PJSS 15 (3) pp.

465–469 Intellect Limited 2016

Portuguese Journal of Social Science

Volume 15 Number 3
© 2016 Intellect Ltd Book Reviews. English language. doi: 10.1386/pjss.15.3.465_1

Book reviews

The EU and the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons:

Strategies, Policies, Actions, S. Blavoukos, D. Bourantonis
and C. Portela (eds) (2015)
London: Palgrave Macmillan,
ISBN: 9781137378439, h/bk, 264 pp., £68

Reviewed by David Ferreira, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL)

The EU and the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: Strategies, Policies, Actions,

edited by Spyros Blavoukos, Dimitris Bourantonis and Clara Portela, was
the result of a series of debates between these three scholars in the context
of the First Exploratory Symposium of the European International Studies
Association in October 2012, on the topic that is the title of their book.
This volume, published in early 2015, gathers the contributions of eleven
different authors, including the editors, all of whom have research back-
grounds on the issue of non-proliferation and whose efforts in this book have
resulted in an innovative academic work, filling a void in the existing literature
by applying performance theory in assessing the behaviour of the European
Union (EU) as an international actor.
The book, which is divided into five parts and thirteen chapters, begins
with a short summary of the EU’s role in the field of nuclear non-prolifer-
ation, as well as presenting a brief overview of the subject and the dialogue
with existing theory. This introduction concludes with an explanation of how
the volume is organized and what kind of contributions the readers can expect
from the authors.
The second chapter, by Spyros Blavoukos, is central to this work, as it
describes how the evaluation of the EU’s performance will take place, by list-
ing and justifying the chosen criteria and indicators while identifying three
levels of performance analysis: ‘output’, ‘outcome’ and ‘impact’ which recur in
the contributions that follow.

465
Book Reviews

The ensuing part of the book provides the reader with a comprehen-
sive, clear and well-structured explanation of the framework in which the EU
works, making it essential to those less familiar with the topic at hand.
Accordingly, in the third chapter, Dimitris Bourantonis describes how the
present nuclear non-proliferation regime has developed, starting with the draft-
ing of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This historical narrative presents the
negotiations that took place between the nuclear and the non-nuclear weapon
states before the NPT was opened for signing, as well as the strains it had to
endure until the last Review Conference to take place at the time of publication.
The fourth chapter, written by Clara Portela and Benjamin Kienzle, exam-
ines the EU’s role as a nuclear non-proliferation actor before and after the
adoption of its 2003 Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) Strategy, focus-
ing on the EU’s support for the strengthening of the NPT regime and its shift
from regional to global cooperation projects.
The second part of the book concludes with a chapter by Gerrard Quille,
a former adviser to the European Parliament, who shares his expert opinion
on the EU’s strategy on matters of non-proliferation and disarmament as
the Lisbon Treaty reforms finally allow the EU to pursue a ‘Comprehensive
Approach’ (CA) – progress he believes should yield positive results.
In the following two parts of the book, the focus shifts to an analysis of the
EU’s performance as a non-proliferation actor. The third chapter explores the
EU’s multilateral interactions and its unbending support for the global nuclear
non-proliferation regime. In the sixth chapter, Megan Dee evaluates the EU’s
role in the NPT negotiations, explaining that, despite its inability to ‘speak
with one voice’ (78) and the lack of legal competence to act on behalf of any of
its members (which have hindered its performance in this forum), it has still
found itself in a key position as a ‘flag-waver for multilateralism’ (90).
Oliver Meir’s chapter discusses the EU’s efforts at controlling sensitive
nuclear technologies, as the reader is led to the conclusion that responsibility in
such matters still lies with member-states, which often have divergent agendas.
Continuing the narrative on the EU’s work in the area of multilateral
nuclear non-proliferation, in the eighth chapter Lina Grip assesses the EU’s
role in terms of external assistance. Interestingly, her contribution contrasts
with that of the previous author, as she reveals herself to be more positive
about the EU’s performance, believing it has performed well on the subject of
arranging financial support for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
As the third part reaches its conclusion, Lars Erik-Lunden provides a very
insightful contribution in which he applies the EU’s CA paradigm to the work
of the EU with and within the IAEA, which is based on his time as head of
the Commission and of the EU delegation to the IAEA, as well as on the thor-
ough interviews he had about the CA and the future of the European Security
Strategy. Thus, this chapter stands out by its use of a different methodology,
identifying examples of cooperation between the two actors, and reiterating
the need for further research in this area.
The fourth part of this volume aims to assess the EU’s performance in the
fundamental areas of the topic under study, but with a focus on bilateral inter-
actions and the EU’s internal governance. The tenth chapter addresses what
is unquestionably a key partnership for the EU – with the United States (US).
In his contribution, James Sperling compares the non-proliferation strate-
gies of both actors and his input is particularly enlightening as he covers the
financing aspects of United States, EU and member-states’ expenditures on

466   Portuguese Journal of Social Science

 Book Reviews

non-proliferation policies, painting a clear picture of how much money those

actors are spending and where. Therefore, while the numbers do not support
the suggestion that the EU is a global strategic partner of the United States, its
role in the neighbourhood is seen as critical.
Clara Portela takes up the previous author’s conclusions, acknowledging
the centrality of the transatlantic relation in terms of EU policy-making and
action, while she analyses the EU’s performance in Teheran and Pyongyang.
As such, in both cases the EU’s intervention has occurred as a response to the
strained US relations with those countries, forcing the EU to ‘validate its own
policy […] in response to American policy’ (190).
Finally, Kamil Zwolski examines how the lack of coherence among member-
states on matters of nuclear non-proliferation and the EU’s institutional frag-
mentation have created a challenge that has been unable to stop the EU from
setting goals and taking action. The author also reflects on the developments
made regarding the supply of financial and technical resources through epis-
temic policy networks, referring to the CBRN (chemical, biological, radiologi-
cal and nuclear) Risk Mitigation Centres of Excellence, which may become the
EU’s first ‘comprehensive approach to threat and risk reduction beyond Russia’
(216). The last part of the book is reserved for the editors’ concluding chapter,
in which they summarize the content presented throughout the volume.
Overall, in spite of several redundancies that can be found throughout the
book, this work provides the reader with an interesting, insightful and detailed
account of the key elements of EU’s performance in the area of nuclear non-
proliferation. Its heavy engagement with theory fill a gap in the knowledge,
aiming to make it an important contribution to the field. Although it could be
argued that the inclusion of a larger panel of former EU professionals might
have been enriching (since they would bring, more than just professional
experience, but a larger detachment from the academic world and different
perspectives), it should be noted that such a choice could distance the publica-
tion from the objectives it proposes to reach and which are definitely realized.
However, a case can be made for a separate section addressing the EU’s
involvement in the Cooperative Threat Reduction Programme, whose purpose
is the dispersal, dismantling, and decommissioning of chemical and nuclear
material and related infrastructure in the former Soviet Union, since it repre-
sents the EU’s second-largest regional expenditure and by far the main desti-
nation of member-states’ resources on non-proliferation (‘as the EU cannot
be treated reliably as an unitary actor’ [164]). Another particularly strong point
of this volume is the fact that the authors frequently mention the flaws in
their chapters, either leading potential researchers in a direction that might
allow them to offer their own contributions to the field as further research is
required, or warning them about the conclusions presented when the results
of the analyses are not clear.
The reading suggestions are plentiful and the publication is very well
organized, with every new chapter being in harmony with the ones that
precede it, while still following their own direction and revealing a differ-
ent and unique tone, as each author takes a turn at sharing their ideas. This
book is an important work for any researcher tackling this field of study, and
a compelling read for a general audience.
Contact: ISCTE – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, Av. das Forças Armadas,
1649-026 Lisboa, Portugal.
E-mail: dsfaa11@iscte-iul.pt

www.intellectbooks.com    467
Book Reviews

State of War: The Political Economy of American Warfare,

1945–2011, P. A. C. Koistinen (2012)
Lawrence: University Press of Kansas
ISBN: 9780700618743, h/bk, 320 pp., £38.95

Reviewed by Sabah Mushtaq, Quaid-i-azam University, Islamabad,

Pakistan

State of War is Paul Koistinen’s last volume in a five-volume study of the

political economy of American warfare. His objective has been to provide
a thorough and analytical investigation of the economics of American wars
from the colonial period to the present, with this last book concentrating on
the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. While based principally on second-
ary sources, the literature was thoroughly researched with the resulting book
being one that will receive attention from scholars and activists alike.
For Koistinen, the political economy of warfare includes ‘the interrelation-
ships of political, financial and military institutions’ (2) to activate assets to
fight a war. Simultaneously, he has woven together chapters on the admin-
istration, Congress, the military, the defence industry, established researchers
and research organizations.
He notes that since 1945, for the first time in its history the United States
has maintained a large military and powerful private defence industry – what
President Dwight Eisenhower called the military-industrial complex (MIC).
As a consequence of the Cold War, the MIC developed outside the control
of the authorities, to the point that twenty years after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, military budgets (excluding the cost of the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan) are higher than they were during the Cold War.
Covering familiar ground with the political administration, the author
discusses the ascent of the administration and the inexorably subordinate role
of Congress in the formulation of foreign and defence policies, noting that
during and since the Cold War, ‘foreign and defence policies cannot be sepa-
rated’ (43). One special case on the subordination of Congress came towards
the end of the Vietnam War, when Congress briefly reasserted its authority in
the areas of foreign and defence policies.
Koistinen notes that the Second World War gave the military control over
American policy-making. Driven by mechanical progress in armaments, the
military pushed for research and development to the extent that it created
America’s first peacetime arms industry. In examining the development of the
MIC, Koistinen notes that the Department of Defense’s huge budgets moulded
fundamental parts of the American economy and bolstered some of its biggest
commercial enterprises. The work carried out by defence is protected by the
socialization of risk and privatization of benefits that has resulted in the devel-
opment of an intimate relationship between the military and those organiza-
tions. Together, they are the effective and powerful centre of the MIC.
The defence industries have altered the nation’s regional economic
patterns, since most of them are based outside the north-eastern and mid-
western industrial heartlands. Indeed, Koistinen locates them in the so-called
‘gunbelt’ that is the west coast, the south and the east coast. This has added to
the population decline, plant closures and break up of community infrastruc-
tures in the traditional manufacturing areas.

468   Portuguese Journal of Social Science

 Book Reviews

He breaks down the development of the sales of high-technology weap-

ons, with the United States leading the world in the export of these modern
weapons as one way to safeguard the financial strength of the defence
industries.
The development of the US military in the post-war period has also
affected scientific research, which it has undermined by subordinating scien-
tific freedom to barely focused interests included in weaponry, resulting in the
militarization of research and development. With respect to research organi-
zations, Koistinen notes the significant part played by the RAND Corporation.
Associations such as this help fortify the Department of Defense, the Central
Intelligence Agency and others ‘by helping them rationalize their existence,
justify their policies and enhance their legitimacy and prestige’ (133). These
associations do not produce disinterested assessments, but rather results that
are designed to please the sponsoring agencies.
The most fascinating chapters are the final two, which focus on national
security, the economy and the political economy of the Cold War. Here
Koistinen examines how the trillions of dollars spent on national defence since
1945 have had a fundamentally negative effect on the US economy. The two
decades after the Second World War were the high point for the US economy,
since when it has faced decline and lack of balance. He claims there are two
main reasons for this being the case: first, the decision of the corporate system
to increase profits by means of solidification and control rather than through
efficiency; and second, the development of the US military system to meet
cool war challenges and to police its expanding domain. He looks specifically
at the decline of the steel, car and machine tool industries. With the growth
of high tech industries, defence contractors employ around 33 per cent of
the nation’s scientists and specialists, denying other commercial enterprises
the opportunity to recruit qualified people. The outcome is the production of
weapons with little or no commercial application, which has been unfavour-
able in terms of national security across a number of aspects of US life and
which has undermined ‘the viability of the republic’ (122).
While at times the writing can be overwhelming, with his examination
of the rise of the National Science foundation and the inner workings of the
RAND Coporation, Koistinen’s assessment of the effect of defence and foreign
policy on the US economy and the threats it holds are a significant contribu-
tion to our comprehension of the development and evolution of the MIC.
While the book stands on its own as an important contribution to our
understanding of the role of contemporary US policy and its economy,
combined with the previous four volumes, one can observe the twentieth-
century growth of the MIC and, specifically, of its importance during the post-
1945 period in explaining the issues the United States confronts today.
E-mail: sabahshah82@gmail.com

www.intellectbooks.com    469
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