Left-wing market anarchism

Left-wing market anarchism[1][2] is a strand of free-market anarchism and an individualist anarchist,[3] left-
libertarian[2][4] and libertarian socialist[5] political philosophy and market socialist[6] economic theory
associated with contemporary scholars such as Kevin Carson,[7][8] Gary Chartier,[9] Charles W. Johnson,[10]
Roderick T. Long,[11][12] Chris Matthew Sciabarra,[13] Sheldon Richman[4][14][15] and Brad Spangler,[16]
who stress the value of radically free markets, termed freed markets to distinguish them from the common
conception which these libertarians believe to be riddled with statist and capitalist privileges.[17] Proponents of
this approach distinguish themselves from right-libertarians and strongly affirm the classical liberal ideas of
self-ownership and free markets while maintaining that taken to their logical conclusions these ideas support
anti-capitalist, anti-corporatist, anti-hierarchical and pro-labor positions in economics; anti-imperialism in
foreign policy; and thoroughly radical views regarding socio-cultural issues.[18][19][20][21]

The genealogy of left-wing market anarchism, sometimes labeled market-oriented or free-market left-
libertarianism,[2][4] overlaps to a significant degree with that of Steiner–Vallentyne left-libertarianism as the
roots of that tradition are sketched in the book The Origins of Left-Libertarianism.[22][23] Carson–Long-style
left-libertarianism is rooted in 19th-century mutualism and in the work of figures such as Thomas Hodgskin,
French Liberal School thinkers such as Gustave de Molinari and American individualist anarchists such as
Benjamin Tucker and Lysander Spooner, among others.[4][23] Several left-wing market anarchists who come
from the left-Rothbardian school or tradition cite Murray Rothbard's homestead principle with approval to
support worker cooperatives.[24][25] While with notable exceptions libertarians in the United States after the
heyday of individualist anarchism tended to ally with the political right, relationships between such libertarians
and the New Left thrived in the 1960s, laying the groundwork for modern left-wing market anarchism.[24]

Left-wing market anarchism identifies with left-libertarianism,[26] a position which names several related yet
distinct approaches to politics, society, culture and political and social theory, stressing both individual freedom
and social justice. Unlike right-libertarians, left-libertarians believe that neither claiming nor mixing one's labor
with natural resources is enough to generate full private property rights and maintain that all natural resources
such as land, oil and gold ought to be held in some egalitarian manner, either unowned or owned
collectively.[27][28][29][30] Those left-libertarians who support private property do so under different property
norms[31][32][33][34] and theories,[35][36][37] or under the condition that recompense is offered to the local or
global community.[30]

Contents
History
Mutualism
Individualist anarchism in the United States
Theorists
Kevin Carson
Gary Chartier
Theory
Cultural politics
Labor rights
Property rights
 Internal disputes and views on property
Tuckerites
Rothbardians

See also
References
Further reading
External links

History

Mutualism

Mutualism began in 18th-century English and French labour movements

before taking an anarchist form associated with Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
in France and others in the United States.[38] Proudhon proposed
spontaneous order, whereby organisation emerges without central
authority, a "positive anarchy" where order arises when everybody does
"what he wishes and only what he wishes"[39] and where "business
transactions alone produce the social order".[40]

Proudhon distinguished between ideal political possibilities and practical

governance. For this reason, much in contrast to some of his theoretical
statements concerning ultimate spontaneous self-governance, Proudhon
was heavily involved in French parliamentary politics and allied himself
not with anarchist, but rather with socialist factions of workers
movements and in addition to advocating state-protected charters for
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the first
worker-owned cooperatives he also promoted certain nationalization
self-identified anarchist,
schemes during his life of public service.
supported a free-market
anarchism called mutualism
Mutualism is concerned with reciprocity, free association, voluntary
contract, federation and credit and currency reform. According to the
American mutualist William Batchelder Greene, each worker in the
mutualist system would receive "just and exact pay for his work; services equivalent in cost being
exchangeable for services equivalent in cost, without profit or discount".[41] Mutualism has been
retrospectively characterised as ideologically situated between individualist and collectivist forms of
anarchism.[42][43] Proudhon first characterised his goal as a "third form of society, the synthesis of communism
and property".[44][45]

Individualist anarchism in the United States

American individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker identified as a socialist[46] and argued that the elimination
of what he called the four monopolies—the land monopoly, the money and banking monopoly, the monopoly
powers conferred by patents and the quasi-monopolistic effects of tariffs—would undermine the power of the
wealthy and big business, making possible widespread property ownership and higher incomes for ordinary
people while minimizing the power of would-be bosses and achieving socialist goals without state action.
Tucker influenced and interacted with anarchist contemporaries—including Lysander Spooner, Voltairine de
Cleyre, Dyer D. Lum and William B. Greene—who have in various ways influenced later left-libertarian
thinking.[47]

The doyen of modern American market-oriented libertarianism, Austrian School economist Murray Rothbard,
was initially an enthusiastic partisan of the Old Right, particularly because of its general opposition to war and
imperialism.[48] However, Rothbard had long embraced a reading of American history that emphasized the
role of elite privilege in shaping legal and political institutions—one that was naturally agreeable to many on
the left—and came increasingly in the 1960s to seek alliances on the left—especially with members of the
New Left—in light of the Vietnam War,[49] the military draft and the emergence of the Black Power
movement.[50]

Working with other radicals like Ronald Radosh[51] and Karl Hess,[52] Rothbard argued that the consensus
view of American economic history, according to which a beneficent government has used its power to
counter corporate predation, is fundamentally flawed. Rather, he argued, government intervention in the
economy has largely benefited established players at the expense of marginalized groups, to the detriment of
both liberty and equality. Moreover, the robber baron period, hailed by the right and despised by the left as a
heyday of laissez-faire, was not characterized by laissez-faire at all, but it was in fact a time of massive state
privilege accorded to capital.[53][54] In tandem with his emphasis on the intimate connection between state and
corporate power, he defended the seizure of corporations dependent on state largesse by workers and
others.[55] While Rothbard himself ultimately broke with the left, allying himself instead with the burgeoning
paleoconservative movement,[56][57] that alliance layed the groundwork for modern left-wing market
anarchism.[24]

Anti-capitalist libertarianism was the dominant form of libertarianism in the United States through much of the
19th century and early 20th century, but it declined since the mid-to-late 20th century, although it has recently
aroused renewed interest in the early 21st century. The Winter 2006 issue of the Journal of Libertarian Studies
published by the Mises Institute was dedicated to reviews of Kevin Carson's Studies in Mutualist Political
Economy.[58] Drawing on the work of Rothbard during his alliance with the left and on the thought of Hess,
some thinkers associated with market-oriented libertarianism came increasingly to identify with the left on a
range of issues, including opposition to war, to corporate oligopolies and to state-corporate partnerships as well
as an affinity for cultural liberalism. One variety of this kind of libertarianism has been a resurgent mutualism,
incorporating modern economic ideas such as marginal utility theory into mutualist theory. Kevin Carson's
Studies in Mutualist Political Economy,[59] first published in 2006, helped to stimulate the growth of new-style
mutualism, articulating a version of the labor theory of value incorporating ideas drawn from Austrian
economics.[60]

While other market-oriented left-libertarians have declined to embrace mutualist views of real property, they
share the left-libertarian opposition to corporate hierarchies and wealth concentration.[61] Those left-
libertarians have placed particular emphasis on the articulation and defense of a libertarian theory of class and
class conflict, although considerable work in this area has been performed by libertarians of other
persuasions.[62] The Alliance of the Libertarian Left is a left-wing market anarchist organization that includes a
multi-tendency coalition of agorists, geolibertarians, green libertarians, minarchists, mutualists and
voluntaryists.[63]

In the 21st century, the Really Really Free Market movement is a horizontally organized collective of
individuals who form a temporary market based on an alternative gift economy. The movement aims to
counteract capitalism in a proactive way by creating a positive example to challenge the myths of scarcity and
competition. The name is a play on words as it is a reinterpretation and re-envisioning of free market, a term
which generally refers to an economy of consumerism governed by supply and demand.[64]
Theorists

Kevin Carson

Kevin Carson describes his politics as on "the outer fringes of both free market libertarianism and socialism".
He has identified the work of Benjamin Tucker, Thomas Hodgskin, Ralph Borsodi, Paul Goodman, Lewis
Mumford, Elinor Ostrom, Peter Kropotkin and Ivan Illich as sources of inspiration for his approach to politics
and economics.[65] In addition to individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker's "big four" monopolies (land,
money, tariffs and patents), Carson argues that the state has also transferred wealth to the wealthy by
subsidizing organizational centralization in the form of transportation and communication subsidies. He
believes that Tucker overlooked this issue due to Tucker's focus on individual market transactions whereas
Carson also focuses on organizational issues. The theoretical sections of Studies in Mutualist Political
Economy are presented as an attempt to integrate marginalist critiques into the labor theory of value.[66]

Carson has also been highly critical of intellectual property.[67] The primary focus of his most recent work has
been decentralized manufacturing and the informal and household economies.[68] In response to claims that he
uses the term capitalism incorrectly, Carson says he is deliberately choosing to resurrect what he claims to be
an old definition of the term in order to "make a point". He claims that "the term 'capitalism,' as it was
originally used, did not refer to a free market, but to a type of statist class system in which capitalists controlled
the state and the state intervened in the market on their behalf".[69]

Carson holds that "capitalism, arising as a new class society directly from the old class society of the Middle
Ages, was founded on an act of robbery as massive as the earlier feudal conquest of the land. It has been
sustained to the present by continual state intervention to protect its system of privilege without which its
survival is unimaginable".[70] Carson argues that in a truly laissez-faire system, the ability to extract a profit
from labor and capital would be negligible.[71] Carson coined the pejorative term vulgar libertarianism, a
phrase that describes the use of a free market rhetoric in defense of corporate capitalism and economic
inequality. According to Carson, it is derived from the term vulgar political economy, a phrase which Karl
Marx described as an economic order that "deliberately becomes increasingly apologetic and makes strenuous
attempts to talk out of existence the ideas which contain the contradictions [existing in economic life]".[72]

Gary Chartier

Gary Chartier offers an understanding of property rights as contingent yet tightly constrained social strategies,
reflective of the importance of multiple, overlapping rationales for separate ownership and of natural law
principles of practical reasonableness, defending robust but non-absolute protections for these rights in a
manner similar to that employed by David Hume.[73] This account is distinguished both from Lockean and
neo-Lockean views which deduce property rights from the idea of self-ownership and from consequentialist
accounts that might license widespread ad hoc interference with the possessions of groups and
individuals.[74][75] Chartier uses this account to ground a clear statement of the natural law basis for the view
that solidaristic wealth redistribution by individual persons is often morally required, but as a response by
individuals and grass-roots networks to particular circumstances rather than as a state-driven attempt to achieve
a particular distributive pattern.[76] He advances detailed arguments for workplace democracy rooted in such
natural law principles as subsidiarity,[77] defending it as morally desirable and as a likely outcome of the
elimination of injustice rather than as something to be mandated by the state.[78] He discusses natural law
approaches to land reform and to the occupation of factories by workers.[79]

Chartier objects on natural law grounds to intellectual property protections, drawing on his theory of property
rights more generally[80] and develops a general natural law account of boycotts.[81] He has argued that
proponents of genuinely freed markets should explicitly reject capitalism and identify with the global anti-
capitalist movement while emphasizing that the abuses the anti-capitalist movement highlights result from
state-tolerated violence and state-secured privilege rather than from voluntary cooperation and exchange.
According to Chartier, "it makes sense for [left-libertarians] to name what they oppose "capitalism." Doing so
[...] ensures that advocates of freedom aren't confused with people who use market rhetoric to prop up an
unjust status quo, and expresses solidarity between defenders of freed markets and workers – as well as
ordinary people around the world who use "capitalism" as a short-hand label for the world-system that
constrains their freedom and stunts their lives".[70]

Theory
Arguing that vast disparities in wealth and social influence result from the use of force and especially state
power to steal and engross land and acquire and maintain special privileges, members of this thought typically
urge the abolition of the state. They judge that in a stateless society the kinds of privileges secured by the state
will be absent and injustices perpetrated or tolerated by the state can be rectified. These left-libertarians rejects
"what critics call "atomistic individualism". With freed markets, they argue that "it is we collectively who
decide who controls the means of production", leading to "a society in which free, voluntary, and peaceful
cooperation ultimately controls the means of production for the good of all people".[82] According to
libertarian scholar Sheldon Richman, left-libertarians "favor worker solidarity vis-à-vis bosses, support poor
people's squatting on government or abandoned property, and prefer that corporate privileges be repealed
before the regulatory restrictions on how those privileges may be exercised", seeing Walmart as a "symbol of
corporate favoritism" which is "supported by highway subsidies and eminent domain", viewing "the fictive
personhood of the limited-liability corporation with suspicion" and "doubt[ing] that Third World sweatshops
would be the "best alternative" in the absence of government manipulation". These left-libertarians "tend to
eschew electoral politics, having little confidence in strategies that work through the government. They prefer
to develop alternative institutions and methods of working around the state".[4]

Gary Chartier has joined Kevin Carson, Charles W. Johnson and others (echoing the language of Stephen
Pearl Andrews, William Batchelder Greene, Thomas Hodgskin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Lysander Spooner,
Benjamin Tucker and Josiah Warren, among others) in maintaining that because of its heritage and its
emancipatory goals and potential, radical market anarchism should be seen by its proponents and by others as
part of the socialist tradition and that market anarchists can and should call themselves socialists.[83]

Cultural politics

While adopting familiar libertarian views, including opposition to civil liberties violations, drug prohibition,
gun control, imperialism and war, left-libertarians are more likely than most self-identified libertarians to take
more distinctively leftist stances on issues as diverse as class, egalitarianism, environmentalism, feminism,
gender, immigration, imperialism, race, sexuality and war. Contemporary free-market left-libertarians show
markedly more sympathy than American mainstream libertarians or paleolibertarians towards various cultural
movements which challenge non-governmental relations of power. Left-libertarians such as Long and Johnson
have called for a recovery of the 19th-century alliance with libertarian feminism and radical liberalism.[84]

Labor rights

There is also a tendency to support labor struggles. Kevin Carson has praised individualist anarchist Dyer
Lum's fusion of individualist economics with radical labor activism as "creative" and described him as "more
significant than any in the Boston group".[85] Roderick T. Long is an advocate of "build[ing] worker
solidarity. On the one hand, this means formal organisation, including unionization – but I'm not talking about
the prevailing model of "business unions," [...] but real unions, the old-fashioned kind, committed to the
working class and not just union members, and interested in worker autonomy, not government patronage".[86]
In particular, Long has described the situation as such:

[T]he present status of unions as governmentally privileged labor cartels is in large part the result
of legislation supported by big business, inasmuch as the corporate elite found unions less
threatening as regulated junior partners in the corporate régime, playing on its terms, than as
independent actors. After all, the achievements, much heralded by the Left, which unions won in
their heyday, such as the weekend and the eight-hour day, were won primarily by market means,
often over strong government resistance; likewise, the most notable victories of unions in recent
years have been won mainly by unofficial, disapproved unions, without violence of either the
governmental or freelance variety, and outside of the traditional labor-law establishment. By
contrast, the influence of mainstream unions has been steadily declining ever since they accepted
the devil's bargain of "help" from big-daddy government, with all the regulatory strings that go
with it. Thus when left-wingers complain that unions are in decline and that workers are
disempowered on the job, they're complaining about a situation created and sustained by
government – and once again, we should be pointing that out to them.[87]

Property rights

Left-wing market anarchism does not have any strict agreement what constitutes legitimate property titles.
Arguments have been made for Georgist,[31] homestead,[32] Lockean[35][36] mutualist,[33] neo-
Lockean[35][37] and utilitarian[34] approaches to determining legitimate property claims. Those discrepancies
are resolved through deliberation mechanisms like the polycentric law. They also recognize the importance of
property held and managed in common as a way of maintaining common goods.[88]

Internal disputes and views on property

Left-wing market anarchists state diverse views concerning the path to elimination of the state. This strand of
left-libertarianism tends to be rooted either in the mutualist economics conceptualized by Pierre-Joseph
Proudhon, American individualist anarchism, or in a left-wing interpretation or extension of the thought of
Murray Rothbard.[24][89][90]

Some of these libertarians follow Rothbard and other natural rights theorists and cite the non-aggression axiom
as the basis for their economic systems while others follow David D. Friedman and base it on consequentialist
ethical theories.[91] These left-Rothbardian libertarians consider private property rights to be individual natural
rights deriving from the primary right of self-ownership. Like Rothbard, they endorse the use of any tactic to
bring about market anarchy so long as it does not contradict their libertarian moral principles.[92]

Tuckerites

Benjamin Tucker originally subscribed to the idea of land ownership associated with mutualism which does
not grant that this creates property in land, but rather holds that when people customarily use given land and in
some versions goods other people should respect that use or possession. Unlike with property, ownership is no
longer recognized when that use stops.[93] Under mutualism, there would be no market in land that is not in
use. The mutualist theory holds that the stopping of use or occupying land reverts it to the commons or to an
unowned condition and makes it available for anyone that wishes to use it.[94][95] Tucker would later abandon
natural rights theory and argued that land ownership is legitimately transferred through force unless specified
otherwise by contracts: "Man's only right to land is his might over it. If his neighbor is mightier than he and
takes the land from him, then the land is his neighbor's, until the latter
is dispossessed by one mightier still".[96] He expected that individuals
would come to the realization that the "occupancy and use" was a
"generally trustworthy guiding principle of action" and that
individuals would likely contract to an occupancy and use policy.[97]

Rothbardians

Classical liberal John Locke argues that as people apply their labor to
unowned resources, they make those resources their property. For
Locke, there are only two legitimate ways people can acquire new
property, namely by mixing their labor with unowned resources or by
voluntary trade for created goods. In accordance with Locke's
philosophy, Rothbardian free-market anarchists believe that property
may only originate by being the product of labor and that its
ownership may only legitimately change as a result of exchange or
American individualist anarchist
gift. They derive this homestead principle from what they call the
Benjamin Tucker, known for his
principle of self-ownership.[36][35] Locke had a proviso which says libertarian journal Liberty, abandoned
that the appropriator of resources must leave "enough and as good in the natural rights conception of
common to others", but Murray Rothbard's followers do not agree property rights in free-market
with this proviso, believing instead that the individual may originally anarchism for a Stirnerite egoism
appropriate as much as she wishes through the application of her labor
and that property thus acquired remains hers until she chooses
otherwise,[36][35] terming this as neo-Lockean.[35][37]

Anarcho-capitalists see this as consistent with their opposition to initiatory coercion since only land which is
not already owned can be taken without compensation. If something is unowned, there is no person against
whom the original appropriator is initiating coercion. They do not think that a claim of and by itself can create
ownership, but rather that the application of one's labor to the unowned object as for example beginning to
farm unowned land. They accept voluntary forms of common ownership, meaning property open to all
individuals to access.[98] Samuel Edward Konkin III, the founder of agorism and the Movement of the
Libertarian Left,[23] was also a Rothbardian and is considered a prominent figure within the modern left-
libertarian movement in the United States.[99] Konkin considered himself to be to the left of
Rothbard.[100][101]

Although anarcho-capitalism has been regarded by some as a form of individualist anarchism,[102][103]

individualist anarchism is largely socialistic.[104] Rothbard argued that individualist anarchism is different from
anarcho-capitalism and other capitalist theories due to the individualist anarchists retaining the labor theory of
value and socialist doctrines.[105] Many writers deny that anarcho-capitalism is a form of anarchism at all,[106]
or that capitalism itself is compatible with anarchism.[107]

See also
Agorism Individualist anarchism
Anarchist schools of thought Issues in anarchism
Bleeding-heart libertarianism Left-libertarianism
Debates within libertarianism Libertarian socialism
Free-market anarchism Market socialism
Freiwirtschaft Mutualism
Geolibertarianism Neoclassical liberalism
 Radicalism (historical) Social anarchism

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Further reading
Kevin A. Carson, The Iron Fist behind the Invisible Hand: Corporate Capitalism As a State-
Guaranteed System of Privilege (Nanaimo, BC: Red Lion 2001).
Kevin A. Carson, Austrian and Marxist Theories of Monopoly-Capital (London: Libertarian
Alliance 2004).
Kevin A. Carson, Contract Feudalism: A Critique of Employer Power Over Employees (London:
Libertarian Alliance 2006).
Kevin A. Carson, The Ethics of Labor Struggle: A Free Market Perspective (n.p.: Alliance of the
Libertarian Left 2008.
Chartier, Gary. The Conscience of an Anarchist (2011) Apple Valley, CA: Cobden Press.
ISBN 978-1439266991. OCLC 760097242.
Chartier, Gary. Economic Justice and Natural Law (2009). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 978-0521767200. OCLC 318871444.
Chartier, Gary; Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism
Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Brooklyn, NY:Minor
Compositions/Autonomedia.
Chartier, Gary. Anarchy and Legal Order: Law and Politics for a Stateless Society. (2013) New
York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1107032286. OCLC 795645156.

External links
Alliance of the Libertarian Left (http://all-left.net/)
Center for a Stateless Society (http://c4ss.org/)
Molinari Institute (http://praxeology.net/molinari.htm)
Mutualist (http://www.mutualist.org/)
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