Houle 2016

Article
Journal of Social Work

0(0) 1–29
Public housing tenants’ ! The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/1468017316679906
environment and jsw.sagepub.com
positive well-being:
An empowerment-based
Photovoice study and
its implications for
social work
Janie Houle
Department of Psychology, Université du Québec à Montréal,
Montréal, Canada
Simon Coulombe
Department of Psychology, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada
Stephanie Radziszewski
Department of Psychology, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Canada
Geneviève Boileau
Montréal, Canada
Paul Morin
Department of Social Work, Université de Sherbrooke,
Sherbrooke, Canada
Xavier Leloup
Institut national de la recherche scientifique, Centre Urbanisation
Culture Société, Montréal, Canada
Hélène Bohémier
Office municipal d’habitation de Montréal, Montréal, Canada
The first two authors have contributed equally

Corresponding author:
Janie Houle, Department of Psychology, Université du Québec à Montréal, C.P. 8888, succ. Centre-ville,
Montréal, Québec, H3C 3P8 Canada.
Email: houle.janie@uqam.ca
2 Journal of Social Work 0(0)
Stéphanie Robert
Montréal, Canada
Abstract
Summary: Although tenants of public housing face numerous challenges, recent
research suggests they can experience positive well-being. The study examines a
group of tenants’ perspective on structures of their residential environment that influ-
ence their positive well-being, using the empowerment-based Photovoice method. Ten
peer-researchers took pictures, participated in facilitated group discussions, and per-
formed a thematic analysis. The study presents themes emerging from the pictures, as
well as concrete outcomes of implementing such a method in a public housing setting.
Findings: Six themes emerged from the pictures taken: (1) a pleasant home, inspiring
pride; (2) variety of local resources; (3) mutual support and social participation;
(4) control over life situations; (5) social, leisure and growth opportunities; (6) beneficial
access to nature. The findings reveal the nuances of tenants’ relationships with their
residential environment, which has the potential to support their emotional, psycho-
logical, and social well-being. However, several needs for improvement were also iden-
tified, as well as avenues for tenants to take more power over these negative situations.
The Photovoice method appears to have produced positive outcomes in terms of envir-
onmental improvement and tenant empowerment.
Applications: The study suggests social workers should bear in mind the multifaceted
person–environment relationship of the people they work with. It also emphasizes that
public housing tenants can play an active role in making their environment a place where
they can flourish. The Photovoice method is highlighted as a useful tool for social work
community practitioners to support tenant empowerment.
Keywords
Social work, housing, action research, health and social care, environment,
empowerment
Introduction
Housing is a key social determinant of health and well-being (Shaw, 2004). Around
1.2 million households live in public housing1 in the US (US Department of
Housing and Urban Development, 2015) and about half a million in Canada
(Statistics Canada, 2013). In the spirit of the Housing Act of 1937, public housing
programs are designed to provide decent housing to underprivileged groups (Fertig
& Reingold, 2007; World Health Organization, 2011). Housing policies and inter-
ventions have been shown to be efficient in reducing health inequalities faced by
socio-economically disadvantaged groups (Gibson et al., 2011; Shaw, 2004).
Houle et al. 3
Nevertheless, research to date has mostly documented the negative reality of public
housing tenants. In addition to their precarious economic situation, they face
numerous difficulties at the personal (e.g., mood, anxiety, substance use disorders,
Black et al., 1998; Shin, Sims, Bradley, Pohlig, & Harrison, 2014; Simning, van
Wijngaarden, & Conwell, 2011) and social levels (e.g., lower education, single
parenthood, exclusion from the labor market, Rivest, 2006). These difficulties
make the people living in public housing one of the most underprivileged commu-
nities in our societies. Social workers practicing from a community perspective
(Cox, 2001) face the challenge of supporting the empowerment of people from
such oppressed populations. Empowerment-oriented social workers strive to pro-
mote self-determination and social justice while reducing discrimination (Cox &
Parson, 1994).
Despite the adversity faced by public housing tenants, a study by Ruel, Oakley,
Wilson, and Maddox (2010) suggests that public housing provides them with a
safety net. In the field of positive psychology (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000),
studies with economically disadvantaged communities have documented the pos-
sibility of experiencing positive well-being, such as feelings of satisfaction, meaning
in life, and flourishing relationships, despite material hardship (Biswas-Diener &
Diener, 2001, 2006; Linley, Bhaduri, Sharma, & Govindji, 2011). A few studies
show that public housing tenants can develop a positive sense of belonging to their
community (Manzo, 2014; Manzo, Kleit, & Couch, 2008; Sinha & Kasdan, 2013;
Tester, Ruel, Anderson, Reitzes, & Oakley, 2011; Tester & Wingfield, 2013).
However, to our knowledge, underlying aspects of positive well-being have never
been thoroughly explored in a public housing context.
Anchored in a salutogenic perspective (Antonovsky, 1996), positive well-being is
the counterpart to mental illness (Keyes, 2002). It is also known as flourishing or
positive mental health (Keyes, 2009; Seligman, 2011). In the same way that mental
illnesses represent clusters of negative symptoms, Keyes (2005) conceptualizes posi-
tive mental health as clusters of positive symptoms: emotional (e.g., life satisfaction
and positive emotions), psychological (e.g., self-acceptance, environmental mas-
tery, and personal growth), and social (e.g., social contribution, integration and
actualization). Several studies have established that positive mental health and
mental illness represent two distinct continuums (Keyes, 2005; Westerhof &
Keyes, 2010). Although these continuums are mostly independent from each
other, a ten-year longitudinal study has shown that gains in positive mental
health predict declines in mental illness over time (Keyes, Dhingra, & Simoes,
2010). Thus, promoting positive well-being could contribute to reducing the flow
of psychological disorders (Cowen, 2000).
The present study’s aim was to investigate how the residential environment of
public housing influences the positive well-being of tenants. In line with empower-
ment-oriented social work practice (Cox, 2001), our action research builds on the
point of view of a group of tenants, with the goal of drawing on their expertise
while giving them an opportunity to develop more control over their life (Guta,
Flicker, & Roche, 2013).
The influence of residential environment in public housing

In Montreal, Canada, where the study was conducted, the two main clienteles of
public housing are elderly women living alone and families headed by single mothers
(Apparicio & Séguin, 2006). These clienteles are generally limited in their daily
mobility due to financial constraints (Apparicio & Séguin, 2006). As they spend a
great proportion of their time in their house and neighborhood, they are considered a
locally dependent group (Horelli, 2006). As such, the quality of their residential
environment is likely to play a significant role in their positive well-being.
Although there is some variation regarding how residential environment is
defined, it is generally understood as being composed of two main components:
the house and the neighborhood (Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997), both of which can
be further subdivided. In a public housing context, rooms are comprised in a
dwelling unit, comprised in a building, in turn comprised in a housing development
(Weidemann & Anderson, 1985). Neighborhood is a more or less large area around
the house (Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997), which includes a micro-neighborhood,
nested in a macro-neighborhood, nested in a larger community (Marans &
Rodgers, 1975).
Based on theoretical models (Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997; Marans, 2003) and
empirical evidence (Weden, Carpiano, & Robert, 2008; Wright & Kloos, 2007), it is
how people perceive the environment that is the most influential on their well-
being. According to the notion of person–environment congruence, individuals
experience well-being to the extent that they perceive that their environment
offers the opportunity to pursue their goals and fulfill their needs (Moser, 2009).
Horelli (2006) proposed a heuristic model for person–environment fit of locally
dependent groups. The model encompasses four types of structures: physical (e.g.,
nature, meeting places), functional (e.g., services, local initiatives), participatory
(e.g., governance, capacity building), and cultural (e.g., shared culture of commu-
nity, social capital). This model converges with research in environmental psych-
ology that shows that above and beyond the physical components of space, sense of
place encompasses the meaning one attaches to the space, in terms of several other
aspects (e.g., emotional, cognitive, behavioral and social components; Jorgensen &
Stedman, 2001; Low & Altman, 1992; Manzo, 2003).
Horelli’s (2006) model offers a framework integrating dimensions along which
people in public housing or with low income evaluate their environment, such as
quality of infrastructures, natural spaces, and relationships with neighbors (see
Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997). Recently, Hayward et al. (2015) conducted focus
groups with public housing tenants on environmental factors influencing their
health. The themes that emerged focused on negative aspects, including unhealthy
physical environment, limited trustworthy relationships, and the need to increase
neighborhood social capital.
Social workers are known to consider the complex relations between a person
and his/her environment (Freedman, Pitner, Powers, & Anderson, 2014; see review
Houle et al. 5
from Rogge & Cox, 2002). Indeed, person-environment fit is one of the pan-
theoretical themes that emerged from a recent survey asking social workers to
define their field (Staniforth, Fouché, & O’Brien, 2011). However, to our knowledge,
no study in social work or other related domains has examined the structures of
residential environment perceived to be congruent with public housing tenants’ goals
and needs, and how these contribute to positive well-being. Positive well-being’s
determinants differ from those pertaining to mental illness (Karademas, 2007; Ryff
et al., 2006). Thus, residential structures influencing positive well-being might not be
the same as those shown to influence mental illness or even health, broadly con-
ceived. The objective of this study was to describe what public housing tenants
perceive as positively and negatively influencing their positive well-being, considering
the set of structures from Horelli’s (2006) model. To capture tenants’ point of view
while also supporting their empowerment, a Photovoice (Wang & Burris, 1994, 1997)
research approach was adopted.
Empowering through a Photovoice project

Presented by Wang and Burris (1994, 1997), the Photovoice method is a commu-
nity-based participatory research tool (Hergenrather, Rhodes, Cowan, Bardhoshi,
& Pula, 2009) often used in health promotion (Wang, Yi, Tao, & Carovano, 1998;
see Catalani & Minkler, 2010). In asking participants to take pictures, the method
allows them ‘‘1) to record and reflect their community strengths and concerns; 2) to
promote critical dialogue and knowledge about important community issues [. . .],
3) to reach policymakers’’ (Wang & Burris, 1997, p. 370). Application of the
method includes training on photography and ethics; picture taking; group discus-
sion of the pictures with the help of a facilitator; analysis of the data using a
participatory approach; and sharing of the results through a public exhibit
(Catalani & Minkler, 2010; Wang & Burris, 1997).
Photovoice was selected for its potential to promote well-being by
catalyzing personal and community change (Wang et al., 1998). Influenced by
Paulo Freire (1970), the Photovoice method has a strong empowerment com-
ponent, encouraging participants to take an active role in shaping their life and
environment to their needs (Duffy, 2011). Empowerment is a mechanism through
which people take control over their life (Rappaport, 1981; Zimmerman &
Rappaport, 1988). At the individual level, empowerment refers to improved per-
ceptions of oneself, including one’s skills and capacities (Boehm & Staples, 2004).
At the collective level, it is about a group of people coming together, supporting
each other, and taking part in collective actions toward shared goals (Boehm &
Staples, 2004). A qualitative study has documented the enduring individual and
collective benefits of single mothers’ participation in a Photovoice project (Duffy,
2011). The Photovoice approach used in the present study aimed to create an
‘‘empowerment group’’ where both individual and collective levels of empower-
ment could be drawn on simultaneously (Lee & Hudson, 2011). As such, the intent
was to promote three dimensions of empowerment: distributive change—i.e.,

improved access to goods and services for tenants; procedural change—i.e.,
enhanced recognition of tenants’ contribution, individually and collectively; and
capacity building—i.e., increased abilities of tenants to take action for themselves
(Elwood, 2002).
The Photovoice process recognizes that the best way to understand the experi-
ence of a group is to allow its members to document and ponder their social reality
themselves (Wang & Burris, 1994). Hence, participants play a central role in
Photovoice studies and are considered ‘‘peer-researchers’’ (Roche, Guta, &
Flicker, 2010). Peer-research is a form of research where members of the commu-
nity are trained and supported to collaborate actively rather than being involved
only in data collection (Guta, Roche, & Flicker, 2010). This improves data quality
and promotes capacity building in the community (Guta et al., 2010).
The Photovoice method seeks in-depth understanding of the reality of a specific
group of participants through contextualized results. Even though this precludes
simple generalization, the ecologically representative descriptions provided can
stimulate reflection on aspects to be discussed and validated in future studies
with tenants from other housing developments. Using photography in social
work can help humanize research findings (Russell & Diaz, 2013). In a study
with lesbian women, the pictures made the findings concerning the participants’
reality more revelatory, possibly facilitating the knowledge transfer process
(Russell & Diaz, 2013). Incorporating photography has the potential to not only
provide pertinent data, but also to enhance public awareness concerning the
selected issue. As Mahalingam and Caridad Rabelo (2013) have suggested,
Photovoice represents both a method and an intervention. Nevertheless, although
this type of qualitative method is gaining momentum in the field (e.g., Burles &
Thomas, 2012; Freedman et al., 2014; see review Clark & Morriss, 2015), it is still
not fully exploited.
The present study also intended to explore the usefulness of the Photovoice
method for working with public housing communities. Our research team aims
to use this first case study as a stepping stone toward analyses of distinctions
and similarities within and between future case studies in a diversity of public
housing settings. The combination of situated knowledge generated by these various
case studies could lead to a rich and nuanced theory of public housing tenant’s
well-being (Mahalingam & Caridad Rabelo, 2013).
Objectives
The objectives of the study were (1) to examine a group of public housing tenants’
perspective on the structures of their residential environment that promote and
hinder their positive well-being; and (2) to explore the usefulness of implementing
Photovoice as an intervention method in a public housing setting by describing its
short-term outcomes for an initial case.
Houle et al. 7
Method
Setting
To be selected for this study, the public housing development had to (1) have
mainly French-speaking tenants; (2) never have been involved in a research project;
(3) not be in a renovation process during the study; and (4) exhibit emerging tenant
mobilization. The language and mobilization criteria served to ensure a sufficient
number of participants for a French Photovoice process. The criteria concerning
involvement in a previous study or current renovations were to minimize the influ-
ence of confounding variables. A development was chosen in consultation with
Montreal’s municipal housing office, which is responsible for the city’s 22,869
public housing units.
The public housing development was situated in one of the largest and the sixth
most populated of Montreal’s nineteen boroughs. The annual income in this bor-
ough averaged above C$60,000, making it one of the city’s six richest boroughs
(City of Montreal, 2011), although there are also more deprived areas in the neigh-
borhood. This borough contained residential and industrial areas while also offer-
ing good access to nature preserves and parks. In a previous research, objective
indicators suggested that proximity to services was very low for public housing
tenants in this area (Apparicio & Séguin, 2006), and its location in periphery of
Montreal hindered access to the city centre. This represents the larger context
surrounding the public housing development in which the study was implemented.
Although not deprived in terms of residents’ average income, the borough seems
socially deprived when considering the availability of services. The housing devel-
opment contained 188 dwellings for families and single adults under the age of 60.
These units were spread across one large building, four smaller buildings, and 13
townhouses. The housing development was first built in 1972 and extensively reno-
vated between 2009 and 2014. A youth center and several support organisms for
families were located on the development’s premises. Data from a recent survey
that we conducted in this public housing development suggest that tenants had
been living there on average for six years, and for up to 40 years. This is in line with
another survey illustrating that people living in public housing usually do so for
several years (Leloup, Gysler, Portal, Antar, & Bordet, 2009).
Participants
Recruitment. Participants were recruited via flyers distributed to each address by the
tenants’ association and two research assistants. Posters were put up to advertise an
information session. During this session, the research project was explained thor-
oughly to the tenants. Ten tenants who expressed their interest in participating
formed the committee of peer-researchers. A group size of ten was deemed ade-
quate to stimulate active participation in discussions. It is similar to the median
Table 1. Characteristics of the ten peer-researchers.
Characteristics N
Gender
Female 10
Male 0
Age (y.o.)
26 to 35 1
36 to 45 3
46 to 55 4
56 or more 2
Length of residence (in years)
Less than 1 1
1 to 2 6
2 to 5 0
6 or more 2
No answer 1
Living situation
Alone 5
With one or more children 3
With a partner and one or more children 2
Employment situation
Part-time employment 1
No employment 9
number of participants in previous Photovoice studies (Catalani & Minkler, 2010;

Hergenrather et al., 2009). Participants signed a written consent form.
Peer-researchers were paid a stipend of 20 dollars at each of the eight sessions.
This level of compensation is comparable to similar Photovoice projects
(Hergenrather et al., 2009). Food, digital cameras, and childcare arrangement
were also provided.
Peer-researchers. The ten peer-researchers were all women, with a majority aged
between 36 and 55 years old. As seen in Table 1, half of the group lived alone
while most of the others were single mothers living with children. The vast majority
of them had lived in the public housing development for less than two years.
Although a significant portion of the participants invested time in their community
(e.g., tenants’ association, volunteer work), they were largely unemployed.
Unemployment is typical of the general situation in Montreal’s public housing,
where 82% of tenants living alone and under the age of 65 depend on government
subsidies for their main income (Leduc, 2010). Three of the peer-researchers had
Houle et al. 9
mobility limitations which possibly influenced their experience of the

neighborhood.
Procedure
The study was structured in eight 2.5-hour weekly sessions over a two-month
period, in line with previous Photovoice studies (see Catalani & Minkler, 2010;
Hergenrather et al., 2009). The group met in a communal room on the public
housing development premises. Sessions were facilitated by two doctorate-level
research assistants, trained and supervised by an interdisciplinary research team
(social work, community psychology, sociology, and urban studies). In addition,
the research team met with the peer-researchers on two occasions, to discuss the
Photovoice results and their implications.
Training. In the first two sessions, the peer-researchers received training on the
research topic, research ethics, and photography techniques. They were given
explanations of the theoretical models of positive well-being (Keyes, 2005) and
residential environment (Horelli, 2006) that were being used in the study.
Particular care was taken to avoid influencing peer-researchers’ opinions. A
map of the neighborhood depicting a 500-meter radius around the public housing
development was discussed with the peer-researchers. Drawing on their perceptions
(Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997), they defined the limits of their residential environ-
ment, and the map was modified accordingly. The peer-researchers also learned
about general research ethics principles and concrete ethical concerns, such as how
to obtain consent to photograph a person (Wang, 2006; Wang & Redwood-Jones,
Table 2. Cues given to enhance the diversity of pictures taken for the following session.
Sessions Questions
2 – What around me makes me feel better? What makes me feel worse?

– What makes my life easier? What makes it more complicated?
– What makes me smile? What makes me sad?
– What makes me feel useful? What makes me feel less useful?
– What do I appreciate about my community? What do I appreciate less?
3 – What should we remember from this picture when building a new public housing
development?
– What is important to have close to home? What is important to have in the
neighborhood?
4 – Does my residential environment provide opportunities to grow and flourish?
– What makes me feel like an active member of my community?
5 – What gives me a feeling of power, of personal or collective control?
– What makes me feel at home?
2001). Finally, a professional photographer demonstrated the basic skills and tech-
niques necessary to operate the digital cameras provided.
Data collection. From the second to the sixth week, the peer-researchers took photos
between sessions. The pictures had to answer the broad research question, ‘‘How
does your residential environment affect tenants’ well-being?’’ Every week, more
specific questions (see Table 2) were suggested as cues for the next photography
assignment. This method was used to diversify the data and obtain an adequate
overview of participants’ preoccupations regarding all aspects of positive well-
being. Pictures had to portray objects, places, people, or real-life situations—either
spontaneous or staged.
Data analysis. It was essential that the peer-researchers take part in each step of the
data analysis and have the opportunity to correct any misinterpretations, to ensure
a more valid interpretation (Wang & Burris, 1997). For this reason, the three-stage
process for participatory analysis suggested by Wang and Burris (1997) was fol-
lowed: (1) selecting the photographs that best answered the research question; (2)
contextualizing by sharing the meaning behind the photographs with the other
peer-researchers; and (3) codifying the themes or issues brought forward through
the group discussions.
Selection. Before each session, the participants chose two of their photos that they
would most like to discuss with others and noted the thoughts they wanted to share
with the group (Catalani & Minkler, 2010). These choices already provided a
wealth of information on important issues in the community.
Contextualization. The group was invited to discuss each photograph after it was
presented by the person who took it. The SHOWeD questions (Hergenrather
et al., 2009; Lykes, 2001; McIntyre, 2003; Shaffer, 1983), a series of questions to
facilitate constructive discussion about the pictures, were slightly modified to adapt
them to the study’s objectives (McIntyre, 2003). Questions asked included, ‘‘What
is important to me in this picture?’’, ‘‘Why did I want to take that picture?’’, ‘‘Why
does this situation need to change?’’, and ‘‘How do I feel when I look at this
picture?’’ During the discussions, participants acknowledged emerging themes
and expressed themselves regarding actions that could improve aspects of their
residential environment.
Throughout the process, the two research assistants did not give their point of
view on the pictures, as their role was only to facilitate discussions. At times, the
facilitators probed for more information concerning the important themes under-
lying a picture or intervened so that everyone could readily express her opinion.
However, most of the time, very animated discussions evolved naturally among the
peer-researchers, without any intervention. As a result, the facilitators mainly
managed time, while also periodically redirecting the group discussion when it
diverged from the topic addressed by the picture.
Houle et al. 11
Codification. At the beginning of each session, the peer-researchers and facilitators

worked together to classify the previous session’s pictures into categories encom-
passing aspects of the residential environment, following principles of thematic
analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Using printed copies of the pictures, they
began by grouping related pictures into themes. Some common content identified
by the research team prior to the session served as a starting point for the discus-
sion, but the peer-researchers had the final say on the classification. In the initial
sessions, only a few themes emerged from the discussions, and pictures that did not
clearly share content with others were kept apart. As the sessions progressed and
more pictures were taken, what first appeared to be marginal themes became more
clearly defined. Up until the last session, pictures could always be moved around if
peer-researchers judged that a new thematic classification would be a better fit. The
themes were thus dynamically chosen and not determined ahead of time. Once the
last pictures had been taken, the group reached a final thematic classification in
which themes had to be mutually exclusive and each picture classified under a
single theme. The themes were named by the peer-researchers with support from
the facilitators. The peer-researchers were satisfied that the final themes represented
their perspective on the research question. Our participatory analysis method is
consistent with several other Photovoice studies in which the researchers facilitated
participants’ discussions around theme identification (see review from
Hergenrather et al., 2009). It is also entirely consistent with the participatory
visual analysis that Wang and Burris (1997) proposed when they developed the
Photovoice method (Catalani & Minkler, 2010).
Exhibit. During the seventh and eighth sessions, the participants prepared an exhibit
that took place at a local cultural center. Each person had to select what they
considered to be their two most significant photos, and one of them was enlarged
for the exhibit. The peer-researchers then completed a short questionnaire, ranking
the pictures with regard to the importance for stakeholders, the positive and nega-
tive effects on well-being, and the representativeness of each theme. With this
feedback, six panels containing eight to ten pictures were created to represent
each theme. The participants then came up with captions for each photo (Strack,
Lovelace, Jordan, & Holmes, 2010). Community decision-makers were invited to
the exhibit’s opening night. About 50 people (friends and family, the borough
mayor and a federal member of Parliament’s assistant, the director of the housing
office, teachers, police force representatives, etc.) were present.
Results
As stated previously, this study has both research and practical purposes. As such,
the first sub-section below presents the results concerning the peer-researchers’
perceptions of the relationship between their environment and positive well-
being. The second sub-section describes the concrete outcomes resulting from the
Photovoice method.
Figure 1. Examples of the most significant photos.
Research findings
Six main qualitative themes emerged from the pictures and discussions as influen-
tial for the positive well-being of public housing tenants: (1) a pleasant home,
inspiring pride; (2) variety of local resources; (3) mutual support and social par-
ticipation; (4) control over life situations; (5) social, leisure, and growth opportu-
nities; and (6) beneficial access to nature. These themes, along with selected
quotations accompanied by participants’ ID numbers, are presented below in
order of salience (see Figure 1 for a summary of themes and photos of significant
examples). Each theme contained a number of positive and negative issues related
to Horelli’s (2006) physical, social, participatory, and cultural structures. As
expected, these structures were all perceived by peer-researchers as having an
impact on the various dimensions of their positive well-being. Table 3 summarizes
the positive and negative issues emerging from the pictures.
1. A pleasant home, inspiring pride
Peer-researchers highlighted the importance of an attractive, safe, and well-main-

tained residential setting, where they could be proud to live. On the positive side,
participants found the buildings’ colorful exterior design, different from a typical
Houle et al.
Table 3. Most salient issues photographed, in relation to their perceived contribution to positive well-being.
Structures from Dimensions of positive well-being (Keyes, 2005)

Horelli’s (2006)
model Emotional Psychological Social
Physical Security cameras (feeling safe, but + Colors of the buildings (dignity) + Quality of the housing design (pride
need more) when receiving family and friends)
Absence of a pedestrian crosswalk + Proximity to riverside (social contact
(danger) with other people there)
+ Proximity to riverside (relaxation, Interesting but unused space between
fun activities) buildings (installations could provide
+ Community garden (easy access) opportunities for social gatherings)
+ Views and access to nature (calm,
enjoyment)
Functional Lack of maintenance (safety) Lack of maintenance (negative self- Lack of maintenance (negative social
+ Food bank (food security) image) image)
+ Variety of shops/services (easy + On-site psychosocial support + On-site psychosocial support (reduction
access) (improved self-confidence) of social isolation)
No washer and dryer hook-ups + Electronic key (enhanced autonomy)
(negative emotions) + Park near a sanctuary (spiritual
Absence of no-parking signs for growth)
private parking spots (frustration)
(continued)
13
14
Table 3. Continued.
Structures from Dimensions of positive well-being (Keyes, 2005)

Horelli’s (2006)
model Emotional Psychological Social
Participatory Lack of control over rules and ways + Tenants’ association (participation + Food bank (contributing to the society
of doing (feeling of vulnerability) promotes self-confidence) by volunteering)
+ Community kitchen (personal + Tenants’ association (social activities and
growth through learning) social rights advocacy)
+ Tenants’ initiative to install an eras- + Community kitchen (social integration)
able board in the laundry room + Tenants’ initiative to install an erasable
(environmental mastery) board in the laundry room (mutual
+ Community garden (pride of having a respect)
garden plot)
Cultural + Positive relationships with neighbors + Positive relationships with neighbors + Positive relationships with neighbors
(happiness) (close friendships) (exchanging support)
Lack of respect of private parking
spots (frustration)
Note. +, positive influence on well-being; , negative influence on well-being; , concurrent positive and negative influence on well-being.
Journal of Social Work 0(0)
Houle et al. 15
public housing development, particularly beneficial: ‘‘I love the colors of the build-
ings. It’s not all gray like the other buildings around’’ (P5); ‘‘It gives us dignity’’ (P1).
Peer-researchers had negative comments concerning overflowing garbage bins
(Figure 1, Picture 1) and their proximity to the units. This lack of maintenance
impeded their emotional well-being and even affected their self-image: ‘‘It attracts
vermin and the smell is unpleasant’’ (P10); ‘‘Welcome to our place! This is not good
for the reputation of public housing!’’ (P2). Of all the issues addressed during the
project, waste management was identified by the largest number of peer-researchers
as the situation that hindered their well-being the most.
2. Variety of local resources
On the positive side, participants photographed several resources available on-

site and in the neighborhood. Among the most significant resources were commu-
nity organizations helping to fulfill basic needs such as food and clothing: ‘‘The
food bank is a wonderful resource giving us food security’’ (P7) (Figure 1, Picture
2). The food bank also represented an opportunity for people to volunteer, which
was beneficial for their social and emotional well-being: ‘‘It’s a way for me to
contribute to my community. It makes me feel good’’ (P8).
Peer-researchers were grateful for an on-site community organization offering
psychosocial support to families: ‘‘Their presence here is a gift. Having people to
talk to helps reduce our isolation. There, we can talk to people who have great
compassion, all of it confidentially. They give us confidence’’ (P9). Easy access to a
variety of shops and other services such as a supermarket, a department store, and
a drugstore was also discussed.
While less significant for peer-researchers, some possibilities to improve services
were identified. For example, a ventilator-dependent peer-researcher stated ‘‘A lot
of tenants suffer from physical or mental health conditions, but often they don’t
have the reflex to consult a professional. It would be beneficial if the link between
public housing and health services was improved’’ (P3).
3. Mutual support and social participation
Another theme was represented by pictures related to opportunities for tenants

to engage in mutual support, on-site or in the neighborhood. At the interpersonal
level, positive relationships with neighbors and family members were also men-
tioned. These pictures illustrated aspects that contributed positively to participants’
positive well-being.
One of the support and participation structures considered the most significant
was the tenants’ association (Figure 1, Picture 3):
‘‘I have been in the committee for two years and it has been a full-time commitment.
It is about improving my quality of life, because I engage myself, but also about how
I can help improve other people’s quality of life. It improved my self-confidence.’’ (P7)
The on-site community kitchen, of which several peer-researchers were members,

was the other significant support and participation structure mentioned. The col-
lective kitchen was perceived to have a positive impact not only at the economic
level but also for psychological well-being (growth through learning new things)
and social well-being (social integration through meeting others): ‘‘The community
kitchen is part of our daily life. It’s a huge monetary help, it’s a meeting place for
breaking isolation. We discover new recipes’’ (P2).
4. Control over life situations
Most pictures grouped under this theme were negative, illustrating how the peer-
researchers felt powerless and vulnerable with respect to certain situations and
rules. However, some of the situations generated creative solutions for taking own-
ership of their life setting.
One example of a negative situation concerned the laundry machines (Figure 1,
Picture 4): ‘‘There are no washer and dryer hook-ups in my apartment. So I have to
pay ¢75 per wash. This situation doesn’t bring me well-being. It’s even destructive
for me’’ (P5). Also, the number of washing machines was judged to be insufficient,
as there was only one for each floor, servicing 13 apartments. Tenants often had to
deal with machines being in use when they wanted to do their laundry. On one
floor, tenants installed a board over the laundry machine, where the tenant cur-
rently using the machine could write his/her apartment number. The next tenant
who wanted to use it could add an apartment number. The first one could then
knock on the second one’s door when the machine was free. ‘‘We wanted to know
each other better and be more respectful of each other’’ (P7). In response to a
problematic situation, tenants developed a solution that brought them a greater
sense of social well-being and enhanced their environmental mastery.
On the positive side of the theme of control, peer-researchers mentioned the
electronic key they had recently obtained, which supported their autonomy and
gave them a sense of freedom, as it allowed access to their storage lockers between
9:00 AM to 9:00 PM, compared to previously more restricted hours.
5. Social, leisure, and growth opportunities
Peer-researchers were very positive regarding different places in the neigh-

borhood (e.g., public areas, arenas, etc.) that provided opportunities for meeting
other people, having fun, and developing their potential. A picture of the commu-
nity garden was identified as the most significant in this category (Figure 1, Picture
5). Several peer-researchers used this space, which was located across the street
from the public housing development. ‘‘For $12, we can have a plot and access to
all the necessary tools. There are elevated garden bins for people with disabilities’’
(P8).
Access to the nearby Saint Lawrence River, which provided people with a var-
iety of socialization, leisure, and relaxation opportunities, was underscored as a
Houle et al. 17
benefit: ‘‘Each time I take a walk on the riverside, I meet a lot of people, families,
and couples. Fishing makes people come together’’ (P5).
On the negative side, peer-researchers noted that the large green areas between
the public housing development buildings were mostly unused due to the absence
of recreational installations. This was seen as an improvement opportunity that
could impact their well-being.
6. Beneficial access to nature
The housing’s access to nature was a theme that clearly emerged in the first
pictures taken by the peer-researchers, from easy access to green areas to beautiful
views of natural elements. One participant expressed how privileged she felt that
her apartment was located on a higher floor, affording pleasant views of the sur-
rounding landscape (Figure 1, Picture 6): ‘‘I feel lucky and spoiled by Nature,
across the seasons. This view is calming, it makes me smile inside’’ (P7).
Participants identified several nearby parks. One of these parks was large, with
trails for hikers and cyclists. Another park was located beside a religious sanctuary:
‘‘I can pause for a moment of silence in the middle of nature’’ (P10). Peer-research-
ers elaborated on the multiple benefits of nature, underlining how it motivated
them to take care of their physical health, inspired positive emotions, and stimu-
lated their personal and spiritual growth. The discussion also triggered some
thoughts on the importance of respecting nature: ‘‘People here make efforts to
keep the environment clean. These are the beautiful lungs of our planet’’ (P9).
Community intervention outcomes

Based on the research findings, peer-researchers brainstormed on what should be
improved, how this could be achieved, who had power over the designated issues,
and the complexity of the actions to be undertaken. Peer-researchers identified five
avenues for action: (1) incite tenants to be more involved in maintenance (related to
waste management); (2) celebrate tenants’ involvement; (3) facilitate the use of
laundry machines; (4) increase availability of information about resources and
services; (5) organize activities for all tenants. Peer-researchers then presented
these priorities to the tenants’ association and to a community organizer from
the municipal housing office, to share the ensuing responsibilities.
A first joint action between peer-researchers and the tenants’ association was a
meeting with the housing office’s director of maintenance concerning waste manage-
ment (avenue 1). Also, with the aim of making information accessible (avenue 4), the
director was asked to install a bulletin board in the entrance of the main building,
which was done recently. To facilitate the sharing of laundry machines (avenue 3),
peer-researchers installed dry erase boards like the one described earlier (see
Research findings, sub-section ‘‘Control over life situations’’) to provide a means
of communication between tenants concerning machine use. The effort to organize
activities (avenue 5) was led by a peer-researcher who, with the support of the
tenants’ association, developed a list of ideas for activities to be offered on-site. A

survey recently conducted by the research team collected the opinions of a large
proportion of tenants regarding their intention to participate in these activities
should they be offered. Finally, although not directly mentioned in an avenue for
action, a request was sent to a city councillor to have a pedestrian crosswalk
installed. Although the pedestrian crosswalk has not yet been added, as a result of
the tenants’ request, a stop sign has been installed to slow traffic. A brochure sum-
marizing the study’s results was distributed to every public housing development
household. A public forum is currently being organized by the peer-researchers,
where all tenants and influential stakeholders will celebrate the strengths of their
community and collectively identify priorities for actions (Hergenrather et al., 2009).
Although final outcomes have yet to be determined, the intermediate outcomes
are consistent with Catalani and Minkler’s (2010) review of Photovoice outcomes:
enhanced community engagement in action and advocacy, increased community
mobilization, and improved understanding of community needs and assets.
According to feedback from eight of the peer-researchers, their participation was
positive at the personal level, improving their self-esteem, sense of control, and
social skills. At the collective level, five of the eight were positive that the project
would lead to concrete improvements in the residential environment. The other
three were more skeptical, underscoring that, although they are now more aware of
the situation, the final decisions depend on higher authorities.
Discussion
Toward a comprehensive view of well-being in the public housing
environment
Peer-researchers mostly photographed aspects of their residential environment that
promoted their well-being, as evidenced by the preponderance of plus signs in
Table 3. Well-being was mostly enhanced by the variety of local resources; mutual
support and participation; availability of social, leisure and growth opportunities; and
beneficial access to nature in the residential environment. The peer-researchers’ over-
all positive perception differs from previous studies depicting a rather negative view
of public housing tenants’ environment and well-being (Black et al., 1998; Hayward
et al., 2015; Rivest, 2006; Shin et al., 2014; Simning et al., 2011).
When describing the impact of their environment on their well-being, the peer-
researchers reported an array of positive emotions, appropriate psychological func-
tioning, and flourishing relationships within the community. In line with studies
showing the emotional, psychological, and social meanings of the home environ-
ment (e.g., Manzo, 2014; Tester & Wingfield, 2013), our findings suggest that these
dimensions are important when considering well-being outcomes. As the classic
indicator of place-related quality of life (Wahl & Mollenkopf, 2003), residential
satisfaction has been the focus of several studies on public housing (e.g., Lord &
Rent, 1987; Mohit, Ibrahim, & Rashid, 2010). Nonetheless, based on the peer-
Houle et al. 19
researchers’ point of view, this focus may be insufficient: housing was not only
considered as a commodity that can be satisfying or not, but also as something that
had a more profound impact on their psychological and social flourishing.
One might think that the predominance of positive perceptions is due to posi-
tively oriented questions. However, peer-researchers were reminded several times
that aspects hindering their well-being were also relevant. In fact, they were far
from having a Pollyanna view of their residential environment. They discussed
several problems (e.g., waste management difficulties, lack of safety) that needed
to be resolved for the housing development to truly become a pleasant home,
inspiring pride. They noted several recurring problems (e.g., limited dissemination
of information), as well as a lack of amenities (e.g., laundry machines) in the
residential environment that made them feel a lack of control over their life situ-
ation. These aspects are consistent with other studies on public housing tenants’
perceptions on lack of safety and maintenance, which have underlined the need for
empowerment (e.g., Hayward et al., 2015; Normoyle & Foley, 1988). Beyond con-
firming these negative aspects of public housing tenants’ experience, our results
support the adoption of a balanced perspective. The peer-researchers discussed
concurrent positive and negative aspects of safety measures (i.e., feeling safe
because of security cameras, while at the same time finding they were not sufficient
in number) and leisure opportunities (i.e., interesting but unwelcoming green areas
between buildings). Although they might be ambivalent (Manzo, 2014), the peer-
researchers seemed to have developed a strong sense of belonging to their envir-
onment. This matches the experience of other public housing tenants who disagree
with the traditional rhetoric ‘‘of public housing as places of last resort that people
are eager to leave’’ (Manzo, 2014, p. 404). Rather than presuming that public
housing tenants’ opinions of their environment are negative, social workers
should bear in mind the many facets of the person–environment relationship of
the tenants they work with.
Despite its exploratory nature, the present study highlights that various struc-
tural characteristics of one’s residential environment have the potential to support
each dimension of positive well-being. The themes emerging from the pictures
encompassed all four structures from Horelli’s (2006) person–environment fit
model, as well as all three dimensions of well-being from Keyes’ (2005) model.
While the results are highly contextualized and generalizations should be made
with caution, it is interesting to see that the themes identified in the study are
consistent with these two models. Furthermore, the emergence of themes related
to the presence of natural elements, availability of services and leisure facilities, as
well as mutual support between neighbors is in line with previous research on the
crucial aspects of residential environment (e.g., Hayward et al., 2015; see reviews
from Amérigo & Aragonés, 1997 and Weidemann & Anderson, 1985).
The grid formed by the intersection of both models (Table 3), which integrates
knowledge on human flourishing and its structural determinants, is a useful tool for
community social workers, stakeholders, policymakers, and urban planners alike.
Given the limitations of the present exploratory study, the grid framework should
be used as a community intervention tool without focusing on the specific issues it

contains for this case. For example, it could be employed when evaluating and
designing a public housing environment from a user-centered perspective
(Brabham, 2009) or when working with tenants to improve their environment.
This grid can be used to ensure that an array of important structures are considered
when designing the environment and to stimulate discussion on how these struc-
tures can meet people’s various needs in terms of well-being.
Tenants as active agents in improving the person–environment

fit in public housing
Our findings illustrate that public housing tenants can play an active role in making
their environment more congruent with their needs and goals. In fact, control over
their life situation emerged as a theme in itself. Although peer-researchers con-
sidered their control limited, they discussed both formal (e.g., tenants’ association)
and informal (tenants’ initiatives) channels for appropriating more power. Such
channels appeared to not only enhance the tenants’ environmental mastery, but
also to promote social well-being. This is consistent with Horelli’s (2006) propos-
ition that appropriation of structures of the residential environment by residents
leads to the creation of a shared culture of community and social capital.
In line with its empowerment-based rationale (Wang & Burris, 1997) and pre-
vious empirical evidence (e.g., Duffy, 2011), the Photovoice approach appeared
to potentiate the active role of public housing tenants. Feedback gathered after
the end of the project suggests that participation had empowerment-related bene-
fits at personal, interpersonal, and collective levels. Several peer-researchers
expressed how much they appreciated that their opinions had been taken into
consideration by the team of researchers and shared with stakeholders. One par-
ticipant described how the project helped her overcome her shyness as she pre-
sented the findings to an assistance of more than 50 people at a conference.
Although several of the peer-researchers were volunteering in their community
before the project, others were only marginally mobilized. That two of these less
engaged participants collaborated on follow-up steps suggests a potential enduring
effect of the project. They appeared highly motivated to translate the results into
positive changes for their residential environment. In terms of concrete outcomes,
environmental improvements were observed following the project as a result of the
mobilization of peer-researchers and their community partners. This evidence,
although preliminary, supports the usefulness of the Photovoice method as a
means for social workers to support public housing communities in empowering
themselves.
Revising Honneth’s (1996) recognition model, Houston (2016) recently pro-
posed that social workers should strive to recognize the abilities and worth of
people from oppressed communities so they can achieve pride in themselves.
Restoring one’s pride through recognition has the power to activate one’s belief
that it is possible to change his/her social conditions. Through our research, such as
Houle et al. 21
during the exhibit which publicly celebrated peer-researchers’ expertise and

strengths, Photovoice has proved to be an efficient group-based strategy that
social workers could use as a powerful social recognition tool.
Limitations of the study

The Photovoice is designed to be used with small groups (Mahalingam & Caridad
Rabelo, 2013), allowing in-depth discussions of the issues photographed. In that
sense, the sample size of the study is adequate, near the median number of partici-
pants in Photovoice research (see reviews from Catalani & Minkler, 2010;
Hergenrather et al., 2009). However, when considering dominant research stand-
ards, the sample size remains a limitation that reduces generalizability. Peer-
researchers were advised not only to think about their own experience, but also
to think more globally in terms of the other tenants and what would be essential for
future public housing developments. Nevertheless, the fact that most participants
were women who were advanced in age might have biased the results. For example,
access to educational facilities and employment services was not salient. The fact
that many peer-researchers were volunteers in the housing development before the
study may have biased the results positively since community participation has
been associated with higher levels of residential satisfaction (Dassopoulos &
Monnat, 2011). While recognizing this as a limitation, we also note it as a strength,
since the participants’ greater involvement made them more knowledgeable regard-
ing their residential environment. The fact that several of the peer-researchers had
only recently been living in the public housing development was probably not
representative. On the other hand, when considering that people may adapt over
time to their residential situation through cognitive restructuring (Amérigo &
Aragonés, 1997), the peer-researchers’ fresher point of view could be seen as posi-
tive, as they probably were more likely to notice and report the negative elements.
Nevertheless, other studies could adopt a more personalized outreach approach to
ensure that men and people from diverse cultural backgrounds are represented, as
well as longer-term tenants. Finally, the fact that the public housing development
had recently been renovated could account, at least partially, for the positive obser-
vations made by the peer-researchers concerning the physical structures.
Given these barriers to standard generalization, the authors have opted in this
article to provide a ‘‘thick description’’ of the phenomenon and context
under study, so that readers can evaluate the transferability of the findings
(Miyata & Kai, 2009; Shenton, 2004), which is the appropriate approach to
take in a qualitative paradigm (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Some issues high-
lighted by the peer-researchers in this study seem similar to the experiences of
tenants from other developments in Québec (Canada). For example, issues asso-
ciated with the cost of using washing machines, as well as the lack of control felt by
tenants, have previously been highlighted by a provincial tenants’ organization
(Fédération des locataires d’habitations à loyer modique du Québec, 2013;
Labrecque, 2015).
Although the facilitators were instructed to let the group express its own point of
view on the pictures, their presence as community outsiders may have biased the
discussions. While the facilitators had not experienced living in a public housing
setting and were younger than most peer-researchers, some similarities between
both groups are noteworthy. They shared the same ethnic background, as they
were all White, Canadian, French-speaking individuals. One facilitator was a
woman, while the other was a man. His presence might have limited participants’
expression concerning certain topics that can be influenced by gender, such as
feeling safe in the neighborhood (Schafer, Huebner, & Bynum, 2006). A trusting
relationship nevertheless appeared to develop between both facilitators and the
peer-researchers. For example, during the process, peer-researchers were instructed
to contact the facilitators by phone for any problem or question related to their
work on the project. The fact that several peer-researchers did not hesitate to
contact both facilitators when needed is an indicator of the quality of the ensuing
relationship. Moreover, on various occasions following the Photovoice project,
peer-researchers invited the facilitators to community gatherings organized by
the tenants’ association.
Conclusion
Findings from the study suggest that, through the use of Photovoice, researchers
and practitioners can contribute to social work’s grand challenges, as recently
released by the American Academy of Social Work and Social Welfare. The present
research has developed new knowledge and promoted concrete positive outcomes
in relation to individual and family well-being, a stronger social fabric and a just
society. These have been identified as the three organizing areas of social work’s
grand challenges (Bent-Goodley, 2016).
Contrary to the majority of research on public housing, this study’s salutogenic
focus led to an understanding of what is ‘‘going right,’’ in addition to what is
‘‘going wrong’’ (Biswas-Diener & Patterson, 2011). However, the findings should
not be interpreted in a way that minimizes the difficulties public housing tenants
face. Neither should the entire responsibility of their well-being be put on their
shoulders. ‘‘Blaming the victim’’ (Ryan, 1976) has been highlighted as a paradox-
ical risk of positive approaches (e.g., Held, 2002). Rather, the overall transaction
between person and environment should be considered. Although peer-researchers
recognized their active role in improving the situation, they also expressed their fear
that local decision-makers might not support their initiatives. Tenants’ strengths
and mobilization should be harnessed as vectors for social change (Rappaport,
Davidson, Wilson, & Mitchell, 1975), while considering that a certain amount of
strategic external support is useful and sometimes essential (Foster-Fishman et al.,
2006). Community social workers therefore have to strive to find the right balance
between empowering and assisting. In the larger scheme, their work must also be
viewed as complementary to a wider societal effort to reduce place-based social
inequalities.
Houle et al. 23
Ethics
Ethical approval (S-705135) was granted by the institutional research ethics board for
research involving human participants at Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article: an Insight Development Grant (#430-2014-00483)
from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Acknowledgments
We want to acknowledge the invaluable contribution of the ten peer-researchers without
whom this research would have been impossible: AL, Claire Béliveau, CG, F Bisson,
Johanne, Lucie Cayouette, M Dunn, SD, Suzanne Raymond, and Valérie Lavoie. Thank
you so much for your time, creativity, motivation, and long-term commitment. We are also
grateful to Benoit Martel, Josiane Roy, and Andréa Jacques for their research assistance at
different stages of this project. We would like to underline the precious collaboration of the
Office municipal d’habitation de Montreál (Danielle Lacroix and Elaine St-Onge), the Maison
de la culture Pointe-aux-Trembles as well as the Community kitchen À toute vapeur.
Note
1. In the US and Canada, public housing refers to housing developments owned by a gov-
ernment agency who rents the units to low-income tenants (Sands, 2005). More large in
breadth, social housing includes the provision of public housing units, but also other
forms of housing for low-income people such as cooperative housing (Yuen, 2010). In
Québec, Canada, families living in public housing units pay a rent (including heating fees)
that equals 25% of their income. To be admissible, their income must be under a cut-off
that varies from region to region and depends on household size (Québec Government,
2016). For example, in the Montreal area where the study took place, the income cut-off
for a couple is C$27,500 (Québec Government, 2016). As a comparison, the median
income for couple families living in the province is C$78,230 (Statistics Canada, 2015).
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environment and jsw.sagepub.com

The first two authors have contributed equally

The influence of residential environment in public housing

Empowering through a Photovoice project

was to promote three dimensions of empowerment: distributive change—i.e.,

Table 1. Characteristics of the ten peer-researchers.

number of participants in previous Photovoice studies (Catalani & Minkler, 2010;

mobility limitations which possibly inﬂuenced their experience of the

2 – What around me makes me feel better? What makes me feel worse?

Codification. At the beginning of each session, the peer-researchers and facilitators

Figure 1. Examples of the most significant photos.

1. A pleasant home, inspiring pride

Peer-researchers highlighted the importance of an attractive, safe, and well-main-

Structures from Dimensions of positive well-being (Keyes, 2005)

Structures from Dimensions of positive well-being (Keyes, 2005)

2. Variety of local resources

On the positive side, participants photographed several resources available on-

3. Mutual support and social participation

Another theme was represented by pictures related to opportunities for tenants

The on-site community kitchen, of which several peer-researchers were members,

4. Control over life situations

5. Social, leisure, and growth opportunities

Peer-researchers were very positive regarding diﬀerent places in the neigh-

6. Beneﬁcial access to nature

Community intervention outcomes

tenants’ association, developed a list of ideas for activities to be oﬀered on-site. A

be used as a community intervention tool without focusing on the speciﬁc issues it

Tenants as active agents in improving the person–environment

during the exhibit which publicly celebrated peer-researchers’ expertise and

Limitations of the study

Fédération des locataires d’habitations à loyer modique du Québec. (2013). Laveuse et

Keyes, C. L. M. (2002). The mental health continuum: From languishing to flourishing in

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