that, as part of a royal burial,[298] the helmet is "richer and of higher quality than
any other helmet yet found."[359] In Beowulf, "a poem about kings and nobles, in which the common people
hardly appear,"[328] compounds such as "battle-mask" (beadogriman[672]), "war-mask" (heregriman[673]),
"mask-helm" (grimhelmas[674]), and "war-head" (wigheafolan[675]) indicate the use of visored
helmets.[676][677] The term "war-head" is particularly apt for the anthropomorphic Sutton Hoo helmet. "[T]he
word does indeed describe a helmet realistically. Wigheafola: complete head-covering, forehead, eyebrows,
eye-holes, cheeks, nose, mouth, chin, even a moustache!"[678]
Discovery
The Sutton Hoo helmet was discovered over three days in July and
August 1939, with only three weeks remaining in the excavation of
the ship-burial. It was found in more than 500 pieces,[679] which
would prove to account for less than half of the original surface
area.[11] The discovery was recorded in the diary of C. W. Phillips as
follows:
Friday, 28 July 1939: "The crushed remains of an iron

helmet were found four feet [1.2 m] east of the shield The Sutton Hoo helmet in its
boss on the north side of the central deposit. The remains fragmentary, unreconstructed state
consisted of many fragments of iron covered with
embossed ornament of an interlace with which were also
associated gold leaf, textiles, an anthropomorphic face-
piece consisting of a nose, mouth, and moustache cast as
a whole (bronze), and bronze zoomorphic mountings
and enrichments."
Saturday, 29 July: "A few more fragments of the iron

helmet came to light and were boxed with the rest found
the day before."
Tuesday, 1 August: "The day was spent in clearing out

the excavated stern part of the ship and preparing it for
study. Before this a final glean and sift in the burial area
had produced a few fragments which are probably to be
associated with the helmet and the chain mail
respectively."[680][12]
Although the helmet is now considered to be one of the most important artefacts ever found on British
soil,[11][683] its shattered state caused it to go at first unnoticed. No photographs were taken of the fragments in
situ, nor were their relative positions recorded,[11][10][12] as the importance of the discovery had not yet been
realised.[123][note 22] The only contemporary record of the helmet's location was a circle on the excavation
diagram marked "nucleus of helmet remains."[681][682] When reconstruction of the helmet commenced years
later, it would thus become "a jigsaw puzzle without any sort of picture on the lid of the box,"[11][10] not to
mention a jigsaw puzzle missing half its pieces.
Overlooked at first, the helmet quickly gained notice. Even before all
the fragments had been excavated, the Daily Mail spoke of "a gold
helmet encrusted with precious stones."[685] A few days later it would
more accurately describe the helmet as having "elaborate interlaced
ornaments in silver and gold leaf."[686] Despite scant time to examine
the fragments,[687][688] they were termed "elaborate"[689] and
"magnificent";[690] "crushed and rotted"[691] and "sadly broken"
such that it "may never make such an imposing exhibit as it ought to
do,"[692] it was nonetheless thought the helmet "may be one of the
most exciting finds."[691] The stag found in the burial—later placed The helmet fragments were neither
atop the sceptre—was even thought at first to adorn the crest of the photographed nor recorded in situ,
helmet,[693][692][694][695][696] in parallel to the boar-crested Benty leaving only their general location
Grange helmet. This theory would gain no traction, however, and the known.[681][682]
helmet would have to wait out World War II before reconstruction
could begin.
Excavations at Sutton Hoo came to an end on 24 August 1939, and all items were shipped out the following
day.[697] Nine days later, Britain declared war on Germany. The intervening time allowed "first-aid treatment
of fragile objects and perishables," and for "the finds to be deposited in security."[698] Throughout World War
II the Sutton Hoo artefacts, along with other treasures from the British Museum such as the Elgin
Marbles,[699][700] were stored in Aldwych tube station.[701][683] Only at the end of 1944 were preparations
made to unpack, conserve and restore the finds from Sutton Hoo.[225]
The helmet was first reconstructed by Herbert
Maryon between 1945 and 1946.[702][703] A
retired professor of sculpture and an authority
on early metalwork, Maryon was specially
employed as a Technical Attaché at the
British Museum on 11 November 1944.[704]
His job was to restore and conserve the finds
from the Sutton Hoo ship-burial, including
what Bruce-Mitford called "the real
headaches – notably the crushed shield,
helmet and drinking horns".[225] Maryon's
Profile view work on the Sutton Hoo objects continued
until 1950,[705][706] of which six continuous
months were spent reconstructing the
helmet. [707] This reached Maryon's workbench as a corroded mass of
fragments, some friable and encrusted in sand, others hard and partially The 1946 reconstruction
transformed into limonite. [708] As Bruce-Mitford observed, the "task of
restoration was thus reduced to a jigsaw puzzle without any sort of picture on
the lid of the box,"[11] and, "as it proved, a great many of the pieces missing."[124]
Maryon began by familiarising himself with the various fragments;[123][709] he traced and detailed each one
on a piece of stiff paper,[123] and segregated them by decorations, distinctive markings, and thickness.[710]
After what he termed "a long while", Maryon turned to reconstruction.[123] He adhered the adjoining pieces
with Durofix, holding them together in a box of sand while the adhesive hardened.[710] These were then
placed on a human-sized head Maryon sculpted from plaster, with added layers to account for the lining that
would have originally separated head from metal.[213] The fragments of the skull cap were initially stuck to the
head with Plasticine, or, if thicker, placed into spaces cut into the head. Finally, strong white plaster was used
to permanently affix the fragments, and, mixed with brown umber, fill in the gaps between pieces.[213]
Meanwhile, the fragments of the cheek guards, neck guard, and visor were placed onto shaped, plaster-
covered wire mesh, then affixed with more plaster and joined to the cap.[711]
Though visibly different from the current reconstruction, "[m]uch of Maryon's work is valid. The general
character of the helmet was made plain."[132] The 1946 reconstruction identified the designs recognised today,
and similarly arranged them in a panelled configuration.[142] Both reconstructions composed the visor and
neck guards with the same designs: the visor with the smaller interlace (design 5), the neck guard with a top
row of the larger interlace (design 4) above two rows of the smaller interlace.[712][713][714][249] The layout of
the cheek guards is also similar in both reconstructions; the main differences are the added length provided by
a third row in the second reconstruction, the replacement of a design 4 panel with the dancing warriors (design
1) in the middle row, and the switching of sides.[712][713][714][249]
Reception and criticism
The first reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo helmet was met with worldwide
acclaim and was both academically and culturally influential.[715] It stayed on
display for more than 20 years,[132][715] during which time it became an
iconic object of the Middle Ages.[132][716][717] In 1951 the helmet was
displayed at the Festival of Britain,[718] where an exhibit on Sutton Hoo was
curated by Rupert Bruce-Mitford.[719] That same year Life dispatched a 25-
year-old Larry Burrows to the British Museum, resulting in a full-page
photograph of the helmet alongside a photograph of Maryon;[720][721] five
years later, on the strength of his restorations, Maryon was appointed an
Officer of the Order of the British Empire.[722][723][724] Images of the helmet
made their way into television programmes,[725] books, and
newspapers,[726][727] even as the second reconstruction was worked on.[728]
Though the lasting impact of the first reconstruction is as a first, reversible, 1966 illustration showing
attempt from which problems could be identified and solutions could be several modifications to the
found,[729][724] for two decades Maryon's reconstruction was an icon in its reconstruction
own right.[132][716][717]
With the helmet on public display and as greater knowledge of contemporary helmets became available,[730]
the first reconstruction, Bruce-Mitford wrote, "was soon criticised, though not in print, by Swedish scholars
and others."[11][731][note 23] An underlying issue was the decision to arrange the fragments around the mould
of an average man's head, possibly inadvertently predetermining the reconstruction's size.[668][734] Particular
criticisms also noted its exposed areas, and a neck guard that was fixed rather than movable.[735][736][715]
Though envisioned by Maryon as similar to a "crash helmet of a motor cyclist" with padding of about 3 ⁄8 inch
(9.5 mm) between head and helmet,[123] its size allowed for little such cushioning;[734][668][715] one with a
larger head would have had difficulty just getting it on.[715] The missing portion at the front of each cheek
piece left the jaw exposed,[734][737] there was a hole between eyebrows and nose, and the eye holes were
large enough for a sword to pass through.[715] Meanwhile, as noted early on by Sune Lindqvist,[732] the
projecting face mask seemed odd, and would have left the wearer's nose vulnerable to blows to the face.[715]
An artistic reconstruction created in 1966 by the British Museum and the Archaeology Division of the
Ordnance Survey, under the direction of C. W. Phillips,[738][739] attempted to solve some of these problems,
showing a larger cap, a straighter face mask, smaller eye openings, the terminal dragon heads at opposite ends,
and the rearrangement of some of the pressblech panels;[740] it too, however, came under criticism by
archaeologists.[741]
A final issue raised by Maryon's construction was the use of plaster to elongate the crest by approximately 41 ⁄2
inches (110 mm).[133][667][668] The crest had largely survived its millennium of interment, perhaps given
durability by the inlaid silver wires.[133][667][668] The need to replace missing portions was thus
questioned;[133][667][668] it was thought that either the reconstructed crest was too long, or that original
portions had been overlooked during the 1939 excavation.[133] When the ship-burial was re-excavated in the
1960s, one of the objectives was thus to search for more fragments, the absence of which could be treated as
evidence that the crest had originally been shorter.[742]
Re-excavations at Sutton Hoo, 1965–70
Numerous questions were left unanswered by the 1939 excavation at

Sutton Hoo, and in 1965 a second excavation began. Among other
objectives were to survey the burial mound and its surrounding
environment, to relocate the ship impression (from which a plaster
cast was ultimately taken[743][744][745]) and excavate underneath, and
to search the strata from the 1939 dumps for any fragments that may
have been originally missed.[746][747][748] The first excavation had
effectively been a rescue dig under the threat of impending
war,[749][750] creating the danger that fragments of objects might have
been inadvertently discarded;[747][751] a gold mount from the burial Discovered in 1967, the fragment on
was already known to have nearly met that fate. [752] Additional the left completed a hinge on the
fragments of the helmet could hopefully shed light on the unidentified dexter cheek guard
third figural design, or buttress Maryon's belief that 4 inches
(100 mm) of the crest were missing.[133] To this end, the excavation
sought "both positive and negative evidence."[753] New crest fragments could go where Maryon had placed
plaster, while their absence could be used to suggest that the crest on the first reconstruction was too long.[742]
Four new helmet fragments were discovered during re-excavation.[754] The three 1939 dumps were located
during the 1967 season, and "almost at once" yielded "fragments of helmet and of the large hanging bowl ... as
well as fragments of shield ornaments and a tine from the stag."[749][755] The finds were so plentiful that a
single three foot by one foot section of the first dump contained sixty cauldron fragments.[756] The four pieces
of the helmet came from the second dump, which contained only items from the ship's burial chamber.[756]
They included a hinge piece from the dexter cheek guard,[754] a "surface flake" from the crest,[756] a small
piece of iron with fluted lines, and a small piece of iron edging showing part of the larger interlace design.[754]
The most important helmet finds from the re-excavation at Sutton Hoo were the piece from cheek guard, and
the lack of any substantial crest piece. The fragment of the cheek guard joined another found in 1939,[754]
together completing "a hinge plate for one of the moving parts of the helmet, which could not be done
previously."[757] Meanwhile, although a "surface flake" from the crest was discovered, its placement did not
affect the overall length of the crest.[758] The lack of significant crest finds instead "reinforce[d] scepticism of
the long plaster insertions in the original reconstruction."[756]
Current reconstruction
The current reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo helmet was completed in 1971, following eighteen months of
work by Nigel Williams.[734] Williams had joined the British Museum in his teens after studying at the same
Central School of Arts and Crafts as Maryon,[759][760][761] yet in contrast to Maryon, who completed the first
restoration in his 70s and "with the use of only one eye,"[723] Williams reconstructed the helmet while in his
mid-20s.[759]
In 1968, with problems evident in the first reconstruction that were left
unresolved by the re-excavations at Sutton Hoo, the decision was made to
reexamine the evidence.[715] "After several months' consideration" it was
decided to disassemble the helmet and construct it anew.[715] The cheek
guards, face mask and neck guard were first removed from the helmet and x-
rayed, revealing the wire mesh covered in plaster and overlaid by
fragments.[711] The wire was then "rolled back like a carpet", and a saw used
to separate each fragment.[762] The remaining plaster was chipped away with
a scalpel and needles.[762] The final piece of the helmet, the skull cap, was
next cut in half by pushing off the crest with long pins inserted through the
bottom of the plaster head and then slicing through the middle of the
head.[763] The central plaster core was then removed, and the remaining "thin
skin of plaster and iron" separated into individual fragments as had been the
ear flaps, neck guard and face mask.[679] This process of separation took four
months and left the helmet in more than 500 fragments.[679] The result was The helmet while being
"terrifying" to Williams.[764] "One of only two known Anglo-Saxon helmets, assembled for the second
an object illustrated in almost every book on the early medieval period, lay in time. A dragon head has
pieces."[679][note 24] been positioned facing
upwards so as to create the
After four months of disassembly, work began on a new construction of the image of a dragon in mid-
helmet.[679] This work was advanced largely by the discovery of new joins, flight.
marked by several breakthroughs in understanding.[247][765] The new joins
were mostly found by looking at the backs of the fragments, which retained
"a unique blackened, rippled and bubbly nature,"[613][614] "wrinkled like screwed up paper and very black in
colour."[709] The distinctive nature is thought to result from a deteriorated leather lining permeated with iron
oxide[613][131]—indeed, this is the evidence substantiating the leather lining in the Royal Armouries
replica[766]—and allowed for the fragments' wrinkles to be matched under a microscope.[215] In this manner
the skull cap was built out from the crest, aided by the discovery that only the two fluted strips bordering the
crest were gilded; the six fragments with gilded moulding were consequently found to attach to the crest.[215]
The cheek guards, meanwhile, were shaped and substantially lengthened by joining three fragments from the
sinister side of the first reconstruction with two fragments from the dexter side.[767] The exposed areas by the
jaw left by the first reconstruction were only eliminated near the end of the second, when an expert on arms
and armour advised that the cheek guards should simply switch sides.[768]
When a "reasonable picture of the original helmet" was in view, more than nine months of work into the
second reconstruction, the repositioned fragments were placed against a "featureless plaster dome."[769] This
dome was itself built outwards with oil-free plasticine to match the original dimensions of the helmet.[769] The
fragments were held in place with long pins until a mixture of jute and adhesive was molded to the shape of
the missing areas, and adhered to the fragments.[770] The edges of the fragments were then coated with water-
resistant resin,[771] and plaster was spread atop the jute to level and smooth the helmet's surface.[770] The
plaster was painted light brown to resemble the colour of the fragments while allowing the fragments
themselves to stand out;[772] lines were then drawn to indicate the edges of the panels.[200] The result was a
hollow helmet in which the backs of the fragments remain visible.[771][772] On 2 November 1971,[773] after
eighteen months of time and a full year of work by Williams, the second and current reconstruction of the
Sutton Hoo helmet was put on display.[734][737][774]
Cultural impact
The 1971 reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo helmet was widely
celebrated,[759] and in the five decades since it has come to symbolise
the Middle Ages, archaeology, and England.[777][3][778] It is depicted
on the covers of novels, textbooks, and scholarly publications, such as
The Winter King by Bernard Cornwell and The Anglo-Saxons by
James Campbell, and has influenced artists, filmmakers and
designers.[779] At the same time, the helmet has become the face of a
time once known as the Dark Ages, but now recognised for its
sophistication—in part because of the finds from Sutton Hoo—and
referred to as the Middle Ages.[780][781][777] It gives truth to a period
of time known from depictions of warriors and mead halls in Beowulf,
once thought fanciful, and personifies the Anglo-Saxons in post-
Roman Britain.[782] Considered "the most iconic object"[1][2] from an
archaeological find hailed as the "British Tutankhamen,"[783][784] in
2006 it was voted one of the 100 cultural icons of England alongside
the Queen's head stamp, the double-decker bus, and the cup of
tea.[785][786]
A wicker copy of the helmet on
Errors display at the Museum of English
Rural Life in Reading,
Berkshire[775][776]
Although "universally acclaimed,"[759] the current reconstruction of
the Sutton Hoo helmet left "a number of minor problems
unsolved"[617] and contains several slight inaccuracies. These are
primarily confined to the neck guard, where "very little indeed of the original substance ... survives that can be
positioned with any certainty."[787] Two blocks of fragments on the bottom edge, and four blocks of fragments
in the middle, are only speculatively placed, leaving some uncertainty about their correct locations.[788] The
resulting uncertainties relate to the placement of the individual fragments within the larger space, rather than to
a problem with the proposed shape of the neck guard.
As currently reconstructed, the Sutton Hoo neck guard has three principal problems. Several fragments of
design 5 are placed too high on the neck guard, which "shows more space below the lengths of transverse
fluted strips than above them. The space left below is greater than the length of the die, while the space above
is less than the length of the die."[789] Corrected on the Royal Armouries replica, the configuration should
allow for two full impressions of design 5, of equal length, joined vertically at their ends.[790] Furthermore, the
lack of fragments from the neck guard leaves open the question of how many vertical strips of design 5 were
used.[791] Although seven strips were suggested in the reconstruction,[792][793] "[t]here is no evidence to
indicate that there were seven vertical ornamental strips on the lower portion of the neck-guard, and the
suggestion . . . that the number should be cut to five is equally possible."[791] Even if seven is the accurate
number, the current reconstruction shows an "implausible inward tilt" by the two strips flanking the central
one; straightening the strips "would have the effect of allowing the ornamental strips to fan out naturally,
leaving evenly-expanding wedges of plain surface between them."[788] Finally, the neck guard hangs lower on
the current reconstruction than it would have when made, for the top of the neck guard originally fitted inside
the cap.[771] This leaves the abutting edges of the dexter cheek and neck guards at different levels, and was
corrected on the Royal Armouries replica.[771]

In 1973 the Royal Armouries collaborated with the British Museum to create a replica of the newly restored
Sutton Hoo helmet.[794][795] The museum provided a general blueprint of the design[618] along with
electrotypes of the decorative elements—nose and mouth piece, eyebrows, dragon heads, and pressblech foils
—leaving the Master of the Armouries A. R. Duffy, along with his
assistant H. Russell Robinson and senior conservation officer
armourers E. H. Smith and A. Davis to complete the task.[617][796] A
number of differences in construction were observed, such as a solid
crest, lead solder used to back the decorative effects, and the
technique employed to inlay the silver, although the helmet hewed
closely to the original design.[122] The differences led to the replica's
weight of 3.74 kg (8.2 lb), or 1.24 kg (2.7 lb) heavier than the
estimated weight of the original.[122] The finished replica was
unveiled before an address at the Sachsensymposion in September
1973[797] with theatrical flair: the lights were dimmed; down the aisle
came Nigel Williams holding a replica of the Sutton Hoo whetstone;
and behind him followed Rupert Bruce-Mitford, wearing a carriage
rug and with hands hieratically crossed, wearing the Royal Armouries
helmet and reciting the opening lines of Beowulf.[798]
The Royal Armouries replica clarified a number of details of the
original helmet, and provided an example of what it looked like when
new.[794][795][799] It could also be worn and subjected to experimentation in a way the original could
not.[641][618][800] In particular the reproduction showed that the neck guard would have originally been set
inside the cap, allowing it to move with more freedom and ride up, and thereby demonstrated an inaccuracy in
the 1971 reconstruction, where the neck guard and the dexter cheek guard are misaligned.[771] The replica
also corrected a second error in the reconstruction of the neck guard by affording an equal length to both the
lower and upper instances of design 5, although it probably introduced an error by placing a visible billeted
border on all four sides of each design 5 impression.[790] That the replica could be worn also evinced several
attributes of the original.[641][618][800] It demonstrated the ranges of motion and vision that a wearer would
have,[641][618] and that with adequate padding in addition to the leather lining, people with heads of different
sizes could comfortably wear the helmet.[799] It also showed that the helmet, while stifling, could realistically
be worn in battle,[801] and that it would bestow upon its wearer a commanding and sonorous voice.[802]
Finally, and most strikingly, the Royal Armouries replica simply showed how the Sutton Hoo helmet originally
appeared.[803][796][122] It showed the helmet as a shining white object rather than a rusted brown relic, and in
doing so illustrated the lines in Beowulf referring to "the white helmet . . . enhanced by treasure" (ac se hwita
helm . . . since geweorðad[804]).[641][618][805]
The replica is displayed in the British Museum alongside the original helmet in Room 41.[806][5] It has also
been exhibited worldwide, including stops in the United States,[807] Japan,[808] South Korea, China, Taiwan,
and Hong Kong.[806]
In popular culture
A drawing of the Sutton Hoo helmet appears on the cover and loading screen of the 1983 video
game Valhalla, and was featured prominently in related advertising.[809][810]
Replicas of the helmet are frequently seen in film and television, such as in Gladiator (2000),
where a replica can be seen in the armoury when the gladiators are selecting armour to use in
the Roman Colosseum,[811] in Merlin, where one is shown in the bedroom of Arthur,[812] in the
British Museum in Night at the Museum: Secret of the Tomb (2014),[813] in Beowulf: Return to
the Shieldlands (2016),[814] in the New York Sanctum Sanctorum in Doctor Strange (2016),[815]
and as a Meccano construction in Detectorists (2017).[816]
Suspended from the visitor centre at Sutton Hoo since March 2002 is a 1.8 m (5.9 ft) tall
sculpture by Rick Kirby entitled Sutton Hoo Helmet.[817][818][819][820]
A set of six postage stamps issued by the Royal Mail in
2003 to commemorate the 250th anniversary of the British
Museum featured the helmet alongside other Museum
objects such as Hoa Hakananai'a and a mask of
Xiuhtecuhtli.[821][822]
In 2006 the helmet was voted one of the 100 cultural icons
of England as part of a project commissioned by the
Department for Culture, Media and Sport.[785][786]
A 2009 series of manga drawings by Yukinobu Hoshino
included depictions of objects from the British Museum
such as the Sutton Hoo helmet and Rosetta
Stone.[823][824][825]
The sixth episode of Relic: Guardians of the Museum,
aired in 2010, required the contestants to answer questions
about the Sutton Hoo ship-burial and helmet.[826]
Portrayals of the Sutton Hoo helmet are well represented
Sutton Hoo Helmet by Rick Kirby,
on album covers,[note 25] including those by the bands
outside the Sutton Hoo visitor centre
Warrior (For Europe Only, 1983), Marillion (Grendel/The
Web, 1984), Enslaved (Vikingligr Veldi, 1994), Solstice &
Twisted Tower Dire (Solstice / Twisted Tower Dire, 1997),
Amon Amarth (The Avenger, 1999), Saxon (Killing Ground, 2001), Hrossharsgrani (fr)
(Schattenkrieger, 2003), Isen Torr (Mighty & Superior, 2004 [EP], 2008 [single]), Forefather
(Steadfast, 2008; Curse of the Cwelled, 2015), Celtachor (In the Halls of Our Ancient Fathers,
2010), and Ancient Rites (Laguz, 2015).[828]
Marillion's singer Fish often donned a replica of the helmet for performances of the song
Grendel, inspired by the eponymous novel and by the poem Beowulf.[829][830]
The Erik den Röde brand of surströmming, a Swedish fermented herring dish, shows the
helmet with "a gentle smile, presumably in anticipation of the delicacies inside."[781][831]
Notes
1. These works actually record 599 as the year of Rædwald's death, before recording his death
again in 624.[27][28] The former record appears to be a scribal error in which Tytila's death was
mistranscribed.[27][28]
2. A lack of syntactical precision by Bede has led to at least four different interpretations of his
description of Rædwald reign.[31] Bede's Latin reads "quartus Reduald rex Orientalium
Anglorum, qui etiam uiuente Aedilbercto eidem suae genti ducatum praebebat, obtenuit".[32]
The traditional interpretation has been that even during the life of Æthelberht of Kent, Rædwald
was building his imperium.[33] A second, controversial, reading states that Rædwald gained his
imperium during Æthelberht's life, but allowed him to continue to rule Kent.[34] A third take
suggests that Æthelberht held his rule throughout his life, and that during this time Rædwald
conceded rule over East Anglia to him.[35][36][37][38][39][32] Finally, a fourth translation interprets
Æthelberht's reign as beginning to crumble before his death, and losing control of East Anglia
to Rædwald.[40][26]
3. "Bede's Magnificent Seven", as Keynes terms them, were Ælle of Sussex, Ceawlin of Wessex,
Æthelberht of Kent, Rædwald, Edwin of Northumbria, Oswald of Northumbria, and Oswiu.[44]
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle added Ecgberht of Wessex to this list.[45]
4. The utility of the coins as a dating mechanism was recognised from the outset,[52][53][54] but
their purpose in the context of a 7th-century burial was less clear.[55] If mere evidence of wealth,
the coins would be surprisingly meagre;[56][57] at just more than 61 grams between coins,
blanks, and ingots—the former two of which are approximately equal to a Germanic shilling
each and the latter of which are each about four shillings in weight—the overall weight barely
equals the amount of gold in even a minor piece of jewelry from the burial.[56][58][59] The great
gold buckle itself weighs 412.7 grams, or nearly a pound.[56][60] Moreover, there would be no
need to round out the real coins with unstruck blanks and ingots.[61] One theory suggests that
the number of coins is more important than their weight and mintage, and that it coincides with
the number of oarsmen, suggested to be 40.[62][55] The gold could thus be Charon's obol, one
coin apiece for the supernatural oarsmen, and two ingots for the steersman, who would carry
the interred into the other world.[63][64]
5. As T. D. Kendrick (later Sir Thomas) wrote in 1939, "Nothing like this monstrous stone exists
anywhere else. It is a unique, savage thing; and inexplicable, except perhaps as a symbol,
proper to the King himself, of the divinity and the mystery which surrounded the smith and his
tools in the northern world."[69][91][92][93]
6. The impression of design 4 on the top left corner of the replica cheek guard is actually upside
down.
7. With that said, the evidence for the unidentified design has changed over time, from one piece
which later turned out to be part of design 2, to the seven pieces recognised today. Maryon
suggested an unidentified design because of a single piece showing "a solitary leg, from knee
to foot, about 1⁄2 inch [13 mm] high."[129] Williams's reconstruction moved this piece from the
rear edge of the skull cap to the top centre of the crest, where it was revealed to be a part of the
second design after all.[130][131] The existence of an unidentified pattern was thus putatively
eliminated when Bruce-Mitford claimed in his 1972 article on the new reconstruction that there
were only four designs;[132] even in the first volume of The Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial, published
in 1975, he referred to the unidentified scene in the past tense, stating that "at the time of the re-
excavation [1965] it was believed that there was a third figural scene on the helmet."[133]
Indications of a third scene did not return until volume two of the same work, published in 1978,
where seven small fragments were discussed as being incapable of placement within the four
known designs.[134]
8. There is nothing to suggest that the cap was made from more than one piece of metal, although
its fragmentary state prevents this from being conclusively proven.[140] Radiographs show no
"welded, forged or riveted join," while the "joining of certain fragments at the crown of the
helmet demonstrates that the iron sheeting of the cap ran continuously through under the
crest."[141] Based on this evidence it seems likely that the cap was made from a single piece of
metal.[141]
9. This technique is distinguished from repoussé work, a much more labor intensive process.
Repoussé work uses small punches to raise individual details from behind a metal
sheet,[158][159] which are then refined from the front by chasing,[158] whereas pressblech work
raises a design in one operation from a single die.[156] Permutations of pressblech work
involving multiple operations do, however, exist. The die used for design 5 on the Sutton Hoo
helmet, for example, appears to have had a billeted border on only one each of its long and
short sides,[160] while on the neck guard the design is seen with borders along both long
sides.[161] "If the die was applied not one impression at a time but as seen on the face-mask, as
a continuous series of impressions carefully juxtaposed, on a large sheet of foil, this could be
cut in such a way as to leave the pattern with double borders down each side. It seems that this
was the method used on the neck-guard."[161]
10. Maryon states that niello was used to separate the inlaid silver wires of the eyebrows, to fill in
the punched-down designs on the nasal ridge, and to surround the punched circles on the
nasal bridge and lower lip.[189] Oddy, however, does not identify the helmet among the objects
in the Sutton Hoo burial that exhibit the use of niello—the shield, the large hanging bowl, the
great gold buckle, and the drinking horns.[190][191] With regards to the suggestion of niello on
the nose, Oddy states that "[t]he metal of which these inlays are made is compact and is not
corroded. In view of its condition it must be interpreted as a metallic inlay and not as niello
which has subsequently been reduced to silver metal."[184]
11. Bruce-Mitford suggests there were 23 garnets in the dexter eyebrow and 25 in the sinister,[193]
but a technical report appending the chapter posits 21 and 22 respectively.[194]
12. An alternative theory suggests that the discrepancy between eyebrows is the result of a repair
job.[207] "That the absence of foils might result from a repair," however, "and presumably
therefore a shortage of gold, seems unlikely in view of the minute quantities needed.
Additionally, given the evident skill required to shape the gold cell walls and cut the garnets so
precisely, the decision to omit the gold foils on the left eyebrow appears all the more
deliberate."[192] The repair theory does not account for the absence of gold foil behind one of
the garnet dragon eyes.[192] On the other hand, a repair could explain the other subtle
differences between the eyebrows, such as their slightly different lengths and colours, which
are not addressed by the theorized allusion to Odin.[208]
13. The image appears as it would once mounted on a helmet.[154] The eye that was struck from
the plate is the leftmost eye from the perspective of one viewing the plate—i.e., that which is
furthest from the animal-like figure—but the right eye from the perspective of the possible Odin
figure.
14. Assuming that this figure, which is only partly preserved on the Sutton Hoo helmet, takes the
form of the like figure on the Pliezhausen bracteate.[270]
15. Bruce-Mitford appears reluctant to even acknowledge fragment (c) as part of Design 3. Despite
writing in 1978 that "[t]he fragment is mounted in the present helmet reconstruction on the right
side towards the back,"[277] in 1982 he wrote that "none of the fragments that show portions of
Design 3 are mounted in the helmet. Since we know neither what this scene depicted, nor how
many times it was employed, to place such fragments in the reconstructed helmet could give a
false impression both of the subject and of the position it may have occupied in the decorative
layout of the helmet."[283] These contradictory statements would be reconciled by accepting
Bruce-Mitford's theory that fragment (c) was a scrap, and not meant to be seen.
16. This number consolidates the work of multiple scholars. Steuer numbers the helmets from 1
through 30,[349] although he groups the five Vendel examples—three whole, two fragmentary—
as #13, and the four Valsgärde examples as #15.[350] His list thus truly encompasses 37
helmets. Tweddle adds six to Steuer's list[351]—a seventh turned out not to be the tenth-century
helmet that he suggested, but rather a World War II SSK 90 Luftwaffe helmet manufactured by
Siemens[352][353]—but makes no mention of the fact that Steuer grouped nine helmets into two
spots on his list. Tweddle's addition therefore makes 44 (37+6)—not the 37 (30+7) that he
claimed.[351] To these may be added the subsequent discoveries from Wollaston, Staffordshire,
Horncastle, Uppåkra, Inhåleskullen, and Gevninge, along with the boar from Guilden Morden,
for a total of 50 known crested helmets.
17. The Wollaston helmet, which was designed similarly to the Coppergate helmet,[503][307][308]
may have originally had some form of neck protection. Ploughing of the field in which it was
buried, however, destroyed much of the helmet, including most of the dexter side.[504] "The rear
edge of the helmet's brow band is almost entirely lost through ploughing but the short section
that did survive, when x-rayed, appeared to have part of at least 2 possible perforations on its
damaged edge. The purpose of perforations in this position could only be to fix a neck guard of
some type."[505] The remaining section of the rear edge of the brow band is only 26 mm long,
however, rendering "[t]he purpose, and on such a small length the existence, of the perforations
. . . uncertain."[505]
18. In contrast to the Constantinian group, however, the cheek and neck guards on the Sutton Hoo
helmet were affixed directly to the bowl.[590] Late Roman helmets tended to have an iron band
along the bottom of the cap to which the lower pieces were attached, as is seen on the Duerne,
Augsburg-Pfersee, and Berkasovo 1 and 2 helmets.[595]
19. The Emesa helmet was also restored by Herbert Maryon,[607][608] who carried out the first
reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo helmet.[128] An account of the restoration was published by H.
J. Plenderleith in 1956.[609]
20. Indeed, H. Russell Robinson, an expert on Roman armour who worked at the Royal Armouries
and helped with its replica of the Sutton Hoo helmet,[617][618] was the one who suggested the
leather lining used in the replica.[619]
21. In 1882, for instance, wala was defined as "some part of a helmet," with the particular lines in
Beowulf only partially translated as "about the helm's top a 'wal' wire-girt guarded on the
outside the head's defense (i.e. the helmet)."[657] By 1916 it was termed a "rib, comb (of
helmet),"[658] and in 1922 it was said that "[t]he exact nature of a wala, which seems to be an
ornamental as well as useful part of the helmet, is not known."[659] This confusion led to
incorrect or speculative translations of the relevant lines, such as (1837) "[a]bout the crest of the
helm, the defense of the head, it held an amulet fastened without with wires";[660] (1855) "
[a]round the helmet's roof, the head-guard, with wires bound round";[661] (1914) "[r]ound the
crown of the helm, as guard for the head, without, ran a rib to which plates were made fast";[662]
(1921) "[a]bout the roof of that helmet / his head's safety, With wires ywounden, / a wreath
guarded without";[663] and, by J. R. R. Tolkien in 1926, "[r]ound the helmet's crown the wale
wound about with wire kept guard without over the head."[664] Despite the many
mistranslations, a correct interpretation of the use of the word wala was theorized at least twice
before the discovery of the Sutton Hoo helmet.[341] With the Vendel 1 helmet, which had a crest
with "reminiscences or imitations of actual wire inlays on earlier or richer helmets,"[518][519] as
his inspiration, Knut Stjerna suggested in 1912 that the "helmet had a rib or comb running up to
it to its whole height and down again at the back, and this must have been the part of the
helmet which is spoken of as the walu."[562] Elizabeth Martin-Clarke posed a similar idea
during a 1945 lecture, stating that "probably here we may have a reference to a special part of
the helmet also which resists the sword cut . . . well represented in the picture of a
reconstructed helmet from Vendel [1]."[665]
22. In a list of thirteen "hard-learned lessons" for the excavation of any future ship-burial that were
given in a 1973 lecture, Bruce-Mitford would start the list with "[y]ou cannot take too many
photographs" and "[y]ou cannot use too much colour film."[684]
23. The only published criticism may have been that of Sune Lindqvist, who wrote that the
reconstruction "needs revision in certain respects."[732][733] Lindqvist's only specific criticism,
however, was that the face mask was "set somewhat awry in the reconstruction."[732] Bruce-
Mitford was undoubtedly aware of Lindqvist's criticism when he wrote that the first
reconstruction was not criticised in print, for he was the English translator of Lindqvist's article.
He was thus likely referring to the more substantial criticisms of the reconstruction, such as its
gaps in afforded protection, which indeed do not seem to have been published.
24. Although Bruce-Mitford wrote that the new reconstruction had to be done "without sustaining
the slightest damage",[130][131] some damage did occur during the process. Part of the fragment
of design 1 showing the face and body of a dancing warrior was crushed; its nose and mouth
was later restored.[232]
25. These are primarily limited to metal albums, and include some anachronistic depictions on
Viking Metal album covers.[827] If viking metallers have "read extensively" they have often done
so "uncritically," eliding several centuries to join the Sutton Hoo helmet with the Viking
Age.[827]
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External links
Catalogue entry (http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_d
etails.aspx?objectId=86159&partId=1) at the British Museum
Catalogue entry (http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_d
etails.aspx?objectId=1486903&partId=1) at the British Museum for the Royal Armouries replica
Helmet from the ship burial at Sutton Hoo (https://www.google.com/culturalinstitute/beta/u/0/ass
et/helmet-from-the-ship-burial-at-sutton-hoo/0gG-b5Gge93nFg?hl=en-GB) at the Google
Cultural Institute (brief description and details)
Sutton Hoo: Anglo-Saxon ship burial (https://www.google.com/culturalinstitute/beta/u/0/exhibit/s
utton-hoo-anglo-saxon-ship-burial/gQOPNM9M) at the Google Cultural Institute (includes brief
description and several photos of the helmet)
The Sutton Hoo helmet (https://www.khanacademy.org/partner-content/british-museum/europe
1/medieval-era-bm/a/the-sutton-hoo-helmet) at the Khan Academy (description and colour
photographs of both reconstructions)
Scanned pages (http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=cotton_ms_vitellius_a_xv_f132
r) of the Beowulf manuscript in the Nowell Codex held by the British Library
Photographs
Colour photo (https://www.google.com/culturalinstitute/beta/u/0/asset/sutton-hoo-ship-treasure/
ugFatiIS5W1-lg) by Larry Burrows for LIFE magazine in 1951
Colour photo (https://books.google.com/books?id=nE4EAAAAMBAJ&lpg=PA83&dq=Sutton%2
0hoo%20life%20magazine&pg=PA83#v=onepage&q&f=false) by Larry Burrows published in
LIFE magazine on 16 July 1951
Colour photo (https://www.google.com/culturalinstitute/beta/u/0/asset/sutton-hoo-ship-treasure/-
wG_urLPhJBNzg) by Larry Burrows for LIFE magazine in 1951, seen with the Sutton Hoo
sword and photos of the Vendel 14 helmet and Valsgärde 6 sword hilt
kwE4Hz82NXF8EA) by Larry Burrows for LIFE magazine in 1951, seen with Herbert Maryon
and photos of the Vendel 14 (right) Valsgärde 6 (left) helmets
EQErakb6XYsbfw) by Larry Burrows for LIFE magazine in 1951, seen with Herbert Maryon and
photos of the Vendel 14 (right) Valsgärde 6 (left) helmets
dwGH1nKz0r3dDg) by Larry Burrows for LIFE magazine in 1951, seen with much of the rest of
the Sutton Hoo treasure
Colour photo (https://web.archive.org/web/20130212095232/http://www.britishmuseum.org/expl
ore/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=con5782k.jpg&retpage=23650) by the British
Museum, available here (http://www.britishmuseum.org/join_in/using_digital_images/using_dig
ital_images.aspx?image=con5782k.jpg) upon request in high resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA
4.0 license
ore/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=con5782a.jpg&retpage=23650) by the British
ital_images.aspx?image=con5782a.jpg) upon request in high resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA
4.0 license
B&W photo (https://www.google.com/culturalinstitute/beta/u/0/asset/his-brit-angle-saxon-sutton-
hoo/PAGVhnEfyvCD2g) by the British Museum, front view
hoo/PQFpHugUfeJJ5g) by the British Museum, profile (dexter) view
hoo/hAGKh5AwXV0BFQ) by the British Museum, profile (sinister) view
Second reconstruction
32 photos (http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/c
ollection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=35172001&objectId=86159&partId=1#more-views) by
the British Museum, available upon request in high resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license
B&W photo (https://web.archive.org/web/20130212095930/http://www.britishmuseum.org/explo
re/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=con5782c.jpg&retpage=23650) by the British
Museum showing the three dragon heads, available here (http://www.britishmuseum.org/join_i
n/using_digital_images/using_digital_images.aspx?image=con5782c.jpg) upon request in high
resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license
B&W photo (https://web.archive.org/web/20130212104002/http://www.britishmuseum.org/explo
re/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=con5782d.jpg&retpage=23650) by the British
Museum showing the back of the helmet during reconstruction, available here (http://www.britis
hmuseum.org/join_in/using_digital_images/using_digital_images.aspx?image=con5782d.jpg)
upon request in high resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license
ore/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=con5782h.jpg&retpage=23650) by the British
Museum showing the placement of the upwards-facing dragon, available here (http://www.britis
hmuseum.org/join_in/using_digital_images/using_digital_images.aspx?image=con5782h.jpg)
upon request in high resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license

13 photos (http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details/c
ollection_image_gallery.aspx?assetId=55637001&objectId=1486903&partId=1#more-views)
by the British Museum
ore/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=ps232122.jpg&retpage=23650) by the British
ital_images.aspx?image=ps232122.jpg) upon request in high resolution with a CC BY-NC-SA
4.0 license
Colour photo (http://www.britishmuseum.org/join_in/using_digital_images/using_digital_image
s.aspx?image=con5782f.jpg) by the British Museum, available upon request in high resolution
with a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license
A History of the World in 100 Objects

Preceded by
Object 47 (https://www.bbc.co.uk/ahi Succeeded by
46: Gold coins of Abd al-
storyoftheworld/about/transcripts/ep 48: Moche warrior pot
Malik
isode47/)
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Sutton Hoo Helmet

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Sutton Hoo helmet

The Sutton Hoo helmet is a decorated and ornate Anglo-

The visage contains eyebrows, a nose, and moustache,

Three dragon heads are represented on the helmet. Two bronze-gilt

Design 1: Dancing warriors

Design 1 pictures two men "in civilian or ceremonial dress"[219]

Design 2: Rider and fallen warrior

Eight fragments and representations comprise all known instances of

Design 3: Unidentified figural scene

That which remains of design 3 may suggest that a "variant rider

Design 4: Larger interlace

Design 4 depicts a single animal, or quadruped, in ribbon style, and

Design 5: Smaller interlace

Context and parallels

Coppergate England: York Helmet

Benty Grange England: Derbyshire Helmet

England: Wollaston, [361][362][363][364][365][366][367][368][369][370]

Staffordshire England: Staffordshire Helmet [371][372][373]

Guilden England: Guilden [374][375][376][377][378][379][380]

Lackalänga Sweden Fragment

Ultuna Sweden: Ultuna, Uppland Helmet

Sweden: Vaksala, [444][445]

Benty Grange Shorwell Copperg Wollasto Staffordshire

Vendel 1 Vendel 12 Vendel Valsgärde 5 Valsgärde 6 Valsgärd Ultuna

Berkasovo 1 Deurne Emesa Ribchester Augsburg- Witcham

Helmets with boar motifs are mentioned five times in

Gewiton him þa feran, So they went on their way.

no he þære feohgyfte It was hardly a shame to

Friday, 28 July 1939: "The crushed remains of an iron

Saturday, 29 July: "A few more fragments of the iron

Tuesday, 1 August: "The day was spent in clearing out

Reception and criticism

Re-excavations at Sutton Hoo, 1965–70

Numerous questions were left unanswered by the 1939 excavation at

Royal Armouries replica

Edited and republished in Bruce-Mitford 1974a, ch. 5

Klaeber, Friedrich (1922). Beowulf and The Fight at Finnsburg (https://archive.org/details/beow

Royal Armouries replica

A History of the World in 100 Objects

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sutton_Hoo_helmet&oldid=980989876"

This page was last edited on 29 September 2020, at 17:06 (UTC).

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