Review article
Violent times: bioarchaeologies in the Americas
Richard J. Chacon∗
DEBRA L. MARTIN, RYAN P. HARROD & VENTURA R.
PÉREZ (ed.). The bioarchaeology of violence. xiv+291
pages, 42 illustrations, 21 tables. 2012. Gainesville
(FL): University of Florida Press; 978-0-8130-4150-
6 hardback $74.95.
TIFFINY TUNG. Violence, ritual and the Wari empire.
A social bioarchaeology of imperialism in the ancient
Andes. xxiv+244 pages, 66 illustrations, 17 tables.
2012. Gainesville (FL): University of Florida Press;
978-0-8130-3767-7 hardback $74.95.
In recent years, a number of investigations
documenting the antiquity and spatial distribution
of warfare and ritual violence in the Americas have
called for the dispassionate analysis of data and for
the accurate contextualisation of the violence being
reported (Chacon & Dye 2007; Chacon & Mendoza
2007a & b, 2012). To these publications are now
added the well-researched volumes under review here.
These works meticulously analyse the types of physical
trauma visited upon victims and also explore the
many underlying socio-economic and religio-political
causes for such violent treatment.
*
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Winthrop University, Rock Hill, SC 29733, USA (Email:
chaconr@winthrop.edu)

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ANTIQUITY 87 (2013): 597–599
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The bioarchaeology of violence
In the first chapter of The bioarchaeology of violence,
Pérez points out that violence is part of a larger socio-
cultural milieu in which some members of society
may support acts of aggression that target certain
individuals. He cautions against simplistic notions
that unequivocally characterise incidents of violence
as deviant behaviour. Klaus’ contribution sheds
light on the relationship between oppressive societal
structures, violence and poor health. Moreover,
this investigation documents the negative impact
that Western colonisation had on Amerindian
populations. Harrod, Liénard and Martin identify
the segments of Turkana society which are likely to be
subjected to particular forms of violence. Among their
many significant findings is that violence is not gender
neutral. Montgomery and Perry present data on the
killing of a number of individuals from the Early
Islamic period site of Qasr Hallabat (the only non-
American case study in the collection). The victims’
remains were discarded into a cistern, thus fouling a
critical water source.
Palkovich’s research on the Ancestral Puebloan
site of Arroyo Hondo documents the recovery of
several individuals who were subjected to lethal
violence. These victims may have been thought to
be ‘witches’ and, therefore, their killing would have
been considered as a type of ‘public service’ (see
Chacon 2007 for a similar situation in Amazonia).
Kuckelman reports the recovery of Ancestral Puebloan
human remains in the Northern San Juan region
which indicate a variety of lethal and non-lethal
trauma. Additionally, evidence of human trophy
taking and anthropophagy is put forth. Worne, Cobb,
Vidoli and Steadman expose the importance that
site visibility played, for defensive purposes, in the
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selection of Mississippian settlement locations of
the Middle Cumberland area. These investigators
explore how site selection was related to natural
resource acquisition and defensibility. Tiesler and
http://antiquity.ac.uk/ant/087/ant0870597.htm
 Review
Cucina analyse the frontal bones of ancient Maya
skeletons. While both males and females suffered
trauma, findings indicate that the frontal bones of
males were more likely to show evidence of scalping,
defleshing or tzompantli (skull rack) exhibition.
Tung’s paper identifies the harsh treatment of
foreigners among the Wari (a theme taken up
in her monograph, below). Data indicate that
foreign male captives were decapitated and their
heads converted into human trophies (female trophy
heads are uncommon). Foreign female captives were
sometimes integrated into society but at a low level
of the social hierarchy. Hatch’s investigation of the
Mississippian Larson site presents evidence which
indicates the taking of scalps and mandibles as
human trophies. This research also points out the
difficulties of distinguishing between instances of
secondary mortuary rites and cannibalism. Koziol
puts forth evidence for the human sacrificial offerings
at Cahokia’s Mound 72 and also observes how
mortuary practices reflect social relationships. Finally,
Duncan’s work on Mesoamerican sacrificial skull
deposits at Ixlú, Guatemala, indicates that victims
were likely related to each other (perhaps as part of a
lineage).
Violence, ritual and the Wari
empire
Tung’s Violence, ritual, and the Wari empire offers
great insight into Wari society. After introducing
the Wari empire and providing a synopsis of the
bioarchaeological approach, in Chapter 2 Tung puts
forth theoretical frameworks for understanding the
relationship between political complexity and the
human body, emphasising skeletal material. This
chapter also offers a useful overview of Andean ritual
fighting (tinku) that complements previous work on
Andean ritual combat (Chacon et al. 2007). Situating
the Wari in the larger Andean context, Chapter
3 describes three study sites from which human
skeletal remains are analysed: Conchopata (urban
centre with craft specialisation), Beringa (hinterland
village in the crop-growing yungas zone) and La
Real (elite mortuary location). This section also
provides a summary of the origins of the Wari
empire. In Chapter 4, age-at-death and sex profiles
are provided for each study site in order to reconstruct
aspects of community organisation. The findings at
Conchopata indicate a high female-to-male ratio.

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This may be the result of males travelling to distant
regions as part of a military campaign and then failing
to return. Beringa had a symmetrical sex distribution,
while La Real’s burial population had more males than
females.
Chapter 5 reports how Conchopata females were
often targets of violence while the Beringa data
indicate that males and females sustained their injuries
in different kinds of violent encounters. The findings
at La Real suggest that males may have regularly
engaged in tinku. Chapter 6 documents the recovery
of human trophy heads at Conchopata. Analysis of
strontium isotope data indicates that trophy heads
were taken in foreign locales. The taking of such
trophies may have served to establish political control
in the region. Furthermore, the transformation of
disembodied human heads into trophies possessing
supernatural power was likely performed by ritual
specialists. Chapter 7 summarises how patterns of
Wari aggression were designed to promote state
agendas. Individuals who faithfully served the state
as a warrior class would have enjoyed enhanced
social status. A class of ritual specialists gained and
maintained legitimacy by converting disarticulated
human heads into supernaturally charged trophies.
This speculation finds support in how some modern
day Amazonian Shuar (Jı́varo) leaders employ their
guardianship of tsantsas (shrunken heads) as a means
of legitimising their tribal authority (Rubenstein
2007).
Since groups such as the Inka built upon practices
originating with the Wari (e.g. forced relocation of
populations for state projects), this research should
appeal not just to Wari specialists but also to Andean
scholars more generally. Throughout the book, Tung’s
skilful use of analogies to modern state societies
and situations greatly elucidates the information
presented.
Together, these two important publications shed
much-needed light on the impact that warfare and
ritual violence had on the lives of individuals. Addi-
tionally, these investigations will greatly enhance our
understanding of how various forms of violence were
employed to further certain political agendas. Both
volumes incorporate an interdisciplinary approach
which identifies the various socio-economic and
religio-political factors associated with warfare and
ritual violence and they pave the way towards a better
understanding of the multi-faceted nature of human
conflict. In this manner, both of these volumes can
rightly be considered as part of the legacy of the
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late Phillip L. Walker (1947–2009). A biological
anthropologist based at UC Santa Barbara, Walker
was among the first to champion the coupling of
biological anthropology with ethnographic data (see
Walker & Hewlett 1990). These volumes testify that
Phil Walker was and remains an inspiration to all who
had the privilege of knowing him.
References
CHACON, R. 2007. Seeking the headhunter’s power: the
quest for Arutam among the Achuar Indians of the
Ecuadorian Amazon and the development of
ranked societies, in R. Chacon & D. Dye (ed.) The
taking and displaying of human body parts as trophies
by Amerindians: 523–46. New York: Springer.
CHACON, R. & D. DYE. 2007. The taking and
displaying of human body parts as trophies by
Amerindians. New York: Springer.
599
CHACON, R. & R. MENDOZA. 2007a. North American
indigenous warfare and ritual violence. Tucson:
University of Arizona Press.
– 2007b. Latin American indigenous warfare and ritual
violence. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
– 2012. The ethics of anthropology and Amerindian
research: reporting on environmental degradation and
warfare. New York: Springer.
CHACON, R., Y. CHACON & A. GUANDINANGO. 2007.
Blood for the Earth: the Inti Raimi festival among
the Cotacachi and Otavalo Indians of highland
Ecuador, in R. Chacon & R. Mendoza (ed.) Latin
American indigenous warfare and ritual violence:
118–41. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
RUBENSTEIN, S. 2007. Circulation, accumulation, and
the power of Shuar shrunken heads. Cultural
Anthropology 22(3): 357–99.
WALKER, P. & B. HEWLETT. 1990. Dental health, diet
and social status among central African foragers and
farmers. American Anthropologist 92(2): 383–98.
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