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To cite this article: Christine Weinbach (1997) Subversion despite contingency? Judith
butler's concept of a radical democratic movement from a system theory perspective,
International Review of Sociology: Revue Internationale de Sociologie, 7:1, 147-153, DOI:
10.1080/03906701.1997.9971229
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International Review of Sociology—Revue Internationale de Sociologie, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1997 147
CHRISTINE WEINBACH
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Introduction
How is social criticism possible in a society where every objective perspective has
disappeared? Judith Butler believes to have found the answer for this problem in
discourse theoretical concepts: a discourse not only presents what lifestyles are
possible; at the same time it presents what alternative lifestyles should not be
possible. This power of discourse can be broken indeed, however, as each discourse
is based on the dismissal of other possibilities. If one can successfully retrieve the
dismissed, this means the subversion of the dominant discourse and the destruction
of its definitional power. This makes clear the ideological character of this dominant
discourse, which consists in fact of lending natural-seeming legitimacy to contingent
relationships.
In this article, the Butlerian concept will be closely examined, in order to
determine whether she is actually successful in connecting subversion with the
exposure of contingency. To this end, in the first and second sections, how Butler
uses her central term 'nodal points'1 and its functions will be introduced and, at the
same time, comparisons with system theory concepts will be given.2 The third
section introduces Butler's concept of subversion. In the fourth and fifth sections,
this concept will be critically examined from a system theoretical perspective. The
thesis will be presented that the exposure of contingency in this form is only made
possible within a functionally differentiated society. This leads to the conclusion that
the subversion of the symbolic order cannot be found here.
and its relative fixing of a gender structure is therefore a priori secured. Thus, even
when there are cultural differences, one always finds the heterosexual two-gender
pattern.
Against such a 'naturalization' and its attendant limiting of possibilities Judith
Butler turns to neo-structuralism.4 'The neo-structuralists' "structure" does not
recognize given limitations; it is open, accessible to unlimited transformations'
(Frank, 1984, p. 37). They see here no internal, and thus, unsolvable connection
between signifier and signified. However, when the signifier's referent is lost, there
must be at least a partial fixation: 'Any discourse is constituted as an attempt to
dominate the field of discursivity, to arrest the flow of differences, to construct a
centre. We will call the privileged discursive points of partial fixation nodal points'
(Laclau and Mouffe, 1985, p. 112). The nodal point determines the elements of the
discourse with respect to itself: there are identities only in relationship to this
centralized mass, which in turn provides a context for elements and thereby secures
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What happens here, when a man is not defined through the negation of the
feminine, but rather, as a homosexual in the Freudian sense, is 'falsely identified?
What can we say when this man wears women's clothing, as well as in other ways
behaves unlike a man? Thus, not only role-exchange is thinkable. What if we have
a woman who is homosexual, although she does not exactly behave like a man?
Everything, according to Butler, is possible. This is made clear through, for
example, transdressing and makes clear the arbitrary character of the symbolic
order of gender. The exhibition of this contingency through the signifier's wrong
usage is understood as the subversive repetition of the symbolic order.
What does repetition as a subversive act mean? In general, each discourse, like
each system, has to be newly constituted from moment to moment. This does not
mean, however, that it has to be created each time from scratch, rather, it uses
existing elements, and embodies them anew by connecting them to a previous
operation. Subversive could only be, according to Butler, to quote what is rejected
by the discourse.
Subversion can also occur within the discourse, as when the nodal point is not
referred back to as the equivalence point, as it was before. Instead, the rejected that
constitutes it, takes its place. What is the motivation to quote the rejected rather
than the expected?
Judith Butler concerns herself with Slavoj Zizek's concept of the 'political
signifier' (Zizek, 1989). For Zizek, the political signifier is a collection point of
phantasmagoric investment. Zizek demonstrates this against the backdrop of
Lacanian psychoanalysis, which assumes that the rejection of original needs
accompanies the creation of the subject. Left over is the human yearning for the
fulfillment of this never-to-be-symbolized wanted wish, and is expressed in the
search for the lost object. This search will always fail, as only symbolic objects can
be strived for.
Zizek sees in the political signifier such a desired object, which promises to fulfill
this unquenchable desire. The political signifier awakes expectations that will always
be disappointed. At the same time, it is constituted as a nodal point through the
rejection of its opposite; in other words, in its function as the signifier of a political
movement, it creates marginal groups, which are made socially contemptuous and
thus are blocked out by this signifier (e.g. Zizek, 1991).
According to Butler, the symbolic order of the political signifier can now be
subverted by those that are considered contemptuous by grasping the very thing
that makes them contemptuous: the other, rejected side of the political signifier.
150 C. Weinbach
Butler thinks here of the Queer Movement, which started in the USA and has
spread to Europe. This movement is composed of homosexuals that refer to
themselves with the pejorative term 'queer', a term that should actually make them
contemptuous. Their political tactics consist in their parodying normal gender roles
by exaggerating and perverting them in order to expose their artificiality and
contingency. This is not limited to merely men acting as perfect women and vice
versa. They create alternative collective living situations and new 'relationship
terms' which undermine traditional family structures (Butler, 1993, p. 184). Results
of Queer Politics are gender prototypes which deviate from the traditional, opening
room for new usages of the materialism of the body.
Of central importance to Butler, who wants to propose a political theory for a
radical democratic future-ness, is the view that no political signifier exists without
the rejection of possibilities. This applies also to the Queer Movement. To prove
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to itself its openness for changes through rejected existences makes up, in the first
instance, a movement's democratic character. 'When Queer Politics takes on the
stance, to be independent from these other modalities of power, it would lose its
democratic power' (Butler, 1993, p. 302).
Until now, Butler can be followed by system theorists. At the point, however,
where she attributes to the second-order observations subversive power in a political
sense, the system theoretical criticism starts.
nodal point, which constitutes the discourse, could be subverted and at the same
time remain a (radically-democrate) unity.
Turning her considerations in a system theoretical direction though, we can
re-interpret the discourse of the political signifier, indeed against Butler's intentions,
but in consideration for the opened problem field. When the subversion of the
political signifier itself is the only moment that resists the constant changes, it could
be understood as its very own secret nodal point: It allows subversion, without
becoming subverted itself.11
We would then have a discourse, whose 'task' it would be to reflect and subvert
its own articulation. This discourse would then be integrated in the modern society,
instead of burying its symbolic order.
If these considerations are half-way correct, then Butler could not have suc-
ceeded in presenting such a thing as a theory of subversion. Butler's term
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Notes
1. First and foremost, Butler uses the term 'nodal point' in the form of Zizek's 'political signifier'.
Until this term is defined in this essay, we will concentrate on the nodal point itself and on its
function within the discourse-concept.
2. Urs Stäheli (1996) also has undertaken a comparison of system theory and discourse theory,
specifically in connection with his criticism of Luhmann's term 'code' from the discourse
theoretical perspective of Laclau.
3. Even when this thesis at first sounds a little absurd, Butler actually defends this thesis in her first
book, Gender Trouble, and precisely for the sharpness of her formulations, she became very quickly
famous. In the following work, Bodies That Matter, she modified these thoughts in that she spoke
instead of the materialism of the body being derived discursively.
4. For examples, see Butler, 1990, pp. 68-122 and Butler, 1993, pp. 85-128.
5. In system theory, there is for the system only the possibility to consider bodies as located external
to the system (other-reference) and the role concept as inside of the system (self-reference).
6. Where she interprets the Lacanian consideration, that what is rejected appears later in the 'real',
as follows: 'There are signifiers that have been part of symbolization and could be again, but
have been separated oft from symbolization to avert the trauma with which they are invested.
Hence, these signifiers are desymbolized, but this process of desymbolization takes place through
the production of a hiatus in symbolization' (Butler, 1993, p. 269). And, 'implies that what is
foreclosed is a signifier... that the mechanism ofthat repudiation takes place within the symbolic
order as a policing of the border of intelligibility' (Butler, 1993, p. 204).
7. The following example is expressed in common usage and does not reflect, for example, the
question of when is a man a man. In other words, the categories sex and gender are not
separated here.
8. If one wants, this is foreseen by structuralism, for example in Lévi-Strauss' collective unconscious
or Lacan's phallus.
9. It would be possible, 'that the affirmation of that slippage, that failure of identification its itself
the point of departure for more democratizing affirmation of internal difference' (Butler, 1993,
p.215).
10. And how it can, that the social order is no longer dependent on rigid gender roles. For example,
'Functional differentiation distances the personal inventory of a society: Many complex social
areas are no longer dependent on personally connected situations or conditions. The mainte-
nance of functional systems occurs through long communication chains and communication
Subversion Despite Contingency 153
sequences' (Pasero 1995, p. 59). She follows this up with, 'Gender differences is only one
ordering principle among others'.
11. In this sense, this can be understood as the Laclauian concept of an empty signifier, which he
understands as a placeholder for changing representations. In addition, we take on the opposing
position of Stäheli, who supports, on the basis of the empty signifier, equipping the unchanging
code of a system with the possibility of subversion (Stäheli, 1996).
References
Butler, J. (1990) Gender Trouble, New York, Routledge.
Butler, J. (1993) Bodies that Matter, New York, Routledge.
Frank, M. (1984) Was ist Neostrukturalismus?, Frankfurt/M., edition Suhrkamp.
Lacan, J. (1969) 'La signification du phallus', Ecrits, Paris, Edition du Seuil, pp. 793-827.
Laclau, E. (1990) New Reflexions on the Revolution of our Time, London and New York, Verso.
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1962) La Pensée Sauvage, Paris, PLON.
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