Professional Documents
Culture Documents
(1750-1900)
1. BACKGROUND
ROMANTIC AGE
Introduction
The Romantic Period
by Harley Henry
The divine arts of imagination: imagination, the real & eternal world of
which this vegetable universe is but a faint shadow.
—William Blake
During the spring of 1798, two young English poets, aged 27 and 25, sold
some of their poems to raise money for a trip to Germany. Each had
published books of poetry, but a new joint work was to be anonymous. As
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, the younger of the pair, told the printer:
“Wordsworth’s name is nothing . . . mine stinks.”
Soon after they left England, their book, Lyrical Ballads, with a Few
Other Poems, appeared. Among the “few other poems” was Coleridge’s
long narrative The Rime of the Ancient Mariner (Collection 8) and a last-
minute addition, Wordsworth’s “Lines Composed a Few Miles Above
Tintern Abbey” (Collection 8). Both of these works are now among the
most important poems in English literature.
So began what is now called the “Romantic period” in England. Literary
historians have found other momentous events to mark its beginning and
end, but we should remember the casual, modest appearance of Lyrical
Ballads as we consider the Romantic period and the writers associated
with it.
The publication of a collection of poems called Lyrical Ballads, a
collaboration between William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor
Coleridge, began the Romantic period in England.
Turbulent Times, Bitter Realities
We think about this era in terms of some important historical events.
Beginning in America in 1776, an age of revolution swept across western
Europe, releasing political, economic, and social forces that produced,
during the next century, some of the most radical changes ever
experienced in human life. Another way to date the Romantic period is to
say that it started with the French Revolution in 1789 and ended with the
Parliamentary reforms of 1832 that laid the political foundations for
modern Britain. The era was dominated by six poets: Three (William
Blake, William Wordsworth, and Samuel Taylor Coleridge) were born
before the period began and lived through most or all of it, while three
others (the “second generation” of Percy Bysshe Shelley, John Keats, and
George Gordon, Lord Byron) began their short careers in the second
decade of the new century but died before 1825. It was a turbulent,
revolutionary age, one in which England changed from an agricultural
society to an industrial
nation with a large and restless working class concentrated in the teeming
mill towns.
We think about this era in terms of some important historical events.
Beginning in America in 1776, an age of revolution swept across western
Europe, releasing political, economic, and social forces that produced,
during the next century, some of the most radical changes ever
experienced in human life.
The American Revolution had lost for England her thirteen colonies. This
was a great economic loss, but it was also a loss of prestige and of
confidence. The more radical revolution in France, which started with the
storming of the prison called the Bastille on July 14, 1789, had far more
serious repercussions. For the ruling classes in England, the French
Revolution came to represent their worst fears: the overthrow of an
anointed king by a democratic “rabble.” To English conservatives, the
French Revolution meant the triumph of radical principles, and they feared
that the revolutionary fever would spread across the Channel.
But democratic idealists and liberals like Wordsworth felt exhilarated by
the events in France. During the revolution’s early years, they even made
trips to France to view the “new regime” at first hand, as if it were a
tourist attraction like the Acropolis in Greece. Wordsworth later wrote,
“Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, / But to be young was very heaven!”
Even Wordsworth became disillusioned, however, when in 1792 the
“September massacre” took place in France.
Hundreds of French aristocrats—some with only the slightest ties to the
regime of King Louis XVI—had their
heads severed from their bodies by a grisly new invention, the guillotine.
And that wasn’t the end of it. In the midst of the blood and turmoil and
calls from France for worldwide revolution, control of the French
government changed hands again. Napoleon Bonaparte, an officer in the
French army, emerged first as dictator and then, in 1804, as emperor of
France. In the end, Napoleon— whose very name today suggests a
tyrant—became as ruthless as the executed king himself.
All of these bewildering changes in western Europe made conservatives in
England more rigid than ever. England instituted severe repressive
measures: They outlawed collective bargaining and kept suspected spies
or agitators in prison without a trial. In 1803, England began a long war
against Napoleon. English guns first defeated Napoleon’s navy at the
Battle of Trafalgar and, finally, in 1815, with the help of allies, sent his
army packing at Waterloo, Belgium.
The conservatives in England felt they had saved their country from a
tyrant and from chaos; the early supporters of the revolution, like
Wordsworth, felt betrayed. For them, Waterloo was simply the defeat of
one tyrant by another.
Political upheaval in France and the United States touched England as
well. Conservative economic and political measures and a lengthy war
against Napoleon consolidated the power of the rich.
The Tyranny of Laissez Faire
At the same time, the Industrial Revolution was bringing about other
changes in English life. Previously, goods had been made by hand, at
home. Now, production switched to factories, where machines worked
many times faster than human beings could work by hand. Since factories
were in cities, the city populations increased, causing desperate living
conditions that would appall even the most hardened social worker today.
In addition, the communal land once shared by small farmers was taken
over by individual owners. Some of these rich owners transformed the
fields into vast private parks, generously stocked with deer for their own
Christmas hunts. Others divided the land neatly into privately held fields.
Whatever happened to the land, it was no longer communally owned. This
resulted in large numbers of landless people. Just as some unemployed and
homeless do today, these landless people migrated to cities in search of
work. Or they went on the dole, or welfare.
The economic philosophy that kept all this misery going was a policy
called laissez faire, “let (people) do (as they please).” According to this
policy, economic forces should be allowed to operate freely without
government
interference. The result of laissez faire was that the rich grew richer, and
the poor suffered even more. The
system, of course, had its most tragic effects on the helpless, especially the
children. Small children of the poor were often used like beasts of burden.
In the coal pits, for example, very small children were even harnessed to
carts for dragging coal, just as if they had been small donkeys.
Frustrated by England’s resistance to political and social change that
would improve conditions, the Romantic
poets turned from the formal, public verse of the eighteenth-century
Augustans to a more private, spontaneous, lyric poetry. These lyrics
expressed the Romantics’ belief that imagination, rather than mere reason,
was the best response to the forces of change. Wordsworth spoke of
imagination this way:
The poets of the Romantic age can be classified into three groups—
(i) The Lake School, consisting of Wordsworth, Coleridge and
Southey; (ii) The Scott group including Campbell and Moore; and
(iii) The group comprising Byron, Shelley, and Keats. The first two
groups were distinctly earlier than the third, so we have two eight
years flood periods of supremely great poetry, namely 1798-1806
and 1816-1824, separated by a middle period when by comparison
creative energy had ebbed.
The great novelists of the Romantic period are Jane Austen and
Scott, but before them there appeared some novelists who came
under the spell of medievalism and wrote novels of ‘terror’ or the
‘Gothic novels’. The origin of this type of fiction can be ascribed to
Horace Walpole’s (1717-97) The Castle of Otranto (1746). Here the
story in set in medieval Italy and it includes a gigantic helmet that
can strike dead its victims, tyrants, supernatural intrusions,
mysteries and secrets. There were a number of imitators of such a
type of novel during the eighteenth century as well as in the
Romantic period.
(i) The Gothic Novel
The most popular of the writers of the ‘terror’ or ‘Gothic’ novel
during the Romantic age was Mrs. Ann Radciffe (1764-1823), of
whose five novels the best-known are The Mysteries of Udolpho
and the Italian. She initiated the mechanism of the ‘terror’ tale as
practiced by Horace Walpole and his followers, but combined it
with sentimental but effective description of scenery. The Mysteries
of Udolpho relates the story of an innocent and sensitive girl who
falls in the hands of a heartless villain named Montoni. He keeps
her in a grim and isolated castle full of mystery and terror. The
novels of Mrs. Radcliffe became very popular, and they influenced
some of the great writers like Byron and Shelley. Later they
influenced the Bronte sisters whose imagination was stimulated by
these strange stories.
Though Mrs. Radcliffe was the prominent writer of ‘Gothic’ novels,
there were a few other novelists who earned popularity by writing
such novels. They were Mathew Gregory (‘Monk’) Lewis (1775-
1818). Who wrote The Monk, Tales of Terror and Tales of Wonder;
and Charles Robert Maturin whose Melmoth the Wanderer exerted
great influence in France. But the most popular of all ‘terror’ tales
was Frankestein (1817) written by Mrs. Shelley. It is the story of a
mechanical monster with human powers capable of performing
terrifying deeds. Of all the ‘Gothic’ novels it is the only one which is
popular even today.
(ii) Jane Austen (1775-1817)
Jane Austen brought good sense and balance to the English novel which
during the Romantic age had become too emotional and undisciplined.
Giving a loose rein to their imagination the novelist of the period carried
themselves away from the world around them into a romantic past or into
a romantic future. The novel, which in the hands of Richardson and
Fielding had been a faithful record of real life and of the working of heart
and imagination, became in the closing years of the eighteenth century
the literature of crime, insanity and terror. It, therefore, needed
castigation and reform which were provided by Jane Austen. Living a
quiet life she published her six novels anonymously, which have now
placed her among the front rank of English novelists. She did for the
English novel precisely what the Lake poets did for English poetry—she
refined and simplified it, making it a true reflection of English life. As
Wordsworth made a deliberate effort to make poetry natural and truthful,
Jane Austen also from the time she started writing her first novel—Pride
and Prejudice, had in her mind the idea of presenting English country
society exactly as it was, in opposition to the romantic extravagance of
Mrs. Radcliffe and her school. During the time of great turmoil and
revolution in various fields, she quietly went on with her work, making no
great effort to get a publisher, and, when a publisher was got, contenting
herself with meagre remuneration and never permitting her name to
appear on a title page. She is one of the sincerest examples in English
literature of art for art’s sake.
In all Jane Austen wrote six novels—Pride and Prejudice, Sense and
Sensibility, Emma, Mansefield Park, Northanger Abbey and Persuasion.
Of these Pride and Prejudice is the best and most widely read of her
novels. Sense and Sensibility, Emma and Mansefield are now placed
among the front rank of English novels. From purely literary point of view
Northanger Abbey gets the first place on account of the subtle humour
and delicate satire it contains against the grotesque but popular ‘Gothic’
novels.
As a novelist Jane Austen worked in a narrow field. She was the daughter
of a humble clergyman living in a little village. Except for short visits to
neighbouring places, she lived a static life but she had such a keen power
of observation that the simple country people became the characters of
her novels. The chief duties of these people were of the household, their
chief pleasures were in country gatherings and their chief interest was in
matrimony. It is the small, quiet world of these people, free from the
mighty interests, passions, ambitious and tragic struggles of life, that Jane
Austin depicts in her novels. But in spite of these limitations she has
achieved wonderful perfection in that narrow field on account of her acute
power of observation, her fine impartiality and self-detachment, and her
quiet, delicate and ironical humour. Her circumstances helped her to give
that finish and delicacy to her work, which have made them artistically
prefect. Novel-writing was a part of her everyday life, to be placed aside
should a visitor come, to be resumed when he left, to be purused
unostentatiously and tranquilly in the midst of the family circle. She knew
precisely what she wanted to do, and she did it in the way that suited her
best. Though in her day she did not receive the appreciation she deserved,
posterity has given her reward by placing this modest, unassuming
woman who died in her forties, as one of the greatest of English novelists.
Among her contemporaries only Scott, realised the greatness and
permanent worth of her work, and most aptly remarked: “That young lady
has a talent for describing the involvements and feelings and characters of
ordinary life which is to me the most wonderful I ever met with. The big
bowbow strain I can do myself, like any now going, but the exquisite touch
which renders ordinary commonplace things and characters interesting
from the truth of the description and the sentiment, is denied to me, What
a pity such a gifted creature died so early!”
(iii) Sir Walter Scott (1771-1832)
Walter Scott’s qualities as a novelist were vastly different form those of
Jane Austen. Whereas she painted domestic miniatures, Scott depicted
pageantry of history on broader canvases. Jane Austen is precise and
exact in whatever she writes; Scott is diffusive and digressive. Jane Austen
deals with the quiet intimacies of English rural life free from high
passions, struggles and great actions; Scott, on the other hand, deals with
the chivalric, exciting, romantic and adventurous life of the Highlanders—
people living on the border of England and Scotland, among whom he
spent much of his youth, or with glorious scenes of past history.
During his first five or six years of novel-writing Scott confined himself to
familiar scenes and characters. The novels which have a local colour and
are based on personal observations are Guy Mannering, The Antiquary,
Old Mortality and The Heart of Midlothian. His first attempt at a
historical novel was Ivanhoe (1819) followed by Kenilworth (1821),
Quentin Durward (1823), and The Talisman (1825). He returned to
Scottish antiquity from time to time as in The Monastery (1820) and St.
Ronan’s Well (1823).
In all these novels Scott reveals himself as a consummate storyteller. His
leisurely unfolding of the story allows of digression particularly in the
descriptions of natural scenes or of interiors. Without being historical in
the strict sense he conveys a sense of the past age by means of a wealth of
colourful descriptions, boundless vitality and with much humour and
sympathy. The historical characters which he has so beautifully portrayed
that they challenge comparison with the characters of Shakespeare,
include Queen Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Scott. Besides these he has
given us a number of imperishable portraits of the creatures of his
imagination. He is a superb master of the dialogue which is invariably
true to character.
The novels of Scott betray the same imaginative joy in the recreation of
the past as his poetry, but the novel offered him a more adaptable and
wider field than the narrative poem. It gave him a better opportunity for
the display of his varied gifts, his antiquarian knowledge, his observation
of life and character, his delight in popular as well as courtly scenes, and
his rich humour.
Scott is the first English writer of the historical novel, and he made very
enduring contributions to its development in England as well as in
Europe. He was by temperament and training perfectly suited to the
accomplishment of this task. In the first place he had acquired a profound
knowledge of history by his copious reading since his earliest youth. He
had the zest of the story-teller, and a natural heartiness which made him
love life in all its manifestations. He had an innate sense of the
picturesque, developed by his passion for antiquarianism. His
conservative temper which turned him away from the contemporary
revolutionary enthusiasm, gave him a natural sympathy for the days of
chivalry. In the Romantic age, Scott was romantic only in his love of the
picturesque and his interest in the Middle Ages.
Scott was the first novelist in Europe who made the scene an essential
element in action. He knew Scotland, and loved it, and there is hardly an
event in any of his Scottish novels in which we do not breathe the very
atmosphere of the place, and feel the presence of its moors and
mountains. He chooses the place so well and describes it so perfectly, that
the action seems almost to be result of natural environment.
Though the style of Scott is often inartistic, heavy and dragging; the love
interest in his novels is apt to be insipid and monotonous; he often
sketches a character roughly and plunges him into the midst of stirring
incidents; and he has no inclinations for tracing the logical consequences
of human action—all these objections and criticisms are swept away in the
end by the broad, powerful current of his narrative genius. Moreover,
Scott’s chief claim to greatness lies in the fact that he was the first novelist
to recreate the past in such a manner that the men and women of the
bygone ages, and the old scenes became actually living, and throbbing
with life. Carlyle very pertinently remarked about Scott’s novels: “These
historical novels have taught this truth unknown to the writers of history,
that the bygone ages of the world were actually filled by living men, not by
protocols, state papers, controversies, and abstractions of men.”
VICTORIAN AGE
CARLYLE'S RESPOSNE
Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881), a contemporary of Romantic poets,
translator of Goethe and historian of the French Revolution, began a
public discourse about the condition of English society in the time of the
Industrial Revolution. Carlyle’s Calvinistic upbringing may have exerted
influence on his pessimistic assessment of the contemporary society. He
was the most widely respected Victorian sage and social critic. He wrote
political essays, historiography, philosophical satires and fiction in which
he often blurred the boundaries between literary genres. Carlyle was an
individualist, who identified the modern technical civilisation with the
gradual loss of individual freedom. He criticised both the feudal and
capitalist systems in his works, Sartor Resartus, Chartism, Past and
Present and Latter-Day Pamphlets.
The phrase “Condition of England Question” was first used by Carlyle in
Chartism (1839), which significantly contributed to the emergence of a
series of debates about the spiritual and material foundations of England
and it had a great effect on a number of writers of fiction in the Victorian
era and after. Carlyle was concerned with the “two nations theme”, the
rich and the poor. Likewise, a number of Victorian condition of England
novelists, particularly Benjamin Disraeli, Elizabeth Gaskell, Charles
Dickens, and Charles Kingsley, attempted with varying effect, to persuade
the reading public to look for ways of reducing the gap between the “two
nations”. Carlyle contributed to the awakening of social conscience among
the reading public and understood well the social and political importance
of literature. He attacked the growing materialism of Victorian society and
its laissez-faire doctrine. In his attacks on the wealthy Carlyle anticipated
some of the ideas of the condition-of England novels. He also inspired
social reformers, such as John Ruskin and William Morris.
Chartism
Past and Present (1843), which opens with a visit to a workhouse, was
written as a response to the economic crisis which began in the early
1840’s. This book, like its predecessor, Chartism (1839), and The Latter-
Day Pamphlets (1850), presents a further analysis of the condition of
England question. Carlyle opposed the medieval past and the turbulent
Victorian present of the 1830s and 1840s. For him, the latter was a time of
uncontrolled industrialisation, worship of money, exploitation of the week,
low wages, poverty, unemployment and riots, which would bring England
to self-destruction. In Book 1: Proem, Carlyle expresses his critical
opinion about the present Condition of England in an elevated, prophetic
language. Despite England’s abundant resources, the poor classes are
living in deprivation.
The condition of England, on which many pamphlets are now in the
course of publication, and many thoughts unpublished are going in every
reflective head, is justly regarded as one of the most ominous, and withal
one of the strangest, ever seen in this world. [71]
Carlyle shows a depressing picture of the daily life of the workers, many
of whom and are unable to find meaningful work.
Of these successful skilful workers some two millions, it is now counted,
sit in Workhouses, Poor-law Prisons; or have “out-door relief” flung over
the wall to them, — the workhouse Bastille being filled to bursting, and
the strong Poor-law broken asunder by a stronger. [71-72]
Carlyle’s solution was the same as that proposed in Sartor Resartus (1832)
— a spiritual rebirth of both the individual and society. The two sections
of the book show the contrasting visions of the past and the present. His
idealised vision of the past is based on the chronicle of the English monk,
Jocelyn of Brakelond (fl. 1200), who described the life of the abbot
Samson and his monks of St. Edmund’s monastery. Carlyle shows the
organisation of life and work of the medieval monks as an authentic idyll,
whereas he finds contemporary life increasingly unbearable due to the lack
of true leadership.
Carlyle argues that a new “Aristocracy of Talent” should take the lead in
the country, and the English people must themselves choose true heroes
and not sham-heroes or quacks. In the third chapter of the fourth book of
Past and Present, Carlyle makes three practical suggestions for the
improvement of social conditions in England. He calls for the introduction
of legal hygienic measures, improvement of education and promotion of
emigration. Although the first two proposals were soon adopted, the third
proposal affected mainly the Irish and Scottish people, and, in a smaller
degree, the English population.
REFORM ACTS
British Parliaments in the late 18th Century did not represent democracies
in the way that we would expect a parliament to do today - indeed it is
unlikely that many Parliamentarians would have wished for this sort of
representation to occur. Regular elections were usually used as a
confirmation of a ministry's power rather than an attempt to change it.
Electors did not vote for parties in the modern sense and many elections
were uncontested. Generally ministers were chosen by the King. This
choice was based on a variety of factors including personal whim and
whether they would support his preferred policies. Parliament did have
power over the King, mostly invested in the bargaining that would result
over payment of royal expenses and the Civil List. Government was also
localised: it did not deal with economic management, health and
education, for example. Parliaments and governments maintained a laissez
faire attitude, encouraging limited control on the country other than
through taxation and development of the laws of the land.
The end of the war (1815) did not produce prosperity. Continued heavy
taxation and The Corn Laws (1815) accentuated the poverty of the
common people particularly by pushing up the price of bread. The Corn
Laws demonstrated that where the government had an interest, it was
possible and permissible to interfere with the economy of the state. Many
in the middling classes were expressing some dissent about these issues
but they also felt undermined by radical protest in the provinces, and were
scathing of such unlawfulness. The Peterloo Massacre, in which 11 were
killed and many injured, was an example of the repression of
demonstrations carried out . Many other demonstrations occurred in
Birmingham, Manchester and other newly-industrialised towns.
By 1820 prosperity began to increase and immediate concern about
Parliamentary reform was lessened throughout the mid-1820s. In 1828
Wellington introduced the Catholic Relief Act that proved unpopular
among fellow Tories. The government was left weak and this, as well as
an economic depression, led to his resignation. Reform again became an
issue in the provinces.
Grey was asked to form a coalition, which saw Whigs back in government
for the first time since 1806. They began work on a Reform Bill1. By this
stage, in the country at large, demand for reform was rife, with many
suggesting the possibility of a revolution. The government planned to
make enough concessions to enable such a threat to be largely reduced and
to ensure that the Bill would be approved.
Grey appointed a committee including Lord Russell to make a measure
'large enough to satisfy public opinion, but maintaining the essential
character of the constitution'. Russell introduced a Reform Bill to
Commons in March 1831. The Bill planned to disenfranchise small
boroughs. Some seats were to be redistributed to unrepresented boroughs,
some to counties. The vote was to be given to those owning buildings
worth £10 or more in boroughs.
The Whigs were careful not to concede more than necessary. The aim was
to allow some middle classes the vote. Prosperity was the only yardstick
of respectability and the ability to vote responsibly. There were objections
by many, concentrating on radical aspects, who saw that this would mean
a decline in the importance of the Lords. It was seen as the thin end of the
wedge.
Political wrangles continued for over a year, reaching a crucial point in
April 1831 when Grey appealed to the electorate, particularly looking at
open boroughs or counties who appeared to support reform. The
opposition continued to delay the Bill, which eventually got through the
Commons, only to be thrown out of the Lords by 41 votes. An explosion
of fury followed across the country with meetings held, riots and outrage
from radical newspapers. Grey was left with two options, to ask King
William IV to create more peers or to make changes to the Bill. He chose
the latter.
The revised Bill was introduced in December 1831. It passed through the
Commons and then returned to the Lords. A crisis ensued when the Tories
tried to enforce further amendments. Grey would not stand for this and
asked the King to create peers, which would allow the standing Commons
to govern with an appropriate majority in both houses, if necessary. When
the King refused, Grey resigned.
Wellington was invited to form an administration but could not so Grey
was asked to return. The King eventually had to agree, in principle, to
create peers. However, the threat of this happening was enough to push the
Bill through and it finally received Royal Assent on 7 June, 1832. The Bill
was finalised and has since been described as The Great Reform Act.
The Act abolished many rotten or 'pocket' boroughs - their seats being
redistributed to form constituencies in new towns. Some large towns such
as Manchester and Birmingham had not been represented until this point.
The franchise was extended to all householders at £10 or over and to those
£50 leaseholders. However, the situation for voting in the counties
remained as before.
Some historians debate whether the threat of revolution was real or
imagined, and how much this threat influenced overall decisions.
In the aftermath, the House of Commons remained largely aristocratic in
composition. Fourty four percent of members were landed gentry or
aristocrats in 1865. This was due to many factors, including the expense of
elections together with an increased cost in buying votes. Violence was
also increasingly common in elections. An unseen by-product of the Bill
was that political parties were stronger than before and the party could
usually impose ministers on the monarch (because this encouraged a
stronger feeling that elections were a symbol of the will of the people).
Chartism
This was a movement for political reform formed to advocate the People's
Charter of 1838 - an internationally acknowledged statement of working-
class political 'rights' which was conceived in London. The movement
formulated proposals calling for universal male suffrage, annual
parliaments, payment of MPs, vote by ballot and abolition of property
qualifications for MPs.
A national convention met in 1839 and a petition, ultimately rejected, was
produced at the Commons by radical MP Attwood. The movement
showed signs of splits in its intentions but in 1842 it established a further
petition that was also rejected. 1848 saw agitation all over Europe and
many Chartist demonstrations. After a huge demonstration in London a
third petition was produced in 1848. This was again rejected and the
movement foundered because of poor leadership and mixed views over
aims.
Public perceptions altered when it was discovered that the last of these
petitions contained many false names. However, the Chartist movement
generally was important in establishing ideas that were later essential to
the process of Parliamentary Reform.
The Repeal of the Corn Laws by Peel was seen as important to reform as
he rejected going to the electorate over the issue, thus demonstrating his
belief that Parliament had supremacy over policy, even though this split
his party. This established for many the idea that there was a need for
further reform, while reinforcing for others the need to confirm the status
quo.
In 1858, MPs removed the property qualifications required for members to
stand as these were largely irrelevant and often circumvented. Further
reform was barely mentioned in the early 1850s with the exception of
proposals by a few committed radicals and, in particular, by Lord Russell.
Russell attempted to introduce reform bills in 1851 and 1854 but these
were rejected.
In 1858 Disraeli suggested that reform could be an answer to help reviving
Conservative fortunes. He pointed out that the 1832 Act had actually
served their interests, leading to the conclusion that a further act may
actually increase their popularity. As a result Derby and Disraeli
introduced a reform Bill in 1858 but with additional Russell motions, the
Bill failed and they resigned.
The Palmerston-Russell ministry which followed in 1859 was dependent
on Radical members. A Bill was introduced in 1860 which proposed a £6
rental voting qualification in boroughs and £10 in counties. Most objected
to it - including some radicals - who found it too mild.
No further attempts to reform Parliament were made until 1866. The
Radical leader, Bright, attempted to agitate in the early 1860s. Opinion
appeared muted and this continued until ideas were revived following
events in America (The US Civil War) and Italy (emerging as a nation
state with parliamentary democracy). This renewed enthusiasm for greater
democracy.
In 1864, Gladstone positioned himself as a reformer2 and it became clear
that should the opportunity arise, the Liberals would compel Gladstone to
react. The National Reform Union (allied to the Liberals) was formed in
that year, establishing branches throughout the country. Ideas proposed
included triennial parliament, ballots, redistribution of seats and ratepayer
franchise. It avoided universal male suffrage partly to appease the middle
classes. The National Reform League was also formed - this was more
radical and did seek universal male suffrage. Both movements agitated for
reform.
In 1865 the Liberals were returned to office and on 18 October Palmerston
died and Russell became Prime Minister. Radical elements were
introduced to Cabinet because of the lack of support for the ministry from
right-wing Liberals. Radicals forced Russell to introduce a Reform Bill3.
The Bill proposed suffrage based on a £7 rental qualification. Most
Liberals rejected this. The Conservatives acted in order to force the
government out and, in July, Derby and Disraeli took office and took over
the Bill.
New crises emerged with further demonstrations and agitation, including
the Hyde Park Riots which cause widespread consternation.
The Derby/Disraeli administration saw the sponsorship of reform not only
as a placatory gesture to demonstrators, but also as an expedient gesture to
keep the administration going and crack the Liberals. In November 1866
they persuaded Cabinet to agree on this. Due to various political
manoeuvrings, including Disraeli's desire to undermine Gladstone and his
own ideas on the need for reform, the Bill was introduced. It underwent
many amendments and although some senior Conservatives objected to it
as an attempt to destroy the political effectiveness of the landed interest, it
gained Royal Assent in August 1867. This was known as the Second
Reform Act.
Further Reforms
Conclusion
2. VICTORIAN POETRY