1 Dilemma of Political

Culture, National
Integration and
Constitutionalism
Pakistan's enduring intra-regional cultural attributes and fragile civic insti-
tutions have too often been jolted by major demographic developments, a
politico-economic system lacking legitimacy, and authoritarian or quasi-
democratic regimes bolstering themselves through centrist state structures.
Despite shared historical and cultural traditions, economic inter-
dependence and ecological integration, the problem of Pakistan' s govern-
ability remains undiminished. In a symbiotic relationship, civil society
which even in its embryonic form was weak and fragmented, has simply
remained an appendage to the powerful state structure. Accountability, a
decent educational system, egalitarian economic policies to help the have-
nots and minorities, a non-partisan judiciary, a vigilant press, participa-
tion by women - all those necessary requirements of a vibrant civil society
- have suffered from constant erosion. Such a dichotomous relationship
has negatively affected the moral and cross-ethnic coherence in the
country, otherwise embodied in the humane and folk traditions of the
society. The process of national integration was ill-planned, officious and
injudicious, with centripetal and centrifugal forces battling within the very
corpus of the state which, true to its proto-colonial character, either chose
to adopt the role of an indifferent observer or turned partisan.
The evolution of the country has been due to the triumph of political
processes negotiated through constitutional means in a struggle against the
well-entrenched forces of the colonial state and similar blocks. However,
in the post-independence period, personalised politics and a total disre-
gard for constitutionalism have often sunk the country into 'political para-
lysis', which emphasises the 'immaturity of Pakistan's democracy'. J The
crisis of governance in Pakistan beginning with the dismissal of Nazim
ud-Din as prime minister in 1953 and followed by elected governments
until 1993, the use of strong executive orders, long phases of martial law,
authoritarianism, further partition of the country and frequent conflict
between the centre and the provinces or among ethnic groups, remain

12
I. H. Malik, State and Civil Society in Pakistan
© Iftikhar H. Malik 1997
 Dilemma 13
largely endemie. The failure to establish a viable, all-encompassing politi-
cal culture despite positive idealism is at the root ofPakistan's inability to
develop an integrated national cohesion or to guarantee its territorial
integrity and economie development.
To many observers and commentators on Pakistan, the lack of a com-
monly defined and mutuaUy shared political culture in the country since its
birth has been the main stumbling block in the quest for nationhood. Major
constraints on the achievement of this aim incIude crises of political geogra-
phy, and political economy, and of representative, capable leadership; frag-
mented political parties and ever-changing loyalties; a disregard for
constitutionalism; oligarchie elites and misplaced preferences; ideological
rhetoric. In addition of course there have been regional and global influences.
In this chapter we consider the first three factors.

THE POLITICS OF GEOGRAPHY, ECONOMY AND IDENTITY

Difficult and conflictive forces of politieal economy, together with

unfavourable geographie realities, may largely account for Pakistan's
failure in establishing a common politieal culture, especially in the years
before 1971. The sheer distance between the two former wings of the
country, as weil as their distinct demographie, cultural, economie and
political differences have been held responsible for the divisiveness within
the polity. Before the evolution of Bangladesh, both wings were typical of
countries that were 'not yet nations in being but only nations in hope'.2
Despite their differences, with geographie and political mutual depend-
ence Pakistan might still have escaped the break-up in 1971. However, a
very hostile Inida, reluctant to accept the independent Pakistan, exploited
the geographie divide to its own advantage in order to humble a predomi-
nantly Muslim Pakistan.
Both before and after 1971, politics in Pakistan, as defined by Clifford
Geertz, entails the dilemma of 'old societies and new states' and, as in
many other developing societies, region-based 'primordial sentiments' are
yet to be transformed into trans-regional 'ci viI sentiments,.3 While East
Pakistan presented a homogeneous 'political' society, West Pakistan
appeared 'governmental', the bane of the civil and military bureaucracy.
The common religious ethos was perhaps the only common denominator
in the two regions other than a belated desire for self-determination, and
this made the process of integration almost impossible, with official efforts
being diverted mainly to government-building. Given the contemporary
emphasis on the state as a vehicIe of change, in Pakistan the state (with no