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3.5 Lujan - The Spanish Copulas PDF
3.5 Lujan - The Spanish Copulas PDF
Marta LUJAN
The Universitl' o./ Te.vus at Austin, Dept. Ol Spunish uml Portuguese, L,'S,4
O. Introduction
true. It can easily be argued that they lead to incorrect predictions, and
counterexamples are not hard to find. A classic one is m u e r t o 'dead', which
requires e s t a r but which can hardly be said to describe a temporary quality.
If m u e r t o indicates a permanent quality, then it should take ser. But ser is
ungrammatical with m u e r t o :
Even more problematic for a view that nouns can only denote essential
properties is an example like the-following:
where the noun rebla "queen' could hardly be taken to indicate an essential
property of the subject. However, it is constructed with set', and it would be
unacceptable with estar.
Traditional grammarians have attempted to overcome these problems by
168 M. Luidn Spanish copuhts
On the other hand, the criterion is too limited because it excludes the
participles of' numerous verbs that do not refer to actions but to mental
or physical processes or states. These are typically constructed with estar,
being unacceptable with ser, as shown in:
The identification of state has more recently been associated with the
notion of change or modification. Gili y Gaya (1961), Bull (1965), Rold~in
(1974). Querido (1976), among others, define a state as that which results
from a change or is potentially modifiable. This definition seelns to allow
lbr the correct discrimination of the participles of active verbs that are
appropriate with the copula estar. For instance, a wall suffers a modification
when it is painted, but not when it is merely touched, looked at or pointed to.
Thus would be explained the acceptability of the examples in (4).
The notion of modification for identifying a state, in addition, allows
for the inclusion of the stative verbs illustrated in (6) above, lbr these verbs
denote changes of states..lngu.s'ti~_r..~',',, 'to become anguished', enojarse "to get
angry', cansarse "to get tired', etc. all denote mental or physical changes
,lj. Lttlcbt .~ani.~h ('opuhl,~ 169
that give rise to certain states that tire describable by predicates bearing
('.~'tar, e.g. :
But esoteric examples such as these are hardly needed. Other attributive
predicates of a more ordinary nature can be lbund constructed with estar,
where no modification is implied, either as u cause or a future possibility, e.g. :
The interpretation of these examples does not suggest that there has been
a modilication causing the described states: neither does it imply a fi~ture
modification of such states. In fact, these predicates seem to describe rather
intrinsic characteristics of the individuals concerned.
The data so far examined make it obvious that it is not automatic to
know what things or states are the result of modifications, or may be
viewed as such. The difference between (a) and tb) in the examples that
follow, cannot be satisfactorily described in terms of states resulting from
modifications:
(17) { Era
Estuvo } indiscreto "He was indiscreet'
(18) { *Era
Estuv° } vaci° 'It was empty"
This fact indicates that .~er and c.sta:" are partially synonymous. This is
an important aspect of the copulative xerbs that has been overlooked so far.
in fact, their partial synonymy may bc observed in the context of adjec-
tives and participles: a pr,zdicate with ser and one of these terms always
implies a similar predicate with c s t a r , as illustrated below:
It ~,, ai,,o demonstrated by the fact that the (a) examples in (25)--(27) are
pcrti:ctl} interpretable, but the (b) statements are contradictory:
All of the+ data confirm that the copulas are partially synonymous.
tt may be ~'cn that +wr is sufficient for estar, while e s t a r is not sufficient
but nece+mr} for wr." An adequate analysis must characterize this hyponym-
ou+ relation, in addition to the difference indicated by the two copulas•
Hence. the definitions that are limited to characterizing only their opposition
tannest gi,~e an adequate de+ription of this semantical relationship of
copulatl.,e predicates.
+ Adjective
+ STATIVE + STAT! V E
PERFE('TIVF. + PERFECTIVE
M. Ll(jdn ,g SpanMt copulas 175
I!v
I
Cop STATIVE + Cop S] ATi V E
PERFECTIVE + PERFECTIVE
~+~] " to guarantee its occurrence with estar but not with ser. But
~ the ~tdjecli~,es ztre directly specified as [_+ P~_RV~CT~VE], it will then be
just the two lexical entries for the copulas that must bear the specified
contextual features, such as " - _ _ [ - P~ ~-~c31vE]' and ' - ........ [+
P|:~l-|!(q~lV~]'. which will guarantee the no,a-occurrence of *ser contento
"t~ be glad'. *ser angustiado "to be anguished', *estar m o r t a l "to be mortal',
~+nd ~ forth. For the semantic characterization to be proposed in what
follo~,:s either alternative is adequate.
Itcre I p r o p o ~ that the semantic rules assign two distinct interpretations
u~ ~he two combinations of the features [STAT~v~] and [P~RFECT~V~] which
cb~r;~ctcrize the t~o clasps of predicate attributes given in (28). The
~cm~ntic interpretation corresponding to "perfective state" is as in "~°
it cannot be accepted that the copula ser is "intemporal', and that only
estar is used in reference to an attribute as related to a temporal circum-
stance, as the most recently sanctioned grammar by the Real Academia
(1973) states. In the analysis that I propose here both copulas have the
capacity to denote a temporal reference. The difference resides in the nature
of the temporal reference that the two copulas make.
We may proceed to express the readings of (30) and (31) more generally
in terms of the predicate calculus, as shown below, and we may also speak
of perfective and imperfective predicates, and thus include verbal predicates,
e.g. saltar 'to jump', escrihir una carta "to write a letter', a~bnirar "to admire',
etc. (Gili y Gaya i961).
(32) A(x) at times tj... tj.k Z A(x) at time t, V t~+ j V t~+_~... • t~,
The ~bo~,e inferences are a!! valid+ as attested b} the truth o f the illustra-
tive e~mple~, and they accord with the facts pointed out previously in
~2<~ ~_ ~ In addition, e ~ m p l e (35) illustrates the fact that the implication
ho~dmz between the p statement and the q statement in (32) is falsified
~fp ~:~ true ~nd q is fal~. Gi,~en that q represents a disjunctiox~ of predicates.
~hen tt ~s fai.~ m case the conjunction o f these predicates is i~alse•
M. Lujdn Spanish copulas 179
That is, when the predicate A is not true of x at time t i, and at t~+~,
and at t j+2, and so on. In short, when it is not true at any time period
of the stretch of time represented by tj... tj+k. Thus, while (35) above is
~rue, a statement such as the following is false:
However, the implication given in (32) is not invalidated if one (or more)
of the disjoint predicates is false. Hence (32) also at:counts for the lack
of contradiction in the examples that follow"
It may be seen that (32) correctly predicts that a .wr-prcdicatc holds t)uc
even if the corresponding estar-predicate is not true at some point(s) of
time of a given extended time period. This points to a problem, l'~'r (32)
predicts that the truth of a ser-predicate will be upheld by the truth of the
estar-predicate at just one or any small number of time periods. This seems
counterintuitive, for the truth of a ser-predicate should correspond to the
estar-predicate being true a sufficient number of times as would be equi-
valent to 'characteristically' being the case over an extended time period.
Thus, to tighten ~.,,.,":"~_:, ~pecification is needed defining the notion "character-
istic'.
The validity of the implication represented in (32) is upheld by an
additional argument. Assuming the validity of p ~ q, if q is false, as repre-
sented previously in (36), then by modus tollens p must be false too. The
argument is borne out by the following data, which represent true statements"
(46) *Es medico en el Hospital Central, pero nunca ha estado de medico alli
'He's a physician at Central Hospital, but hc's never been in that
capacity there'
(47) *Era profesor en Berkeley, pero nunca estuvo de profesor alli
'He was a professor at Berkeley, but he was never in that capacily
there'
52~ , ,1a a/~g,-rm "B~, open" * ha wd. ahtcrta "has been opened"
~u~,, ah.ert ~ "~a~ m e r D " -* w ah,gr6 "became merry"
, laha ~an~,ad. "v.a~, tared" . ~c hahia tansa&~ "had become tired"
~'~ ~'~ ~m~,, a?,wrta "has been opened" --,. e.std ahierta "is open"
~.. u/,'e¢,, " ~ ' c a m e merr,," - c.~tu~o ah.grc "was merr)"
,~ ,~ar~a , a , ~ a d . "had P~'come tired" --. e.~taha can.sathJ " ~ a s tired"
(54) estdt ahierta "is open' -7. ha sith~ ahierta "has been opened"
estuvo ah,gre "was r n e r r y ' ~ se ah'gr6 'became merry'
e.staha ('an.s'ath~ 'was tired" -~ se bahia C(l/lA'(ldo "had become tired"
All the arguments developed in the previous section are compatible with
this view, while it was shown previously that the insufficiency of the
definitions on the basis of the notion of modification proposed for the
use of ser/estar may be traced to assuming the opposite premise, namely,
that the implicational relation is as represented in (52).
In fact, the copulative predicates of the language behave as predicted
by the present analysis. As noted initially, for every active verb producing
a resulting state and for every stative verb denoting a change of state
there is a predicate with estar describing a corresponding perfcctive state
by means of a lc-xically related adjective or participle, e.g. :
Demontc (1978) points out this lack of correspondence with the adjectives
perph:/o "perple:,'.ed" and solo 'alone', and describes it as a lacuna in the
lexicon to be attributed to its "typically idiosyncratic nature". But such
an interpretation of the data follows from assuming that every state must
be resultive, i.e. must result from a preceding action or modification. Since
this is not assumed in the present analysis, the absence of lexically related
verbs for the adjectives of (56) cannot be considered a lexical gap, or an
idiosyncratic fact. Rather., it is consistent with the assumption held here
that perfective states do not imply preceding actions or modifications.
There is yet another fact showing that the lack of correspondence illus-
trated in (56) cannot be viewed merely as a lexical gap. There are periphrastic
constructions with inchoative verbs, such as ponerse "to put" and quedar
"to remain', which are equivalent to the lexically related verbs for most
adjectives, e.g. :
(63) Est~ sucio, no porque se haya ensuciado, sino porque hace mucho
que no 1o limpian
'It's dirty, not because it became dirty, but because it hasn't been
cleaned in a long time'
|g6 .ll. Lu]¢in Sp+o,i.~hcopu&.~
i. n. . . ,h,,,-,
. . . . . . . . ,h
. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .." ';"
~.,. ana ly sis here proposed accounts for the partial
synonymy of set- and estar-predicates, while effectively characterizing the
truth-conditions for the use of these predicates., and their lexical relation-
~hips to other verbs in the language. The analysis is also applicable to the
lexical distinctiou between imperfective and pcrfective verbs (Gili y Gaya
19611 v, hich then together with estar- and ser-gredicates, may be classified
as perfective and imperfective predicates. Moreover, it is basically the
analysis that must be assumed for the distinctions falling under grammatical
-~Pt~-;. althot, gh in this study I will not explore what the specifications
must be of the meanings of iraperfective and perfective predicates when
u,,cd with perfect and imperfect aspects.
3. Additional arguments
~67~ M i J " e r m a n ° { B
estfi
u e n}° sen
AireS*es
While another class of examples has become notorious for accepting either
copula, e.g. :
This analysis also accounts for the observation commonly pointed cut
in pedagogical grammar textbooks, concerning the meaning of a class of
nouns, such as discurso "speech', conferencia 'lecture', concierto "concert',
sinfonia "symphony', and others. These nouns are ambiguous and may
denote either events or physical objects. However, when they are constructed
with a copulative verb plus a locative phrase, they can only denote an event
if the copulative verb is ser, and, inversely, they can only refer to a concrete
object if the verb is estar, e.g.:
| ~8 tl. Ltadn Spanish copulas
The" present analysis also accounts for the ability of ser- and estar-
predicates to combine with different classes of adverbials. For iastance,
frequency adverbs and time adverbials which delimit the temporal reference,
~+e. w+hich select definite or delimited periods in the time continuum require
a perf~tive predication and are incompatible with the copula ser. Observe
boy,+ the attributes callada "quiet silent" and tit,.:ida ~shy+ are compatible
~,~,ith both copulas:
! "Es~
S h e '}s stimida
hy'Es
M. Lujdn ,' Spanish copulas 189
However, in the examples (75) and (76) the perfcctivc copula must be
used, since the predicates are here constructcd with frequency a d v e r b s "~4
The truth conditions for these sentences are very different. Notice that a
~mtement such as ,V. hahia dicho una sola palahra "She had not said a word'
m~t~ f~llov, from (b) but not from (a):
[8Oa) Era caliada antes (*No habia dicho una sola palabra)
"She used to be quiet before" ('She had not said one word'9
~;~lb9 |-stw, o calh~da antes (No habia dicho una sola palabra)
,~K_+L
. . . . :11 ___~ |_ _ ~ _ _ _.
.~.c was s.ent oenore ('She had not said one word')
l+ik~.'v.l~, the statements given below are compatible with (b); by contrast,
m rchJtwon to (a9 they w,ould force taking its predicate as a misrepresentation
¢~f the fhct~ +
~Xlaj Era caJlada ante~ (*Habia sido muda) (*Habia hecho un voto de
"She u.,cd to be quiet before" ('*She had '~en mute' ),'( "*She had
taken a ~.ow of silence')
~ t b j I!,.tw.o caliada antes (Habia sido muda)~(Habia hecho un voto
dc :.denciol
"She v,+as silent before" ('She had been mute" )/( "She had taken a
,.or. of silence')
sentential subjects are restricted to copula ser (Stockweli et al. 1965;' 257}.
This conclusion is reached on the basis of data like the tbllowing:
(82) { pEsr e c i s o} q u e e s t u d i e s . E s t f i
(84) E s t a t ° a l l a / eSestfi } p . a r a s e c a r p l a t o s
l'SSjM°difiqu6estat°alladebafi°yah°rat est~i/parasecarplat°S*es
"I have modified this bath towel, and now it is for drying dishes"
~86) Este cuadro era para mi colecci6n privada, pero cambi6 de parecer
y d e s d e h o y { pestfi}
es
araservendidoalmejorpostOr,
On the other hand, there are reflexive inchoatives that must be imperfcctive,
such as voh,erse ~to turn into' and hacerse 'to be made into', and must be
constructed with attributive predicates displaying the same meaning they
have when they appear with ser, e.g.:
Thus, the existence of inchoative verbs denoting changes of state for the
imperfective predicates as well as for the perfective ones raises no problem
in this analysis. The definition of imperfective predicates as denoting pro-
perties characterizing individuals over indefinite stretches of time throws
light on the semantic difference between the predicates constructed with
one or the other type of inchoatives. It seems clear that the examples
of (88) denole a more radical kind of modification undergone, by the
individuals r :ferred to in those sentences. That is, the inchoative verbs
there denot~ a change of state with respect to the essential properties of
the Aristote, ;an distinction. But the inchoatives of (87) must refer to changes
of state with respect to accidental properties; thus, they a~e understood
as involving superficial or temporary changes. This is precisely the difl'erence
of meaning between the predicates of the (a) and (b) examples below:
Again, there are time adverbials that are compatible with those forms,
although the resulting combinations are not semantically equivalent, e.g.:
4. Adjectival participles
In the initial section it was pointed out that past participles may be
constructed with both copulas. The participle constructed with set makes up
a passive construction, e.g.:
However. when the participle appears constructed with estar, the construc-
tion is not passi~,e, and a similar expansion is not possible, e.g. :
Or:e ob~,iou,: differeJ~ce lies in the fact that the adjectival participles, like
|he ~tdJ~,~|ivC~. must agree in gender and number with the subject of the
~entencc in v.'hich they function as an attributive predicate. Thus, they are
characterized by their gender and number endings, e.g.:
!D0J) / a ~ c a r t a s e s t a n l e s c r i t a s / . p e r o l a c o m i d a n o e s t f i t p r e p a r a d a
*escrito *preparado
"The lettc~+s are v,'ritten, but the meal is not prepared"
However, not all participles that may be constructed with a copula ~should
be considered as adjectives. I think that two classes of adjectival participles
must be distinguished. One class includes participles like escrit- "written',
the other consists of participles like enojad- ~annoyed'. Only the latter class
of participles may be considered to be true adjectives. The criteria for this
discrimination are as follows.
First, participles like escrit- ~written' do not freely admit adverbia~ mod-
ifiers. The only adverbs that may modify the participles in this class are
precisely those that are compatible with the corresponding verbal forms, e.g. :
*menos *less
*ba sta n te *enough
+ ar~gustiada
+/aon+hedanguished I,~
,x'oman
enc~jada annoyed (
~,~fecha satisfied .)
~;+~L~ mu~cr 1" a~mbrada
angu~tiada
¢nojada
~t+,~fecha
m~ere~rJEe
d~Tre~
Hence. the rL:l~ that specify which modifiers may appear before a noun
+c+ther the~+ be generative or translormational) will be greatly simplified if
~hc> must mention only the class of adjectives. This reason, together with
the- facts about adverbial modification are sufficient for considering par-
~+c~p~ like ~'n+qad- "annoyed'..s+atislech - "satisfied', angustiad- "anguished',
~nd many more. as true adjectives, R'~ but not participles like e~s'crit- "written',
prcparad- "prepared', abiert- "open', and others.
M. Luj6n Spanish c~qmhl.s' i 99
Tile adjectival participles, for their part, share the characteristic that they
may be constructed with estar or with ser, e.g. :
However, not every participle in the language may fulfill this double t'unc-
tion, and thu, be included in the same class with es~'rit- "written', as shown
below:
Thus, two questions arise in connection with past participles: why are
the participial adjectives like dnojad- 'annoyed' restricted to copula eslar,
and which participles are included in the same class as the adjectival
participle escrit- 'written'? The answers t.', these questions require a close
scrutiny of the semantic nature of the verbs involved.
The participial adjectives are related to inchoative verbs denoting changes
of physical or mental states, and are, c.)nsequently, stative just as these
verbs are stative. Now, this specification prevents it from combining with
ser in a passive sentence. The past participles that do so are active, i.e.
non-stative (Lujfin 1980~. But the reason why this class of participles, and
those such as e w r i t - 'written', may be constructed with the perfective copula
~ ?4. Lu/dn Spani.~h copulas
A( ( O M P L I S H M E N T
c~rtblr u n a ~ a r t a "to ~ r i t e a letter"
ptcparar la ~mslda "to prepare dinner"
a h r l r ]a p u c r ; , t "to o p e n the door"
~rt~t tlilll t~li//~ °tO r u n ~1 mile"
prcts~6'r afltJgar itotti l u : "to turn o n off a light"
:~t III F_VF.MI:.NI
~ l n a r ~tnU ~arr~'r~ "|O ~,in a racc"
d~'h~ tar u n ~,rr~r "=~ delecI a ml,dake"
d~'¢~¢t~r~r uti t~,~or~, "I~~ di~o~,er a treasure"
~,~pr~'nd~rw "to be ~urpri~d"
a/cgrarw °Io l~" merry"
a~u~tur~, "~o i~. frightened"
a~,,mt~tatw "to bc amazed"
Vendler contrasts these categories with "activities" and "states" on the basis
of the time schemata required by the different kinds of predicates. He
defines accomplishments and achievements as requiring or implying unique
and definite time periods, while activities and ~ t e s would involve periods
of time that are non-unique and indefinite. The main criteria for determining
the time ~hemata invoked in the use of a given predicate lie in the types of
t~ne adverbials that are compatible with them, and the types of questions
involving temporal references that make sense or are appropriate with the
different t;ff~es of predicates (Vendler 1967). It may be seen that accomplish-
~ n t s and achievements are perfective by the present characterization.
Vendler's classification is specially useful here, because of the distinction
drav,n between accomplishment and achievement verbs and the class of verbs
denoting pure "activities'. such as manejar in manejar el auto "to drive the
~=ar'. empujar in empujar la carreta "to push the cart', tocar in tocar la pared
°~o teuch the v,alC. etc., whose past participles cannot be constructed with
e~lar "
b
Nor does it make any sense to ask of the activities illustrated in (121) a
question such as gCudnto tiempo le Ileva/llev6, e t c . . . , hater ... ? "How Mng
does/did it take ... to d~ so and so?', e.g.:
the specifications required for the perfective copula in the past p;trticiplcs
of verbs such as escrihir 'to write', preparar 'to prepare', abrir "to open',
cerrar 'to close', hater 'to do', cambiar ~to change', modi./icar 'to modify"
and many others. Thus, the characterization as stative and perfective for
the participles of these verbs is predictable from the specifications character-
izing accomplishment and achievement verbs, in particular, [+ PERF~CTIVF].-'°
Given ihis specification in the complex symbol of the verb in a phrase
marker, one only needs to postulate a lexical rule which replaces in that
complex symbol the teature [+ ACTIVE] for [+ STATIVE], when the verb is
combined with the ending -do to form the past participle:
(126)
PERFE('TIVE
L
+
[+ACTIVE] .. [+ STATIVE] -d.
5. Conclusions
Notes
.E~'~c,~ri~¢- ~,cr,~,~n ,~! tha,~ anal~.,,J,, wa,. ¢,riginall~ presented .it the IXth Linguistic Sympt~.,,ium
~ Koraa~,.,- L.~r.g'.*,:,c~,. (icorgctown Uni~,cr.,,it). Washington D.C.. 1979.
Other aulhors ~.ho ha,,e deah with the meaning and use of the copulas are Bello (1~58),
|_~.-¢~J I|q25~. Na~,as Rui:! ~]963). and Roca Pons (1958).
] o th~,~ facl~r R~ldan aL,a) attributes the occurrence of estar in the following example,
~h,~h ,~he ~:llc,, to ilium,irate her p o i n t
~ .~,nl~.'~ de w,,ar a ~ g u r e ~ que los sellos est6n intactos
"Before u~mg lhem m a k e sure that the .seals are intact"
B~I [h~ predicate does not re'all}' impi} a possible change of state in the seals projected in
the: [u~ur~.-. bt~! ralhcr the: pos,,ibilit,, of having followed a course o f events in the past"
¢4~-- /u~ scu~,~ . ~l~;t? tt?la~ l~,.~ "thai the seals are intact" is here equivalent to expressing que ',;;.~
~,]/~,, ++~, haman ++:h+nzampulad:+_+ .+~ mtMtli+ath~.sj "that the seals have not been manipulated
+ R++>]dan,, ch~>+ce c,f examples in this particular ca.,,e is hardly felicitous+ as the predicate
+ +.~at ~++i¢,+re~. u'~'d non-fig-ratio, el,,. pragmatically implies .wr .soitera (see note 6). And. given
+ ~ t ~.~- ]at~.+.:r alma,,,, +replies the former, the copulas in this context are equivalent.
S+m:e Ram~+,. gl~.es accurate English translatior types, the learner is not left to decide
M . Lu.j(m / Sl, anL~'h ('opu&s 205
what constitutes a state or implies a modilication, so his characterization seems to me the best
one pedagogically.
~' With some predicates, such as /oco "crazy', ('asado "married', .soll(,ro "single', divorciado
'divorced" (if used literally) estar is sufficient for ser:
('st(t loco --~ es loco estti solt('ro --,. es soltero
estd casado --, es casado estd divorciado -+ es divorciado
7 In reviewing the Spanish attributive predicates with distinct copulas, Comrie (1976) draws
a distinction between "contingent' states and "absolute" states corresponding to the use of estur
and set', respectively. Thus, for this author all adjectives refer to states. The reader may be
aware that my use of the terms "perfective' and "imperfective" does not follow the general use.
Their content will become clear when the formal definitions are given (see also note 10).
The classification in terms of the feature [STAriv~i] adopted here is quite different from the
one proposed by Lakoff (1966) in 'Stative adjectives and verbs in English'. In L a k o f f ' s
classification this feature dichotomizes English adjectives and verbs. Syntactically, the feature
determines whether a word can occur: (a) in the predicate of a command, (b) in a predicate
with the progressive aspect, (c) as a complement of verbs l i k e / o r c e a n d per.~ua&', (d) with
adverbs like ~h'liheratel.)' and ~'are/ull.v, and (e) with tim pro-form ,,I.,.,-s:)r)t,,'lhi;:.k,. Semantically,
the feature corresponds to something like 'inactivity'. Quite clearly, the distinction perfective
vs. imperfective states that 1 am proposing for Spanish does not correspond syntactically or
semantically to Lakoff's characterization, in the first place, in his classification there are
adjectives that are non-stative, while in the present proposal all adjectives are stativc wilhout
exception. The distinction drawn here does not correspond in its syntactic criteria to I, akoff's
subcategorization of the adjectives. There are adjectives with both .~cr and cstar that may
occur in commands, but there are others that cannot, e.g.:
(i) Est6 tranquil( "Be quiet" (ii) Sea bueno "Be good'
Est&te quietc "Be quiet" Sea discreto "Be discreet"
*Est6 conte ,to "Be glad" *Sea inteligente "Be intelligent"
*Est6 a n g u tiado "Be anguished' *Sea mortal "Be mortal"
Similarly, there a l . adjectives that can occur with either copula in t]-e complement ()1 verb,,
like p e r s u a d i r and h,rzar, while there are others that are unacceptable in such a context, e.g. :
be quiet"
it s+ h,J~:d Ik. a a,, It ma). here ~t ,,, ,,ufficient to keep in mind that my use of the term
~a+~+~,c" lot Ih~,"adj¢~:il~c,, ,ind other predicates constructed v,ith a copula does not correspond
~th Ih¢ %~nlactt¢ ¢ia,,~+fication propo.,~'d by Lakoff.
+ | ~ r ~+r~," detad~ of the +,~ntactlc analysis see chapter ] in Lujan 1980.
°" In the~', as in d¢fimtions (30) and (31"). ! foUow Gili y G a y a ' s use o f the terms
"ig~+:~:w.e and "mmperfecu~.e'. which does not conform to the general use. His distinction
~mJYd correspond ,,:r~. roughly to the "durative" ,~s. "punctual" differentiation o f traditional
t ng~+h gr~Jmmar ~,,ee Comrie 19761 Since ! agree with Gilt y Gaya in equating this aspect
+,f the inherent meaning o f lexical items with the meaning of the grammatical distinction
,+~f~z6h:d h 3, p,+rfc~! and imperiect ten~,, in Spanish. it is only appropriate to pccserve the
~:rm~m~h~g~ rcfk'Ltmg ;hi,, ,.le~ ttowe~er, no confusion should arise since throv, ghout the
~°~p:~ p:d~'~.t~,e" and "~mpcrfi.'~tl~,e are used to reli:r Io the lexical content of the ~redicates.
~c p,~rf¢'~.'h+~,¢~mp+:r~¢tll',,¢ ten~e,, preterit,," ~,~,ill be u,,,ed v, hen rererring to grammatical
,X+ ~ o d here. the notion ~. different from the one standard in tense logic. In the latter
++ rc~er+ ~+ m.~,Jm,, +~r m~ment,, m an ab,,olute ,,on,c,:. obeying the axioms of density and
: rh~,, prcdg~te i,,, a~¢p:abJe bill ~|lh an unrelated meaning, where vivo is equivalent
Ibex< ~,crb+ are m the language but not ~ t h the meaning related to the corresponding
" /m g,~n~d Pc ,16~.eptabl¢ here. hal m a difk'rent reading, g here c a l h , ht is the past
+%tim: ++,+ ,,Ikm~ed three times b.,, the shouts of the crowd"
++ |h~- ~p~.,~;l~,n h~hJ,, a,, hmg as the ~,erb,, are taken in i,a)lation or as part of imperfect|re
~,~,~'~+c,, | h w , ,,#elar ~ ~mperk'c'm,e. but t u/ihlr tlllti l+tlll~lbtl "to sing a song" is perfect|re
Similarly, the frequency adverbs can occur with a predicate such ;is Io haciu, e.g.'
~ when forced to"
(ii) Lo hacia cuandOfrecuentemenle
obligabante "tie did it ] frequently'
In the context of these imperfective and perfective preterits (hacia hi-o), the frequency adverbs
behave like the other time adverbials in that their interpretation ~s deterrnined by the tense
of the verb they occur with. Thus, in (ii) the time adverbials refer to an ind,:finitc or
undetermined number of occasions (the frequency adverbs have an open-end type ol reading),
while in (iii) they refer to a delimited or definite number of occ,tsions (the frequency adverbs
having a close-end ,,pe of reading).
:'~ Morphologic' flS, they are also like adjectives: they admit the superlative suffix -i.~imo
and they " _ ve as base for the formation of adverbs in -me, t,,. The modifiers that are
exclusivel _ ,t-l,ominal do not share these .,._marr~hologicai; properties (Lujfin 19811).
'" ! am referring here loosely to types of predicates, i hat these verbs cannot be marked
in the lexicon with this specification is indicated by the fact thai the same verb ma2~ bc used
to describe an accomplishment or an activity (e.g.e.scril~ir 'write" with or without a direcl
object). However, the feature specification is predi,.,able from the contextual features of the
verb in a phrase r:.v.,~.rker, in particular, the t,.,:ccwrence of a direct object and the grammali,czfl
aspect in the At~X node.
-" In the case of the participial adjectives, it is possible that their related verbs must bc
lexicaily marked as [+PERFECTIVE]. These change-of-state verbs arc inchoalise, and a~,
such, they denote the initiation of a mental or physical state, and arc incompatible with the
sense of duration or incompletion (Luj~in 19771.
22 Lakoff (1965) has proposed a transformational derivation of the inchoative verbs from
structures containing the predicate adjectives. Roidtin (1971-), 1971) has developed such ,in
analysis for the Spanis~'~ reflexive verbs. However, it can be demonstrated that the analysis
is untenable (Lujtin 1977). A transformational analysis deriving the ester-past participle con-
structions from the sentences with the reflexive verbs is also untenable. In the first place, the
two types of sentence ~re not synonymous, though they are semantically related, e.g."
(i) (a) Juan se muri6 "John died'
(b) Juan esta muerto "John is dead"
(ii) (a) Se enoj6 ~She got mad'
(b) Estfi enojada "She is mad"
(iii) (a) Se angustiaron "Th-y became anguished"
(b) Esthn angustiados "They are anguished'
in these examples the (b) sentences describe states in which individuals are found, the
(a) sentences describe rather the processes undergone by the individuals involved. These pairs
of sentences cannot be considered as parallel to the pairs of active and.passive sentences.
Bello has already pointed out that in such pairs as given above, the related process always
precedes the resulting state denoted by the participial adjective. Hence, while the process is
referred to by means of the past tense, the resulting state may be described in the present
tense. This tense difference does not exist in the active-passive sentence pairs.
208 M. Lu/6n / Spanish copulas
Another important reason for rejecting Lakoff's proposal is that it would obliterate the
distinction perfective vs. imperfective states postulated for the adjectives. Recall that im-
perfective adjectives may also be constructed with inchoative verbs, such as voh'erse/hacerw
tornarse "become make into/turn into'. The adjectives that present a marked difference in
meaning, according to whether they appear with one or the other copula, preserve this
semantic difference in the inchoative constructions. Hence, aburrirse "to get bored" is not
the same as voh'erse ahurrMo 'to turn into a bore'; or her,'nosearse "to make oneself beautiful"
is not equivalent to voh'erse hermosa 'to become beautiful'. However, Lakoff's proposed
transformational derivation would lead to arbitrarily considering that the [+ PERFECTIVE]
specification is crucial in the lexicalization of inchoative constructions (in order to derive
,;hurrirse from ponerse ahurri~h~ but not from voh,erse aburrido), while the specification is
totally irrelevant in the generation of the original constructions (in order to allow the co-
occurrence of the two types of inchoative, voh,erse and pom, rse, with adjectives). However,
the specification ought to be relevant at that level too, for it is the factor that determines
the appropriate combinations of ponerse with angustiado and voh'erw with intell~gente, for
instance, disallowing the combinations *voh'erse angustia&~ and *pom,rse #tteligente.
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